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"content": "\u003cp>Andrew Hall, a former Contra Costa County Sheriff’s deputy, was sentenced to six years in prison on Friday for a fatal shooting in 2018. Hall was immediately taken into custody by his previous employer, the county sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A jury \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893915/jury-convicts-police-officer-of-assault-in-2018-on-duty-shooting\">convicted Hall of assault in October\u003c/a> for fatally shooting Laudemer Arboleda, a 33-year-old Filipino man who suffered from paranoia and mental health issues. Hall was initially charged with assault with a deadly weapon and voluntary manslaughter, but the jury deadlocked on the more serious manslaughter charge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diana Becton, the Contra Costa County district attorney, declined to retry Hall on that charge. Hall, who also served as a Danville police officer, is the first officer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905820/more-bay-area-officers-are-being-prosecuted-for-killing-people-does-this-really-signal-a-shift-in-police-accountability\">amid a wave of recent police prosecutions in the Bay Area\u003c/a> to be found guilty and sentenced. Six years is one of the longest sentences a California officer has received for an on-duty shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jennie Atienza, mother of Laudemer Arboleda\"]‘The emptiness is still here … I would never be the same again. And one half of my life died with my son.’[/pullquote]“We prayed he would get jail time and he did, although it’s just six years,” Arboleda’s sister Jennifer Leong said at a press conference following the sentencing. When asked how she was feeling, Leong said, “it’s been hell. It’s baby steps right now. It’s baby steps for our family. This is something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Arboleda] did not deserve to die for evading a police officer,” Contra Costa County Superior Court Judge Terri Mockler said. “That is really the crux of this.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789945/video-of-fatal-danville-police-shooting-shows-officer-firing-at-slow-moving-vehicle\">on-duty shooting Hall was convicted for took place on Nov. 3, 2018\u003c/a>, when police, responding to calls of a suspicious person, attempted a traffic stop in the town of Danville. Arboleda led police on a nine-minute car chase toward downtown Danville. Dashcam video showed him pulling over multiple times, and then driving off when officers got out of their patrol cars. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall arrived on the scene and tried to block Arboleda’s car at an intersection. Police video showed Hall get out of his car and step into the path of Arboleda’s vehicle, firing into the windshield and window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To convict Hall of assault, the jury must have found that his decision to shoot Arboleda nine times as he drove slowly forward was unjustified and therefore amounted to an excessive and unnecessary use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arboleda’s mother, Jennie Atienza, spoke at Friday’s hearing and urged the judge to provide justice for her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emptiness is still here,” Atienza told Mockler. “It’s there and it won’t go away. I would never be the same again. And one half of my life died with my son.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"529\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11907240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney John Burris (center) stands with family members of Laudemer Arboleda following the sentencing of former Contra Costa County sheriff’s deputy Andrew Hall on March 4, 2022. Hall was sentenced to six years in prison for fatally shooting Arboleda in 2018. \u003ccite>(María Fernanda Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mockler was highly critical of a probation report submitted to the court for Hall, and found that it relied on evidence that was not included at trial and ignored key evidence that the jury relied on to reach a guilty verdict. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mockler said she had a lot of empathy for Hall who, according to the probation report, “had a very unstable, chaotic childhood and he raised himself up by the bootstraps to become something better.” But she said the same thing could be said for many of the defendants who come through her courtroom. Ultimately, she found probation was not appropriate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sentenced Hall to three years for the assault conviction and an additional three years for causing great bodily injury. She dismissed a second enhancement that could have added more time. Because Hall was convicted of a violent felony, Mockler said he will have to serve 85% of his sentence. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County district attorney’s office wrote in a statement that the six-year sentence reflected the seriousness of Hall’s crime and the need for accountability. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charges against Hall for the 2018 shooting were announced in April 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870567/video-footage-of-tyrell-wilson-killing-released-as-same-danville-officer-charged-in-another-death\">about a month after Hall fatally shot Tyrell Wilson\u003c/a>, an unhoused Black man who was allegedly throwing rocks on the freeway. Bodycam video of the incident shows Hall pursued Wilson across an intersection. Wilson pulled out a knife and Hall shot him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11870567 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/StreetCam-1020x612.jpg']Civil rights attorney John Burris, who represented Arboleda’s family in their civil lawsuit against the county, spoke after the sentencing laying blame on the Contra Costa County Sheriff for failing to find that Hall broke policy during the 2018 shooting of Arboleda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they had, they could have removed him from the police force, Burris said, and “we would not have a second dead young man,” he said, referring to Wilson. “That’s the tragedy of it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county settled with Arboleda’s family for $4.9 million last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becton’s office said the investigation into the Tyrell Wilson shooting is ongoing. Wilson’s parents were at Friday’s hearing and said they would continue to fight for justice for their son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall has 60 days to file an appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s María Fernanda Bernal contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The family of Laudemer Arboleda expressed measured relief at the sentencing of Andrew Hall, a former sheriff's deputy and ex-Danville police officer who fatally shot Arboleda nine times in 2018.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Andrew Hall, a former Contra Costa County Sheriff’s deputy, was sentenced to six years in prison on Friday for a fatal shooting in 2018. Hall was immediately taken into custody by his previous employer, the county sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A jury \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893915/jury-convicts-police-officer-of-assault-in-2018-on-duty-shooting\">convicted Hall of assault in October\u003c/a> for fatally shooting Laudemer Arboleda, a 33-year-old Filipino man who suffered from paranoia and mental health issues. Hall was initially charged with assault with a deadly weapon and voluntary manslaughter, but the jury deadlocked on the more serious manslaughter charge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diana Becton, the Contra Costa County district attorney, declined to retry Hall on that charge. Hall, who also served as a Danville police officer, is the first officer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905820/more-bay-area-officers-are-being-prosecuted-for-killing-people-does-this-really-signal-a-shift-in-police-accountability\">amid a wave of recent police prosecutions in the Bay Area\u003c/a> to be found guilty and sentenced. Six years is one of the longest sentences a California officer has received for an on-duty shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We prayed he would get jail time and he did, although it’s just six years,” Arboleda’s sister Jennifer Leong said at a press conference following the sentencing. When asked how she was feeling, Leong said, “it’s been hell. It’s baby steps right now. It’s baby steps for our family. This is something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Arboleda] did not deserve to die for evading a police officer,” Contra Costa County Superior Court Judge Terri Mockler said. “That is really the crux of this.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789945/video-of-fatal-danville-police-shooting-shows-officer-firing-at-slow-moving-vehicle\">on-duty shooting Hall was convicted for took place on Nov. 3, 2018\u003c/a>, when police, responding to calls of a suspicious person, attempted a traffic stop in the town of Danville. Arboleda led police on a nine-minute car chase toward downtown Danville. Dashcam video showed him pulling over multiple times, and then driving off when officers got out of their patrol cars. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall arrived on the scene and tried to block Arboleda’s car at an intersection. Police video showed Hall get out of his car and step into the path of Arboleda’s vehicle, firing into the windshield and window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To convict Hall of assault, the jury must have found that his decision to shoot Arboleda nine times as he drove slowly forward was unjustified and therefore amounted to an excessive and unnecessary use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arboleda’s mother, Jennie Atienza, spoke at Friday’s hearing and urged the judge to provide justice for her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emptiness is still here,” Atienza told Mockler. “It’s there and it won’t go away. I would never be the same again. And one half of my life died with my son.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"529\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11907240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/BurrisArboledaFamily-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney John Burris (center) stands with family members of Laudemer Arboleda following the sentencing of former Contra Costa County sheriff’s deputy Andrew Hall on March 4, 2022. Hall was sentenced to six years in prison for fatally shooting Arboleda in 2018. \u003ccite>(María Fernanda Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mockler was highly critical of a probation report submitted to the court for Hall, and found that it relied on evidence that was not included at trial and ignored key evidence that the jury relied on to reach a guilty verdict. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mockler said she had a lot of empathy for Hall who, according to the probation report, “had a very unstable, chaotic childhood and he raised himself up by the bootstraps to become something better.” But she said the same thing could be said for many of the defendants who come through her courtroom. Ultimately, she found probation was not appropriate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sentenced Hall to three years for the assault conviction and an additional three years for causing great bodily injury. She dismissed a second enhancement that could have added more time. Because Hall was convicted of a violent felony, Mockler said he will have to serve 85% of his sentence. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Contra Costa County district attorney’s office wrote in a statement that the six-year sentence reflected the seriousness of Hall’s crime and the need for accountability. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charges against Hall for the 2018 shooting were announced in April 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870567/video-footage-of-tyrell-wilson-killing-released-as-same-danville-officer-charged-in-another-death\">about a month after Hall fatally shot Tyrell Wilson\u003c/a>, an unhoused Black man who was allegedly throwing rocks on the freeway. Bodycam video of the incident shows Hall pursued Wilson across an intersection. Wilson pulled out a knife and Hall shot him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Civil rights attorney John Burris, who represented Arboleda’s family in their civil lawsuit against the county, spoke after the sentencing laying blame on the Contra Costa County Sheriff for failing to find that Hall broke policy during the 2018 shooting of Arboleda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they had, they could have removed him from the police force, Burris said, and “we would not have a second dead young man,” he said, referring to Wilson. “That’s the tragedy of it all.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county settled with Arboleda’s family for $4.9 million last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becton’s office said the investigation into the Tyrell Wilson shooting is ongoing. Wilson’s parents were at Friday’s hearing and said they would continue to fight for justice for their son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall has 60 days to file an appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s María Fernanda Bernal contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "violent-crime-soared-during-the-pandemic-but-does-the-political-debate-reflect-the-data",
"title": "Violent Crime Soared During the Pandemic. But Does the Political Debate Reflect the Data?",
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"headTitle": "Violent Crime Soared During the Pandemic. But Does the Political Debate Reflect the Data? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>With major national and statewide increases in murders since the start of the pandemic, crime is shaping up to be a big political football in 2022. In California, it’s already dominating debate in the race for attorney general, and has largely fueled the recall attempts of at least two reform-minded county district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians and activists are seizing on the issue for good reason: \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/gavin-newsom-poll-job-approval-crime-fears\">Polls show voters being increasingly concerned\u003c/a> about crime in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this is often framed as a red-versus-blue debate, the data shows much broader trends — like the increase in murders — playing out across the nation, regardless of the political makeup or the individual policies of a particular city, county or state. Nationally, there was an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/27/1040904770/fbi-data-murder-increase-2020\">unprecedented spike in murders\u003c/a> in 2020 — up nearly 30% over 2019, marking the largest single-year increase ever recorded in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"CA Violent and Property Crime Rates, 1966-2020\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ACith\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ACith/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite that troubling surge, the national murder rate appeared to begin receding in 2021. Meanwhile violent crime overall — and homicides in particular — remains at or near record lows throughout the U.S. The same is true in California\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 2020 was an outlier. California was not an outlier,” said Steven Raphael, an economist at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. “There doesn’t appear to be much that’s happening here that didn’t happen in the rest of the country as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bearing the brunt \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Republicans, law enforcement officials and other critics of the criminal justice reforms California has made over the past decade are seizing on recent high-profile property and hate crimes and murders to attack those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Richard Rosenfeld, a criminologist at the University of Missouri-St. Louis, said there’s no connection between spikes in murders and the political ideology of an individual prosecutor. And there’s also no proof, he said, that states that have embraced reforms like shorter prison sentences are seeing more violence than other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted the uniform uptick in murders across states in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see nearly every city go up like we did in 2020, it’s really difficult under those conditions to attribute the increase to any particular policy in any particular city,” he said. “Everybody was going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld pointed to a key factor that hasn’t changed over time and tracks across the nation: Men of color, particularly Black men, are the most likely to be victims of murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall level of violence, and homicide in particular, has gone way up in the last couple of years [since the pandemic began]. But the communities and the population groups that suffer most — and have historically — from high levels of violence, haven’t changed,” he said. “It’s young men of color. It’s disadvantaged communities of color that have borne the brunt of the increase.”\u003cbr>\n[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Richard Rosenfeld, criminologist, University of Missouri-St. Louis\"]‘When you see nearly every city go up like we did in 2020, it’s really difficult under those conditions to attribute the increase to any particular policy in any particular city.’[/pullquote]“So we’re not seeing a spreading out of violence to other population groups — the elderly, for example — or into affluent communities,” he added. What we’re seeing is an intensification of the violence in the very communities where historically it’s been quite high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Hardison has experienced that heartbreaking reality firsthand — it’s her job to show up at the scene of homicides in Oakland, and help family members and other survivors cope. Hardison lost her own son to gun violence in 2016 and now works for Youth ALIVE!, a violence prevention nonprofit in the city, as program coordinator for the Khadafy Washington Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland, which has long struggled with gun violence,\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Charts-show-where-homicides-are-spiking-most-in-16942387.php\"> recorded the biggest jump in murders in the Bay Area during the pandemic\u003c/a> — an increase that actually began in the city pre-pandemic, in 2019, and continued to rise into 2021. The 2021 per-capita murder rate in Oakland dwarfs that of any other city in the region — it’s nearly double the rate of the next closest cities, Richmond and Vallejo, according to data tabulated by The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hardison said there’s no one factor that seems to be driving Oakland’s increase in violence — though she notes it’s disproportionately affecting the same Black and Brown communities that have long borne the brunt of crime spikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She doesn’t believe that more or fewer police on the streets is the answer. Instead, she said she’d like to see officers work more closely with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that we need to build better relationships,” Hardison said, “because a lot of times [the police department] doesn’t even have that interaction with the community until there’s a homicide. And then at that time, everyone is pretty much treated like a criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Not as simple as left or right politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hardison’s observations speak to what some see as the oversimplification of the issue — one they say both sides in the political debate are getting wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appear to be coming down off just a truly momentous increase in violence that can’t be washed away by reformers,” Rosenfeld said. “It can’t be willy-nilly attributed to progressive policies. It’s far more widespread than either of those explanations can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld said the current political debate over crime is dismaying because both progressives and conservatives are guilty of reducing a complex and tragic situation to political talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the one hand, we have people who would abolish the police, whatever that could possibly mean, or greatly defund the police,” he said. “On the other hand, we have those who argue that every time there’s a crime increase, it just has to be related to the election of a progressive prosecutor or the appointment of a progressive police chief or liberals run amok in the policy circles in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand this debate in California, you need to look back at how things have changed the past few decades. Until about 10 years ago, California embraced a more conservative, law-and-order approach to criminal justice that leaned heavily on long prison sentences and resulted in overcrowded state prisons. After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/05/23/136579580/california-is-ordered-to-cut-its-prison-population\">U.S. Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> ordering the state to reduce its prison population, Democratic state leaders began passing reforms aimed at lowering the number of inmates and stressing rehabilitation over punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Violent Crime Rate in U.S. and California\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nLoM7\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nLoM7/9/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the backlash against those changes comes from law enforcement and the state’s Republican politicians. For example, police and conservatives have long pushed back against the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/prop47.htm\">changes instituted by Proposition 47\u003c/a>. The ballot measure, passed by voters in 2014, made most drug possessions a misdemeanor instead of a felony, and directed the state to use the savings (from not imprisoning as many people) on rehabilitation programs. It also brought California in line with most other states by increasing the threshold for misdemeanor shoplifting from $450 to $900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As brazen shoplifting instances were caught on camera this past year, many opponents of the measure blamed it as a driving factor, saying criminals were taking advantage of what they call the state’s more lenient laws. Critics have also linked reforms like Proposition 47 to violent crime increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The rural-urban divide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But statewide data in California reveals that pandemic-related spikes in violence did not spare rural, conservative communities, which in some instances actually experienced relatively larger increases in violent crime during the pandemic than did urban centers with more progressive criminal justice policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, three tiny rural, conservative counties — Mono, Modoc and Tehama — experienced the largest jumps in per capita murders between 2019 and 2020 (although the actual numbers of murders and other violent crime incidents were still relatively low, as these counties have tiny populations).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Los Angeles and San Francisco counties — where the progressive-minded top prosecutors are both facing recall attempts — did not see huge spikes in violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Violent Crime Rate per County, 2019-2020\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-RLInh\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/RLInh/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"817\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In larger urban areas, the biggest per capita increases in murders were in Vallejo, Inglewood and San Bernardino — which represent a mix of political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld and other criminologists say the broader homicide trends are likely driven by a confluence of factors, including the economic woes and broader social disruptions brought on by the pandemic, as well as social unrest sparked in 2020 by the murder of George Floyd. He also attributed the uptick to a pullback in policing due to COVID-19 concerns, staffing shortages and political pressure against aggressive policing practices. Increases in drug sales and use and, possibly, increased access to guns also played a role, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What history tells us\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Criminologists say that many factors over the past two years that were related to or caused by the pandemic have historically been linked to an increase in violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them: the wild fluctuations in the economy since the pandemic began, which hit communities of color especially hard, as well as the nationwide increase in drug use, particularly methamphetamines and fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that beginning in the mid ’60s and since then, economic conditions have played a role [in violent crime rates] — in particular, inflation,” Rosenfeld said, noting that as inflation stabilized, so, too, did crime rates. “The crack-cocaine era [of the 1980s and 1990s] saw an increase in violent crime associated with the drug markets of the time. And in research I’ve done and published, the opioid epidemic has also pushed up homicide rates in U.S. counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are also factors that are less understood. Take the nationwide racial justice protests in the summer of 2020 that coincided with the increase in homicides. Researchers have tracked since the 1960s the correlation between social unrest — often sparked by conflicts with police — and violent crime, Rosenfeld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"criminal-justice\"]It was particularly evident after the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, sparked by the killing of Michael Brown — a young Black man — by a white police officer, he noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we saw homicide rates move up very abruptly immediately after George Floyd was killed in that video that went viral in 2020,” he said. “The connection between widespread social unrest and increases in violent crime, that connection is pretty solid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why that connection exists isn’t fully understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s Raphael noted that homicides generally increase in summer months, when the weather is warmer, the days are longer, and kids are out of school. But he agreed that the rapid spike in homicides in the summer of 2020 was well beyond seasonal fluctuations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was certainly the case that the increase in homicide seemed to correspond with the murder of George Floyd and the protests that occurred,” he said. “The timing suggests that something happened, whether it was people unwilling to cooperate with the police or just a general sense of … social malaise that was leading to more violence, or police being more apprehensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The policing factor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That gets to another factor: policing. While there’s not a lot of research showing a direct connection between crime rates and the length of criminal sentences pursued by prosecutors, there is evidence that suggests police presence can drive down crime, especially, said Rosenfeld, if that policing is targeted at high-risk spots or individuals likely to engage in violence or to become victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There does appear to be an impact, that when you have more police presence, there’s lower crime rates,” Raphael added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “defund the police” was a major liberal rallying cry during the summer of 2020 — with many Democratic leaders pledging to reduce police budgets — most of those cuts never ultimately materialized, even in liberal cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, many police departments have seen huge numbers of retirements and attrition, rendering them understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld said tackling endemic violence will require those critical of law enforcement and those in law enforcement to work together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7035-scaled-e1646183999545.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906965 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7035-scaled-e1646183999545.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table against a brick wall.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Hardison, a violence interrupter for Youth ALIVE!, in Oakland on Feb. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lago/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If police-community relationships were improved, people would be more likely to cooperate with the police when [they] are attempting to investigate crime,” he said. “That cooperation would lead to higher arrest rates and more and more and more successful prosecutions, and that could help to bring down crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Hardison, the Oakland violence response worker, said she and her colleagues at Youth ALIVE! will continue to not only support victims, but also work to interrupt the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really critical that families get this type of service because when you’re faced with a crisis like this, you don’t know what to do. You don’t know where to turn,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hardison said her hope is that police and the court system can provide those families justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said most families need financial assistance, as well as help with the logistics of laying a loved one to rest. They often need help connecting with grief counselors and other mental health support. But sometimes, they also need help making sure the cycle of violence doesn’t continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve encountered families that when we get to the scene, there is a lot of hostility — which is to be expected,” Hardison said. “And that’s a time when our violence interrupters approach families and offer that mediation … in hopes that families don’t go out, you know, and try to retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Violent Crime Soared During the Pandemic. But Does the Political Debate Reflect the Data? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With major national and statewide increases in murders since the start of the pandemic, crime is shaping up to be a big political football in 2022. In California, it’s already dominating debate in the race for attorney general, and has largely fueled the recall attempts of at least two reform-minded county district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians and activists are seizing on the issue for good reason: \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/gavin-newsom-poll-job-approval-crime-fears\">Polls show voters being increasingly concerned\u003c/a> about crime in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this is often framed as a red-versus-blue debate, the data shows much broader trends — like the increase in murders — playing out across the nation, regardless of the political makeup or the individual policies of a particular city, county or state. Nationally, there was an \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/27/1040904770/fbi-data-murder-increase-2020\">unprecedented spike in murders\u003c/a> in 2020 — up nearly 30% over 2019, marking the largest single-year increase ever recorded in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"CA Violent and Property Crime Rates, 1966-2020\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ACith\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ACith/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite that troubling surge, the national murder rate appeared to begin receding in 2021. Meanwhile violent crime overall — and homicides in particular — remains at or near record lows throughout the U.S. The same is true in California\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 2020 was an outlier. California was not an outlier,” said Steven Raphael, an economist at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. “There doesn’t appear to be much that’s happening here that didn’t happen in the rest of the country as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bearing the brunt \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Republicans, law enforcement officials and other critics of the criminal justice reforms California has made over the past decade are seizing on recent high-profile property and hate crimes and murders to attack those efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Richard Rosenfeld, a criminologist at the University of Missouri-St. Louis, said there’s no connection between spikes in murders and the political ideology of an individual prosecutor. And there’s also no proof, he said, that states that have embraced reforms like shorter prison sentences are seeing more violence than other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted the uniform uptick in murders across states in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see nearly every city go up like we did in 2020, it’s really difficult under those conditions to attribute the increase to any particular policy in any particular city,” he said. “Everybody was going up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld pointed to a key factor that hasn’t changed over time and tracks across the nation: Men of color, particularly Black men, are the most likely to be victims of murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The overall level of violence, and homicide in particular, has gone way up in the last couple of years [since the pandemic began]. But the communities and the population groups that suffer most — and have historically — from high levels of violence, haven’t changed,” he said. “It’s young men of color. It’s disadvantaged communities of color that have borne the brunt of the increase.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘When you see nearly every city go up like we did in 2020, it’s really difficult under those conditions to attribute the increase to any particular policy in any particular city.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So we’re not seeing a spreading out of violence to other population groups — the elderly, for example — or into affluent communities,” he added. What we’re seeing is an intensification of the violence in the very communities where historically it’s been quite high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Hardison has experienced that heartbreaking reality firsthand — it’s her job to show up at the scene of homicides in Oakland, and help family members and other survivors cope. Hardison lost her own son to gun violence in 2016 and now works for Youth ALIVE!, a violence prevention nonprofit in the city, as program coordinator for the Khadafy Washington Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland, which has long struggled with gun violence,\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Charts-show-where-homicides-are-spiking-most-in-16942387.php\"> recorded the biggest jump in murders in the Bay Area during the pandemic\u003c/a> — an increase that actually began in the city pre-pandemic, in 2019, and continued to rise into 2021. The 2021 per-capita murder rate in Oakland dwarfs that of any other city in the region — it’s nearly double the rate of the next closest cities, Richmond and Vallejo, according to data tabulated by The San Francisco Chronicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hardison said there’s no one factor that seems to be driving Oakland’s increase in violence — though she notes it’s disproportionately affecting the same Black and Brown communities that have long borne the brunt of crime spikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She doesn’t believe that more or fewer police on the streets is the answer. Instead, she said she’d like to see officers work more closely with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that we need to build better relationships,” Hardison said, “because a lot of times [the police department] doesn’t even have that interaction with the community until there’s a homicide. And then at that time, everyone is pretty much treated like a criminal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Not as simple as left or right politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hardison’s observations speak to what some see as the oversimplification of the issue — one they say both sides in the political debate are getting wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appear to be coming down off just a truly momentous increase in violence that can’t be washed away by reformers,” Rosenfeld said. “It can’t be willy-nilly attributed to progressive policies. It’s far more widespread than either of those explanations can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld said the current political debate over crime is dismaying because both progressives and conservatives are guilty of reducing a complex and tragic situation to political talking points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the one hand, we have people who would abolish the police, whatever that could possibly mean, or greatly defund the police,” he said. “On the other hand, we have those who argue that every time there’s a crime increase, it just has to be related to the election of a progressive prosecutor or the appointment of a progressive police chief or liberals run amok in the policy circles in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand this debate in California, you need to look back at how things have changed the past few decades. Until about 10 years ago, California embraced a more conservative, law-and-order approach to criminal justice that leaned heavily on long prison sentences and resulted in overcrowded state prisons. After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2011/05/23/136579580/california-is-ordered-to-cut-its-prison-population\">U.S. Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> ordering the state to reduce its prison population, Democratic state leaders began passing reforms aimed at lowering the number of inmates and stressing rehabilitation over punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Violent Crime Rate in U.S. and California\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nLoM7\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nLoM7/9/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the backlash against those changes comes from law enforcement and the state’s Republican politicians. For example, police and conservatives have long pushed back against the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/prop47.htm\">changes instituted by Proposition 47\u003c/a>. The ballot measure, passed by voters in 2014, made most drug possessions a misdemeanor instead of a felony, and directed the state to use the savings (from not imprisoning as many people) on rehabilitation programs. It also brought California in line with most other states by increasing the threshold for misdemeanor shoplifting from $450 to $900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As brazen shoplifting instances were caught on camera this past year, many opponents of the measure blamed it as a driving factor, saying criminals were taking advantage of what they call the state’s more lenient laws. Critics have also linked reforms like Proposition 47 to violent crime increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The rural-urban divide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But statewide data in California reveals that pandemic-related spikes in violence did not spare rural, conservative communities, which in some instances actually experienced relatively larger increases in violent crime during the pandemic than did urban centers with more progressive criminal justice policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, three tiny rural, conservative counties — Mono, Modoc and Tehama — experienced the largest jumps in per capita murders between 2019 and 2020 (although the actual numbers of murders and other violent crime incidents were still relatively low, as these counties have tiny populations).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Los Angeles and San Francisco counties — where the progressive-minded top prosecutors are both facing recall attempts — did not see huge spikes in violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Violent Crime Rate per County, 2019-2020\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-RLInh\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/RLInh/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"817\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In larger urban areas, the biggest per capita increases in murders were in Vallejo, Inglewood and San Bernardino — which represent a mix of political leanings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld and other criminologists say the broader homicide trends are likely driven by a confluence of factors, including the economic woes and broader social disruptions brought on by the pandemic, as well as social unrest sparked in 2020 by the murder of George Floyd. He also attributed the uptick to a pullback in policing due to COVID-19 concerns, staffing shortages and political pressure against aggressive policing practices. Increases in drug sales and use and, possibly, increased access to guns also played a role, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What history tells us\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Criminologists say that many factors over the past two years that were related to or caused by the pandemic have historically been linked to an increase in violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them: the wild fluctuations in the economy since the pandemic began, which hit communities of color especially hard, as well as the nationwide increase in drug use, particularly methamphetamines and fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that beginning in the mid ’60s and since then, economic conditions have played a role [in violent crime rates] — in particular, inflation,” Rosenfeld said, noting that as inflation stabilized, so, too, did crime rates. “The crack-cocaine era [of the 1980s and 1990s] saw an increase in violent crime associated with the drug markets of the time. And in research I’ve done and published, the opioid epidemic has also pushed up homicide rates in U.S. counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are also factors that are less understood. Take the nationwide racial justice protests in the summer of 2020 that coincided with the increase in homicides. Researchers have tracked since the 1960s the correlation between social unrest — often sparked by conflicts with police — and violent crime, Rosenfeld said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It was particularly evident after the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, sparked by the killing of Michael Brown — a young Black man — by a white police officer, he noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then we saw homicide rates move up very abruptly immediately after George Floyd was killed in that video that went viral in 2020,” he said. “The connection between widespread social unrest and increases in violent crime, that connection is pretty solid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why that connection exists isn’t fully understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s Raphael noted that homicides generally increase in summer months, when the weather is warmer, the days are longer, and kids are out of school. But he agreed that the rapid spike in homicides in the summer of 2020 was well beyond seasonal fluctuations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was certainly the case that the increase in homicide seemed to correspond with the murder of George Floyd and the protests that occurred,” he said. “The timing suggests that something happened, whether it was people unwilling to cooperate with the police or just a general sense of … social malaise that was leading to more violence, or police being more apprehensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The policing factor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That gets to another factor: policing. While there’s not a lot of research showing a direct connection between crime rates and the length of criminal sentences pursued by prosecutors, there is evidence that suggests police presence can drive down crime, especially, said Rosenfeld, if that policing is targeted at high-risk spots or individuals likely to engage in violence or to become victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There does appear to be an impact, that when you have more police presence, there’s lower crime rates,” Raphael added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While “defund the police” was a major liberal rallying cry during the summer of 2020 — with many Democratic leaders pledging to reduce police budgets — most of those cuts never ultimately materialized, even in liberal cities like San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, many police departments have seen huge numbers of retirements and attrition, rendering them understaffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenfeld said tackling endemic violence will require those critical of law enforcement and those in law enforcement to work together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7035-scaled-e1646183999545.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906965 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_7035-scaled-e1646183999545.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table against a brick wall.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Hardison, a violence interrupter for Youth ALIVE!, in Oakland on Feb. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lago/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If police-community relationships were improved, people would be more likely to cooperate with the police when [they] are attempting to investigate crime,” he said. “That cooperation would lead to higher arrest rates and more and more and more successful prosecutions, and that could help to bring down crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Hardison, the Oakland violence response worker, said she and her colleagues at Youth ALIVE! will continue to not only support victims, but also work to interrupt the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really critical that families get this type of service because when you’re faced with a crisis like this, you don’t know what to do. You don’t know where to turn,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hardison said her hope is that police and the court system can provide those families justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said most families need financial assistance, as well as help with the logistics of laying a loved one to rest. They often need help connecting with grief counselors and other mental health support. But sometimes, they also need help making sure the cycle of violence doesn’t continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve encountered families that when we get to the scene, there is a lot of hostility — which is to be expected,” Hardison said. “And that’s a time when our violence interrupters approach families and offer that mediation … in hopes that families don’t go out, you know, and try to retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-workers-face-years-long-waits-for-justice-in-wage-theft-cases-state-data-shows",
"title": "California Workers Face Years-Long Wait for Justice in Wage Theft Cases, State Data Shows",
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"headTitle": "California Workers Face Years-Long Wait for Justice in Wage Theft Cases, State Data Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mirna Arana, Oakland worker\"]‘I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.[aside postID=\"news_11903291,news_11903450,news_11899604\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California workers trying to hold their bosses to account for unpaid wages are waiting years just to get a hearing before the state watchdog agency tasked with investigating their cases, according to new data obtained by KQED that shows a system plagued by unprecedented delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wait times at the state Labor Commissioner’s Office especially hurt lower-income Californians who’ve been victims of wage theft, and they allow unscrupulous employers to continue cheating workers, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays in handling claims generally filed by individuals ballooned during the pandemic. But for years before that, the agency struggled with understaffing and was failing to meet its statutory requirement for timely hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office is responsible for enforcing minimum wage, overtime pay and other labor laws. By law, it must hold a hearing within 120 days of a wage complaint being filed, unless the employer settles sooner. But the average wait time statewide is nearly seven times that long — more than two years, agency figures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This almost encourages employers to continue exploiting,” said Veronica Chavez, who directs the workers’ rights legal practice at the nonprofit Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland. “The chances of there being repercussions seem to be very far down the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California workers waited 220 days on average for a hearing. That figure had nearly doubled to 417 days by 2019, and jumped again to an estimated 812 days as of last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge that that is not a number that we want to be at, at the Labor Commissioner’s Office,” Daniel Yu, the agency’s assistant chief for enforcement, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to meet our statutory obligations and we want to make sure the process works effectively and efficiently, so the workers are able to get their hearings resolved as quickly as possible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906925\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906925\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-800x479.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1020x611.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-160x96.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1-1536x920.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/JPcCG-span-style-text-align-center-ca-wage-theft-claims-nbsp-span-span-style-text-align-center-estimated-average-days-from-docket-to-hearing-nbsp-span-1.png 1712w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The severity of the problem varies among the Labor Commissioner’s 17 offices around the state, with some of the longest delays at the Oakland and San Francisco branches, data shows.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the average wait time in San Francisco was 968 days, while in Oakland it reached 1,160 days, more than three years — the worst in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s hard to wait for so long’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mirna Arana filed a complaint with the Oakland office in June 2018, charging her employer with owing her thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Arana, who cleaned offices and homes for a small janitorial company called Maid No. 1 Services, said her shifts often lasted 12 hours, six days a week. But her employer only paid her for six hours a day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I was being exploited,” said Arana, 33, in Spanish. “I felt bad for my co-workers, too, because [the company was] doing the same to them. But if we said anything, they would have fired us, and I needed the money to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11906893 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53933_IMG_2360-Mirna-holds-Aaron-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mirna Arana holds her 3-year-old son at a park in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. It took years for the Labor Commissioner’s Office to hear her wage claim and rule that her old employer owes her nearly $183,000. But now it’s unclear when — or if — she’ll recover the money, she said.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Arana reached out to Mujeres Unidas y Activas, a Latina immigrant community organizing group, that she realized she’d also been denied overtime pay and meal and rest breaks between 2015 and 2017. The organization connected her with a pro bono attorney who helped Arana submit a wage claim against the company and its owner, Rene A. Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s efforts to reach Herrera for comment were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arana waited more than three years for a hearing on her case. Meanwhile, she and her family struggled to buy food and keep up with rent increases. They had to move three times, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last December, a hearing officer with the Labor Commissioner finally ruled that Arana’s old boss owes her nearly $183,000 in unpaid wages. But by then, the company had filed for bankruptcy, she said. It’s unclear now when — or if — she will be able to collect her wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to wait for so long,” said Arana, who craves more stability for her sons, age 3 and 1. “The state should put more attention on these cases because [wage theft] is an injustice that’s hurting our community … We need change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delays discourage workers from filing claims, advocates say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Wage Claim Adjudication unit was originally established as a quick, no-cost alternative to state court for wage theft victims to pursue justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/policies.htm\">claim process\u003c/a> includes a meeting between an agency deputy and both parties to try to reach an agreement. If that fails, the next step is a court-like hearing, where an officer will judge the claim. Employers may settle with workers at any time during the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worker advocates say this kind of enforcement mechanism is vital to protecting workers’ rights and combat paycheck violations that rob Californians of \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/wage-theft-2021/\">billions of dollars each year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the lengthy delays dissuade wage theft victims from complaining about labor violations to the state, particularly because people living paycheck to paycheck need financial relief urgently, said María Moreno, lead organizer with the Restaurant Opportunities Center of the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our workers are not in a position to wait years for damages,” said Moreno. “By then they might already be evicted from their home, or moved on from their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno says she explains to workers that filing a claim with the Labor Commissioner is an option. But she also recommends other strategies to try to collect wages, such as drafting a demand letter to the employer outlining the violations, and organizing with other workers and advocates to pressure businesses to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906926\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11906926\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"2102\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-800x2102.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-1020x2679.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-160x420.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-585x1536.png 585w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office-780x2048.png 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/Per-office.png 1225w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Department of Industrial Relations, Labor Commissioner’s Office \u003ccite>(Chart by Matthew Green/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yu, the agency’s assistant chief, said the pandemic forced the agency to halt in-person hearings for a year and a half, which slowed operations significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even before the pandemic, understaffing was a key problem at the Labor Commissioner’s Office, which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement. In a 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2021/FY2021_ORG7350_BCP3767.pdf\">budget request\u003c/a> to the state Legislature, agency officials said the wage adjudication unit was “drowning in stale wage claims awaiting hearing” and in desperate need of more hearing officers and other staff to process the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last two years, the agency referred more than 15,000 wage claims to a hearing — but resolved only half that number, according to the latest agency figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the total number of wage claims filed did drop during the pandemic. There were 32,000 new cases filed in 2018 but just 19,000 in 2021 — possibly because businesses were shutting down or workers feared losing their jobs if they complained, officials said. But that didn’t help the agency catch up with the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And staffing problems remain. Currently, there are just 64 hearing officer positions statewide, according to the state Department of Finance. Nearly 20% of those positions are vacant, said Yu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Definitely a need for more staffing’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to judging the wage claims, hearing officers must handle appeals from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903291/its-so-unfair-major-delays-at-state-labor-agency-leave-many-wage-theft-victims-uncompensated\">employers who have been cited\u003c/a> by the Labor Commissioner. Those major investigations by the agency’s Bureau of Field Enforcement typically cover violations affecting dozens or hundreds of workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the last year, the agency has seen significant staff turnover, including in Oakland and San Francisco, which they described as “difficult-to-hire” areas partly because of the high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is definitely a need for more staffing,” said Yu. “The hiring of our hearing officers remains a top priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the agency will get a budget increase in July that allows for four more hearing officer positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the Labor Commissioner fills all the vacancies and adds those new officers, it won’t be enough staff to get rid of the backlog, said Veronica Chavez, the labor lawyer at Centro Legal de La Raza, who has many clients with claims in Oakland and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do understand that the Labor Commissioner’s understaffed and we want to be supportive,” Chavez said. “But we also want this to be resolved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS53935_IMG_2395-Veronica-and-Alexander-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veronica Chavez, an attorney with Centro Legal de la Raza, speaks with client Alexander about his wage claim in Oakland on Feb. 17, 2022. KQED is not using Alexander’s last name because he fears it could hurt his case. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of her clients, an East Bay restaurant cook named Alexander, said he was only paid about $600 a week, though he often worked 12-hour shifts, seven days a week. His complaint estimates he’s owed more than $160,000. KQED is not disclosing his last name because he fears it could hurt his case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said he was hopeful when he filed his claim back in September 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three and a half years later, he’s still waiting for a hearing. And not knowing if he’ll ever get paid has left him hopeless and depressed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m praying to God that this can be resolved soon, that the state starts working harder so they can solve this problem,” said Alexander, who supports his wife and teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose state Assemblymember Ash Kalra, who chairs the Assembly’s Labor and Employment Committee, said he understands workers are frustrated that they’re not getting justice in a timely manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Delays that go on for years are completely unacceptable and we have to do better,” Kalra told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra said he is ready to work with the administration and push for more resources for the Labor Commissioner’s Office. He suggests making the job of hearing officer more attractive, so the agency can compete for candidates who might otherwise go to the private sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You also have to have the job classifications pay more,” he said. “That’s not something that can necessarily be legislated, but it is something the administration should look at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The salary for new hearing officers, whose position is officially known as Deputy Labor Commissioner II, ranges from $6,500 to $8,360 per month, according to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/Pay%20Scales%20Library/PS_Sec_15.pdf\">civil service pay scale\u003c/a>. Candidates must be college graduates with experience in industrial relations management or negotiation of labor agreements, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Pages/9502.aspx\">several requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom’s proposed budget includes $145 million for the Labor Commissioner’s Office, about a $10 million increase from the current fiscal year. The new money would fund 145 more positions across the agency, including for wage claim adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11906569\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png\" alt=\"Cartoon: a comparison of "how it started" versus "how it's going." On the "started" side, we see an old-time shot of people celebrating the founding of the UN, "a new era of peace!" On the "going" side, we see a hand holding a smart phone that reads, "Russia invades Ukraine," "Ukraine on its own."\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1204\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-800x502.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-1020x640.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-1536x963.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreukraineprotest\">Hundreds of Ukrainian Americans protested Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Thursday\u003c/a>, just steps from where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/preamble\">United Nations Charter\u003c/a> was first signed in San Francisco in 1945, when nations pledged to “practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Nations, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmultimedia.org/avlibrary/asset/1288/1288630/\">began with such high hopes here in San Francisco\u003c/a>, seems particularly feckless during the current war in Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdnapisec.kaltura.com/p/2503451/sp/250345100/embedIframeJs/uiconf_id/43914941/partner_id/2503451?iframeembed=true&playerId=kVideoTarget&entry_id=1_tspvcv3t&flashvars=auto\" width=\"800\" height=\"395\" allow=\"autoplay *; fullscreen *; encrypted-media *\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the U.N. came out with a strongly worded statement condemning the Russian invasion, Russia could simply veto it since they hold a permanent seat on the security council. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/2/25/unsc-to-vote-on-resolution-condemning-russia-invasion-liveblog\">And that’s exactly what happened on Friday.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Not that a strongly worded resolution repels tanks.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know your odds are long when your \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/ukraine-kyiv-residents-molotov-cocktails-russia-advances-2022-2\">defense ministry distributes the recipe for Molotov cocktails\u003c/a> in hopes civilians will help repel the Russian invaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some ways you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906497/want-to-support-the-people-in-ukraine-heres-how-you-can-help\">help the people of Ukraine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11906569\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png\" alt=\"Cartoon: a comparison of "how it started" versus "how it's going." On the "started" side, we see an old-time shot of people celebrating the founding of the UN, "a new era of peace!" On the "going" side, we see a hand holding a smart phone that reads, "Russia invades Ukraine," "Ukraine on its own."\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1204\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-800x502.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-1020x640.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-160x100.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/unitednations_022522_final-1536x963.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreukraineprotest\">Hundreds of Ukrainian Americans protested Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Thursday\u003c/a>, just steps from where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/preamble\">United Nations Charter\u003c/a> was first signed in San Francisco in 1945, when nations pledged to “practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Nations, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmultimedia.org/avlibrary/asset/1288/1288630/\">began with such high hopes here in San Francisco\u003c/a>, seems particularly feckless during the current war in Europe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdnapisec.kaltura.com/p/2503451/sp/250345100/embedIframeJs/uiconf_id/43914941/partner_id/2503451?iframeembed=true&playerId=kVideoTarget&entry_id=1_tspvcv3t&flashvars=auto\" width=\"800\" height=\"395\" allow=\"autoplay *; fullscreen *; encrypted-media *\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the U.N. came out with a strongly worded statement condemning the Russian invasion, Russia could simply veto it since they hold a permanent seat on the security council. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/2/25/unsc-to-vote-on-resolution-condemning-russia-invasion-liveblog\">And that’s exactly what happened on Friday.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Not that a strongly worded resolution repels tanks.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know your odds are long when your \u003ca href=\"https://www.businessinsider.com/ukraine-kyiv-residents-molotov-cocktails-russia-advances-2022-2\">defense ministry distributes the recipe for Molotov cocktails\u003c/a> in hopes civilians will help repel the Russian invaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some ways you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906497/want-to-support-the-people-in-ukraine-heres-how-you-can-help\">help the people of Ukraine\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/KBJ/\">has selected Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a> as his Supreme Court nominee to fill the seat left \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/27/1076091746/supreme-court-justice-breyer-retire-announce-biden-white-house\">when Judge Stephen Breyer retires\u003c/a> this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a White House event Friday introducing Jackson, Biden described her as a consensus-builder with a “pragmatic understanding that the law much work for the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, 51, has led a professional and personal life at once classic and unpredictable. Unlike most judges, her background is not as a prosecutor or major corporate lawyer, and her personal life also defies stereotypes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Professionally, she is an experienced judge. For eight years, she served as a federal trial court judge and last June was confirmed for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to her becoming a judge, her legal experience was extensive and varied. While four members of the current court were at one time prosecutors, Jackson, if nominated, would be the first Supreme Court justice since Thurgood Marshall to have represented indigent criminal defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the White House event, Jackson opened her remarks by saying she was humbled by the nomination, noting that it came at a time when there was a lot going on in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I must begin these very brief remarks by thanking God for delivering me to this point in my professional journey,” she said. “My life has been blessed beyond measure and I do know that one can only come this far by faith.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, she noted she shares a birthday with Constance Baker Motley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2022/02/03/248994291/the-life-of-a-civil-rights-queen\">the first Black woman ever to be appointed as a federal judge\u003c/a>. Jackson said she stands on her shoulders and shares her commitment to equal justice under the law. “I can only hope that my life and career, my love of this country and the Constitution … will inspire future generations of Americans,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of Jackson’s nomination was cheered by California senators Alex Padilla and Dianne Feinstein, both of whom sit on the Senate Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden has made an exceptional choice with his historic nomination,” Padilla said in a statement. “Throughout her career as a public defender, a member of the U.S. Sentencing Commission, and a federal judge, Judge Jackson has consistently demonstrated a commitment to equal justice under law, respect for the Constitution, and a clear understanding of the impact that the law can have on ordinary Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Judge Jackson is an experienced jurist and an outstanding nominee,” said Feinstein in a statement. “She embodies President Biden’s commitment to ensuring that the federal judiciary is representative of America as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Work as a public defender\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to her work as a public defender, Jackson practiced at law firms large and small and served as vice chair of the U.S. Sentencing Commission at a time when it sought to reduce the draconian penalties for crack cocaine, penalties that were 100 times more severe than for powder cocaine. At the Sentencing Commission, she earned a reputation for building consensus, and most of the panel’s decisions were unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jackson, sentencing was not an abstract matter. One uncle is a former Miami police chief; another was a sex crimes detective; and her younger brother was a Baltimore police undercover agent. But her family also has had experience with the scourge of drugs. Her father’s older brother was sentenced to life in prison under a federal three-strikes law aimed at repeat drug offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years behind bars, he contacted Jackson, by then a public defender, seeking help. According to The Washington Post, Jackson felt sympathy for her uncle, but saw no legal options for him at the time. Later, though, after learning that the law firm of Wilmer Hale was handling clemency cases free of charge, she referred her uncle to the firm. The Post quoted Wilmer Hale as saying that the case was referred “years before Judge Jackson became a federal judge” and that “she had no further involvement in the matter.” Eventually, the uncle would be one of 1,700 people whose sentences for nonviolent drug crimes were commuted by President Barack Obama, more than the past 12 presidents combined. By the time of the uncle’s release, he was 78 and in poor health. He died four months later, according to the Post.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump-era record\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2012, Jackson was nominated for a seat on the federal trial court. Her confirmation went smoothly, with numerous lawyers on the right, as well as the left, supporting the nomination. She was confirmed for the trial court by a voice vote in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a trial judge, Jackson earned a reputation for hard work, a raucous laugh and more than 500 opinions, some of them noteworthy not just for the outcome but their length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most prominent was an opinion ordering President Trump’s former White House counsel Don McGahn to appear before the House Judiciary Committee to testify in its investigation into allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 elections. In it, she wrote, “Presidents are not kings. This means that they do not have subjects bound by loyalty or blood, whose destiny they are entitled to control.” But the opinion, which numbered some 119 pages, took four months to write, allowing Trump to essentially run out the clock as president. Ultimately, McGahn did testify before the committee in 2021 after the Justice Department, by then under control of the Biden administration, and the committee reached an agreement on the terms of his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='u-s-supreme-court']In 2018 Jackson, in another decision against Trump, ruled in favor of federal employee unions that were contesting several executive orders limiting the collective bargaining rights of federal workers. A federal appeals court panel reversed her decision on grounds that the unions had to pursue their claims first through an agency administrative process, and only after that, the appeals court said, could the unions go to federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another Trump-era case, Jackson sided with the administration, concluding that the Department of Homeland Security could waive more than two dozen environmental laws in order to construct a segment of the wall along the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grilled by Senate Republicans on race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jackson’s nomination to the D.C. Circuit also went relatively smoothly after she was nominated by President Biden last year. Still, she got quite a grilling from some conservative senators on the Judiciary Committee. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., for instance, asked her this question: “Do you think that the U.S. criminal justice system is systemically racist or is infected with systematic racism and bias?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are not terms that I use in the law when we look at issues of race,” she replied, adding that in examining whether there has been race discrimination, courts “will generally look for attorneys to prove up discriminatory intent, discriminatory impact, in some cases, retaliation. There is no Supreme Court doctrine that speaks to systemic racism,” and those “aren’t words that I’ve ever used in a court of law to make claims based under the constitution or the applicable statutes. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, asked her about her representation of clients in a case involving prisoners at Guantánamo Bay. Jackson said she filed a friend-of-the-court brief, representing 20 former federal judges who wanted to make the point that evidence obtained by torture would not have been accepted by the English courts in the system of common law that is the basis for ours. Cruz pressed further, asking her what led her to take on the case. She replied that she worked in a big firm and was assigned to represent the firm’s clients, who, in this case, were a group of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., similarly challenged her about the case, she noted that at the time she was assigned to work on it, her brother was deployed to Iraq with the military. And in a follow-up written answer, she said that she was “keenly aware” of the threat posed by the 9/11 attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, she was confirmed by a vote of 53-44, with three Republican senators supporting her — Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski and the Judiciary Committee ranking Republican, Lindsey Graham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the appeals court, she most recently was part of a unanimous panel that upheld a congressional subpoena for White House records related to the Jan. 6 riots. When Trump appealed to the Supreme Court, the justices left the lower court ruling intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From Miami to Harvard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jackson was born in Washington, D.C., where her parents were schoolteachers. They soon moved to Miami, where her father went to law school and rose to become the school board’s top lawyer, while her mother became a school principal. One of her earliest memories of the law, she has said, was sitting next to her father in the evening while he studied law books and she worked on her coloring books.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In high school, Jackson was a national oratory champion, then graduated with honors from Harvard College and Harvard Law School, where she was an editor on the law review. She clerked for three federal judges, including Justice Breyer, the man she would replace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson met her husband, Patrick Jackson, when the two were at Harvard College. He was, she says, her first “serious boyfriend” and has remained that ever since. They have two daughters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first blush, they look like an improbable couple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she put it in a charming — and candid — speech at the University of Georgia law school \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/lectures_pre_arch_lectures_house/41/\">in March 2017\u003c/a>, “Patrick is a quintessential ‘Boston Brahmin’ — his family can be traced back to England before the Mayflower. … He and his twin brother are, in fact, the sixth generation in their family to graduate from Harvard College. By contrast, I am only the second generation in my family to go to \u003cem>any\u003c/em> college, and I am fairly certain that if you traced my family lineage back past my grandparents — who were raised in Georgia, by the way — you would find that my ancestors were slaves on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal Judge Patti Saris, who hired Jackson as a law clerk straight out of law school, recalls her husband, who now looks full-on prep, as less so back then. At the time, he was a surgical resident at Massachusetts General Hospital, but he was so fascinated by his wife’s work he would often go to the courtroom after a long night on call to watch what was going on. As Saris remembers, the young doctor had often been up for 24-plus hours and looked incredibly scruffy, sitting in the back of the courtroom. Finally, one day, the judge’s courtroom marshal came up to her and whispered, “Judge, would you like me to remove the homeless man in the back row?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor, a star in the surgical world today, is the first to toot his wife’s horn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brown said in that Georgia speech that being a federal judge was always her “dream job.” But after Obama nominated her in 2012, actually getting that job depended entirely on events beyond her control, namely Obama’s reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And when you add to that,” she said, “the fact that I am related by marriage to … Paul Ryan [then the House speaker], who was at that point running for vice president against President Obama, you can get the sense of what that period was like for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As difficult as that confirmation may have seemed at the time, it may in hindsight be something of a picnic compared to what she is likely to face her as a nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>KQED’s David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Ketanji+Brown+Jackson%2C+Biden%27s+Supreme+Court+nominee%2C+has+blazed+trails+all+her+life+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "President Biden announced that Judge Jackson, 51, will be his nominee to the Supreme Court. If confirmed, she will be the first Black woman to serve on the high court.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/KBJ/\">has selected Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a> as his Supreme Court nominee to fill the seat left \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/27/1076091746/supreme-court-justice-breyer-retire-announce-biden-white-house\">when Judge Stephen Breyer retires\u003c/a> this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a White House event Friday introducing Jackson, Biden described her as a consensus-builder with a “pragmatic understanding that the law much work for the American people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, 51, has led a professional and personal life at once classic and unpredictable. Unlike most judges, her background is not as a prosecutor or major corporate lawyer, and her personal life also defies stereotypes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Professionally, she is an experienced judge. For eight years, she served as a federal trial court judge and last June was confirmed for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to her becoming a judge, her legal experience was extensive and varied. While four members of the current court were at one time prosecutors, Jackson, if nominated, would be the first Supreme Court justice since Thurgood Marshall to have represented indigent criminal defendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the White House event, Jackson opened her remarks by saying she was humbled by the nomination, noting that it came at a time when there was a lot going on in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I must begin these very brief remarks by thanking God for delivering me to this point in my professional journey,” she said. “My life has been blessed beyond measure and I do know that one can only come this far by faith.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, she noted she shares a birthday with Constance Baker Motley, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2022/02/03/248994291/the-life-of-a-civil-rights-queen\">the first Black woman ever to be appointed as a federal judge\u003c/a>. Jackson said she stands on her shoulders and shares her commitment to equal justice under the law. “I can only hope that my life and career, my love of this country and the Constitution … will inspire future generations of Americans,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of Jackson’s nomination was cheered by California senators Alex Padilla and Dianne Feinstein, both of whom sit on the Senate Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Biden has made an exceptional choice with his historic nomination,” Padilla said in a statement. “Throughout her career as a public defender, a member of the U.S. Sentencing Commission, and a federal judge, Judge Jackson has consistently demonstrated a commitment to equal justice under law, respect for the Constitution, and a clear understanding of the impact that the law can have on ordinary Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Judge Jackson is an experienced jurist and an outstanding nominee,” said Feinstein in a statement. “She embodies President Biden’s commitment to ensuring that the federal judiciary is representative of America as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Work as a public defender\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to her work as a public defender, Jackson practiced at law firms large and small and served as vice chair of the U.S. Sentencing Commission at a time when it sought to reduce the draconian penalties for crack cocaine, penalties that were 100 times more severe than for powder cocaine. At the Sentencing Commission, she earned a reputation for building consensus, and most of the panel’s decisions were unanimous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jackson, sentencing was not an abstract matter. One uncle is a former Miami police chief; another was a sex crimes detective; and her younger brother was a Baltimore police undercover agent. But her family also has had experience with the scourge of drugs. Her father’s older brother was sentenced to life in prison under a federal three-strikes law aimed at repeat drug offenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than 15 years behind bars, he contacted Jackson, by then a public defender, seeking help. According to The Washington Post, Jackson felt sympathy for her uncle, but saw no legal options for him at the time. Later, though, after learning that the law firm of Wilmer Hale was handling clemency cases free of charge, she referred her uncle to the firm. The Post quoted Wilmer Hale as saying that the case was referred “years before Judge Jackson became a federal judge” and that “she had no further involvement in the matter.” Eventually, the uncle would be one of 1,700 people whose sentences for nonviolent drug crimes were commuted by President Barack Obama, more than the past 12 presidents combined. By the time of the uncle’s release, he was 78 and in poor health. He died four months later, according to the Post.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump-era record\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2012, Jackson was nominated for a seat on the federal trial court. Her confirmation went smoothly, with numerous lawyers on the right, as well as the left, supporting the nomination. She was confirmed for the trial court by a voice vote in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a trial judge, Jackson earned a reputation for hard work, a raucous laugh and more than 500 opinions, some of them noteworthy not just for the outcome but their length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most prominent was an opinion ordering President Trump’s former White House counsel Don McGahn to appear before the House Judiciary Committee to testify in its investigation into allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 elections. In it, she wrote, “Presidents are not kings. This means that they do not have subjects bound by loyalty or blood, whose destiny they are entitled to control.” But the opinion, which numbered some 119 pages, took four months to write, allowing Trump to essentially run out the clock as president. Ultimately, McGahn did testify before the committee in 2021 after the Justice Department, by then under control of the Biden administration, and the committee reached an agreement on the terms of his testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2018 Jackson, in another decision against Trump, ruled in favor of federal employee unions that were contesting several executive orders limiting the collective bargaining rights of federal workers. A federal appeals court panel reversed her decision on grounds that the unions had to pursue their claims first through an agency administrative process, and only after that, the appeals court said, could the unions go to federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another Trump-era case, Jackson sided with the administration, concluding that the Department of Homeland Security could waive more than two dozen environmental laws in order to construct a segment of the wall along the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grilled by Senate Republicans on race\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jackson’s nomination to the D.C. Circuit also went relatively smoothly after she was nominated by President Biden last year. Still, she got quite a grilling from some conservative senators on the Judiciary Committee. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., for instance, asked her this question: “Do you think that the U.S. criminal justice system is systemically racist or is infected with systematic racism and bias?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are not terms that I use in the law when we look at issues of race,” she replied, adding that in examining whether there has been race discrimination, courts “will generally look for attorneys to prove up discriminatory intent, discriminatory impact, in some cases, retaliation. There is no Supreme Court doctrine that speaks to systemic racism,” and those “aren’t words that I’ve ever used in a court of law to make claims based under the constitution or the applicable statutes. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, asked her about her representation of clients in a case involving prisoners at Guantánamo Bay. Jackson said she filed a friend-of-the-court brief, representing 20 former federal judges who wanted to make the point that evidence obtained by torture would not have been accepted by the English courts in the system of common law that is the basis for ours. Cruz pressed further, asking her what led her to take on the case. She replied that she worked in a big firm and was assigned to represent the firm’s clients, who, in this case, were a group of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., similarly challenged her about the case, she noted that at the time she was assigned to work on it, her brother was deployed to Iraq with the military. And in a follow-up written answer, she said that she was “keenly aware” of the threat posed by the 9/11 attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, she was confirmed by a vote of 53-44, with three Republican senators supporting her — Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski and the Judiciary Committee ranking Republican, Lindsey Graham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the appeals court, she most recently was part of a unanimous panel that upheld a congressional subpoena for White House records related to the Jan. 6 riots. When Trump appealed to the Supreme Court, the justices left the lower court ruling intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From Miami to Harvard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jackson was born in Washington, D.C., where her parents were schoolteachers. They soon moved to Miami, where her father went to law school and rose to become the school board’s top lawyer, while her mother became a school principal. One of her earliest memories of the law, she has said, was sitting next to her father in the evening while he studied law books and she worked on her coloring books.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In high school, Jackson was a national oratory champion, then graduated with honors from Harvard College and Harvard Law School, where she was an editor on the law review. She clerked for three federal judges, including Justice Breyer, the man she would replace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson met her husband, Patrick Jackson, when the two were at Harvard College. He was, she says, her first “serious boyfriend” and has remained that ever since. They have two daughters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first blush, they look like an improbable couple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she put it in a charming — and candid — speech at the University of Georgia law school \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/lectures_pre_arch_lectures_house/41/\">in March 2017\u003c/a>, “Patrick is a quintessential ‘Boston Brahmin’ — his family can be traced back to England before the Mayflower. … He and his twin brother are, in fact, the sixth generation in their family to graduate from Harvard College. By contrast, I am only the second generation in my family to go to \u003cem>any\u003c/em> college, and I am fairly certain that if you traced my family lineage back past my grandparents — who were raised in Georgia, by the way — you would find that my ancestors were slaves on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal Judge Patti Saris, who hired Jackson as a law clerk straight out of law school, recalls her husband, who now looks full-on prep, as less so back then. At the time, he was a surgical resident at Massachusetts General Hospital, but he was so fascinated by his wife’s work he would often go to the courtroom after a long night on call to watch what was going on. As Saris remembers, the young doctor had often been up for 24-plus hours and looked incredibly scruffy, sitting in the back of the courtroom. Finally, one day, the judge’s courtroom marshal came up to her and whispered, “Judge, would you like me to remove the homeless man in the back row?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The doctor, a star in the surgical world today, is the first to toot his wife’s horn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brown said in that Georgia speech that being a federal judge was always her “dream job.” But after Obama nominated her in 2012, actually getting that job depended entirely on events beyond her control, namely Obama’s reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And when you add to that,” she said, “the fact that I am related by marriage to … Paul Ryan [then the House speaker], who was at that point running for vice president against President Obama, you can get the sense of what that period was like for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As difficult as that confirmation may have seemed at the time, it may in hindsight be something of a picnic compared to what she is likely to face her as a nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>KQED’s David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Ketanji+Brown+Jackson%2C+Biden%27s+Supreme+Court+nominee%2C+has+blazed+trails+all+her+life+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11906374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: Russian President Vladimir Putin tears Ukraine out of the landscape. Caption is \"Piece Keeper.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1272\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-800x530.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-1020x676.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-1536x1018.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>In what could be the biggest war in Europe since World War II, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/ukraine-russia-invasion-putin\">Russia invaded Ukraine on Thursday\u003c/a>, with airstrikes and ground battles taking place throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days earlier, Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed to be sending “peacekeeping” forces into Ukraine’s Donbas region, which borders Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An invasion of the entire country began soon after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though it is far away, \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreukraineinvasion\">this war could have very real consequences for people in the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11906374\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: Russian President Vladimir Putin tears Ukraine out of the landscape. Caption is \"Piece Keeper.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1272\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-800x530.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-1020x676.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-160x106.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/ukraine_revised_022422a_final-1536x1018.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>In what could be the biggest war in Europe since World War II, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/ukraine-russia-invasion-putin\">Russia invaded Ukraine on Thursday\u003c/a>, with airstrikes and ground battles taking place throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days earlier, Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed to be sending “peacekeeping” forces into Ukraine’s Donbas region, which borders Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An invasion of the entire country began soon after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though it is far away, \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreukraineinvasion\">this war could have very real consequences for people in the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "it-means-to-repair-what-you-should-know-about-reparations-for-black-californians",
"title": "'It Means to Repair': What You Should Know About Reparations for Black Californians",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, May 12\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#definition\">What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#taskforce\">Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#paidbefore\">Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#talkingnow\">Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#needed\">Are reparations needed?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enterunion\">Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#owed\">What is owed and who is eligible?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#looklike\">What might reparations look like? And how will compensation be granted?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#cities\">Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#happensafter\">What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations? And how can I participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap] was born and raised in California, and I feel a certain pride to be a product of this state. I’ve even considered getting a tattoo of the California produce sticker, like the neon orange ones from my youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother, who self-identifies as an Italian Jew, grew up in the suburbs of Chicago. She arrived in California in the 1970s as a divorcée with a young child in tow — my brother. My father was raised in a Catholic family in rural Kerala, India. They had a mixed-faith and mixed-race marriage, but they found a home in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My family benefited from government-subsidized housing in Palo Alto, one of the wealthiest cities in the country. My family story and personal trajectory could have been very different had either of my parents been Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the roots of racism run deep in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why I’ve been concentrating my reporting on the California Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body created to study and develop reparations proposals for Black Californians, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force, which began conducting meetings in June 2021, is a result of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">written by Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, currently California’s secretary of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11876194 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/1920_GettyImages-941502582-1020x574.jpg']Academics, who have studied the various ways in which racism and white supremacy have created lasting inequities in the state, have testified before the task force, as have people who have been affected by that racism. The meetings are creating a necessary archive of California’s history that wasn’t taught in most schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I chose to cover the task force, not only because it’s groundbreaking and its recommendations could potentially serve as a model for the rest of the country, but also because the hearings are deeply moving. There’s a disconnect between who we say we are as Californians and what we do in practice. We should unpack the history of this state and reexamine it in a way that decenters whiteness and the prevailing sanitized version of our history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important for the future of our aspiring multiracial democracy to set the record straight — and, as Amos Brown, the pastor of Third Baptist Church in San Francisco and vice chair of the task force likes to say, “return to the scene of the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The egregious discrimination and racism in California can be traced to the state’s founding. It’s necessary to look at the systems put in place by the state’s “founding fathers” that were designed to allow some to prosper and others to fail. So, when people ask me why I’m so interested in reparations, what I want to ask in return is, “Why aren’t you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]The call for reparations is specifically about race and enslavement, but it touches on basic questions of accountability and fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, California entered the union as a slavery-free state. Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/index.html\">the state benefited from the exploitation of enslaved Black and Indigenous people\u003c/a>, as documented by Gold Chains, the ACLU’s exhaustive look at the hidden history of slavery in California. The beauty and promise of the state’s beaches and palm-tree-lined educational institutions contrasts starkly with its ugly past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing ramifications of slavery are seen in the glaring disparities in the criminal justice system and health outcomes. Historical data also shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.minneapolisfed.org/research/institute-working-papers/income-and-wealth-inequality-in-america-1949-2016\">no progress has been made in reducing wealth inequalities between Black and white\u003c/a> households over the past 70 years, according to a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s coverage of the state’s reparations task force is for anyone who wonders about bigger questions like, why is there a disproportionate number of unhoused Black people? Why are incarceration rates highest for Black people? How do guns make it into Black communities? Why do Black communities lack what’s easily accessible to predominantly white communities?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grocery stores, libraries, restaurants, banks and basic investment are missing in Black communities, many that were formed because of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">discriminatory redlining policies\u003c/a>. And when investors descend on Black communities, why is it that Black people are displaced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History provides context, and yet our education system fails to trace the throughlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906238\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906238\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white image of men holding shovels standing next to a pile of rocks with a horse-drawn wagon in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-800x718.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1020x915.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1536x1378.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enslaved people work in a California gold mine in 1852. \u003ccite>(Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Why haven’t Black people been compensated for more than two centuries of enslavement and the subsequent restrictive and discriminatory laws enacted to stifle their progress?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations is an issue, ironically, that’s been used as a divisive issue, but it means to repair relationships — that should be seen as a very positive kind of thing to do,” Charles P. Henry, a professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, told me in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless you get an agreement on the basic facts of what happened, and then the acknowledgment of what happened, it’s impossible to move to the next process,” Henry continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feel any sense of pride and appreciation for this state, and the nation as a whole, then examining California’s history is essential to imagining a more equitable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I compiled this FAQ to help guide readers through understanding the work of the reparations task force, and how that work fits into the broader local and national conversations. Think of this as a living document, as I’ll be updating this space as the task force progresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"definition\">\u003c/a>What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The term “reparation” comes from “repair.” Scholars often see reparations as a form of redress that can take two forms: restitution or atonement. Restitution is often seen as concrete and monetary, while atonement focuses on the ethical, moral and intangible nature of apology. One without the other wouldn’t fly for true reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies, UC Berkeley\"]‘Reparations is an issue, ironically, that’s been used as a divisive issue — but it means to repair relationships.’[/pullquote]In modern reparations discussions, the focus is on three main principles: acknowledgment, redress and closure. For Roy L. Brooks, who provided expert testimony to the task force in September and is the author of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520343405/atonement-and-forgiveness\">Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations\u003c/a>,” a return of what has been unjustly taken is an essential element of reparations. In his book, he argues no one should be able to benefit from an injustice, and that victims should be compensated and the harm caused by the injustice removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"taskforce\">\u003c/a>Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A better question might be, why has it taken so long for the United States to study and develop reparations proposals for ancestors of the enslaved? In the wake of protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in May 2020, Shirley Weber, then a California Assemblymember, authored AB 3121. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill in September 2020, establishing the nine-member task force to examine ways California might provide reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force is expected to submit a first report to the state Legislature this summer. A final report, which is expected to include recommendations and proposals, will be submitted next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"screenshot of zoom meeting with participants faces\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during a virtual meeting on Jan. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"paidbefore\">\u003c/a>Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but not on the federal or state level for chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might’ve heard about “40 acres and a mule” before. It’s the name of Spike Lee’s film production company. Here’s where that comes from: In 1865, Special Field Order No. 15 authorized the distribution of 40-acre parcels of abandoned or confiscated land in the Confederate South to emancipated people. Some were given mules left over from the war — hence, 40 acres and a mule. After President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the \u003ca href=\"https://americanexperience.si.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Racial-Relations-during-Reconstruction_.pdf\">Southern apologist and vice president Andrew Johnson\u003c/a> assumed the presidency. He ordered that all the redistributed land be returned to the original owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the federal level, reparations were awarded by the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 in response to the incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry, many of whom were American citizens, during World War II. The legislation authorized a national apology, an education fund and individual payments of $20,000 to each surviving person who was imprisoned. Even earlier, in 1946, the federal government created the Indian Claims Commission to respond to more than 100 years of treaty violations and land theft from Indigenous peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11906015 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53414_006_KQED_ReparatioinsTaskForce_DonTamaki_02012022-qut-1020x680.jpg']Several cities across the country, including Evanston, Illinois, and Asheville, North Carolina, have created reparation programs to address harms committed locally. On the state level, in 2021, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/12/31/california-launches-program-to-compensate-survivors-of-state-sponsored-sterilization/\">allocated financial compensation for survivors of forced sterilization\u003c/a> and acknowledged the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talkingnow\">\u003c/a>Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After George Floyd’s murder and the subsequent racial reckoning, a greater awareness of structural inequities seems to have briefly seeped into the national consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discussions of systemic inequality and white supremacy gained traction in communities across the country and around the world. In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/3/11/18246741/reparations-democrats-2020-inequality-warren-harris-castro\">several Democratic candidates for president issued statements expressing different levels of support for reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, noted that public opinion polling has shifted generally to more “pro-reparations among Democrats and independents.” But he credits the development of the Black Lives Matter movement and the “embrace of white supremacy by the Trump administration” for amplifying the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black protester with pink bandana over their faces raises a fist along with other protesters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"needed\">\u003c/a>Are reparations needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without some kind of policy change and reparations, wealth inequality will continue to grow. Thomas Craemer — a public policy professor specializing in race relations and reparations at the University of Connecticut who \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kv2KNh0-_y8\">testified before California’s reparations task force in October\u003c/a> — has done calculations to understand the financial implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery produced the start-up capital for the rise of the U.S. economy at the exclusive expense of the African Americans who were enslaved,” he said. “Their descendants deserve recognition of this fact through a comprehensive federal reparations program. Whatever California can do to support the call for federal reparations to the African American descendants of the enslaved in the U.S. will be an exercise in the restoration of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any interventions, Craemer said the wealth gap could become even more pronounced. Closing the gap in California alone could cost $778.6 billion, Craemer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has there been federal legislation for reparations for Black Americans?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/12/1054889820/a-bill-to-study-reparations-for-slavery-had-momentum-in-congress-but-still-no-vo\">HR 40\u003c/a>, named after the 40 acres promise, is a bill to study reparations on the national level. It was proposed by the late John Conyers Jr., a member of Congress from Michigan, for decades — every year since 1989 until he left office in 2017. In 2018, Sheila Jackson Lee, a member of Congress from Texas, took up the mantle. If passed, HR 40 would establish a 13-person commission to study the effects of slavery and racial discrimination in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enterunion\">\u003c/a>Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When California became a state in 1850, enslaved people had already been imported to the state. The ACLU’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/index.html\">Gold Chains podcast\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-meeting-materials-0921-part3.pdf\">testimony\u003c/a> to the state’s reparations task force from Stacy L. Smith, a USC professor and founder of the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, provide an in-depth look at this early history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11905371 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/CA-capitol-building-1020x574.jpg']Smith’s testimony detailed how California’s early state government protected the institution of slavery and severely restricted Black people’s civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s state constitution proclaimed that “neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State,” little was done to stop the violent exploitation of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"owed\">\u003c/a>What is owed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are many different calculations used to determine what the cost of labor would be in today’s terms. Some include calculations for unpaid wages, the purchase prices of human property or the land promised to the formerly enslaved. National estimates range from \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2020/08/12/slavery-reparations-cost-us-government-10-to-12-trillion.html\">$10 trillion\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://magazine.uconn.edu/2020/06/15/the-new-reparations-math/#\">$14 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the February meeting, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a> — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations. The definition of the community of eligibility is “based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, who introduced the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the task force has not yet determined what the formula for proving lineage will be. The criteria outlined by the authors of “From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., provides one model. Darity, a professor of public policy and economics at Duke, and Mullen, a writer and folklorist, suggest eligibility on a federal level be based on two factors: American citizens should establish that they had at least one enslaved ancestor after the formation of the republic, and they would have to prove they self-identified as Black or African American at least 12 years before a reparations program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who has testified to California’s reparations task force?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of February, over 30 people have provided their expertise. Some names that might be familiar include the following (click a name to watch their testimony):\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NRosq_2GCE\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of “The Warmth of Other Suns” and “Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oUE91a3cf_c\">Mehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, UC Irvine law professor and author of “The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap“\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/manage/videos/670990780?embedded=false&source=video_title&owner=5065180\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, internet studies scholar and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/vRtsUTLhqbc\">William Spriggs\u003c/a>, economics professor at Howard University and chief economist for the AFL-CIO\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/t72wzjJnIBo\">Rucker Johnson\u003c/a>, professor of public policy in the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/uEaNq95dXHk\">Daina Ramey Berry\u003c/a>, chair of the history department at the University of Texas at Austin\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ao5any6D97c\">Darrick Hamilton\u003c/a>, professor of economics and urban policy at the New School for Social Research\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A full list of those who have testified \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">is available on the California Department of Justice website\u003c/a> under each meeting date.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"looklike\">\u003c/a>What might reparations look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the chair of California’s reparations task force, told KQED in a recent interview that reparations could look like direct payments, subsidies for free mental health care and other forms of restitution such as the return of land, similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891836/a-black-family-got-their-beach-back-and-inspired-others-to-fight-against-land-theft\">case of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11891836 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/brucebeach_npr146-a9c2f203ff6c47e533d385d9548763cc026c8fc0-1020x764.jpg']Reparations might also take the form of policy changes in policing and sentencing. People who have testified before the task force have brought up education subsidies, support for genealogy studies, reinvestment and funding for archiving and preserving arts and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will compensation be granted?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The task force is working with a team of economists to decide how to compensate descendants of enslaved people and what financial models will be used to come up with a number. Many advocates and scholars believe that it would be best to have a federal reparations process instead of multiple separate state and local initiatives for the purpose of compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"cities\">\u003c/a>Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some cities have established programs and committees to examine reparatory justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe San Francisco Board of Supervisors established the 15-member \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/public-body/african-american-reparations-advisory-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco African American Reparations Advisory Committee\u003c/a> in December 2020. The advisory committee holds public meetings on the second Monday of the month and submitted its \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/AA%20Reparations%20Advisory%20Committee%20-%20December%202021%20Update%20FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first report\u003c/a> in December 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Berkeley City Council voted in March 2022 to allocate $350,000 for a consultant to design and implement a reparations process. The consultant is tasked with holding symposiums for the public about the generational wealth gap, barriers to economic mobility and systemic racism. They will also work with the community to make policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel it in my DNA. I feel like the people before me … whose bones are in the ground are humming right now,” said City Council member Ben Bartlett, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett hopes to have someone in place before 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn 2021, the Hayward City Council apologized for the harms from the real estate and banking industry against African Americans and other people of color. The Hayward Community Services Commission also created a list of 10 steps the city could take to address historical racism. Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred by the actions of residents like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other local initiatives in Oakland, Alameda County, Compton and San Diego. Some argue that programs like Stockton’s universal basic income effort provide a form of reparatory justice. But since UBI programs are not specifically targeted toward descendants of enslaved people, they don’t meet the full definition of both restitution and atonement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Is there a local initiative in your community or city you would like to share? Let us know: Lsarah@kqed.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"happensafter\">\u003c/a>What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It will be up to the Legislature to decide whether or not to implement policy change or act upon the recommendations from the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets to participate?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898258/how-to-participate-in-californias-reparations-task-force-meetings\">get involved\u003c/a>, such as watching meetings online and participating in public comment. But there’s also a bigger push to hear from African Americans in California through listening sessions across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the state reparations task force, in partnership with the UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, will begin conducting sessions to hear from individuals. The session logistics are still being worked out, but the basic goal is to hear from California’s diverse Black communities about how the legacy of slavery has affected their lives and how they’d like to see California work to make it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I stay informed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By watching this space, of course. You also can keep an eye on the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a statewide coalition of organizations and one of the anchor organizations working with the task force, to stay informed about upcoming events and listening sessions. California’s Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">shares information from each meeting\u003c/a>, including meeting materials with a detailed agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, May 12\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations in California\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Skip straight to: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#definition\">What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#taskforce\">Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#paidbefore\">Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#talkingnow\">Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#needed\">Are reparations needed?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enterunion\">Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#owed\">What is owed and who is eligible?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#looklike\">What might reparations look like? And how will compensation be granted?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#cities\">Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#happensafter\">What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations? And how can I participate?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> was born and raised in California, and I feel a certain pride to be a product of this state. I’ve even considered getting a tattoo of the California produce sticker, like the neon orange ones from my youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My mother, who self-identifies as an Italian Jew, grew up in the suburbs of Chicago. She arrived in California in the 1970s as a divorcée with a young child in tow — my brother. My father was raised in a Catholic family in rural Kerala, India. They had a mixed-faith and mixed-race marriage, but they found a home in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My family benefited from government-subsidized housing in Palo Alto, one of the wealthiest cities in the country. My family story and personal trajectory could have been very different had either of my parents been Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the roots of racism run deep in this state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why I’ve been concentrating my reporting on the California Reparations Task Force, a nine-member body created to study and develop reparations proposals for Black Californians, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force, which began conducting meetings in June 2021, is a result of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a>, a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">written by Shirley Weber\u003c/a>, currently California’s secretary of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Academics, who have studied the various ways in which racism and white supremacy have created lasting inequities in the state, have testified before the task force, as have people who have been affected by that racism. The meetings are creating a necessary archive of California’s history that wasn’t taught in most schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I chose to cover the task force, not only because it’s groundbreaking and its recommendations could potentially serve as a model for the rest of the country, but also because the hearings are deeply moving. There’s a disconnect between who we say we are as Californians and what we do in practice. We should unpack the history of this state and reexamine it in a way that decenters whiteness and the prevailing sanitized version of our history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important for the future of our aspiring multiracial democracy to set the record straight — and, as Amos Brown, the pastor of Third Baptist Church in San Francisco and vice chair of the task force likes to say, “return to the scene of the crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The egregious discrimination and racism in California can be traced to the state’s founding. It’s necessary to look at the systems put in place by the state’s “founding fathers” that were designed to allow some to prosper and others to fail. So, when people ask me why I’m so interested in reparations, what I want to ask in return is, “Why aren’t you?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The call for reparations is specifically about race and enslavement, but it touches on basic questions of accountability and fairness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, California entered the union as a slavery-free state. Still, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/index.html\">the state benefited from the exploitation of enslaved Black and Indigenous people\u003c/a>, as documented by Gold Chains, the ACLU’s exhaustive look at the hidden history of slavery in California. The beauty and promise of the state’s beaches and palm-tree-lined educational institutions contrasts starkly with its ugly past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing ramifications of slavery are seen in the glaring disparities in the criminal justice system and health outcomes. Historical data also shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.minneapolisfed.org/research/institute-working-papers/income-and-wealth-inequality-in-america-1949-2016\">no progress has been made in reducing wealth inequalities between Black and white\u003c/a> households over the past 70 years, according to a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s coverage of the state’s reparations task force is for anyone who wonders about bigger questions like, why is there a disproportionate number of unhoused Black people? Why are incarceration rates highest for Black people? How do guns make it into Black communities? Why do Black communities lack what’s easily accessible to predominantly white communities?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grocery stores, libraries, restaurants, banks and basic investment are missing in Black communities, many that were formed because of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">discriminatory redlining policies\u003c/a>. And when investors descend on Black communities, why is it that Black people are displaced?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>History provides context, and yet our education system fails to trace the throughlines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906238\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906238\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg\" alt=\"Black and white image of men holding shovels standing next to a pile of rocks with a horse-drawn wagon in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1722\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-800x718.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1020x915.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-160x144.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/SlavesMine-1536x1378.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enslaved people work in a California gold mine in 1852. \u003ccite>(Universal Images Group via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Why haven’t Black people been compensated for more than two centuries of enslavement and the subsequent restrictive and discriminatory laws enacted to stifle their progress?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reparations is an issue, ironically, that’s been used as a divisive issue, but it means to repair relationships — that should be seen as a very positive kind of thing to do,” Charles P. Henry, a professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, told me in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless you get an agreement on the basic facts of what happened, and then the acknowledgment of what happened, it’s impossible to move to the next process,” Henry continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you feel any sense of pride and appreciation for this state, and the nation as a whole, then examining California’s history is essential to imagining a more equitable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I compiled this FAQ to help guide readers through understanding the work of the reparations task force, and how that work fits into the broader local and national conversations. Think of this as a living document, as I’ll be updating this space as the task force progresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"definition\">\u003c/a>What’s the definition of reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The term “reparation” comes from “repair.” Scholars often see reparations as a form of redress that can take two forms: restitution or atonement. Restitution is often seen as concrete and monetary, while atonement focuses on the ethical, moral and intangible nature of apology. One without the other wouldn’t fly for true reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In modern reparations discussions, the focus is on three main principles: acknowledgment, redress and closure. For Roy L. Brooks, who provided expert testimony to the task force in September and is the author of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520343405/atonement-and-forgiveness\">Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations\u003c/a>,” a return of what has been unjustly taken is an essential element of reparations. In his book, he argues no one should be able to benefit from an injustice, and that victims should be compensated and the harm caused by the injustice removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"taskforce\">\u003c/a>Why did California create a task force to study reparations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A better question might be, why has it taken so long for the United States to study and develop reparations proposals for ancestors of the enslaved? In the wake of protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in May 2020, Shirley Weber, then a California Assemblymember, authored AB 3121. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill in September 2020, establishing the nine-member task force to examine ways California might provide reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force is expected to submit a first report to the state Legislature this summer. A final report, which is expected to include recommendations and proposals, will be submitted next summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906229\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"screenshot of zoom meeting with participants faces\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53402_001_KQED_CAReparatioinsTaskForce_01282022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the California Reparations Task Force listen to public comment during a virtual meeting on Jan. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"paidbefore\">\u003c/a>Have reparations been paid before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but not on the federal or state level for chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might’ve heard about “40 acres and a mule” before. It’s the name of Spike Lee’s film production company. Here’s where that comes from: In 1865, Special Field Order No. 15 authorized the distribution of 40-acre parcels of abandoned or confiscated land in the Confederate South to emancipated people. Some were given mules left over from the war — hence, 40 acres and a mule. After President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the \u003ca href=\"https://americanexperience.si.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Racial-Relations-during-Reconstruction_.pdf\">Southern apologist and vice president Andrew Johnson\u003c/a> assumed the presidency. He ordered that all the redistributed land be returned to the original owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the federal level, reparations were awarded by the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 in response to the incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry, many of whom were American citizens, during World War II. The legislation authorized a national apology, an education fund and individual payments of $20,000 to each surviving person who was imprisoned. Even earlier, in 1946, the federal government created the Indian Claims Commission to respond to more than 100 years of treaty violations and land theft from Indigenous peoples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Several cities across the country, including Evanston, Illinois, and Asheville, North Carolina, have created reparation programs to address harms committed locally. On the state level, in 2021, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/12/31/california-launches-program-to-compensate-survivors-of-state-sponsored-sterilization/\">allocated financial compensation for survivors of forced sterilization\u003c/a> and acknowledged the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"talkingnow\">\u003c/a>Why are we talking about reparations now when slavery ended so long ago?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After George Floyd’s murder and the subsequent racial reckoning, a greater awareness of structural inequities seems to have briefly seeped into the national consciousness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discussions of systemic inequality and white supremacy gained traction in communities across the country and around the world. In 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/3/11/18246741/reparations-democrats-2020-inequality-warren-harris-castro\">several Democratic candidates for president issued statements expressing different levels of support for reparations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles P. Henry, professor emeritus of African American Studies at UC Berkeley, noted that public opinion polling has shifted generally to more “pro-reparations among Democrats and independents.” But he credits the development of the Black Lives Matter movement and the “embrace of white supremacy by the Trump administration” for amplifying the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11906233\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11906233\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black protester with pink bandana over their faces raises a fist along with other protesters\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS43421_005_KQED_Oakland_GeorgeFloydProtest_05292020-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in downtown Oakland on May 29, 2020, during a protest over the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"needed\">\u003c/a>Are reparations needed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without some kind of policy change and reparations, wealth inequality will continue to grow. Thomas Craemer — a public policy professor specializing in race relations and reparations at the University of Connecticut who \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kv2KNh0-_y8\">testified before California’s reparations task force in October\u003c/a> — has done calculations to understand the financial implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery produced the start-up capital for the rise of the U.S. economy at the exclusive expense of the African Americans who were enslaved,” he said. “Their descendants deserve recognition of this fact through a comprehensive federal reparations program. Whatever California can do to support the call for federal reparations to the African American descendants of the enslaved in the U.S. will be an exercise in the restoration of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without any interventions, Craemer said the wealth gap could become even more pronounced. Closing the gap in California alone could cost $778.6 billion, Craemer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has there been federal legislation for reparations for Black Americans?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/12/1054889820/a-bill-to-study-reparations-for-slavery-had-momentum-in-congress-but-still-no-vo\">HR 40\u003c/a>, named after the 40 acres promise, is a bill to study reparations on the national level. It was proposed by the late John Conyers Jr., a member of Congress from Michigan, for decades — every year since 1989 until he left office in 2017. In 2018, Sheila Jackson Lee, a member of Congress from Texas, took up the mantle. If passed, HR 40 would establish a 13-person commission to study the effects of slavery and racial discrimination in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enterunion\">\u003c/a>Didn’t California enter the union as a slavery-free state?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When California became a state in 1850, enslaved people had already been imported to the state. The ACLU’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/index.html\">Gold Chains podcast\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-meeting-materials-0921-part3.pdf\">testimony\u003c/a> to the state’s reparations task force from Stacy L. Smith, a USC professor and founder of the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, provide an in-depth look at this early history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Smith’s testimony detailed how California’s early state government protected the institution of slavery and severely restricted Black people’s civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s state constitution proclaimed that “neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State,” little was done to stop the violent exploitation of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"owed\">\u003c/a>What is owed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are many different calculations used to determine what the cost of labor would be in today’s terms. Some include calculations for unpaid wages, the purchase prices of human property or the land promised to the formerly enslaved. National estimates range from \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2020/08/12/slavery-reparations-cost-us-government-10-to-12-trillion.html\">$10 trillion\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://magazine.uconn.edu/2020/06/15/the-new-reparations-math/#\">$14 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be eligible?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the February meeting, the task force \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909471/unpacking-reparations-eligibility-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations\u003c/a> — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations. The definition of the community of eligibility is “based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, who introduced the motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the task force has not yet determined what the formula for proving lineage will be. The criteria outlined by the authors of “From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., provides one model. Darity, a professor of public policy and economics at Duke, and Mullen, a writer and folklorist, suggest eligibility on a federal level be based on two factors: American citizens should establish that they had at least one enslaved ancestor after the formation of the republic, and they would have to prove they self-identified as Black or African American at least 12 years before a reparations program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who has testified to California’s reparations task force?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of February, over 30 people have provided their expertise. Some names that might be familiar include the following (click a name to watch their testimony):\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8NRosq_2GCE\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of “The Warmth of Other Suns” and “Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oUE91a3cf_c\">Mehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, UC Irvine law professor and author of “The Color of Money: Black Banks and the Racial Wealth Gap“\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/manage/videos/670990780?embedded=false&source=video_title&owner=5065180\">Safiya U. Noble\u003c/a>, internet studies scholar and professor of gender studies and African American studies at UCLA\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/vRtsUTLhqbc\">William Spriggs\u003c/a>, economics professor at Howard University and chief economist for the AFL-CIO\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/t72wzjJnIBo\">Rucker Johnson\u003c/a>, professor of public policy in the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/uEaNq95dXHk\">Daina Ramey Berry\u003c/a>, chair of the history department at the University of Texas at Austin\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ao5any6D97c\">Darrick Hamilton\u003c/a>, professor of economics and urban policy at the New School for Social Research\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A full list of those who have testified \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">is available on the California Department of Justice website\u003c/a> under each meeting date.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"looklike\">\u003c/a>What might reparations look like?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the chair of California’s reparations task force, told KQED in a recent interview that reparations could look like direct payments, subsidies for free mental health care and other forms of restitution such as the return of land, similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891836/a-black-family-got-their-beach-back-and-inspired-others-to-fight-against-land-theft\">case of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Reparations might also take the form of policy changes in policing and sentencing. People who have testified before the task force have brought up education subsidies, support for genealogy studies, reinvestment and funding for archiving and preserving arts and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How will compensation be granted?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The task force is working with a team of economists to decide how to compensate descendants of enslaved people and what financial models will be used to come up with a number. Many advocates and scholars believe that it would be best to have a federal reparations process instead of multiple separate state and local initiatives for the purpose of compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"cities\">\u003c/a>Do California cities have their own reparations programs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some cities have established programs and committees to examine reparatory justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe San Francisco Board of Supervisors established the 15-member \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/public-body/african-american-reparations-advisory-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">San Francisco African American Reparations Advisory Committee\u003c/a> in December 2020. The advisory committee holds public meetings on the second Monday of the month and submitted its \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/AA%20Reparations%20Advisory%20Committee%20-%20December%202021%20Update%20FINAL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first report\u003c/a> in December 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Berkeley City Council voted in March 2022 to allocate $350,000 for a consultant to design and implement a reparations process. The consultant is tasked with holding symposiums for the public about the generational wealth gap, barriers to economic mobility and systemic racism. They will also work with the community to make policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel it in my DNA. I feel like the people before me … whose bones are in the ground are humming right now,” said City Council member Ben Bartlett, who authored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartlett hopes to have someone in place before 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hayward\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn 2021, the Hayward City Council apologized for the harms from the real estate and banking industry against African Americans and other people of color. The Hayward Community Services Commission also created a list of 10 steps the city could take to address historical racism. Hayward’s formal apology to Russell City residents and their descendants was spurred by the actions of residents like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Artavia Berry, chair of the Hayward Community Services Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other local initiatives in Oakland, Alameda County, Compton and San Diego. Some argue that programs like Stockton’s universal basic income effort provide a form of reparatory justice. But since UBI programs are not specifically targeted toward descendants of enslaved people, they don’t meet the full definition of both restitution and atonement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Is there a local initiative in your community or city you would like to share? Let us know: Lsarah@kqed.org\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"happensafter\">\u003c/a>What happens after the task force delivers its recommendations?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It will be up to the Legislature to decide whether or not to implement policy change or act upon the recommendations from the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who gets to participate?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are a few different ways to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11898258/how-to-participate-in-californias-reparations-task-force-meetings\">get involved\u003c/a>, such as watching meetings online and participating in public comment. But there’s also a bigger push to hear from African Americans in California through listening sessions across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, the state reparations task force, in partnership with the UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Center for African American Studies, will begin conducting sessions to hear from individuals. The session logistics are still being worked out, but the basic goal is to hear from California’s diverse Black communities about how the legacy of slavery has affected their lives and how they’d like to see California work to make it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I stay informed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By watching this space, of course. You also can keep an eye on the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a statewide coalition of organizations and one of the anchor organizations working with the task force, to stay informed about upcoming events and listening sessions. California’s Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">shares information from each meeting\u003c/a>, including meeting materials with a detailed agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How California Judge Leondra Kruger Rose to Be on Biden's Supreme Court Short List",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Supreme Court Justice Leondra Kruger is hardly a household name. But to those who know her well, it is no surprise that she’s on President Biden’s short list to fill the seat of retiring U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a vacancy on the California Supreme Court opened up in 2014, then-Gov. Jerry Brown spent months searching for a replacement. Kruger — then 38 years old — was living on the East Coast, working for the solicitor general’s office in the Obama Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I met her, I was very impressed,” Brown said in 2019 after he left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown nominated her, there was some grumbling that he didn’t choose an attorney or judge practicing in California — a criticism Brown brushed off. “I don’t think you’ve heard a peep of criticism,” he said. “[She’s] very independent, very well reasoned, very well prepared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born and raised in Pasadena, Kruger graduated from Harvard before heading to Yale Law School. Common descriptions of her tend to say she’s studious, serious and focused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very quiet. She’s reserved. She is, I think, more of a shy personality,” said NYU School of Law professor Melissa Murray. Murray was at Yale when Kruger became editor-in-chief of the Yale Law Journal — the first Black woman to hold that prestigious position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a really exciting moment, a real accomplishment, not just for her, but I think we all sort of took great pride in what she was able to accomplish,” Murray recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray said she and Kruger bonded at Yale over their common family background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her mother was from Jamaica. Both of my parents are from Jamaica, so I think we initially talked about that,” Murray said. “She had basically grown up in California in the Los Angeles area, the daughter of two doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Murray was teaching at Berkeley Law and heard the criticism when Brown picked Kruger — a Washington, D.C., lawyer instead of one working in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wasn’t a carpetbagging situation,” Murray said. “She was impeccably qualified and this was a governor who I think was incredibly determined to put his stamp on the judiciary. And he did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_10386867]After graduating from Yale, Kruger clerked for U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens. UC Hastings law school professor Rory Little, who worked for Stevens years earlier, said Kruger has exactly the right temperament for the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s kind of unflappably gracious, but also incredibly smart, just incisively smart and perceptive,” Little told KQED. “To me, she’s everything you might want in a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a state Supreme Court Justice, Kruger has held nuanced, sometimes cautious positions. When the court has been divided, she has often joined colleagues appointed by Democratic governors, but not always. Rory Little said Kruger does not look at cases through a political lens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not who Leondra is,” Little said. “She is apolitical. I mean, I don’t think anybody can find anything in her record where she comments on things politically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fatima Goss Graves, president and CEO of the National Women’s Law Center in Washington, also attended Yale with Kruger. She said having President Biden name a Black woman to the Supreme Court fills her with pride, whether it’s Kruger or someone else on the short list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And part of that pride comes from the fact that we have long known many people who would have been well qualified and would have made the Supreme Court better, but who were never considered,” Graves said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have already been misplaced criticisms from conservatives, who say that because Biden has committed to naming a Black woman that he’s somehow picking someone less qualified — a ridiculous notion given the credentials of the women he’s considering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Professor Little said no matter what they throw at her, Kruger will be ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s not going to lose her cool during a Senate confirmation hearing and sort of lash out at the people on the panel. She’s not that kind of person, no matter what they say,” Little predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Biden chooses her and she is confirmed, Kruger would be the youngest justice on the court at age 45. She would also join a short list of Supreme Court justices who came from state courts — a list that includes Arizona’s Sandra Day O’Connor and David Souter of New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Supreme Court Justice Leondra Kruger is hardly a household name. But to those who know her well, it is no surprise that she’s on President Biden’s short list to fill the seat of retiring U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a vacancy on the California Supreme Court opened up in 2014, then-Gov. Jerry Brown spent months searching for a replacement. Kruger — then 38 years old — was living on the East Coast, working for the solicitor general’s office in the Obama Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I met her, I was very impressed,” Brown said in 2019 after he left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown nominated her, there was some grumbling that he didn’t choose an attorney or judge practicing in California — a criticism Brown brushed off. “I don’t think you’ve heard a peep of criticism,” he said. “[She’s] very independent, very well reasoned, very well prepared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born and raised in Pasadena, Kruger graduated from Harvard before heading to Yale Law School. Common descriptions of her tend to say she’s studious, serious and focused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very quiet. She’s reserved. She is, I think, more of a shy personality,” said NYU School of Law professor Melissa Murray. Murray was at Yale when Kruger became editor-in-chief of the Yale Law Journal — the first Black woman to hold that prestigious position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a really exciting moment, a real accomplishment, not just for her, but I think we all sort of took great pride in what she was able to accomplish,” Murray recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray said she and Kruger bonded at Yale over their common family background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her mother was from Jamaica. Both of my parents are from Jamaica, so I think we initially talked about that,” Murray said. “She had basically grown up in California in the Los Angeles area, the daughter of two doctors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Murray was teaching at Berkeley Law and heard the criticism when Brown picked Kruger — a Washington, D.C., lawyer instead of one working in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wasn’t a carpetbagging situation,” Murray said. “She was impeccably qualified and this was a governor who I think was incredibly determined to put his stamp on the judiciary. And he did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After graduating from Yale, Kruger clerked for U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens. UC Hastings law school professor Rory Little, who worked for Stevens years earlier, said Kruger has exactly the right temperament for the bench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s kind of unflappably gracious, but also incredibly smart, just incisively smart and perceptive,” Little told KQED. “To me, she’s everything you might want in a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a state Supreme Court Justice, Kruger has held nuanced, sometimes cautious positions. When the court has been divided, she has often joined colleagues appointed by Democratic governors, but not always. Rory Little said Kruger does not look at cases through a political lens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not who Leondra is,” Little said. “She is apolitical. I mean, I don’t think anybody can find anything in her record where she comments on things politically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fatima Goss Graves, president and CEO of the National Women’s Law Center in Washington, also attended Yale with Kruger. She said having President Biden name a Black woman to the Supreme Court fills her with pride, whether it’s Kruger or someone else on the short list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And part of that pride comes from the fact that we have long known many people who would have been well qualified and would have made the Supreme Court better, but who were never considered,” Graves said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have already been misplaced criticisms from conservatives, who say that because Biden has committed to naming a Black woman that he’s somehow picking someone less qualified — a ridiculous notion given the credentials of the women he’s considering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Professor Little said no matter what they throw at her, Kruger will be ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s not going to lose her cool during a Senate confirmation hearing and sort of lash out at the people on the panel. She’s not that kind of person, no matter what they say,” Little predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Biden chooses her and she is confirmed, Kruger would be the youngest justice on the court at age 45. She would also join a short list of Supreme Court justices who came from state courts — a list that includes Arizona’s Sandra Day O’Connor and David Souter of New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "More Bay Area Officers Are Being Prosecuted for Killing People. Does This Really Signal a Shift in Police Accountability?",
"title": "More Bay Area Officers Are Being Prosecuted for Killing People. Does This Really Signal a Shift in Police Accountability?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Cleo Moore, wearing a faded T-shirt, answered the door of her Daly City home just south of San Francisco on a recent February afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shirt had a screen-print photo of Sean Moore, her deceased youngest son, who is wearing a baseball uniform and posing in a batting stance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a human being,” she said. “He wasn’t a dog to be shot down like he was shot down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cristine Soto DeBerry, Prosecutors Alliance of California\"]'It really was not the central focus of most prosecutors' offices anywhere to think about, 'How well am I regulating police excessive use of force?' That was not a commonly held conversation in the profession.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Moore was raised in a family of San Francisco public servants. Cleo, his mother, spent four decades as a nurse at San Francisco General Hospital. His father, the late Loyce Amos Moore, worked for Muni for 30 years. His older half-brother, Kenneth Blackmon, recently retired from the San Francisco Juvenile Probation Department after 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleo said she often worked alongside police officers and sheriff’s deputies at the hospital, and her father and brother were law enforcement officers in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not against police officers,” she said. “There’s a need for good police officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she is glad that over four years after her youngest son was shot by a San Francisco police officer, and a year after he died from complications of the gunshot wound, the officer was recently charged with manslaughter for his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it had been Sean that had done what this officer did, he wouldn’t see the light of day. He’s no different,” Cleo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges against San Francisco Police Officer Kenneth Cha for shooting Sean Moore are part of a new wave of police prosecutions in the Bay Area that come during a major shift in police accountability in California and the rest of the country. Before the 2020 public murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin reignited a nationwide protest movement against police violence, it would have been unusual to see even one of these manslaughter cases brought to trial. These recent cases may chart the course for police prosecutions moving forward, setting new guardrails for officer use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facts of the five Bay Area cases charged since Floyd’s death vary. All concern killings that occurred before Floyd’s death, the earliest reaching back five years. Three of the people killed were Black men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905905\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2071px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11905905\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png\" alt=\"A chart of recent cases against Bay Area police officers who killed suspects.\" width=\"2071\" height=\"1945\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png 2071w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--800x751.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1020x958.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--160x150.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1536x1443.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--2048x1923.png 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1920x1803.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2071px) 100vw, 2071px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic by Sukey Lewis and Matthew Green/KQED\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>San Leandro Police Officer Jason Fletcher tased and then shot Steven Taylor as he held a baseball bat inside a San Leandro Walmart in 2020.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount choked David Ward through the window of his car after a chase in Sonoma County in 2019.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contra Costa County Sheriff's Deputy Andrew Hall shot at Laudemer Arboleda eight times in 2018 as the man drove into a gap between two police cars and Hall ran into the vehicle’s path.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rookie San Francisco Police Officer Christopher Samayoa fatally shot Keita O’Neil as he fled after allegedly stealing a lottery van in San Francisco in 2017.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>San Francisco Police Officer Kenneth Cha shot Sean Moore in the stomach and the groin in 2017 after responding to a noise complaint at Moore’s home.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance of California, a group that advocates for progressive criminal justice reforms, said many district attorneys are paying attention to police killings more closely than they ever have before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really was not the central focus of most prosecutors’ offices anywhere to think about, ‘How well am I regulating police excessive use of force?’” DeBerry said. “That was not a commonly held conversation in the profession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she says, it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Necessary vs. reasonable \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alameda County’s prosecution of San Leandro Police Officer Jason Fletcher is the singular Bay Area case that relies on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB392\">Assembly Bill 392\u003c/a>, a 2020 state law that only justifies the use of deadly force when an officer believes, “based on the totality of the circumstances, that such force is necessary,” as opposed to the previous standard of “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecution is widely seen as a test case for California’s new standard, which is the strictest in the country, and could inspire changes in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 18, 2020, Fletcher responded to calls from a Walmart in San Leandro, reporting a man holding a baseball bat. Body camera footage showed the suspect, Steven Taylor, standing by shopping carts near the front of the store, still holding the bat, as Fletcher arrived at the scene, alone. Critically, Fletcher made the decision to move toward the 33-year-old Black man, telling him to “drop the bat,” and then trying to grab it from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You're going to have to, you’re going to have to,” Taylor said, according to a bystander’s cellphone video of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher then tased Taylor twice, and then shot him once as he staggered forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the standard of the new law, a district attorney must consider the “totality of circumstances” leading up to the moment an officer shoots, including decisions the officer makes. Fletcher engaged Taylor without waiting for backup to arrive, and he failed to try to deescalate the situation, according to subsequent criminal and administrative investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was comin’ to kill me,” Fletcher said, according to a partial transcript of his interview with criminal investigators that was made public. “He’s not coming to give me a hug. He’s not comin’ to say, ‘Hey, sorry about that.’ He’s got wires in him. I’ve shocked the shit out of him twice. I don’t know if he’s crazy. I don’t know if he’s on drugs. He’s comin’ to kill me. And I’m not gonna die in a fuckin’ Walmart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County District Attorney’s Office investigation, however, found that Taylor “posed no threat of imminent deadly force or serious bodily injury to defendant Fletcher or anyone else in the store,” it said in a press release, announcing the decision to charge Taylor with voluntary manslaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher has pleaded not guilty. His lawyer declined to comment for this story. A judge is expected to set a trial date in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While none of his deputies are charged, Alameda County Sheriff Greg Ahern said law enforcement leaders like him are paying close attention to the rise in officer prosecutions. He declined to comment directly on Fletcher’s case, but said those in law enforcement often evaluate fatal incidents differently from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's difficult to get into that officer's mind unless you've actually been in law enforcement — if you haven't been in those dangers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progressive prosecution\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 3, 2018, Laudemer Arboleda fled from a traffic stop in the East Bay suburb of Danville. At the end of a low-speed car chase, he steered his car into a gap between two patrol cars. Contra Costa County Sheriff's Deputy Andrew Hall ran around the front of one of the cars, putting himself in the path of Arboleda’s slow-moving vehicle before shooting him nine times, killing him.[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"police-killings\"]It wasn’t until April 21, 2021, that Contra Costa County District Attorney Diana Becton filed charges against Hall, the same day the sheriff’s office released video of Hall fatally shooting another man, Tyrell Wilson, the month before. Becton, a member of DeBerry’s progressive Prosecutors Alliance, announced charges against Hall the day after Derek Chauvin was convicted of murdering George Floyd in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hall’s actions underscore the need for a continued focus on de-escalation training and improved coordinated responses to individuals suffering from mental illness,” Becton said in her charging announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did not respond to emails requesting comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although national data is unreliable, research from the national Treatment Advocacy Center, a mental health advocacy group, estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/overlooked-in-the-undercounted\">people with a serious mental illness are 16 times more likely to be killed in encounters with law enforcement\u003c/a>. In some cities, as many as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/147854/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\">half of the people shot and killed by police are experiencing a psychiatric crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In four of the five Bay Area cases that have recently been prosecuted, the person killed was determined to be experiencing psychiatric distress or suffering from ongoing mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury found Hall guilty of assault with a firearm but deadlocked on the higher charge of voluntary manslaughter. Still, Hall faces up to 17 years in prison, with sentencing scheduled for early March. Hall’s lawyer declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, also a member of the Prosecutors Alliance, has filed charges against two officers for killing Black men who were not armed. Statistics collected by The Washington Post show that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings-database/?itid=lb_police-reform-in-america_2\">Black people in the U.S. are fatally shot by police at more than twice the rate of white people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Samayoa, the San Francisco police officer who fatally shot 42-year-old Keita O'Neil on Dec. 1, 2017, faces manslaughter and assault charges. The incident occurred after O’Neil, who was later found to be unarmed, ditched a state lottery van he’d allegedly stolen and started running. As O'Neil tried to flee, Samayoa shot at him through the passenger window of his police car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police department fired Samayoa, still a probationary officer, in early 2018. His lawyer declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Kenneth Cha, the other officer charged by Boudin, shot Sean Moore on Jan. 6, 2017, after responding to a neighbor’s noise complaint. From behind a metal door grate, Moore told Cha and his partner to leave and shouted obscenities at them, body camera video of the incident shows. The two officers then retreated, but subsequently climbed back up the steps and tried to detain Moore when he opened the door to pick something up outside. When Moore began to fight with the officers, Cha fired twice, hitting him in the stomach and the groin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin charges that officers overstepped their legal authority when they went back up the steps to Moore’s residence after being told to leave. Cha’s lawyer did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, we have a right,” Moore’s mother, Cleo, said. “We're Black, but we have a right. We are honest, working people. My son had a nice, honest education. He can't control that he had a mental illness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore, who was diagnosed with schizophrenia, died in San Quentin State Prison in 2020, where he was serving time on unrelated charges. The coroner found that complications from the 3-year-old gunshot wound caused Moore’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These prosecutions may have political ramifications for district attorneys. In San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904694/sf-police-commission-grills-police-chief-resolution-in-fight-with-da-remains-out-of-reach\">police chief recently moved to sever an agreement that allowed the DA’s office\u003c/a> to take the lead on police killings and use-of-force investigations, accusing Boudin’s office of violating the agreement by withholding information from the police department. The DA has denied violating the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public trust in law enforcement requires equal enforcement of the law,” Boudin said. “It requires that we dispassionately and neutrally look at police use-of-force cases and evaluate whether the force used was proportionate and lawful under the circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>New evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the recent rise in police prosecutions, according to DeBerry, is the widespread adoption of body cameras and the ubiquity of bystanders recording video, yielding footage that can provide key evidence beyond the word of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the recent officer prosecutions in the Bay Area rely heavily on body camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial of former Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount, the jury was shown disturbing footage in which Blount reached through the window of David Ward’s car to try to pull him out, before repeatedly slamming Ward's head against the side of the vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the driver’s side window, Blount then wrapped his arms around Ward’s neck in an unorthodox hold — a maneuver that has since been banned in California — until Ward lost consciousness. Ward never woke up and was pronounced dead at a nearby hospital about an hour later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Chesa Boudin, San Francisco district attorney\"]'Public trust in law enforcement requires equal enforcement of the law. It requires that we dispassionately and neutrally look at police use-of-force cases and evaluate whether the force used was proportionate and lawful under the circumstances.'[/pullquote]Officers began their seven-minute pursuit of Ward based on reports that the car he was driving had been stolen in an armed carjacking. But moments after the struggle, as Ward lay handcuffed and unresponsive on the ground, another deputy recognized him and told Blount that Ward was in fact the owner of the vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Oh, well,” Blount responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when officers realized Ward had stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, however, neither the graphic body camera footage nor expert testimony convinced the jury of Blount’s guilt. He was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903907/former-sonoma-county-deputy-found-not-guilty-in-2019-death-of-disabled-man\">acquitted of all charges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blount’s lawyer, Harry Stern, argued that Ward’s drug use and compromised health caused his death — although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818476/deputies-blunt-force-neck-hold-taser-caused-petaluma-mans-death\">the death was identified as a homicide\u003c/a> in the coroner’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney Izaak Schwaiger, who represented Ward’s family in a civil lawsuit, said the verdict grants law enforcement a “seal of approval” to act with impunity in Sonoma County. The county settled the civil case for $3.8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm afraid that here, Sonoma County is showing its true colors and that they're not ready for more progressive government, and they're not ready for accountability within law enforcement,” Schwaiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Under review\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On June 2, 2020, as protests against police brutality and the killing of Floyd and Breonna Taylor continued across the Bay Area, Vallejo Police Detective Jarrett Tonn shot and killed Sean Monterrosa outside a Walgreens. Monterrosa had a hammer in his sweatshirt pocket, which Tonn said he mistook for a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo Police Chief Shawny Williams moved to fire Tonn in December after an independent investigation found that the shooting was not reasonable. The report said that the officers who drove up to the Walgreens to stop a potential burglary in progress didn’t have enough evidence that Monterrosa was a deadly threat. It also criticized the officers for rushing into the situation without a plan, creating a chain of events that led to the fatal shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Solano County district attorney declined to review the incident for criminal violations, which left the charging decision in the hands of state Attorney General Rob Bonta. His office is currently reviewing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For our family, what criminal charges for Jarrett Tonn would mean, you know, it's the bare minimum,” said Michelle Monterrosa, Sean’s sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cleo Moore, wearing a faded T-shirt, answered the door of her Daly City home just south of San Francisco on a recent February afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shirt had a screen-print photo of Sean Moore, her deceased youngest son, who is wearing a baseball uniform and posing in a batting stance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s a human being,” she said. “He wasn’t a dog to be shot down like he was shot down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Moore was raised in a family of San Francisco public servants. Cleo, his mother, spent four decades as a nurse at San Francisco General Hospital. His father, the late Loyce Amos Moore, worked for Muni for 30 years. His older half-brother, Kenneth Blackmon, recently retired from the San Francisco Juvenile Probation Department after 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleo said she often worked alongside police officers and sheriff’s deputies at the hospital, and her father and brother were law enforcement officers in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not against police officers,” she said. “There’s a need for good police officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she is glad that over four years after her youngest son was shot by a San Francisco police officer, and a year after he died from complications of the gunshot wound, the officer was recently charged with manslaughter for his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it had been Sean that had done what this officer did, he wouldn’t see the light of day. He’s no different,” Cleo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges against San Francisco Police Officer Kenneth Cha for shooting Sean Moore are part of a new wave of police prosecutions in the Bay Area that come during a major shift in police accountability in California and the rest of the country. Before the 2020 public murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin reignited a nationwide protest movement against police violence, it would have been unusual to see even one of these manslaughter cases brought to trial. These recent cases may chart the course for police prosecutions moving forward, setting new guardrails for officer use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facts of the five Bay Area cases charged since Floyd’s death vary. All concern killings that occurred before Floyd’s death, the earliest reaching back five years. Three of the people killed were Black men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905905\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2071px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11905905\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png\" alt=\"A chart of recent cases against Bay Area police officers who killed suspects.\" width=\"2071\" height=\"1945\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span-.png 2071w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--800x751.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1020x958.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--160x150.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1536x1443.png 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--2048x1923.png 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Ibpl7-span-style-text-align-center-display-block-bay-area-officers-charged-span--1920x1803.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2071px) 100vw, 2071px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Graphic by Sukey Lewis and Matthew Green/KQED\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>San Leandro Police Officer Jason Fletcher tased and then shot Steven Taylor as he held a baseball bat inside a San Leandro Walmart in 2020.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount choked David Ward through the window of his car after a chase in Sonoma County in 2019.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Contra Costa County Sheriff's Deputy Andrew Hall shot at Laudemer Arboleda eight times in 2018 as the man drove into a gap between two police cars and Hall ran into the vehicle’s path.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rookie San Francisco Police Officer Christopher Samayoa fatally shot Keita O’Neil as he fled after allegedly stealing a lottery van in San Francisco in 2017.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>San Francisco Police Officer Kenneth Cha shot Sean Moore in the stomach and the groin in 2017 after responding to a noise complaint at Moore’s home.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the Prosecutors Alliance of California, a group that advocates for progressive criminal justice reforms, said many district attorneys are paying attention to police killings more closely than they ever have before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really was not the central focus of most prosecutors’ offices anywhere to think about, ‘How well am I regulating police excessive use of force?’” DeBerry said. “That was not a commonly held conversation in the profession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she says, it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Necessary vs. reasonable \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alameda County’s prosecution of San Leandro Police Officer Jason Fletcher is the singular Bay Area case that relies on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB392\">Assembly Bill 392\u003c/a>, a 2020 state law that only justifies the use of deadly force when an officer believes, “based on the totality of the circumstances, that such force is necessary,” as opposed to the previous standard of “reasonable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecution is widely seen as a test case for California’s new standard, which is the strictest in the country, and could inspire changes in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 18, 2020, Fletcher responded to calls from a Walmart in San Leandro, reporting a man holding a baseball bat. Body camera footage showed the suspect, Steven Taylor, standing by shopping carts near the front of the store, still holding the bat, as Fletcher arrived at the scene, alone. Critically, Fletcher made the decision to move toward the 33-year-old Black man, telling him to “drop the bat,” and then trying to grab it from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You're going to have to, you’re going to have to,” Taylor said, according to a bystander’s cellphone video of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher then tased Taylor twice, and then shot him once as he staggered forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the standard of the new law, a district attorney must consider the “totality of circumstances” leading up to the moment an officer shoots, including decisions the officer makes. Fletcher engaged Taylor without waiting for backup to arrive, and he failed to try to deescalate the situation, according to subsequent criminal and administrative investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was comin’ to kill me,” Fletcher said, according to a partial transcript of his interview with criminal investigators that was made public. “He’s not coming to give me a hug. He’s not comin’ to say, ‘Hey, sorry about that.’ He’s got wires in him. I’ve shocked the shit out of him twice. I don’t know if he’s crazy. I don’t know if he’s on drugs. He’s comin’ to kill me. And I’m not gonna die in a fuckin’ Walmart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County District Attorney’s Office investigation, however, found that Taylor “posed no threat of imminent deadly force or serious bodily injury to defendant Fletcher or anyone else in the store,” it said in a press release, announcing the decision to charge Taylor with voluntary manslaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fletcher has pleaded not guilty. His lawyer declined to comment for this story. A judge is expected to set a trial date in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While none of his deputies are charged, Alameda County Sheriff Greg Ahern said law enforcement leaders like him are paying close attention to the rise in officer prosecutions. He declined to comment directly on Fletcher’s case, but said those in law enforcement often evaluate fatal incidents differently from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's difficult to get into that officer's mind unless you've actually been in law enforcement — if you haven't been in those dangers,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progressive prosecution\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 3, 2018, Laudemer Arboleda fled from a traffic stop in the East Bay suburb of Danville. At the end of a low-speed car chase, he steered his car into a gap between two patrol cars. Contra Costa County Sheriff's Deputy Andrew Hall ran around the front of one of the cars, putting himself in the path of Arboleda’s slow-moving vehicle before shooting him nine times, killing him.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It wasn’t until April 21, 2021, that Contra Costa County District Attorney Diana Becton filed charges against Hall, the same day the sheriff’s office released video of Hall fatally shooting another man, Tyrell Wilson, the month before. Becton, a member of DeBerry’s progressive Prosecutors Alliance, announced charges against Hall the day after Derek Chauvin was convicted of murdering George Floyd in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hall’s actions underscore the need for a continued focus on de-escalation training and improved coordinated responses to individuals suffering from mental illness,” Becton said in her charging announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She did not respond to emails requesting comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although national data is unreliable, research from the national Treatment Advocacy Center, a mental health advocacy group, estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/overlooked-in-the-undercounted\">people with a serious mental illness are 16 times more likely to be killed in encounters with law enforcement\u003c/a>. In some cities, as many as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/147854/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill\">half of the people shot and killed by police are experiencing a psychiatric crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In four of the five Bay Area cases that have recently been prosecuted, the person killed was determined to be experiencing psychiatric distress or suffering from ongoing mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury found Hall guilty of assault with a firearm but deadlocked on the higher charge of voluntary manslaughter. Still, Hall faces up to 17 years in prison, with sentencing scheduled for early March. Hall’s lawyer declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, also a member of the Prosecutors Alliance, has filed charges against two officers for killing Black men who were not armed. Statistics collected by The Washington Post show that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings-database/?itid=lb_police-reform-in-america_2\">Black people in the U.S. are fatally shot by police at more than twice the rate of white people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Samayoa, the San Francisco police officer who fatally shot 42-year-old Keita O'Neil on Dec. 1, 2017, faces manslaughter and assault charges. The incident occurred after O’Neil, who was later found to be unarmed, ditched a state lottery van he’d allegedly stolen and started running. As O'Neil tried to flee, Samayoa shot at him through the passenger window of his police car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police department fired Samayoa, still a probationary officer, in early 2018. His lawyer declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kenneth Cha, the other officer charged by Boudin, shot Sean Moore on Jan. 6, 2017, after responding to a neighbor’s noise complaint. From behind a metal door grate, Moore told Cha and his partner to leave and shouted obscenities at them, body camera video of the incident shows. The two officers then retreated, but subsequently climbed back up the steps and tried to detain Moore when he opened the door to pick something up outside. When Moore began to fight with the officers, Cha fired twice, hitting him in the stomach and the groin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin charges that officers overstepped their legal authority when they went back up the steps to Moore’s residence after being told to leave. Cha’s lawyer did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, we have a right,” Moore’s mother, Cleo, said. “We're Black, but we have a right. We are honest, working people. My son had a nice, honest education. He can't control that he had a mental illness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore, who was diagnosed with schizophrenia, died in San Quentin State Prison in 2020, where he was serving time on unrelated charges. The coroner found that complications from the 3-year-old gunshot wound caused Moore’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These prosecutions may have political ramifications for district attorneys. In San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904694/sf-police-commission-grills-police-chief-resolution-in-fight-with-da-remains-out-of-reach\">police chief recently moved to sever an agreement that allowed the DA’s office\u003c/a> to take the lead on police killings and use-of-force investigations, accusing Boudin’s office of violating the agreement by withholding information from the police department. The DA has denied violating the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public trust in law enforcement requires equal enforcement of the law,” Boudin said. “It requires that we dispassionately and neutrally look at police use-of-force cases and evaluate whether the force used was proportionate and lawful under the circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>New evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the recent rise in police prosecutions, according to DeBerry, is the widespread adoption of body cameras and the ubiquity of bystanders recording video, yielding footage that can provide key evidence beyond the word of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the recent officer prosecutions in the Bay Area rely heavily on body camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the trial of former Sonoma County Sheriff's Deputy Charles Blount, the jury was shown disturbing footage in which Blount reached through the window of David Ward’s car to try to pull him out, before repeatedly slamming Ward's head against the side of the vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the driver’s side window, Blount then wrapped his arms around Ward’s neck in an unorthodox hold — a maneuver that has since been banned in California — until Ward lost consciousness. Ward never woke up and was pronounced dead at a nearby hospital about an hour later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Officers began their seven-minute pursuit of Ward based on reports that the car he was driving had been stolen in an armed carjacking. But moments after the struggle, as Ward lay handcuffed and unresponsive on the ground, another deputy recognized him and told Blount that Ward was in fact the owner of the vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Oh, well,” Blount responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when officers realized Ward had stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, however, neither the graphic body camera footage nor expert testimony convinced the jury of Blount’s guilt. He was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11903907/former-sonoma-county-deputy-found-not-guilty-in-2019-death-of-disabled-man\">acquitted of all charges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blount’s lawyer, Harry Stern, argued that Ward’s drug use and compromised health caused his death — although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818476/deputies-blunt-force-neck-hold-taser-caused-petaluma-mans-death\">the death was identified as a homicide\u003c/a> in the coroner’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorney Izaak Schwaiger, who represented Ward’s family in a civil lawsuit, said the verdict grants law enforcement a “seal of approval” to act with impunity in Sonoma County. The county settled the civil case for $3.8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I'm afraid that here, Sonoma County is showing its true colors and that they're not ready for more progressive government, and they're not ready for accountability within law enforcement,” Schwaiger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Under review\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On June 2, 2020, as protests against police brutality and the killing of Floyd and Breonna Taylor continued across the Bay Area, Vallejo Police Detective Jarrett Tonn shot and killed Sean Monterrosa outside a Walgreens. Monterrosa had a hammer in his sweatshirt pocket, which Tonn said he mistook for a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vallejo Police Chief Shawny Williams moved to fire Tonn in December after an independent investigation found that the shooting was not reasonable. The report said that the officers who drove up to the Walgreens to stop a potential burglary in progress didn’t have enough evidence that Monterrosa was a deadly threat. It also criticized the officers for rushing into the situation without a plan, creating a chain of events that led to the fatal shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Solano County district attorney declined to review the incident for criminal violations, which left the charging decision in the hands of state Attorney General Rob Bonta. His office is currently reviewing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For our family, what criminal charges for Jarrett Tonn would mean, you know, it's the bare minimum,” said Michelle Monterrosa, Sean’s sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>California and Oil From the Amazon\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A quarter of the crude oil that California imports comes from the Amazon region. In fact, California imports more oil from Ecuador than from Saudi Arabia or Iraq, and the state is the world’s largest consumer of Ecuadorian oil, according to a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stand.earth/LinkedFates\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent report\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. The study, released by Amazon Watch and Stand.earth, also examines how fossil fuel extraction is affecting the communities and environment of the Ecuadorian rainforest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Koenig, Amazon Watch climate and energy director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tyson Miller, Stand.earth Amazon program director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom released his long-term plan for living with COVID-19 as the virus eventually becomes endemic. Meanwhile, a new \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6ft4h17c\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">poll\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Institute of Governmental Studies finds that Californians are increasingly concerned about rising crime. We also chew on the latest political news, including legislation that aims to control the wild pig population, the run-off election for the state Assembly seat recently vacated by David Chiu, and what San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin can do about the Asian American community’s concern about hate crimes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, KQED reporter and digital producer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lands End Exhibit\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful features a new art exhibit titled “Lands End,” which examines humanity’s relationship with the environment. The exhibit is organized by the FOR-SITE Foundation and runs through March 22. You can read our review of the show \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13906957/lands-end-for-site-cliff-house-review\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">here\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>California and Oil From the Amazon\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A quarter of the crude oil that California imports comes from the Amazon region. In fact, California imports more oil from Ecuador than from Saudi Arabia or Iraq, and the state is the world’s largest consumer of Ecuadorian oil, according to a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stand.earth/LinkedFates\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent report\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. The study, released by Amazon Watch and Stand.earth, also examines how fossil fuel extraction is affecting the communities and environment of the Ecuadorian rainforest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Koenig, Amazon Watch climate and energy director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tyson Miller, Stand.earth Amazon program director\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom released his long-term plan for living with COVID-19 as the virus eventually becomes endemic. Meanwhile, a new \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6ft4h17c\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">poll\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> by the Institute of Governmental Studies finds that Californians are increasingly concerned about rising crime. We also chew on the latest political news, including legislation that aims to control the wild pig population, the run-off election for the state Assembly seat recently vacated by David Chiu, and what San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin can do about the Asian American community’s concern about hate crimes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, KQED reporter and digital producer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Lands End Exhibit\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week’s Something Beautiful features a new art exhibit titled “Lands End,” which examines humanity’s relationship with the environment. The exhibit is organized by the FOR-SITE Foundation and runs through March 22. You can read our review of the show \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13906957/lands-end-for-site-cliff-house-review\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">here\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "George Takei Got Reparations. He Says They 'Strengthen the Integrity of America'",
"title": "George Takei Got Reparations. He Says They 'Strengthen the Integrity of America'",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Feb. 19, 1942, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/japanese-relocation#background\">sent approximately 70,000 U.S. citizens\u003c/a> into \u003ca href=\"#concentrationcamp\">concentration camps\u003c/a> for years, including a very young \u003ca href=\"https://www.georgetakei.com/\">George Takei\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was 5 years old at the time,\" recalls the actor. \"It was a terrorizing morning I will never be able to forget. Literally at gunpoint, we were ordered out of our home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Best known for playing Mr. Sulu in the original \"Star Trek,\" Takei is a longtime activist whose causes have included LGBTQ rights and reparations for Japanese American survivors of concentration camps. In 1942, his family was sent to Rohwer War Relocation Center in Arkansas, then later to Tule Lake Segregation Center in Northern California. The Takei family was among thousands of American families who lost their homes, farms, stores, cars, churches, temples and countless belongings because of xenophobia and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Some people had their life savings taken from them just because we looked like the people who bombed Pearl Harbor,\" Takei says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11905725 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/gettyimages-2696598-c8618e2cb82ad24872943ba94c33ff875df34960-scaled-e1645224923493.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of a car in front of a downtown Oakland storefront, with a large sign saying 'I AM AN AMERICAN' hung above the entrance\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign on the Wanto Co. grocery store in Oakland on Dec. 8, 1941, the day after the attack on Pearl Harbor. The store was closed and the Matsuda family, who owned it, was relocated and incarcerated by the U.S. government. \u003ccite>(Dorothea Lange/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Collectively, Japanese Americans forced into concentration camps lost more than $6 billion adjusted for inflation, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.upi.com/Archives/1983/06/15/The-economic-losses-of-Japanese-Americans-interned-during-World-War/5877424497600/\">an estimate from the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a story George Takei has told over and over: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/17/742558996/george-takei-recalls-time-in-an-american-internment-camp-in-they-called-us-enemy\">in a memoir\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-Bo59p_B7U\">on Broadway\u003c/a>, and to members of Congress in 1981. Takei testified at a hearing as part of an effort to push for redress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I urge restitution for the incarceration of Japanese Americans because that restitution would, at the same time, be a bold move to strengthen the integrity of America,\" Takei told a federal commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with other activists, he succeeded. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan, a Republican, signed legislation to give $20,000 and a formal apology to Japanese Americans who had survived incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Takei dedicated the money he received from the federal government to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.janm.org/\">Japanese American National Museum\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. Now, he's a passionate supporter of redress for descendants of enslaved people in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For us, it was four horrific years,\" Takei says. \"For African Americans, it's four torturous centuries.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Reparations in California' tag='california-reparations']Such solidarity warms the heart of \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/experts/andre-m-perry/\">Andre Perry, a renowned scholar of reparations and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institute\u003c/a>. \"George is exerting a level of patriotism that we don't see today,\" he says. \"You can be of a different persuasion but share a common cause, a common purpose. I may not be related to you, but civically, I'm your brother. I'm your sister. I'm your friend.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If he were around, I'd give him a big hug,\" he adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry notes that the historic experiences of Black Americans and Japanese Americans are obviously very different, but ultimately, he says, it's about getting to a similar place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even with slavery, it's not impossible to find out who deserves reparations,\" he points out. \"And it's clearly not impossible with redlining and criminal justice atrocities. That was not that long ago. We can identify who is injured and who deserves how much. It's really about willingness.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11905726\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/gettyimages-151717374-53de73ad756ea52c6bb54825cb15b48019312275-scaled-e1645226050120.jpg\" alt=\"profile shot of george takei\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1439\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Actor George Takei in Hollywood in September 2012. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, composer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kenjibunch.net/\">Kenji Bunch\u003c/a> set George Takei's testimony before Congress to music. His piece, called \"Lost Freedom: A Memory,\" premiered at the Moab Music Festival. Takei himself provided narration. \"I believe that America today is strong enough and confident enough to recognize a grievous failure,\" he reads in his inimitable baritone. \"I believe that it is honest enough to acknowledge that damage was done. And I would like to think it is honorable enough to provide proper restitution to the injury that was done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Does George Takei still believe that in 2022? He says he does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he believes America — and Americans — are still strong and honorable enough for the best of this country's ideals to prevail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"concentrationcamp\">\u003c/a>Editor's note: KQED is using the term \"concentration camp\" to describe the facilities in which Japanese American and Japanese people were imprisoned by the United States during World War II. The term \"internment\" most appropriately applies to the detention of foreign nationals during wartime — but during World War II, 70,000 U.S. citizens were incarcerated in camps. The phrase \"internment camp,\" in this context, is a euphemism and therefore misleading. \"Concentration camp\" is most associated with the facilities where millions of Jewish (and non-Jewish) people were forcibly relocated and massacred by the Nazis during the Holocaust. It is also appropriate for the experience of Japanese and Japanese American people in the U.S. during World War II, as the definition of \"concentration camp\" is \"a place where large numbers of people, especially political prisoners or members of persecuted minorities, are deliberately imprisoned in a relatively small area with inadequate facilities, sometimes to provide forced labor or to await mass execution.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=George+Takei+got+reparations.+He+says+they+%27strengthen+the+integrity+of+America%27+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Feb. 19, 1942, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/japanese-relocation#background\">sent approximately 70,000 U.S. citizens\u003c/a> into \u003ca href=\"#concentrationcamp\">concentration camps\u003c/a> for years, including a very young \u003ca href=\"https://www.georgetakei.com/\">George Takei\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was 5 years old at the time,\" recalls the actor. \"It was a terrorizing morning I will never be able to forget. Literally at gunpoint, we were ordered out of our home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Best known for playing Mr. Sulu in the original \"Star Trek,\" Takei is a longtime activist whose causes have included LGBTQ rights and reparations for Japanese American survivors of concentration camps. In 1942, his family was sent to Rohwer War Relocation Center in Arkansas, then later to Tule Lake Segregation Center in Northern California. The Takei family was among thousands of American families who lost their homes, farms, stores, cars, churches, temples and countless belongings because of xenophobia and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Some people had their life savings taken from them just because we looked like the people who bombed Pearl Harbor,\" Takei says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905725\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11905725 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/gettyimages-2696598-c8618e2cb82ad24872943ba94c33ff875df34960-scaled-e1645224923493.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of a car in front of a downtown Oakland storefront, with a large sign saying 'I AM AN AMERICAN' hung above the entrance\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign on the Wanto Co. grocery store in Oakland on Dec. 8, 1941, the day after the attack on Pearl Harbor. The store was closed and the Matsuda family, who owned it, was relocated and incarcerated by the U.S. government. \u003ccite>(Dorothea Lange/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Collectively, Japanese Americans forced into concentration camps lost more than $6 billion adjusted for inflation, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.upi.com/Archives/1983/06/15/The-economic-losses-of-Japanese-Americans-interned-during-World-War/5877424497600/\">an estimate from the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a story George Takei has told over and over: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/07/17/742558996/george-takei-recalls-time-in-an-american-internment-camp-in-they-called-us-enemy\">in a memoir\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-Bo59p_B7U\">on Broadway\u003c/a>, and to members of Congress in 1981. Takei testified at a hearing as part of an effort to push for redress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I urge restitution for the incarceration of Japanese Americans because that restitution would, at the same time, be a bold move to strengthen the integrity of America,\" Takei told a federal commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with other activists, he succeeded. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan, a Republican, signed legislation to give $20,000 and a formal apology to Japanese Americans who had survived incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such solidarity warms the heart of \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/experts/andre-m-perry/\">Andre Perry, a renowned scholar of reparations and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institute\u003c/a>. \"George is exerting a level of patriotism that we don't see today,\" he says. \"You can be of a different persuasion but share a common cause, a common purpose. I may not be related to you, but civically, I'm your brother. I'm your sister. I'm your friend.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If he were around, I'd give him a big hug,\" he adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry notes that the historic experiences of Black Americans and Japanese Americans are obviously very different, but ultimately, he says, it's about getting to a similar place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even with slavery, it's not impossible to find out who deserves reparations,\" he points out. \"And it's clearly not impossible with redlining and criminal justice atrocities. That was not that long ago. We can identify who is injured and who deserves how much. It's really about willingness.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11905726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11905726\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/gettyimages-151717374-53de73ad756ea52c6bb54825cb15b48019312275-scaled-e1645226050120.jpg\" alt=\"profile shot of george takei\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1439\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Actor George Takei in Hollywood in September 2012. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, composer \u003ca href=\"https://www.kenjibunch.net/\">Kenji Bunch\u003c/a> set George Takei's testimony before Congress to music. His piece, called \"Lost Freedom: A Memory,\" premiered at the Moab Music Festival. Takei himself provided narration. \"I believe that America today is strong enough and confident enough to recognize a grievous failure,\" he reads in his inimitable baritone. \"I believe that it is honest enough to acknowledge that damage was done. And I would like to think it is honorable enough to provide proper restitution to the injury that was done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Does George Takei still believe that in 2022? He says he does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he believes America — and Americans — are still strong and honorable enough for the best of this country's ideals to prevail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"concentrationcamp\">\u003c/a>Editor's note: KQED is using the term \"concentration camp\" to describe the facilities in which Japanese American and Japanese people were imprisoned by the United States during World War II. The term \"internment\" most appropriately applies to the detention of foreign nationals during wartime — but during World War II, 70,000 U.S. citizens were incarcerated in camps. The phrase \"internment camp,\" in this context, is a euphemism and therefore misleading. \"Concentration camp\" is most associated with the facilities where millions of Jewish (and non-Jewish) people were forcibly relocated and massacred by the Nazis during the Holocaust. It is also appropriate for the experience of Japanese and Japanese American people in the U.S. during World War II, as the definition of \"concentration camp\" is \"a place where large numbers of people, especially political prisoners or members of persecuted minorities, are deliberately imprisoned in a relatively small area with inadequate facilities, sometimes to provide forced labor or to await mass execution.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=George+Takei+got+reparations.+He+says+they+%27strengthen+the+integrity+of+America%27+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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