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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Pedro Figueroa, ICE detainee\"]‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’[/pullquote]Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eunice Cho, attorney, ACLU\"]‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’[/pullquote]In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11917597 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GoldenStateAnnex-1020x698.jpg']Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday tapped Brooke Jenkins to be the city’s next district attorney, choosing a homicide prosecutor who left the DA’s office last year and became a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1533282427493183488\">leading critic of her former boss Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment comes a month after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">55% of voters in the city opted to recall Boudin from office\u003c/a>, midway through his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins described herself as a “progressive prosecutor,” but also said she intended to rebalance the office’s approach to crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black and Latina woman, I have seen the imbalances and disproportionate impacts of our criminal justice firsthand,” Jenkins said at a City Hall press conference Thursday evening, after Breed introduced her. “I have had family members on both sides of the courtroom. My family has seen and felt the impacts of police violence. The inequity in the criminal justice system is not theoretical to me. It is part of my lived experience. Working together, I know we can make San Francisco a stronger, safer and more just place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED in April, Jenkins criticized Boudin’s charging decisions and said the plea deals he made were often far too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11916212\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Image-from-iOS-5-1020x680.jpg\"]“When you execute a plea deal, it needs to be one that’s responsible. Right? It needs to be one that’s proportionate to your criminal history and your current crime, and it needs to also put you in a position not to reoffend,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also found fault with what she saw as Boudin’s rigid adherence to progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the issue with Chesa that I see is that refusal to change course, even when he sees policies aren’t working,” she said. “Even when the public is screaming out, ‘Hey, we support reform, but this type of reform is not effective in balancing public safety.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins now inherits \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/She-s-a-progressive-homicide-prosecutor-who-16556274.php\">an office she once called “a sinking ship.”\u003c/a> On Thursday, she acknowledged that lingering instability, vowing to “restore office morale to a much higher place,” and pledging equal treatment for DA prosecutors hired before and after Boudin’s arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed emphasized that Jenkins, like Boudin, is committed to criminal justice reform. “This is not just about locking people up and throwing away the key,” she said. “This is not what we’re about in this city. This is about striking a balance and doing what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the numerous candidates Breed interviewed for the job, Jenkins “stood out” as someone who not only recognized the need for compassion and understanding in the prosecutorial process, but also prioritized accountability and justice, the mayor said. “That balance of fairness is what made her stand apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, 40, was born and raised in the Bay Area and worked in private practice before joining the DA’s office in 2014 as a prosecutor in the misdemeanors unit. She worked her way up to the general felonies unit, where she prosecuted hate crimes for nearly two years, and then served in the homicide unit until her resignation in protest last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919024 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman covered in shadow walks across a room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brooke Jenkins, Mayor London Breed’s pick for district attorney, enters a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Set to be sworn in Friday, she will take over an office that has seen more than its share of turnover in recent years. Former DA Kamala Harris left the position to become California Attorney General in 2011, and her replacement, George Gascón, resigned in 2019 to run for Los Angeles DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the progressive Prosecutors Alliance of California, and a Boudin supporter, said the new DA’s first task should be preventing a mass exodus of attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s better for victims and survivors of crime to not have a lot of turnover of their case from one lawyer to the next and one advocate to the next,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, however, won’t have much time to get comfortable in the job. In November, voters will decide whether she or another candidate fills out the remaining year in Boudin’s term. If she wins, Jenkins will face voters again in 2023 if she decides to seek a full four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a source familiar with the process, the mayor has spent “every day” since last month’s recall election thinking about this appointment, and held more than a dozen meetings at City Hall with community groups, former DA office staff, judges and various law enforcement officials. She also met with advocates for crime victims, as well as supporters and opponents of Boudin’s recall, the source said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed reportedly asked potential appointees for their take on issues such as how to prosecute domestic violence, drug arrests and weapons charges. According to the mayor’s office, Breed wanted someone with prosecutorial experience who also was a supporter of criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Breed did not take a formal position on Boudin’s recall, she had openly criticized his leadership, and it was evident she supported his removal from office, two-and-a-half years after he edged out her handpicked appointee, Suzy Loftus, in a very close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919059\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919059\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Mayor London Breed stands at a podium, her right hand extended,with a California and American flag behind her, introducing Brooke Jenkins - standing to her right — as San Francisco's new district attorney.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New San Francisco district attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to Mayor London Breed introduce her during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to Jenkins, the mayor also reportedly considered Alameda County Deputy District Attorney Nancy Tung, who ran unsuccessfully for the job in 2019. Other potential candidates included SF Superior Court Judge Eric Fleming, a former prosecutor in the DA’s office, and Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who endorsed Boudin’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to recall Boudin, a progressive reformer, began not long after he took office in 2020, just as the pandemic began turning life upside down. San Francisco’s courts were included in the mass shutdown of in-person government operations, resulting in much slower prosecutions and resolutions of pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin’s tenure also coincided with a sharp rise in anti-Asian hate crimes — both in San Francisco and across the country — as well as viral videos of organized “smash-and-grab” incidents at upscale stores in Union Square that fueled a general but often unfounded perception that crime was rising and Boudin was to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people being alone, people being isolated and existing through social media kind of led to a heightened sense that our city wasn’t safe, and [Boudin] took the blame for it,” said former police commissioner and recall opponent John Hamasaki. “He took the fall for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamasaki, who was a strong critic of the San Francisco Police Department while he served as commissioner, noted that although the recall was framed by national media as a referendum on Boudin’s progressive policies, “within the recall crowd, there was never any specificity as to what they wanted — just that Boudin is doing a bad job and needs to be recalled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, shortly after the election, Breed insisted that she was not looking for a DA who would turn away from criminal justice reforms, which are broadly popular in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by DeBerry.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11916701,news_11913102,news_11908825\"]“I think it would be extremely unfortunate for San Francisco to move away from reform,” she said. “There has been a long history in this city and county of looking for better approaches [than tough-on-crime policies] to creating safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1470830101348577285\">Breed has been critical of what she sees as the city’s lax response to crime\u003c/a>, the DA can only prosecute suspects that the SFPD actually arrest. Many city officials and residents have criticized the police department for its extremely low arrest rates for common crimes like auto break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But attorney Doug Chan, who supported the recall, said that, within the Chinese community, “the perception was that the continued tenure of Chesa Boudin in the DA’s office constituted, in effect, a public health hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, post-election analyses showed that some of the highest levels of support for the recall came in neighborhoods with large percentages of Asian American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe there is a great groundswell of support in this town, in the Chinese community, to jail our way out of the issue,” Chan said. But, he added, “there has to be a better means of holding individuals accountable for doing bad acts out on the streets and for injury and, in some cases, even death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin, who had been a public defender but never a prosecutor, kept many of his campaign promises, including his increased reliance on diversion programs as alternatives to prosecution and incarceration, and of holding police accountable for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Breed has made her choice for the city’s top prosecutor, she will own perceptions, as well as realities, about crime in the city and how police, the DA and the courts are responding to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin has not ruled out another run for the office, which would set up an epic clash and likely more hyperbolic coverage of San Francisco by national media outlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming Jenkins wins in November, she will be on the ballot with Breed as the mayor seeks reelection in 2023, and Breed will no doubt do everything she can to help her succeed.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jenkins is set to be sworn in on Friday. The appointment comes a month after 55% of voters in the city opted to recall Chesa Boudin from office, midway through his first term.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday tapped Brooke Jenkins to be the city’s next district attorney, choosing a homicide prosecutor who left the DA’s office last year and became a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1533282427493183488\">leading critic of her former boss Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment comes a month after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">55% of voters in the city opted to recall Boudin from office\u003c/a>, midway through his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins described herself as a “progressive prosecutor,” but also said she intended to rebalance the office’s approach to crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black and Latina woman, I have seen the imbalances and disproportionate impacts of our criminal justice firsthand,” Jenkins said at a City Hall press conference Thursday evening, after Breed introduced her. “I have had family members on both sides of the courtroom. My family has seen and felt the impacts of police violence. The inequity in the criminal justice system is not theoretical to me. It is part of my lived experience. Working together, I know we can make San Francisco a stronger, safer and more just place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED in April, Jenkins criticized Boudin’s charging decisions and said the plea deals he made were often far too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you execute a plea deal, it needs to be one that’s responsible. Right? It needs to be one that’s proportionate to your criminal history and your current crime, and it needs to also put you in a position not to reoffend,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also found fault with what she saw as Boudin’s rigid adherence to progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the issue with Chesa that I see is that refusal to change course, even when he sees policies aren’t working,” she said. “Even when the public is screaming out, ‘Hey, we support reform, but this type of reform is not effective in balancing public safety.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins now inherits \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/She-s-a-progressive-homicide-prosecutor-who-16556274.php\">an office she once called “a sinking ship.”\u003c/a> On Thursday, she acknowledged that lingering instability, vowing to “restore office morale to a much higher place,” and pledging equal treatment for DA prosecutors hired before and after Boudin’s arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed emphasized that Jenkins, like Boudin, is committed to criminal justice reform. “This is not just about locking people up and throwing away the key,” she said. “This is not what we’re about in this city. This is about striking a balance and doing what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the numerous candidates Breed interviewed for the job, Jenkins “stood out” as someone who not only recognized the need for compassion and understanding in the prosecutorial process, but also prioritized accountability and justice, the mayor said. “That balance of fairness is what made her stand apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, 40, was born and raised in the Bay Area and worked in private practice before joining the DA’s office in 2014 as a prosecutor in the misdemeanors unit. She worked her way up to the general felonies unit, where she prosecuted hate crimes for nearly two years, and then served in the homicide unit until her resignation in protest last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919024 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman covered in shadow walks across a room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brooke Jenkins, Mayor London Breed’s pick for district attorney, enters a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Set to be sworn in Friday, she will take over an office that has seen more than its share of turnover in recent years. Former DA Kamala Harris left the position to become California Attorney General in 2011, and her replacement, George Gascón, resigned in 2019 to run for Los Angeles DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the progressive Prosecutors Alliance of California, and a Boudin supporter, said the new DA’s first task should be preventing a mass exodus of attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s better for victims and survivors of crime to not have a lot of turnover of their case from one lawyer to the next and one advocate to the next,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, however, won’t have much time to get comfortable in the job. In November, voters will decide whether she or another candidate fills out the remaining year in Boudin’s term. If she wins, Jenkins will face voters again in 2023 if she decides to seek a full four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a source familiar with the process, the mayor has spent “every day” since last month’s recall election thinking about this appointment, and held more than a dozen meetings at City Hall with community groups, former DA office staff, judges and various law enforcement officials. She also met with advocates for crime victims, as well as supporters and opponents of Boudin’s recall, the source said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed reportedly asked potential appointees for their take on issues such as how to prosecute domestic violence, drug arrests and weapons charges. According to the mayor’s office, Breed wanted someone with prosecutorial experience who also was a supporter of criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Breed did not take a formal position on Boudin’s recall, she had openly criticized his leadership, and it was evident she supported his removal from office, two-and-a-half years after he edged out her handpicked appointee, Suzy Loftus, in a very close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919059\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919059\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Mayor London Breed stands at a podium, her right hand extended,with a California and American flag behind her, introducing Brooke Jenkins - standing to her right — as San Francisco's new district attorney.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New San Francisco district attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to Mayor London Breed introduce her during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to Jenkins, the mayor also reportedly considered Alameda County Deputy District Attorney Nancy Tung, who ran unsuccessfully for the job in 2019. Other potential candidates included SF Superior Court Judge Eric Fleming, a former prosecutor in the DA’s office, and Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who endorsed Boudin’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to recall Boudin, a progressive reformer, began not long after he took office in 2020, just as the pandemic began turning life upside down. San Francisco’s courts were included in the mass shutdown of in-person government operations, resulting in much slower prosecutions and resolutions of pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin’s tenure also coincided with a sharp rise in anti-Asian hate crimes — both in San Francisco and across the country — as well as viral videos of organized “smash-and-grab” incidents at upscale stores in Union Square that fueled a general but often unfounded perception that crime was rising and Boudin was to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people being alone, people being isolated and existing through social media kind of led to a heightened sense that our city wasn’t safe, and [Boudin] took the blame for it,” said former police commissioner and recall opponent John Hamasaki. “He took the fall for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamasaki, who was a strong critic of the San Francisco Police Department while he served as commissioner, noted that although the recall was framed by national media as a referendum on Boudin’s progressive policies, “within the recall crowd, there was never any specificity as to what they wanted — just that Boudin is doing a bad job and needs to be recalled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, shortly after the election, Breed insisted that she was not looking for a DA who would turn away from criminal justice reforms, which are broadly popular in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by DeBerry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think it would be extremely unfortunate for San Francisco to move away from reform,” she said. “There has been a long history in this city and county of looking for better approaches [than tough-on-crime policies] to creating safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1470830101348577285\">Breed has been critical of what she sees as the city’s lax response to crime\u003c/a>, the DA can only prosecute suspects that the SFPD actually arrest. Many city officials and residents have criticized the police department for its extremely low arrest rates for common crimes like auto break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But attorney Doug Chan, who supported the recall, said that, within the Chinese community, “the perception was that the continued tenure of Chesa Boudin in the DA’s office constituted, in effect, a public health hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, post-election analyses showed that some of the highest levels of support for the recall came in neighborhoods with large percentages of Asian American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe there is a great groundswell of support in this town, in the Chinese community, to jail our way out of the issue,” Chan said. But, he added, “there has to be a better means of holding individuals accountable for doing bad acts out on the streets and for injury and, in some cases, even death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin, who had been a public defender but never a prosecutor, kept many of his campaign promises, including his increased reliance on diversion programs as alternatives to prosecution and incarceration, and of holding police accountable for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Breed has made her choice for the city’s top prosecutor, she will own perceptions, as well as realities, about crime in the city and how police, the DA and the courts are responding to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin has not ruled out another run for the office, which would set up an epic clash and likely more hyperbolic coverage of San Francisco by national media outlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming Jenkins wins in November, she will be on the ballot with Breed as the mayor seeks reelection in 2023, and Breed will no doubt do everything she can to help her succeed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Grand Jury: Major Health and Safety Violations at Santa Rita Jail Require 'Urgent Attention'",
"title": "Grand Jury: Major Health and Safety Violations at Santa Rita Jail Require 'Urgent Attention'",
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"content": "\u003cp>Serious safety violations, inadequate medical services and poor sanitation are among a host of critical issues plaguing Santa Rita Jail, Alameda County's notorious lockup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's according to a civil grand jury investigation of the long-troubled Dublin-based jail, the county's main adult detention facility. The report, released Tuesday, details \u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/grandjury-assets/docs/2021-2022/Grand.Jury.Report.2022.for.ITD.Web.pdf\">a litany of major problems at the jail that have resulted in unsafe conditions for its detainees and staff\u003c/a>, and spurred a “multiple-year pattern of lawsuits concerning conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns identified in this report represent material health, safety, and financial risks and as such warrant urgent attention,” the 35-page report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021 alone, it notes, there were seven in-custody deaths at the jail along with an \"unprecedented\" spike in COVID-19 cases, with some 20% of detainees testing positive at the peak of the January surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"2021-2022 Alameda County Grand Jury Final Report\"]'The concerns identified in this report represent material health, safety, and financial risks and as such warrant urgent attention.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a detainee enters custody at Santa Rita, Alameda County assumes responsibility for that detainee’s health and well-being,” the report asserts. “That responsibility is a legal duty and persists regardless of the emotional or mental state of the detainee, the offense with which they are charged, budget pressures within the county, or even the presence of a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among its wide-ranging findings, the report calls attention to inadequate access to outdoor spaces and describes a confusing and ineffective process for detainees to report grievances. It also underscores, in graphic terms, the jail's excessively dirty cells — especially those used for temporary occupancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of feces smeared on walls and foul odors in several cells described as being available for immediate occupancy suggests to the Grand Jury a systemic issue with the quality of cleaning and sanitation of temporary occupancy cells,” the report describes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation additionally identifies lackluster security procedures at the facility that often fail to block visitors and employees from smuggling in contraband, especially drugs — an issue its staff views “as perhaps the most serious and persistent challenge faced by the jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jurors reported that during their 13 inspection visits, they were asked for credentials only once and were never made to go through a metal detector or undergo a bag search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounts of such lax oversight track with the jail's recent history of overdose deaths and smuggling scandals. In July 2020, an Alameda County Sheriff's technician was charged with 10 felonies for allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/07/29/sheriffs-technician-charged-with-smuggling-drugs-cellphone-into-jail/\">smuggling methamphetamine and a cellphone\u003c/a> to an inmate awaiting trial for murder. The following month, a female detainee \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/06/10/east-bay-woman-admits-to-selling-fentanyl-into-santa-rita-jail-leading-to-fatal-overdose/\">died from an overdose of fentanyl\u003c/a> that had been smuggled in from an outside dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/09/03/alameda-county-santa-rita-jail-medical-director-fired-wellpath-drugs-vaccination-covid/\">the jail's medical director was fired\u003c/a> for writing fake prescriptions to obtain opioid pain medications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operated by the Alameda County Sheriff's Office, Santa Rita Jail is among the largest detention facilities in the country. As of February 2022, the 33-year-old facility held roughly 2,260 male and female detainees — about 65% of its total capacity. Nearly two-thirds of its population have not been convicted of crimes, and are awaiting adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury, whose investigation included extensive interviews and reviews of thousands of pages of records, makes nearly 30 recommendations for improving conditions at the facility. Among them: regular safety inspections, tighter security at entry points, an updated and more responsive grievance process for detainees, increased access to outdoor areas and stricter enforcement of COVID-19 safety protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff's office, which has 90 days to respond to the report, declined this week to comment on the findings, saying it was still reviewing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some of the information related to the Santa Rita Jail has been public for some time, we will obviously need time to review the comments in their entirety before an informed statement can be made,” Tya M. Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff's office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"santa-rita-jail\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The grand jury's report comes on the heels of a separate investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division, which last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/file/1388891/download\">concluded that the lack of mental health treatment options at the jail violated the Americans with Disabilities Act\u003c/a>. Such negligence, it found, resulted in needless suffering and death — including 19 reported suicides since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and its sheriff's office, the DOJ report alleges, “engage in a pattern or practice of constitutional violations in the conditions at the Santa Rita Jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March of this year, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">a federal judge placed the jail under court supervision for at least six years\u003c/a> after hearing stirring detainee testimony in a class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new grand jury report confirms “that many safety rules are not being followed by the staff and medical providers at the Santa Rita Jail,” said Sanjay Schmidt, a San Francisco-based civil rights lawyer, who represents the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/29/alameda-county-has-deliberate-indifference-to-safety-of-inmates-at-santa-rita-jail-lawsuit-alleges/\">Jonas Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park was found dead in his cell in February 2021, after allegedly hanging himself — just five days into his detention at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Alameda County and the sheriff's office, filed by Park's family earlier this year, alleges that the 33-year-old entered the jail while “actively experiencing opiate withdrawal\" and, rather than receiving help, was put in an isolation cell — known as “restrictive” housing. His death, the suit claims, was a result of the jail staff's “deliberate indifference” to Park’s “serious, emergency medical and mental health needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There appears to be a correlation between the overuse of restrictive housing, the inadequacy of access to outdoor space, and the high rate of suicides in the Santa Rita Jail,” Schmidt said, noting that the jail's suicide rate is significantly higher the average rate in detention centers nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt added that the report also emphasizes the importance of cases like the one he's working on, as they are “important vehicles for getting the attention of policymakers in the county, to alert them of the need for reforms to stop needlessly endangering the lives, safety, and welfare of pretrial detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/index.page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The civil grand jury,\u003c/a> similar to a citizen watchdog group, is made up of a team of 19 people tasked with ensuring that local agencies are acting in the best interest of the public. It's investigation of Santa Rita Jail is part of a much larger report released on Tuesday that scrutinizes multiple institutions within Alameda County, including its mental health system, student homelessness, BART oversight and election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Nina Thorsen contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a detainee enters custody at Santa Rita, Alameda County assumes responsibility for that detainee’s health and well-being,” the report asserts. “That responsibility is a legal duty and persists regardless of the emotional or mental state of the detainee, the offense with which they are charged, budget pressures within the county, or even the presence of a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among its wide-ranging findings, the report calls attention to inadequate access to outdoor spaces and describes a confusing and ineffective process for detainees to report grievances. It also underscores, in graphic terms, the jail's excessively dirty cells — especially those used for temporary occupancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of feces smeared on walls and foul odors in several cells described as being available for immediate occupancy suggests to the Grand Jury a systemic issue with the quality of cleaning and sanitation of temporary occupancy cells,” the report describes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation additionally identifies lackluster security procedures at the facility that often fail to block visitors and employees from smuggling in contraband, especially drugs — an issue its staff views “as perhaps the most serious and persistent challenge faced by the jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jurors reported that during their 13 inspection visits, they were asked for credentials only once and were never made to go through a metal detector or undergo a bag search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounts of such lax oversight track with the jail's recent history of overdose deaths and smuggling scandals. In July 2020, an Alameda County Sheriff's technician was charged with 10 felonies for allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/07/29/sheriffs-technician-charged-with-smuggling-drugs-cellphone-into-jail/\">smuggling methamphetamine and a cellphone\u003c/a> to an inmate awaiting trial for murder. The following month, a female detainee \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/06/10/east-bay-woman-admits-to-selling-fentanyl-into-santa-rita-jail-leading-to-fatal-overdose/\">died from an overdose of fentanyl\u003c/a> that had been smuggled in from an outside dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/09/03/alameda-county-santa-rita-jail-medical-director-fired-wellpath-drugs-vaccination-covid/\">the jail's medical director was fired\u003c/a> for writing fake prescriptions to obtain opioid pain medications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operated by the Alameda County Sheriff's Office, Santa Rita Jail is among the largest detention facilities in the country. As of February 2022, the 33-year-old facility held roughly 2,260 male and female detainees — about 65% of its total capacity. Nearly two-thirds of its population have not been convicted of crimes, and are awaiting adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury, whose investigation included extensive interviews and reviews of thousands of pages of records, makes nearly 30 recommendations for improving conditions at the facility. Among them: regular safety inspections, tighter security at entry points, an updated and more responsive grievance process for detainees, increased access to outdoor areas and stricter enforcement of COVID-19 safety protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff's office, which has 90 days to respond to the report, declined this week to comment on the findings, saying it was still reviewing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some of the information related to the Santa Rita Jail has been public for some time, we will obviously need time to review the comments in their entirety before an informed statement can be made,” Tya M. Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff's office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The grand jury's report comes on the heels of a separate investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division, which last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/file/1388891/download\">concluded that the lack of mental health treatment options at the jail violated the Americans with Disabilities Act\u003c/a>. Such negligence, it found, resulted in needless suffering and death — including 19 reported suicides since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and its sheriff's office, the DOJ report alleges, “engage in a pattern or practice of constitutional violations in the conditions at the Santa Rita Jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March of this year, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">a federal judge placed the jail under court supervision for at least six years\u003c/a> after hearing stirring detainee testimony in a class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new grand jury report confirms “that many safety rules are not being followed by the staff and medical providers at the Santa Rita Jail,” said Sanjay Schmidt, a San Francisco-based civil rights lawyer, who represents the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/29/alameda-county-has-deliberate-indifference-to-safety-of-inmates-at-santa-rita-jail-lawsuit-alleges/\">Jonas Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park was found dead in his cell in February 2021, after allegedly hanging himself — just five days into his detention at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Alameda County and the sheriff's office, filed by Park's family earlier this year, alleges that the 33-year-old entered the jail while “actively experiencing opiate withdrawal\" and, rather than receiving help, was put in an isolation cell — known as “restrictive” housing. His death, the suit claims, was a result of the jail staff's “deliberate indifference” to Park’s “serious, emergency medical and mental health needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There appears to be a correlation between the overuse of restrictive housing, the inadequacy of access to outdoor space, and the high rate of suicides in the Santa Rita Jail,” Schmidt said, noting that the jail's suicide rate is significantly higher the average rate in detention centers nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt added that the report also emphasizes the importance of cases like the one he's working on, as they are “important vehicles for getting the attention of policymakers in the county, to alert them of the need for reforms to stop needlessly endangering the lives, safety, and welfare of pretrial detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/index.page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The civil grand jury,\u003c/a> similar to a citizen watchdog group, is made up of a team of 19 people tasked with ensuring that local agencies are acting in the best interest of the public. It's investigation of Santa Rita Jail is part of a much larger report released on Tuesday that scrutinizes multiple institutions within Alameda County, including its mental health system, student homelessness, BART oversight and election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Nina Thorsen contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation",
"title": "Blacklisted for Speaking Up: How California Farmworkers Fighting Abuses Are Vulnerable to Retaliation",
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"headTitle": "Blacklisted for Speaking Up: How California Farmworkers Fighting Abuses Are Vulnerable to Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, director of litigation, advocacy and training, California Rural Legal Assistance\"]‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’[/pullquote]At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886628\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886402\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/DSCF1773-1020x680.jpg\"]“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns, United Farm Workers\"]‘There is a tremendous amount of control over access to those [H-2A] visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin.’[/pullquote]The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator, Department of Labor\"]‘Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing.’[/pullquote]State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Labor Coverage' tag='labor-rights']Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, community co-chair, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well.’[/pullquote]Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, former H-2A worker\"]‘We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.’[/pullquote]While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "What's it like for immigrant farmworkers to report an unfair labor practice? Advocates say laborers with H-2A visas are vulnerable to retaliation not just from their employers but from recruiters that connect them to jobs in the future.",
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"title": "Blacklisted for Speaking Up: How California Farmworkers Fighting Abuses Are Vulnerable to Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There is a tremendous amount of control over access to those [H-2A] visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "New California Crime Data Shows an 'Epidemic of Hate,' Says California Attorney General Bonta",
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"content": "\u003cp>Calling it an “epidemic of hate,” Attorney General Rob Bonta on Tuesday released the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202021%20FINAL.pdf\">2021 Hate Crime in California\u003c/a> report, showing hate crimes spiking by 33% last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In fact, a level we haven’t seen in California since the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11,” said Bonta at a press conference in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total number of bias-based events in California was 1,763 in 2021, with crimes targeting Black people being most prevalent, increasing 12.5% from 456 in 2020 to 513 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-Asian hate crimes rose a staggering 177% after a 107% increase the year before, “and these statistics hit very close to home for me personally,” said Bonta, the first Filipino American to be California’s attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reported hate crimes based on sexual orientation spiked 48%, while anti-Latino bias events rose nearly 30% in 2021. Among hate crime events based on religion, anti-Jewish bias increased 32%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of cases filed for prosecution by local prosecutors increased by 30%, Bonta noted that hate crimes are often underreported, and his office cautioned against comparing data among California counties due to differences in reporting and charging decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each of these incidents represents an attack on a person, a neighbor, a family member, a fellow Californian,” said Bonta. “And worse, we know our statistics likely are not exhaustive” since some victims decline to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general also made clear what he thinks is responsible for the skyrocketing incidents of hatred.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"California Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us.’[/pullquote]“The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us,” Bonta noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also announced the creation of a statewide hate crime coordinator position to be the point person between the California Department of Justice and local law enforcement officials to oversee and assist with the reporting and prosecution of hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was joined by several representatives of anti-hate groups, including Jimmie Jackson, director of the North Area branch of the NAACP, which includes Hawaii and parts of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all tired of seeing our brothers and sisters of color being targets of hatred, discrimination and racism,” Jackson said. “And we are all in this fight to stay. We’re all in this fight together. And I hope everybody will join us in this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cirian Villavicencio with the California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs noted that anti-Asian hate crimes have been targeted at his community for decades. “Our communities have been historically marginalized and stereotyped as perpetual foreigners,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities,” he added.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Commissioner Cirian Villavicencio, California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs\"]‘It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities.’[/pullquote]Last year’s annual report showed a similarly high increase — 31% — with anti-Black bias making up the bulk of incidents in a state where African Americans are 6% of the population. The 2020 report also showed a startling increase in bias crimes against Asian Americans following the emergence of the coronavirus in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the 2021 death of an 84-year-old Thai grandfather is headed to trial although the district attorney’s office has not filed hate crime charges in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, a white gunman killed 10 Black shoppers and workers at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. A steep rise in anti-Asian bias since 2020 included the March 2021 killing of eight people at Atlanta-area massage businesses, including six women of Asian descent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hate crime is motivated by the victim’s gender, nationality, race or ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Hate incidents such as name-calling are not necessarily criminal. The state’s department of justice has collected and reported statewide data on hate crimes since 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Calling it an “epidemic of hate,” Attorney General Rob Bonta on Tuesday released the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202021%20FINAL.pdf\">2021 Hate Crime in California\u003c/a> report, showing hate crimes spiking by 33% last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In fact, a level we haven’t seen in California since the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11,” said Bonta at a press conference in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total number of bias-based events in California was 1,763 in 2021, with crimes targeting Black people being most prevalent, increasing 12.5% from 456 in 2020 to 513 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-Asian hate crimes rose a staggering 177% after a 107% increase the year before, “and these statistics hit very close to home for me personally,” said Bonta, the first Filipino American to be California’s attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reported hate crimes based on sexual orientation spiked 48%, while anti-Latino bias events rose nearly 30% in 2021. Among hate crime events based on religion, anti-Jewish bias increased 32%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of cases filed for prosecution by local prosecutors increased by 30%, Bonta noted that hate crimes are often underreported, and his office cautioned against comparing data among California counties due to differences in reporting and charging decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each of these incidents represents an attack on a person, a neighbor, a family member, a fellow Californian,” said Bonta. “And worse, we know our statistics likely are not exhaustive” since some victims decline to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general also made clear what he thinks is responsible for the skyrocketing incidents of hatred.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us,” Bonta noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also announced the creation of a statewide hate crime coordinator position to be the point person between the California Department of Justice and local law enforcement officials to oversee and assist with the reporting and prosecution of hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was joined by several representatives of anti-hate groups, including Jimmie Jackson, director of the North Area branch of the NAACP, which includes Hawaii and parts of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all tired of seeing our brothers and sisters of color being targets of hatred, discrimination and racism,” Jackson said. “And we are all in this fight to stay. We’re all in this fight together. And I hope everybody will join us in this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cirian Villavicencio with the California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs noted that anti-Asian hate crimes have been targeted at his community for decades. “Our communities have been historically marginalized and stereotyped as perpetual foreigners,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities,” he added.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year’s annual report showed a similarly high increase — 31% — with anti-Black bias making up the bulk of incidents in a state where African Americans are 6% of the population. The 2020 report also showed a startling increase in bias crimes against Asian Americans following the emergence of the coronavirus in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the 2021 death of an 84-year-old Thai grandfather is headed to trial although the district attorney’s office has not filed hate crime charges in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, a white gunman killed 10 Black shoppers and workers at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. A steep rise in anti-Asian bias since 2020 included the March 2021 killing of eight people at Atlanta-area massage businesses, including six women of Asian descent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hate crime is motivated by the victim’s gender, nationality, race or ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Hate incidents such as name-calling are not necessarily criminal. The state’s department of justice has collected and reported statewide data on hate crimes since 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SFPD Officers to March in Pride Amid Complicated Feelings, Uniform Compromise",
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"content": "\u003cp>Given law enforcement’s history of abuses committed against the LGBTQ community and other marginalized and oppressed groups, it should have surprised no one when the issue of uniformed police marching in this year’s San Francisco Pride Parade threatened to disrupt an event organizers hoped would unite people after two years of social distancing driven by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in the LGBTQ community simply did not want uniformed officers, even queer ones, marching up Market Street in uniforms Sunday. But LGBTQ police officers, firefighters and sheriff’s deputies announced they would not participate if their uniforms were banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to Pride representatives and queer police officers to get a better understanding of why SFPD officers were initially told not to wear uniforms and why it caused such a controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives of the historic Transgender District in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood sees it, having a uniformed police presence in the parade is antithetical to spirit of Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is just the visible connection between police uniforms at a celebration, at an event that is supposed to be a repudiation of suppression perpetuated by police,” she told KQED. “This history and this tension has been brewing for decades and decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Pride organizers in New York City said last month they planned to exclude police from their parade altogether, prompting Mayor Eric Adams, a former NYPD cop, to say he might skip the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the controversy is not whether police officers should march, but what they \u003cem>wear\u003c/em>. The SF Pride Committee said LGBTQ police were welcome to march, but not in full uniform because of the uniform’s connection to systematic mistreatment or violence directed at the queer community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_11838357 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2016/07/Drag-demonstrationCOVER-1180x664.jpg']For example, in May 1979, the gay community was enraged by a light prison sentence given to former Supervisor Dan White, a friend of the police and fire departments, who murdered Mayor George Moscone and gay Supervisor Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the so-called White Night Riots, people threw bricks through City Hall windows and lit police cars on fire. SFPD responded with force at a gay bar in the Castro. It was a low point in relations between the LGBTQ community and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we are very well aware of with the Stonewall Inn riots of 1969, even in San Francisco’s own Compton’s Cafeteria riots of 1966, these were direct confrontations of trans and queer people with police,” said Peraza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said opposition to uniformed police in the Pride parade was understandable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think of the creation of Pride, it was started by the activism and the resistance of Black and brown trans and queer people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaks into microphone she's holding on sidewalk outside building as three Black and brown people listen in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transgender District Director of Social Justice & Empowerment Initiatives Jupiter Peraza speaks outside the site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot in San Francisco on March 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And today, after the murder of George Floyd and other fatal encounters with police, the uniform can be fraught for people of color and queer folks. That history, including excessive use of force, fatal shootings, discrimination and harassment, isn’t lost on Carolyn Wysinger, president of SF Pride, which puts on the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she’s had family members in law enforcement – her grandfather was a police officer in Louisiana, and her cousin was a cop across the bay in Richmond – Wysinger, a Black lesbian, has also had more than her share of run-ins with cops. She says her masculine appearance has led to trouble, like the time she was pulled over in Southern California, apparently for an expired registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was kind of pulled out of the car, you know, pushed up against the car stop and frisked,” she recalls. “And when he pushed me up against the car, he basically told me, ‘You know, if I find drugs in here, I’m throwing you in jail.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse, a CHP officer pulled her over on a freeway in Los Angeles County and pulled out a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And to this day, I don’t know why I was pulled over and I don’t know why I had a gun put to my head. But that did happen,” Wysinger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of incidents like those, Wysinger understands where queer police are coming from when they declined to march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They felt that by not wearing a uniform that they were dishonoring the struggle of those who were there during [the fight pressing the SFPD to allow LGBTQ officers to march in their uniforms] and that, you know, was kind of diminishing that fight for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917929\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a Black woman smiling broadly and wearing a bright red shirt leans casually against a building\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Wysinger, board president of SF Pride, poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police officer Kathryn Winters, a transgender member of the SFPD Pride Alliance, has a different take on the community’s relationship with the SFPD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, LGBTQ persons weren’t really welcome in law enforcement. And the idea of LGBTQ people wearing a police uniform in a pride parade was unheard of,” Winters said. “The idea of us being out proud and visible was radical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, she and other LGBTQ police officers were reluctant to let go of a hard-fought right both to join the SFPD and then to march in full uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when the Pride Committee told them they could only march in something less than their full uniforms, the cops said no. And in a show of solidarity, Mayor London Breed said she wouldn’t join the parade either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. Tracy McCray spoke for many police officers and other first responders when she described the importance of wearing their uniforms in the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a part of who we are. And, unfortunately, for some people they have angst when they see that,” McCray told KQED. “We’re identifiable with that. It is who you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman smiles broadly, wearing a blue SFPOA shirt in an office with a US flag in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy McCray, San Francisco Police Officers Association president, poses for a portrait at the SFPOA offices in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a 33-year veteran of the SFPD, McCray isn’t just any cop. She’s the new president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, which for years has defended officers accused of excessive use of force, killing unarmed men of color and sending racist texts messages. Despite pledging to reform, SFPD continued to stop and use force against Black people more than any other race in 2021. And earlier this year it was revealed that the department regularly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905239/sf-police-use-dna-from-rape-exams-to-identify-suspects-in-unrelated-cases-da-says\">logged\u003c/a> rape victims’ DNA information into a database to use as evidence in unrelated crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in at least one way, McCray is different from her POA predecessors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, I’m a woman. I’m Black, and I’m actually a lesbian,” she said. “Who saw that coming? No one saw that coming. I didn’t see that coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a Black lesbian, who grew up in public housing in the Western Addition, head up the San Francisco police union might be evidence of impending change. But despite those demographic details, McCray acknowledges she’s still a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m interested in wages, working conditions and benefits,” she said. “I’m not into playing these political games, so I’m not a politician. It’s about getting what’s best for the members out on the street so they can understand what they can and cannot do when they’re doing their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pride']The disagreement over uniforms in the parade turned out to be something of a misunderstanding. During a conversation at Manny’s Cafe in the Mission earlier this month, Pride Executive Director Suzanne Ford and Officer Winters, both transgender women, it became clear that the SFPD was under the impression they could not wear uniforms at all, while the parade committee merely wanted them to wear \u003cem>some\u003c/em> clothing with SFPD Pride logos rather than their full uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, a compromise was struck where on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance will march in uniform and others will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt that a common ground would be, ‘Hey, still come be in the parade. But maybe if you made it a little bit more casual, like Pride T-shirts, so it wouldn’t be as bad for some of the people who were asking for you not to be there,'” Wysinger said. “We felt that it was a good common ground for both the demonstrators and for the LGBT officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of openly gay cops and other law enforcement members marching in the Pride parade brings back memories for Danilo Quintanilla. As a closeted 18-year old growing up in the Central Valley, he came to San Francisco with a friend in 2008 to watch the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His eyes welled up as he recalled how that moment made him realize that a queer, Latino kid could fulfill his dream. Since 2016, he’s been a deputy with the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the most profound moments was seeing law enforcement officers walking down the parade, holding hands of their partners, seeing literally the diversity of San Francisco reflected in law enforcement,” Quintanilla said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Given law enforcement’s history of abuses committed against the LGBTQ community and other marginalized and oppressed groups, it should have surprised no one when the issue of uniformed police marching in this year’s San Francisco Pride Parade threatened to disrupt an event organizers hoped would unite people after two years of social distancing driven by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in the LGBTQ community simply did not want uniformed officers, even queer ones, marching up Market Street in uniforms Sunday. But LGBTQ police officers, firefighters and sheriff’s deputies announced they would not participate if their uniforms were banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to Pride representatives and queer police officers to get a better understanding of why SFPD officers were initially told not to wear uniforms and why it caused such a controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives of the historic Transgender District in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood sees it, having a uniformed police presence in the parade is antithetical to spirit of Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is just the visible connection between police uniforms at a celebration, at an event that is supposed to be a repudiation of suppression perpetuated by police,” she told KQED. “This history and this tension has been brewing for decades and decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Pride organizers in New York City said last month they planned to exclude police from their parade altogether, prompting Mayor Eric Adams, a former NYPD cop, to say he might skip the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the controversy is not whether police officers should march, but what they \u003cem>wear\u003c/em>. The SF Pride Committee said LGBTQ police were welcome to march, but not in full uniform because of the uniform’s connection to systematic mistreatment or violence directed at the queer community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For example, in May 1979, the gay community was enraged by a light prison sentence given to former Supervisor Dan White, a friend of the police and fire departments, who murdered Mayor George Moscone and gay Supervisor Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the so-called White Night Riots, people threw bricks through City Hall windows and lit police cars on fire. SFPD responded with force at a gay bar in the Castro. It was a low point in relations between the LGBTQ community and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we are very well aware of with the Stonewall Inn riots of 1969, even in San Francisco’s own Compton’s Cafeteria riots of 1966, these were direct confrontations of trans and queer people with police,” said Peraza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said opposition to uniformed police in the Pride parade was understandable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think of the creation of Pride, it was started by the activism and the resistance of Black and brown trans and queer people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaks into microphone she's holding on sidewalk outside building as three Black and brown people listen in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transgender District Director of Social Justice & Empowerment Initiatives Jupiter Peraza speaks outside the site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot in San Francisco on March 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And today, after the murder of George Floyd and other fatal encounters with police, the uniform can be fraught for people of color and queer folks. That history, including excessive use of force, fatal shootings, discrimination and harassment, isn’t lost on Carolyn Wysinger, president of SF Pride, which puts on the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she’s had family members in law enforcement – her grandfather was a police officer in Louisiana, and her cousin was a cop across the bay in Richmond – Wysinger, a Black lesbian, has also had more than her share of run-ins with cops. She says her masculine appearance has led to trouble, like the time she was pulled over in Southern California, apparently for an expired registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was kind of pulled out of the car, you know, pushed up against the car stop and frisked,” she recalls. “And when he pushed me up against the car, he basically told me, ‘You know, if I find drugs in here, I’m throwing you in jail.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse, a CHP officer pulled her over on a freeway in Los Angeles County and pulled out a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And to this day, I don’t know why I was pulled over and I don’t know why I had a gun put to my head. But that did happen,” Wysinger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of incidents like those, Wysinger understands where queer police are coming from when they declined to march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They felt that by not wearing a uniform that they were dishonoring the struggle of those who were there during [the fight pressing the SFPD to allow LGBTQ officers to march in their uniforms] and that, you know, was kind of diminishing that fight for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917929\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a Black woman smiling broadly and wearing a bright red shirt leans casually against a building\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Wysinger, board president of SF Pride, poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police officer Kathryn Winters, a transgender member of the SFPD Pride Alliance, has a different take on the community’s relationship with the SFPD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, LGBTQ persons weren’t really welcome in law enforcement. And the idea of LGBTQ people wearing a police uniform in a pride parade was unheard of,” Winters said. “The idea of us being out proud and visible was radical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, she and other LGBTQ police officers were reluctant to let go of a hard-fought right both to join the SFPD and then to march in full uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when the Pride Committee told them they could only march in something less than their full uniforms, the cops said no. And in a show of solidarity, Mayor London Breed said she wouldn’t join the parade either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. Tracy McCray spoke for many police officers and other first responders when she described the importance of wearing their uniforms in the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a part of who we are. And, unfortunately, for some people they have angst when they see that,” McCray told KQED. “We’re identifiable with that. It is who you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman smiles broadly, wearing a blue SFPOA shirt in an office with a US flag in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy McCray, San Francisco Police Officers Association president, poses for a portrait at the SFPOA offices in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a 33-year veteran of the SFPD, McCray isn’t just any cop. She’s the new president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, which for years has defended officers accused of excessive use of force, killing unarmed men of color and sending racist texts messages. Despite pledging to reform, SFPD continued to stop and use force against Black people more than any other race in 2021. And earlier this year it was revealed that the department regularly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905239/sf-police-use-dna-from-rape-exams-to-identify-suspects-in-unrelated-cases-da-says\">logged\u003c/a> rape victims’ DNA information into a database to use as evidence in unrelated crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in at least one way, McCray is different from her POA predecessors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, I’m a woman. I’m Black, and I’m actually a lesbian,” she said. “Who saw that coming? No one saw that coming. I didn’t see that coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a Black lesbian, who grew up in public housing in the Western Addition, head up the San Francisco police union might be evidence of impending change. But despite those demographic details, McCray acknowledges she’s still a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m interested in wages, working conditions and benefits,” she said. “I’m not into playing these political games, so I’m not a politician. It’s about getting what’s best for the members out on the street so they can understand what they can and cannot do when they’re doing their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The disagreement over uniforms in the parade turned out to be something of a misunderstanding. During a conversation at Manny’s Cafe in the Mission earlier this month, Pride Executive Director Suzanne Ford and Officer Winters, both transgender women, it became clear that the SFPD was under the impression they could not wear uniforms at all, while the parade committee merely wanted them to wear \u003cem>some\u003c/em> clothing with SFPD Pride logos rather than their full uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, a compromise was struck where on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance will march in uniform and others will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt that a common ground would be, ‘Hey, still come be in the parade. But maybe if you made it a little bit more casual, like Pride T-shirts, so it wouldn’t be as bad for some of the people who were asking for you not to be there,'” Wysinger said. “We felt that it was a good common ground for both the demonstrators and for the LGBT officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of openly gay cops and other law enforcement members marching in the Pride parade brings back memories for Danilo Quintanilla. As a closeted 18-year old growing up in the Central Valley, he came to San Francisco with a friend in 2008 to watch the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His eyes welled up as he recalled how that moment made him realize that a queer, Latino kid could fulfill his dream. Since 2016, he’s been a deputy with the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Roe v. Wade Overturned | Pride | This Week in CA News",
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"content": "\u003ch3>\u003cb>Prof. Michele Goodwin\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The United States Supreme Court overturned 50 years of precedent Friday, striking down Roe v. Wade and the federal right to an abortion. President Joe Biden addressed the nation this morning, saying the court had set the country back by 150 years. We get analysis and perspective from constitutional law expert and UC Irvine Chancellor’s Professor Michele B. Goodwin. “Women are still petitioning for the right of personhood in the United States,” Goodwin said in reaction to the court ruling. “That’s not hyperbole. That’s the decision itself.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How are California and the Bay Area responding to the news about Roe? We also discuss how climate change is contributing to wildfires and dive into a KQED and Capital Public Radio investigation into how CAL FIRE is leaving the state vulnerable to catastrophic wildfires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Danielle Venton, KQED science reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Susan Stryker\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gender and sexuality historian and co-author of “Gay by the Bay” Susan Stryker joins us to talk about celebrating Pride Month and the need to continue fighting for LGBTQAI+ rights – especially now that the nation’s highest court has overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pride in San Francisco\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco has celebrated gay pride every year since 1970. Ahead of this Sunday’s 52nd annual parade featuring floats, local politicians and, of course, “dykes on bikes,” our look at Something Beautiful this week features pride decorations around the city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch3>\u003cb>Prof. Michele Goodwin\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The United States Supreme Court overturned 50 years of precedent Friday, striking down Roe v. Wade and the federal right to an abortion. President Joe Biden addressed the nation this morning, saying the court had set the country back by 150 years. We get analysis and perspective from constitutional law expert and UC Irvine Chancellor’s Professor Michele B. Goodwin. “Women are still petitioning for the right of personhood in the United States,” Goodwin said in reaction to the court ruling. “That’s not hyperbole. That’s the decision itself.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How are California and the Bay Area responding to the news about Roe? We also discuss how climate change is contributing to wildfires and dive into a KQED and Capital Public Radio investigation into how CAL FIRE is leaving the state vulnerable to catastrophic wildfires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Danielle Venton, KQED science reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Susan Stryker\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gender and sexuality historian and co-author of “Gay by the Bay” Susan Stryker joins us to talk about celebrating Pride Month and the need to continue fighting for LGBTQAI+ rights – especially now that the nation’s highest court has overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pride in San Francisco\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco has celebrated gay pride every year since 1970. Ahead of this Sunday’s 52nd annual parade featuring floats, local politicians and, of course, “dykes on bikes,” our look at Something Beautiful this week features pride decorations around the city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "heres-where-abortions-will-likely-be-banned-or-strictly-limited-post-roe",
"title": "Here's Where Abortions Will Likely Be Banned or Strictly Limited Post-Roe",
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"headTitle": "Here’s Where Abortions Will Likely Be Banned or Strictly Limited Post-Roe | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11917898\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-800x763.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-800x763.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-1020x973.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-160x153.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-1536x1466.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM.png 1578w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>Twenty-two states have laws in place that will immediately ban abortions or pave the way to ban or severely restrict access to them, following the Supreme Court’s historic decision Friday to overturn Roe v. Wade. This is \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2021/10/26-states-are-certain-or-likely-ban-abortion-without-roe-heres-which-ones-and-why\">according to research from the Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a group that favors abortion rights. Several additional states appear likely to enact new restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health effectively overturns the precedent set by the 1973 Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade, which affirmed that a woman has a right to seek an abortion up until the point that the fetus could be “viable” outside of the uterus. It opens the way for states to enact many laws that were tied up in court, and to pass new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How states will ban or restrict abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State laws banning or severely restricting abortion access fall into three broad categories: 1) “trigger bans,” which ban abortion under most circumstances and go into effect with the fall of Roe; 2) pre-Roe bans still on the books; and 3) more recent laws that limit abortion to an early gestational age or ban it nearly totally. Some states have laws in more than one of these categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirteen states have trigger bans, laws that take effect either immediately, by state official certification or after a 30-day waiting period, if Roe is overturned. Once they go into effect, these laws would supersede other laws the state may have on the books, said Elizabeth Nash, a state policy analyst with the Guttmacher Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The trigger ban applies throughout pregnancy” said Nash. “It does not have a gestational age [restriction].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five additional states that don’t have trigger laws do have pre-Roe laws banning abortion which could now be applied, depending on state legislative action or judicial enforcement. (Arizona’s pre-Roe ban has been on the books since before it became a state.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous states have passed laws that prohibit abortions after an early gestational age, though trigger bans in most of those states trump these. However, among states \u003cem>without\u003c/em> trigger laws, four have six-week bans that could take effect, assuming legal challenges against them are dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sixteen states and the District of Columbia currently have laws that protect the right to abortion, mostly before the point of fetal viability,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/state-indicator/state-policies-protecting-or-restricting-legal-status-of-abortion/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22Location%22,%22sort%22:%22asc%22%7D\"> according to the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How fast trigger laws can be enacted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trigger laws in three states – Kentucky, Louisiana and South Dakota – are set to take effect immediately, \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2022/06/13-states-have-abortion-trigger-bans-heres-what-happens-when-roe-overturned\">according to Guttmacher research\u003c/a>. All three outright ban abortion, except in cases in which the mother’s life is in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In three other states, abortion bans automatically go into effect in 30 days. Those states are Idaho, Tennessee and Texas. (In Texas,\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/28/1083536401/texas-abortion-law-6-months\"> abortion services have already been chilled\u003c/a> by a state law that allows private citizens to sue abortion providers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the remaining seven states, some sort of certification process is required. That means a state official – like a governor, attorney general or legislative official – must certify or approve the trigger law before it can go into effect. Those states are Arkansas, Mississippi, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah and Wyoming. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/26/1101428347/oklahoma-governor-signs-the-nations-strictest-abortion-ban\">Last month, Oklahoma also passed the nation’s strictest abortion law\u003c/a>, which is similar to but even stricter than the one in Texas.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcement of pre-Roe abortion bans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some states have laws that pre-existed the Roe ruling and have remained on the books, unenforced, ever since. Whether those laws come into force could depend on the current political leanings in those places, said Guttmacher’s Nash, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/04/1096545812/if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned-many-states-may-limit-access-to-abortion-immediately\">in an interview with NPR last month.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In states like Michigan and Wisconsin, pre-Roe abortion bans are still technically part of state law. But the Democrats who hold the governors’ and attorneys general offices may not be interested in enforcing them, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In others, like West Virginia and Arizona, Republicans may be more likely to press for enforcement or to ask a court to allow previously challenged laws to go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to stress that this would happen fairly quickly. We’re not talking months and years. We’re really talking around days and weeks,” Nash said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How early pregnancy abortion bans restrict abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bans on abortion after six or eight weeks gestational age narrow the window to access an abortion to a few weeks. The bans that had been passed in several states were previously held up in court, except for Texas, but could now become effective depending on court actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The start of a pregnancy is measured as \u003ca href=\"https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/7247-fetal-development-stages-of-growth#:~:text=The%20start%20of%20pregnancy%20is,of%20when%20conception%20actually%20occurs.\">the first day of a woman’s menstrual cycle\u003c/a>. Pregnancy can occur during ovulation, or within two weeks of the first day of the menstrual cycle. Detecting a pregnancy is possible within about four weeks from the first day of a woman’s period. This means that in states that ban abortions after six weeks, a pregnant woman who decides to have an abortion typically has about two weeks to obtain one in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Here%27s+where+abortions+will+likely+be+banned+or+strictly+limited+post+Roe&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Abortion bans in many states will kick in with the Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe v. Wade. Here are the states that have laws with abortion bans and restrictions in place.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11917898\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-800x763.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-800x763.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-1020x973.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-160x153.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM-1536x1466.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Screen-Shot-2022-06-24-at-12.34.04-PM.png 1578w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>Twenty-two states have laws in place that will immediately ban abortions or pave the way to ban or severely restrict access to them, following the Supreme Court’s historic decision Friday to overturn Roe v. Wade. This is \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2021/10/26-states-are-certain-or-likely-ban-abortion-without-roe-heres-which-ones-and-why\">according to research from the Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a group that favors abortion rights. Several additional states appear likely to enact new restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health effectively overturns the precedent set by the 1973 Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade, which affirmed that a woman has a right to seek an abortion up until the point that the fetus could be “viable” outside of the uterus. It opens the way for states to enact many laws that were tied up in court, and to pass new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How states will ban or restrict abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State laws banning or severely restricting abortion access fall into three broad categories: 1) “trigger bans,” which ban abortion under most circumstances and go into effect with the fall of Roe; 2) pre-Roe bans still on the books; and 3) more recent laws that limit abortion to an early gestational age or ban it nearly totally. Some states have laws in more than one of these categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirteen states have trigger bans, laws that take effect either immediately, by state official certification or after a 30-day waiting period, if Roe is overturned. Once they go into effect, these laws would supersede other laws the state may have on the books, said Elizabeth Nash, a state policy analyst with the Guttmacher Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The trigger ban applies throughout pregnancy” said Nash. “It does not have a gestational age [restriction].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five additional states that don’t have trigger laws do have pre-Roe laws banning abortion which could now be applied, depending on state legislative action or judicial enforcement. (Arizona’s pre-Roe ban has been on the books since before it became a state.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous states have passed laws that prohibit abortions after an early gestational age, though trigger bans in most of those states trump these. However, among states \u003cem>without\u003c/em> trigger laws, four have six-week bans that could take effect, assuming legal challenges against them are dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sixteen states and the District of Columbia currently have laws that protect the right to abortion, mostly before the point of fetal viability,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/state-indicator/state-policies-protecting-or-restricting-legal-status-of-abortion/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22Location%22,%22sort%22:%22asc%22%7D\"> according to the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How fast trigger laws can be enacted\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trigger laws in three states – Kentucky, Louisiana and South Dakota – are set to take effect immediately, \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/article/2022/06/13-states-have-abortion-trigger-bans-heres-what-happens-when-roe-overturned\">according to Guttmacher research\u003c/a>. All three outright ban abortion, except in cases in which the mother’s life is in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In three other states, abortion bans automatically go into effect in 30 days. Those states are Idaho, Tennessee and Texas. (In Texas,\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/28/1083536401/texas-abortion-law-6-months\"> abortion services have already been chilled\u003c/a> by a state law that allows private citizens to sue abortion providers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the remaining seven states, some sort of certification process is required. That means a state official – like a governor, attorney general or legislative official – must certify or approve the trigger law before it can go into effect. Those states are Arkansas, Mississippi, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah and Wyoming. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/26/1101428347/oklahoma-governor-signs-the-nations-strictest-abortion-ban\">Last month, Oklahoma also passed the nation’s strictest abortion law\u003c/a>, which is similar to but even stricter than the one in Texas.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcement of pre-Roe abortion bans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some states have laws that pre-existed the Roe ruling and have remained on the books, unenforced, ever since. Whether those laws come into force could depend on the current political leanings in those places, said Guttmacher’s Nash, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/04/1096545812/if-roe-v-wade-is-overturned-many-states-may-limit-access-to-abortion-immediately\">in an interview with NPR last month.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In states like Michigan and Wisconsin, pre-Roe abortion bans are still technically part of state law. But the Democrats who hold the governors’ and attorneys general offices may not be interested in enforcing them, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In others, like West Virginia and Arizona, Republicans may be more likely to press for enforcement or to ask a court to allow previously challenged laws to go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to stress that this would happen fairly quickly. We’re not talking months and years. We’re really talking around days and weeks,” Nash said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How early pregnancy abortion bans restrict abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bans on abortion after six or eight weeks gestational age narrow the window to access an abortion to a few weeks. The bans that had been passed in several states were previously held up in court, except for Texas, but could now become effective depending on court actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The start of a pregnancy is measured as \u003ca href=\"https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/7247-fetal-development-stages-of-growth#:~:text=The%20start%20of%20pregnancy%20is,of%20when%20conception%20actually%20occurs.\">the first day of a woman’s menstrual cycle\u003c/a>. Pregnancy can occur during ovulation, or within two weeks of the first day of the menstrual cycle. Detecting a pregnancy is possible within about four weeks from the first day of a woman’s period. This means that in states that ban abortions after six weeks, a pregnant woman who decides to have an abortion typically has about two weeks to obtain one in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Here%27s+where+abortions+will+likely+be+banned+or+strictly+limited+post+Roe&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-strikes-down-n-y-gun-law-is-californias-concealed-carry-law-next",
"title": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California's Concealed Carry Law Next?",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California’s Concealed Carry Law Next? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1102995474/supreme-court-opinion-guns\">issued one of its most significant gun law rulings in more than a decade\u003c/a>, tossing out New York state’s tight restrictions on who can carry a concealed gun in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun rights activists are celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-843_7j80.pdf\">the 6-3 decision\u003c/a>, while advocates for stricter gun laws decry it. Both agree that California’s similar law may be challenged next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling likely marks the most dramatic expansion of gun rights in the United States since 2008, when the Supreme Court clarified for the first time that the Second Amendment’s right “to keep and bear” firearms \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">applies to individual citizens\u003c/a>, not just state militia members. But that ruling only affirmed the right for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">self-defense within the home\u003c/a>,” leaving states with wide discretion over whether and how to restrict guns elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling brings that constitutional right outside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confining the right to ‘bear’ arms to the home would make little sense,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the court’s majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the ruling “shameful” and a “dark day for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a dangerous decision from a court hell bent on pushing a radical ideological agenda and infringing on the rights of states to protect our citizens from being gunned down in our streets, schools, and churches,” the governor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=sjv9Ft93Ni-II6qkD03XOg\">said on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=yo2sTI8Si1Vm5jHOV9hEmw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla joined Newsom in condemning the court’s ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision will make our communities less safe, plain and simple,” Padilla said in a statement. “This dangerous decision misinterprets the Constitution and jeopardizes gun safety laws in a number of states, including California, which has some of the most effective gun safety measures in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said in a statement that the high court is condoning mass shootings and the “ongoing tragedy of daily gun deaths plaguing our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfathomable that, while families in Uvalde, Buffalo and countless other communities mourn their loved ones stolen by gun violence, a supermajority of the Supreme Court has chosen to endanger more American lives,” Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states either issue concealed carry licenses upon request or do not require licenses at all. But in eight states, applicants are required to show a compelling need before being granted permission to tote around a concealed firearm. Until Thursday’s ruling, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york\">New York was one of those states\u003c/a>. California is another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know of no other constitutional right that an individual may exercise only after demonstrating to government officers some special need,” Thomas wrote, offering a description of New York’s concealed carry law, but also California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/81c2beb2-ad03-44b3-8083-a72264319fb8?src=embed\" title=\"Concealed carry regulations\" width=\"800\" height=\"798\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How easily a Californian is able to obtain a concealed weapon permit depends on where they live. That’s because in California these licenses are issued by local law enforcement — either city police chiefs or county sheriffs. And while state law requires applicants to demonstrate “good cause,” local law enforcement officials have wide latitude to define what that means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties with Republican sheriffs — \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/want-to-carry-a-concealed-gun-live-in-sacramento-not-san-francisco/\">Sacramento\u003c/a> and Tehama, for example — permits are issued to all qualified applicants so long as they pay the necessary fees, take a firearms safety class as required by state law and don’t have a criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco sits on the opposite end of the spectrum.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/sites/default/files/2021-05/SFSD%2001-15%20CCW.pdf\"> According to county sheriff guidelines\u003c/a>, an applicant living in the city must “supply convincing evidence” that they are at “significant risk of danger” that local law enforcement “cannot adequately address” and “cannot reasonably be avoided by alternative measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling doesn’t immediately invalidate restrictive concealed carry policies like those in San Francisco. But it does make legal challenges against California’s entire discretionary system much more likely to succeed. In 2017, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/us/politics/supreme-court-guns-public-california.html\">declined to hear a challenge to California’s concealed carry law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling could have much more sweeping implications that touch on all areas of California gun laws – from the state’s ban on assault-style weapons and high-capacity magazines to its restrictions on “ghost guns.” That’s because the new ruling sets a higher bar for any firearm restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest,” Thomas wrote. “Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Michel, president of the California Rifle & Pistol Association (the state’s National Rifle Association chapter), told CalMatters on Thursday that he plans to file a host of new legal briefs in existing court challenges against the state’s assault weapon ban, its background check requirements, its large capacity magazine ban and against Los Angeles County’s concealed carry restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said today’s ruling is “going to simplify the whole process of judging whether or not a gun law is constitutional” and that the State of California will now have a harder time arguing that its strict rules are legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='gun-control']At the same time the nation’s highest court expands the scope of the Second Amendment, Congress is on the verge of adding a few modest extra guardrails. In response to the mass shooting at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, in which a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers with a semi-automatic rifle, the U.S. Senate passed a\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/21/1106466279/senators-reach-final-bipartisan-agreement-on-a-gun-safety-bill\"> bipartisan gun bill\u003c/a> on Wednesday over the objections of the National Rifle Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Joe Biden, as is expected, the measure would ratchet up some background checks for younger would-be gun buyers. It would also provide funding to states interested in introducing “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/06/california-gun-laws-biden/\">red-flag laws\u003c/a>,” which make it easier for authorities to temporarily remove firearms from those deemed to be a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in California are also considering their own raft of new gun bills. That includes legislation that would open gun vendors and manufacturers to an array of lawsuits for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/texas-abortion-ban-newsom-assault-weapons/\"> violating state gun rules\u003c/a> or\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/05/california-gun-control-bill/\"> marketing guns and ammunition to minors\u003c/a> or others who aren’t allowed to own them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Restrictive concealed carry policies in California - like those in place in San Francisco - are in jeopardy following a ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday.",
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"title": "Supreme Court Strikes Down N.Y. Gun Law. Is California's Concealed Carry Law Next? | KQED",
"description": "Restrictive concealed carry policies in California - like those in place in San Francisco - are in jeopardy following a ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1102995474/supreme-court-opinion-guns\">issued one of its most significant gun law rulings in more than a decade\u003c/a>, tossing out New York state’s tight restrictions on who can carry a concealed gun in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun rights activists are celebrating \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-843_7j80.pdf\">the 6-3 decision\u003c/a>, while advocates for stricter gun laws decry it. Both agree that California’s similar law may be challenged next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling likely marks the most dramatic expansion of gun rights in the United States since 2008, when the Supreme Court clarified for the first time that the Second Amendment’s right “to keep and bear” firearms \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">applies to individual citizens\u003c/a>, not just state militia members. But that ruling only affirmed the right for “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/07-290.pdf\">self-defense within the home\u003c/a>,” leaving states with wide discretion over whether and how to restrict guns elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling brings that constitutional right outside the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confining the right to ‘bear’ arms to the home would make little sense,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the court’s majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the ruling “shameful” and a “dark day for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a dangerous decision from a court hell bent on pushing a radical ideological agenda and infringing on the rights of states to protect our citizens from being gunned down in our streets, schools, and churches,” the governor \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1539993469644447744?s=20&t=sjv9Ft93Ni-II6qkD03XOg\">said on Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla joined Newsom in condemning the court’s ruling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision will make our communities less safe, plain and simple,” Padilla said in a statement. “This dangerous decision misinterprets the Constitution and jeopardizes gun safety laws in a number of states, including California, which has some of the most effective gun safety measures in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said in a statement that the high court is condoning mass shootings and the “ongoing tragedy of daily gun deaths plaguing our nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is unfathomable that, while families in Uvalde, Buffalo and countless other communities mourn their loved ones stolen by gun violence, a supermajority of the Supreme Court has chosen to endanger more American lives,” Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most states either issue concealed carry licenses upon request or do not require licenses at all. But in eight states, applicants are required to show a compelling need before being granted permission to tote around a concealed firearm. Until Thursday’s ruling, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/11/03/1049380749/gun-rights-supreme-court-arguments-new-york\">New York was one of those states\u003c/a>. California is another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know of no other constitutional right that an individual may exercise only after demonstrating to government officers some special need,” Thomas wrote, offering a description of New York’s concealed carry law, but also California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/81c2beb2-ad03-44b3-8083-a72264319fb8?src=embed\" title=\"Concealed carry regulations\" width=\"800\" height=\"798\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How easily a Californian is able to obtain a concealed weapon permit depends on where they live. That’s because in California these licenses are issued by local law enforcement — either city police chiefs or county sheriffs. And while state law requires applicants to demonstrate “good cause,” local law enforcement officials have wide latitude to define what that means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In counties with Republican sheriffs — \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/want-to-carry-a-concealed-gun-live-in-sacramento-not-san-francisco/\">Sacramento\u003c/a> and Tehama, for example — permits are issued to all qualified applicants so long as they pay the necessary fees, take a firearms safety class as required by state law and don’t have a criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco sits on the opposite end of the spectrum.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/sites/default/files/2021-05/SFSD%2001-15%20CCW.pdf\"> According to county sheriff guidelines\u003c/a>, an applicant living in the city must “supply convincing evidence” that they are at “significant risk of danger” that local law enforcement “cannot adequately address” and “cannot reasonably be avoided by alternative measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s ruling doesn’t immediately invalidate restrictive concealed carry policies like those in San Francisco. But it does make legal challenges against California’s entire discretionary system much more likely to succeed. In 2017, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/26/us/politics/supreme-court-guns-public-california.html\">declined to hear a challenge to California’s concealed carry law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s ruling could have much more sweeping implications that touch on all areas of California gun laws – from the state’s ban on assault-style weapons and high-capacity magazines to its restrictions on “ghost guns.” That’s because the new ruling sets a higher bar for any firearm restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest,” Thomas wrote. “Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chuck Michel, president of the California Rifle & Pistol Association (the state’s National Rifle Association chapter), told CalMatters on Thursday that he plans to file a host of new legal briefs in existing court challenges against the state’s assault weapon ban, its background check requirements, its large capacity magazine ban and against Los Angeles County’s concealed carry restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said today’s ruling is “going to simplify the whole process of judging whether or not a gun law is constitutional” and that the State of California will now have a harder time arguing that its strict rules are legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the same time the nation’s highest court expands the scope of the Second Amendment, Congress is on the verge of adding a few modest extra guardrails. In response to the mass shooting at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, in which a gunman killed 19 children and two teachers with a semi-automatic rifle, the U.S. Senate passed a\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/21/1106466279/senators-reach-final-bipartisan-agreement-on-a-gun-safety-bill\"> bipartisan gun bill\u003c/a> on Wednesday over the objections of the National Rifle Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the House of Representatives and signed by President Joe Biden, as is expected, the measure would ratchet up some background checks for younger would-be gun buyers. It would also provide funding to states interested in introducing “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/06/california-gun-laws-biden/\">red-flag laws\u003c/a>,” which make it easier for authorities to temporarily remove firearms from those deemed to be a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in California are also considering their own raft of new gun bills. That includes legislation that would open gun vendors and manufacturers to an array of lawsuits for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/texas-abortion-ban-newsom-assault-weapons/\"> violating state gun rules\u003c/a> or\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/05/california-gun-control-bill/\"> marketing guns and ammunition to minors\u003c/a> or others who aren’t allowed to own them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "How a Garden at UC Santa Cruz Led to an Exoneration Campaign for a Man on Death Row",
"title": "How a Garden at UC Santa Cruz Led to an Exoneration Campaign for a Man on Death Row",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://ias.ucsc.edu/content/2021/solitary-garden\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Solitary Garden\u003c/a> on the UC Santa Cruz campus is a small space, 9 feet long by 6 feet wide, flanked by old-growth oaks and sweeping views of the Monterey Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a little oasis, with its bushy plantings of rosemary, daisies and agave. The dimensions of the public sculpture are intentional — it's the size of an average solitary confinement cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timothy James Young, the person tasked with curating the Solitary Garden, has never himself set foot on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am a wrongfully convicted prisoner on San Quentin's death row,\" said Young when he introduced himself at the start of a recent phone interview with KQED from the maximum security state prison in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 52-year-old, also known as \"the solitary gardener,\" is one among \u003ca href=\"https://documents.deathpenaltyinfo.org/pdf/FactSheet.pdf\">nearly 700 people on death row in California\u003c/a> — the highest number in the U.S. Young said he's been locked up for 23 years on scant evidence. With his appeal process moving at a glacial pace, Young said he had given up hope of ever getting out — until students and faculty at UC Santa Cruz came along to campaign for his innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My journey to freedom didn't necessarily begin until I was introduced to Solitary Garden and the folks at UC Santa Cruz,\" said Young, who's been the curator of the garden since its inception on campus three years ago, thanks to a nationwide public art project protesting solitary confinement created by multidisciplinary artist and prison reform activist \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jackie_Sumell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jackie Sumell\u003c/a>. The campus community does the actual gardening on Young's behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917030\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917030 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A 9-by-6-foot raised bed on a grassy hillside has in its center three-dimensional concrete shapes that resemble a bed, a toilet, and two low pillars. On the front side is a cell door, with what indoors would be floor-to-ceiling bars. Plantings surround the concrete shapes -- low green bushes and a succulent in one corner. Beyond the plot is another low grassy hillside, oak trees and, beyond that, in the distance, the ocean. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Solitary Garden at UC Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sumell put Young in touch with UC Santa Cruz after he reached out to her as an admirer of her work and they struck up a correspondence. Young said he has forged deep friendships as a result of with students and faculty on campus as a result of being involved with the project. The feeling is mutual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want everyone to understand that this is not a relationship you can just walk away from. As long as he's in that cell, we need to continue to tend to that relationship, just as we tend the garden,\" said Rachel Nelson, who commissioned the Solitary Garden in her role as director of \u003ca href=\"https://ias.ucsc.edu/\">UC Santa Cruz's Institute of the Arts and Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Journey through the system\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Young said it's been a long journey since the day of his arrest in April 1999. He said law enforcement officers pulled him over while he was leaving an Easter celebration in the San Joaquin Valley town of Lemoore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I look around and there's like assault rifles being pointed at me from every direction, and I'm just trying to figure out what the heck is going on,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrest happened four years after the crime Young eventually found out he was accused of committing — the murder of five people in a bar in the nearby town of Tulare — took place. Stuck in county jail, Young said he assumed the criminal legal system would work in his favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My initial thought was, 'Well, I'm an American. I have rights. Once we get to a preliminary hearing, this case will be dismissed,'\" Young said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 723px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917035 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black man with brown eyes, chin-length locs and a graying goatee sits backward on a red plastic chair. He wears a light-blue short-sleeved prison tunic and navy blue sweatpants; on the right leg are yellow, vertical letters spelling \"SONER\" (as if they are part of the word \"PRISONER\"). He rests the fingertips of his hands, including his thumbs, together as he leans forward against the back of the chair, looking straight at the camera with a confident smile. To his right is a white-painted barred door; he appears to be inside a cell.' width=\"723\" height=\"721\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut.jpg 723w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 723px) 100vw, 723px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Timothy James Young. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Timothy James Young)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The case went to trial despite shaky evidence and unreliable witnesses, including Anthony Wolfe, a man convicted of a felony who served as a paid informant in return for a reduced sentence for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2005, an all-white jury convicted Young, who is Black, of murder. A month later, he was sentenced to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I sat thinking, 'The truth will come out. Just hang in there. This will all be exposed and it’ll all be over with,'\" Young said. \"The truth \u003ci>did\u003c/i> come out. But everybody discarded it. And so 23 years later, I'm still wrongfully imprisoned and the nightmare continues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A growing connection to students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent months, a small group of film and digital media students at UC Santa Cruz has been working to make a case for exonerating Young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qoDy1jgVVxo\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their eight-minute documentary, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qoDy1jgVVxo\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">I Am More: The Story of Tim Young\u003c/a>,\" is the centerpiece of a new collaboration with students mostly majoring in government at \u003ca href=\"https://www.georgetown.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Georgetown University\u003c/a>, as part of a class there called \"\u003ca href=\"https://prisonsandjustice.georgetown.edu/news/wrongful-convictions-making-an-exoneree-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Making an Exoneree\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/00336000014RcN6AAK/marc-howard\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Marc Howard,\u003c/a> professor of government and law at Georgetown, said that since the class launched in 2018, it has contributed to the exonerations of three wrongfully convicted people out of the 25 cases it has tackled so far. He and his students typically take on five cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What started out as an experiment has actually turned into an extraordinary machine for justice,\" Howard said. \"We have another prison release in the coming weeks. We may have another one still this year. And we've made great progress in a number of cases where the person initially had very little hope and we've at least helped them to obtain legal counsel.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with enhanced creative input from UC Santa Cruz on the filmmaking side for the first time this year, the schools joined forces to help get more people dealing with tough cases out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917031 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white, middled-aged woman with long, curly salt-and-pepper hair and large, black-framed glasses poses indoors in front of a framed photograph of a torn cardboard box set against a sunlit white wall. She is smiling and wears a black cardigan sweater over a dark gray T-shirt. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz Film and Digital Media professor Sharon Daniel. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Documentary works of art in particular have a lot of power to persuade, to change people's perceptions,\" said UC Santa Cruz film and digital media professor \u003ca href=\"https://film.ucsc.edu/faculty/sharon_daniel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sharon Daniel\u003c/a>, who co-teaches the class. \"It's a way of addressing a general public, an audience that maybe doesn't know anything about what's wrong with the criminal legal system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel said she approached Georgetown about Young's case after she developed her own close friendship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She first got to know him from the letters he wrote as part of the Solitary Garden project. Young went on to contribute to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.unjustlyexposed.com/\">interactive documentary Daniel made in 2020 about the impact of COVID-19 on the prison system\u003c/a> (Young said he contracted the virus in 2020 and still suffers from long COVID symptoms). The two were starting to collaborate on another long-form documentary, this time about Young's case, when Daniel heard about the Georgetown class on a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Daniel reached out to the professor there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And he [Howard] could clearly see that it was the kind of case that they really like to take on with the class,\" she said. \"Really, really tough cases — cases where there seemed like there was no hope.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cracking a tough case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz undergrad Allison Dean, part of the student team working on Young’s case, said she and her colleagues combed through more than 11,000 pages of legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The evidence in the case was horribly mismanaged,\" she said. \"There's just so many different small pieces that led to this wrongful conviction.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917032 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young white woman in a black turtleneck sweater with long reddish hair smiles shoulder-to-shoulder with a young white man in a blue patterned button-down shirt, mustache and glasses, also smiling, with his right arm around her shoulders. They both look happy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz undergrads Allison Dean and Sullivan Gaudreault. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fellow undergrad Sullivan Gaudreault said the team traveled to Tulare, where the crime was committed, and surrounding cities, to conduct interviews with as many people as they could find who were involved in the original investigation and trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We interviewed the judge who oversaw the case,\" Gaudreault said. \"We interviewed one of the lead investigators, people who knew Tim, his defense counsel.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team also created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.timothyjamesyoung.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/free-tim-young?utm_content=cl_sharecopy_32847146_en-US%3A7&recruiter=1259071583&recruited_by_id=dcaf1200-af78-11ec-8660-53abd4361a7d&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=copylink&utm_campaign=psf_combo_share_initial&utm_term=psf_combo_share_initial&share_bandit_exp=initial-32847146-en-US\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">petition\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/freetimyoung/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">social media campaign\u003c/a> to gather support for Young. Right now, they have more than 700 followers on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/freetimyoung/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Instagram\u003c/a>. The immediate goal is to get pro bono legal representation for Young as he moves through an appeal process that could overturn his conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11904934,news_11916767,news_11882320 label='Related Stories']A legal firm is currently reviewing the students’ media campaign to decide whether to take on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I talk to Tim almost every day,\" Dean said. \"And probably the hardest thing is when he calls and he asks for updates. And I have no updates for him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Georgetown-UC Santa Cruz class is part of a long tradition that dates back at least to the 1990s, of college students working to free wrongfully convicted prisoners — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.northwestern.edu/magazine/northwestern/spring99/convictions.htm\">a landmark program at Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism, and Legal Clinic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're always going to need heroic students,\" said Robert Dunham, executive director of the independent nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Death Penalty Information Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data from the center shows just \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/policy-issues/innocence-database?state=California\">how tough it is to get someone exonerated\u003c/a>, especially in California and especially for someone on death row, where only five of the 692 people on death row have been exonerated since the early 1970s. (The state currently has a stay on executions.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There aren't enough lawyers and enough resources and enough courts with open hearts to correct all of the injustices that we see,\" Dunham said. \"So there will always be a need for people on the outside to bring attention to things that are not being corrected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In it for the long haul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though the class is over, Dean and Gaudreault both said they plan to keep on fighting for Young’s freedom for as long as it takes. And their professors said they are planning for the bi-coastal collaboration to continue, with a crop of new cases next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaudreault said the class has inspired him to rethink his career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917033\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917033 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two young white women with long, flat hair -- one wearing a yellow scarf holding back her hair -- sit behind a video camera in a neat, clean room with a drop ceiling and fluorescent overhead lights. The walls are pink-beige with nothing but a flatscreen TV on the walls. They are dressed casually and face a man who sits facing the camera. He is white and middle-aged, with thick, neat white-and-gray hair and a white goatee. He wears dark jeans and a blue button-down shirt tucked into his jeans, knees splayed, ankles crossed, fingers interlaced in his lap. A standing light lights him from the left. The woman on the left holds a notebook on her lap and a pen in her right hand. The woman on the right, with the yellow scarf, wears jean shorts and a T-shirt and has her legs crossed and arms folded.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students re-investigated Timothy James Young's case by traveling to Tulare and interviewing as many people as they could find who were involved in the original investigation and trial. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For the longest time, I've been wanting to go into the marketing and advertising industry,\" he said. \"I now want to pursue a career in nonprofit work and advocacy in terms of film, helping wrongfully convicted people have a voice and tell their story through digital media.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Young said he’s grateful for the students’ friendship and support. He’s optimistic their efforts will not only get him legal help, but also raise greater awareness about the urgent need to overhaul the penal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They have committed to the long, hard fight,\" said Young. \"That's not only a testament to the kind of people that they are, but it's a testament to the kind of relationships that we build.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young is dreaming of the day when he can visit the UC Santa Cruz campus and his Solitary Garden in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to just be in nature,\" he said. \"I want to feel the soil running through my fingers.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Incarcerated in San Quentin for the past 23 years, Timothy James Young said he had given up hope of getting out — until students and faculty at UC Santa Cruz helped kick off a campaign for his exoneration.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://ias.ucsc.edu/content/2021/solitary-garden\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Solitary Garden\u003c/a> on the UC Santa Cruz campus is a small space, 9 feet long by 6 feet wide, flanked by old-growth oaks and sweeping views of the Monterey Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a little oasis, with its bushy plantings of rosemary, daisies and agave. The dimensions of the public sculpture are intentional — it's the size of an average solitary confinement cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timothy James Young, the person tasked with curating the Solitary Garden, has never himself set foot on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am a wrongfully convicted prisoner on San Quentin's death row,\" said Young when he introduced himself at the start of a recent phone interview with KQED from the maximum security state prison in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 52-year-old, also known as \"the solitary gardener,\" is one among \u003ca href=\"https://documents.deathpenaltyinfo.org/pdf/FactSheet.pdf\">nearly 700 people on death row in California\u003c/a> — the highest number in the U.S. Young said he's been locked up for 23 years on scant evidence. With his appeal process moving at a glacial pace, Young said he had given up hope of ever getting out — until students and faculty at UC Santa Cruz came along to campaign for his innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My journey to freedom didn't necessarily begin until I was introduced to Solitary Garden and the folks at UC Santa Cruz,\" said Young, who's been the curator of the garden since its inception on campus three years ago, thanks to a nationwide public art project protesting solitary confinement created by multidisciplinary artist and prison reform activist \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jackie_Sumell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jackie Sumell\u003c/a>. The campus community does the actual gardening on Young's behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917030\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917030 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A 9-by-6-foot raised bed on a grassy hillside has in its center three-dimensional concrete shapes that resemble a bed, a toilet, and two low pillars. On the front side is a cell door, with what indoors would be floor-to-ceiling bars. Plantings surround the concrete shapes -- low green bushes and a succulent in one corner. Beyond the plot is another low grassy hillside, oak trees and, beyond that, in the distance, the ocean. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56607_IMG-6838-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Solitary Garden at UC Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sumell put Young in touch with UC Santa Cruz after he reached out to her as an admirer of her work and they struck up a correspondence. Young said he has forged deep friendships as a result of with students and faculty on campus as a result of being involved with the project. The feeling is mutual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want everyone to understand that this is not a relationship you can just walk away from. As long as he's in that cell, we need to continue to tend to that relationship, just as we tend the garden,\" said Rachel Nelson, who commissioned the Solitary Garden in her role as director of \u003ca href=\"https://ias.ucsc.edu/\">UC Santa Cruz's Institute of the Arts and Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Journey through the system\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Young said it's been a long journey since the day of his arrest in April 1999. He said law enforcement officers pulled him over while he was leaving an Easter celebration in the San Joaquin Valley town of Lemoore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I look around and there's like assault rifles being pointed at me from every direction, and I'm just trying to figure out what the heck is going on,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrest happened four years after the crime Young eventually found out he was accused of committing — the murder of five people in a bar in the nearby town of Tulare — took place. Stuck in county jail, Young said he assumed the criminal legal system would work in his favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My initial thought was, 'Well, I'm an American. I have rights. Once we get to a preliminary hearing, this case will be dismissed,'\" Young said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 723px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917035 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black man with brown eyes, chin-length locs and a graying goatee sits backward on a red plastic chair. He wears a light-blue short-sleeved prison tunic and navy blue sweatpants; on the right leg are yellow, vertical letters spelling \"SONER\" (as if they are part of the word \"PRISONER\"). He rests the fingertips of his hands, including his thumbs, together as he leans forward against the back of the chair, looking straight at the camera with a confident smile. To his right is a white-painted barred door; he appears to be inside a cell.' width=\"723\" height=\"721\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut.jpg 723w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56597_sdfqvw-qut-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 723px) 100vw, 723px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Timothy James Young. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Timothy James Young)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The case went to trial despite shaky evidence and unreliable witnesses, including Anthony Wolfe, a man convicted of a felony who served as a paid informant in return for a reduced sentence for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2005, an all-white jury convicted Young, who is Black, of murder. A month later, he was sentenced to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I sat thinking, 'The truth will come out. Just hang in there. This will all be exposed and it’ll all be over with,'\" Young said. \"The truth \u003ci>did\u003c/i> come out. But everybody discarded it. And so 23 years later, I'm still wrongfully imprisoned and the nightmare continues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A growing connection to students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent months, a small group of film and digital media students at UC Santa Cruz has been working to make a case for exonerating Young.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/qoDy1jgVVxo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/qoDy1jgVVxo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Their eight-minute documentary, \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qoDy1jgVVxo\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">I Am More: The Story of Tim Young\u003c/a>,\" is the centerpiece of a new collaboration with students mostly majoring in government at \u003ca href=\"https://www.georgetown.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Georgetown University\u003c/a>, as part of a class there called \"\u003ca href=\"https://prisonsandjustice.georgetown.edu/news/wrongful-convictions-making-an-exoneree-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Making an Exoneree\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/00336000014RcN6AAK/marc-howard\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Marc Howard,\u003c/a> professor of government and law at Georgetown, said that since the class launched in 2018, it has contributed to the exonerations of three wrongfully convicted people out of the 25 cases it has tackled so far. He and his students typically take on five cases a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What started out as an experiment has actually turned into an extraordinary machine for justice,\" Howard said. \"We have another prison release in the coming weeks. We may have another one still this year. And we've made great progress in a number of cases where the person initially had very little hope and we've at least helped them to obtain legal counsel.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now with enhanced creative input from UC Santa Cruz on the filmmaking side for the first time this year, the schools joined forces to help get more people dealing with tough cases out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917031\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917031 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white, middled-aged woman with long, curly salt-and-pepper hair and large, black-framed glasses poses indoors in front of a framed photograph of a torn cardboard box set against a sunlit white wall. She is smiling and wears a black cardigan sweater over a dark gray T-shirt. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56604_IMG-6827-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz Film and Digital Media professor Sharon Daniel. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Documentary works of art in particular have a lot of power to persuade, to change people's perceptions,\" said UC Santa Cruz film and digital media professor \u003ca href=\"https://film.ucsc.edu/faculty/sharon_daniel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sharon Daniel\u003c/a>, who co-teaches the class. \"It's a way of addressing a general public, an audience that maybe doesn't know anything about what's wrong with the criminal legal system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel said she approached Georgetown about Young's case after she developed her own close friendship with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She first got to know him from the letters he wrote as part of the Solitary Garden project. Young went on to contribute to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.unjustlyexposed.com/\">interactive documentary Daniel made in 2020 about the impact of COVID-19 on the prison system\u003c/a> (Young said he contracted the virus in 2020 and still suffers from long COVID symptoms). The two were starting to collaborate on another long-form documentary, this time about Young's case, when Daniel heard about the Georgetown class on a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Daniel reached out to the professor there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And he [Howard] could clearly see that it was the kind of case that they really like to take on with the class,\" she said. \"Really, really tough cases — cases where there seemed like there was no hope.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cracking a tough case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz undergrad Allison Dean, part of the student team working on Young’s case, said she and her colleagues combed through more than 11,000 pages of legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The evidence in the case was horribly mismanaged,\" she said. \"There's just so many different small pieces that led to this wrongful conviction.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917032 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young white woman in a black turtleneck sweater with long reddish hair smiles shoulder-to-shoulder with a young white man in a blue patterned button-down shirt, mustache and glasses, also smiling, with his right arm around her shoulders. They both look happy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56603_IMG-6826-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz undergrads Allison Dean and Sullivan Gaudreault. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fellow undergrad Sullivan Gaudreault said the team traveled to Tulare, where the crime was committed, and surrounding cities, to conduct interviews with as many people as they could find who were involved in the original investigation and trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We interviewed the judge who oversaw the case,\" Gaudreault said. \"We interviewed one of the lead investigators, people who knew Tim, his defense counsel.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team also created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.timothyjamesyoung.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">website\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/free-tim-young?utm_content=cl_sharecopy_32847146_en-US%3A7&recruiter=1259071583&recruited_by_id=dcaf1200-af78-11ec-8660-53abd4361a7d&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=copylink&utm_campaign=psf_combo_share_initial&utm_term=psf_combo_share_initial&share_bandit_exp=initial-32847146-en-US\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">petition\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/freetimyoung/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">social media campaign\u003c/a> to gather support for Young. Right now, they have more than 700 followers on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/freetimyoung/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Instagram\u003c/a>. The immediate goal is to get pro bono legal representation for Young as he moves through an appeal process that could overturn his conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A legal firm is currently reviewing the students’ media campaign to decide whether to take on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I talk to Tim almost every day,\" Dean said. \"And probably the hardest thing is when he calls and he asks for updates. And I have no updates for him.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Georgetown-UC Santa Cruz class is part of a long tradition that dates back at least to the 1990s, of college students working to free wrongfully convicted prisoners — like \u003ca href=\"https://www.northwestern.edu/magazine/northwestern/spring99/convictions.htm\">a landmark program at Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism, and Legal Clinic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're always going to need heroic students,\" said Robert Dunham, executive director of the independent nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Death Penalty Information Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data from the center shows just \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/policy-issues/innocence-database?state=California\">how tough it is to get someone exonerated\u003c/a>, especially in California and especially for someone on death row, where only five of the 692 people on death row have been exonerated since the early 1970s. (The state currently has a stay on executions.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There aren't enough lawyers and enough resources and enough courts with open hearts to correct all of the injustices that we see,\" Dunham said. \"So there will always be a need for people on the outside to bring attention to things that are not being corrected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In it for the long haul\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though the class is over, Dean and Gaudreault both said they plan to keep on fighting for Young’s freedom for as long as it takes. And their professors said they are planning for the bi-coastal collaboration to continue, with a crop of new cases next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaudreault said the class has inspired him to rethink his career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917033\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11917033 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two young white women with long, flat hair -- one wearing a yellow scarf holding back her hair -- sit behind a video camera in a neat, clean room with a drop ceiling and fluorescent overhead lights. The walls are pink-beige with nothing but a flatscreen TV on the walls. They are dressed casually and face a man who sits facing the camera. He is white and middle-aged, with thick, neat white-and-gray hair and a white goatee. He wears dark jeans and a blue button-down shirt tucked into his jeans, knees splayed, ankles crossed, fingers interlaced in his lap. A standing light lights him from the left. The woman on the left holds a notebook on her lap and a pen in her right hand. The woman on the right, with the yellow scarf, wears jean shorts and a T-shirt and has her legs crossed and arms folded.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56601_MAE-Tulare-Trip-Photos-16-of-55-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students re-investigated Timothy James Young's case by traveling to Tulare and interviewing as many people as they could find who were involved in the original investigation and trial. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For the longest time, I've been wanting to go into the marketing and advertising industry,\" he said. \"I now want to pursue a career in nonprofit work and advocacy in terms of film, helping wrongfully convicted people have a voice and tell their story through digital media.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Young said he’s grateful for the students’ friendship and support. He’s optimistic their efforts will not only get him legal help, but also raise greater awareness about the urgent need to overhaul the penal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They have committed to the long, hard fight,\" said Young. \"That's not only a testament to the kind of people that they are, but it's a testament to the kind of relationships that we build.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young is dreaming of the day when he can visit the UC Santa Cruz campus and his Solitary Garden in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to just be in nature,\" he said. \"I want to feel the soil running through my fingers.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "navigating-freedom-reentry-and-motherhood-the-challenges-for-formerly-incarcerated-moms",
"title": "Navigating Freedom, Reentry and Motherhood: The Challenges for Formerly Incarcerated Moms",
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"headTitle": "Navigating Freedom, Reentry and Motherhood: The Challenges for Formerly Incarcerated Moms | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lisa Wood\"]‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11832910,news_11882320,news_11904298 label='Related Coverage']The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say more resources to help them reenter society could lower recidivism rates, boost family stability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources — especially for mothers — hasn't kept up with the need.",
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"title": "Navigating Freedom, Reentry and Motherhood: The Challenges for Formerly Incarcerated Moms | KQED",
"description": "With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say more resources to help them reenter society could lower recidivism rates, boost family stability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources — especially for mothers — hasn't kept up with the need.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Nation Mourns Another Round of Mass Shootings, San Mateo County Residents Turn in Their Guns",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area law enforcement groups are working to get guns off the streets through gun buyback programs — events where people can anonymously turn in guns for cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday in South San Francisco, the San Mateo County Sheriff's Office and other law enforcement agencies hosted the county's fifth gun buyback event, looking to expand on the collection of nearly 1,700 firearms from previous events going back to 2018.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carlos Bolanos, San Mateo County Sheriff\"]'The purpose of the gun buyback program is to make the County of San Mateo safer for those who live and work here.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday's event saw a total of 392 firearms collected, including seven assault weapons and 12 \"ghost guns,\" the latter of which are untraceable. Once collected, all the weapons are melted down and disposed of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation mourns another round of mass shootings, hundreds of people showed up for the event and had various reasons for wanting to turn in their guns. Recent mass shootings in Oklahoma, New York and Texas have prompted citizens and politicians alike to renew their focus on gun control measures and violence prevention. According to the nonprofit organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/a>, there have been at least 233 mass shootings in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Giacomini inherited an old hunting rifle from his grandfather and decided he wanted to get rid of the gun after he saw the news about the event.[aside postID=\"news_11899691,forum_2010101889376\" label=\"Related Post\"]“There could be an accident at home,” said Giacomini in the North County Courthouse parking lot in San Mateo. “One of my children could get access to it or something like that. I felt it was best and I don’t really hunt anymore, so it’s made sense to get rid of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wayne Clemons inherited two old rifles from his father-in-law when he and his wife moved into their home years ago. He decided to turn them in after there was a shooting in a park near his home last year in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever did the shooting didn't care about the kids out here and killed somebody,\" said Clemons. \u003cem>\"\u003c/em>I was watching the news this morning and I said, man, I got two [guns] back here. Might as well get rid of them. I don't use them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11916099\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A man with sunglasses sits in his car with a fluffy steering wheel\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wayne Clemons from East Palo Alto sits in his car waiting to turn in two guns, both inherited from his father-in-law, on June 4. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to San Mateo County Sheriff Carlos Bolanos, people can be paid $100 to $200 depending on the type of gun. He says sometimes guns can be hard to let go of, but people are now extra aware of how dangerous they can be, and many people could use the extra money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The purpose of the gun buyback program is to make the County of San Mateo safer for those who live and work here,\" said Bolanos. \"Many households in the county have unwanted, unused and unsecured guns. The purpose of the gun buyback is to get rid of guns, no questions asked. We are providing a place for people to come and dispose of them and get some money in return. We feel this will improve public safety in our county.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event included the South San Francisco and San Bruno police departments as well as the Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback. There was also a gun buyback event in Marin County on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We were very fortunate that this past year, the Board of Supervisors in San Mateo County were able to allocate a significant part of some Measure K funding to support these [events] through 2023,\" said Al Comolli, a member of Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback. \"We've had a great response.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback was formed in 2018 right after the school shooting in Parkland, Florida, to minimize the risk of gun-related suicides and gun violence in the county.\u003cem> \u003c/em>The five-member group contacted Sheriff Bolanos about creating a buyback program and began raising money in different cities to distribute at the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional gun buyback events are planned for later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from KQED's Annelise Finney, The Associated Press and Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday's event saw a total of 392 firearms collected, including seven assault weapons and 12 \"ghost guns,\" the latter of which are untraceable. Once collected, all the weapons are melted down and disposed of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation mourns another round of mass shootings, hundreds of people showed up for the event and had various reasons for wanting to turn in their guns. Recent mass shootings in Oklahoma, New York and Texas have prompted citizens and politicians alike to renew their focus on gun control measures and violence prevention. According to the nonprofit organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/a>, there have been at least 233 mass shootings in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Giacomini inherited an old hunting rifle from his grandfather and decided he wanted to get rid of the gun after he saw the news about the event.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There could be an accident at home,” said Giacomini in the North County Courthouse parking lot in San Mateo. “One of my children could get access to it or something like that. I felt it was best and I don’t really hunt anymore, so it’s made sense to get rid of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wayne Clemons inherited two old rifles from his father-in-law when he and his wife moved into their home years ago. He decided to turn them in after there was a shooting in a park near his home last year in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Whoever did the shooting didn't care about the kids out here and killed somebody,\" said Clemons. \u003cem>\"\u003c/em>I was watching the news this morning and I said, man, I got two [guns] back here. Might as well get rid of them. I don't use them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11916099\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A man with sunglasses sits in his car with a fluffy steering wheel\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56447_Image-from-iOS-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wayne Clemons from East Palo Alto sits in his car waiting to turn in two guns, both inherited from his father-in-law, on June 4. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to San Mateo County Sheriff Carlos Bolanos, people can be paid $100 to $200 depending on the type of gun. He says sometimes guns can be hard to let go of, but people are now extra aware of how dangerous they can be, and many people could use the extra money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The purpose of the gun buyback program is to make the County of San Mateo safer for those who live and work here,\" said Bolanos. \"Many households in the county have unwanted, unused and unsecured guns. The purpose of the gun buyback is to get rid of guns, no questions asked. We are providing a place for people to come and dispose of them and get some money in return. We feel this will improve public safety in our county.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event included the South San Francisco and San Bruno police departments as well as the Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback. There was also a gun buyback event in Marin County on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We were very fortunate that this past year, the Board of Supervisors in San Mateo County were able to allocate a significant part of some Measure K funding to support these [events] through 2023,\" said Al Comolli, a member of Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback. \"We've had a great response.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for a San Mateo County Gun Buyback was formed in 2018 right after the school shooting in Parkland, Florida, to minimize the risk of gun-related suicides and gun violence in the county.\u003cem> \u003c/em>The five-member group contacted Sheriff Bolanos about creating a buyback program and began raising money in different cities to distribute at the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional gun buyback events are planned for later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from KQED's Annelise Finney, The Associated Press and Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "baycurious",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"title": "Forum",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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