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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation Friday making California the first state to allow individual citizens to sue gun makers and sellers who violate state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1327\">SB 1327\u003c/a>, authored by state Sen. Bob Hertzberg, D-San Fernando Valley, allows individuals to file civil lawsuits against anyone who imports, distributes, manufactures or sells illegal firearms in California, including assault weapons and hard-to-trace ghost guns — both of which are prohibited under the state’s restrictive gun laws.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"gun-control\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial, high-profile move fulfills a promise Newsom made after the U.S. Supreme Court in December \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/10/1053628779/supreme-court-refuse-to-block-texas-abortion-law-as-legal-fights-move-forward\">allowed a Texas anti-abortion-rights law to take effect\u003c/a>. It comes a day after the governor signed a package of eight other bills aimed at further restricting access to guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flanked by state Attorney General Rob Bonta, lawmakers and gun violence survivors, Newsom signed the bill at Santa Monica College, where six people were killed in 2013 when a gunman opened fire with an AR-15-type semi-automatic assault weapon that the shooter assembled using component parts without serial numbers. Under the new law, victims of so-called ghost guns will be allowed to sue the companies that manufacture and sell them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom called the legislation “perhaps the most impactful thing we have done in California in decades … allowing 40 million Californians to enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to gun rights’ supporters and the firearm industry lobby, Newsom said, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We are sick and tired of being on the defense in this movement. It’s time to put \u003cem>them\u003c/em> on the defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom implored other states to act more boldly if the federal government fails to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope other Democratic governors in other states take notice. We need to take these guns off the streets,” he said. “Let’s meet this moment and let’s not have any more moments saying, ‘We could have, would have and should have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, set to go into effect in January, allows citizens to sue violators for $10,000 per weapon involved in a crime. Gun dealers who illegally sell firearms to anyone younger than 21 are also liable for the same damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was introduced on Friday by Mia Tretta, who in 2019 was hit in the stomach by a bullet fired from a ghost gun during a mass shooting at her Santa Clarita high school. “You, Gov. Newsom, are saving lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the signing, Hertzberg also pledged that the Legislature would continue sending Newsom bills intended to further prevent gun violence. “If it takes another 100 laws, so be it to protect our citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 351px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11920274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\" alt=\"a poster that repurposes an anti-abortion statement to address about gun violence.\" width=\"351\" height=\"739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-800x1685.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-1020x2148.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-160x337.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-729x1536.jpeg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-973x2048.jpeg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 351px) 100vw, 351px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ad Gov. Gavin Newsom ran in several Texas newspapers on Friday, repurposing an anti-abortion-rights quote from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Office of the Governor of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill signing comes a month after the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and the constitutional right to have an abortion, and also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/23/us/supreme-court-ny-open-carry-gun-law.html\">struck down a New York law \u003c/a>that placed strict limits on carrying concealed firearms in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom also signed a package of bills with more restrained impacts than SB 1327. They include measures that bar anyone from making more than three guns a year or making any guns with a 3D printer without obtaining a state-issued license. Other measures require schools to periodically inform parents about the safe storage of firearms, prohibit gun sales on state property, boost inspections of gun dealers, and add child and elder abuse to the list of crimes that block gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago Newsom signed another bill introduced by San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting that allows individuals, as well as state and local governments, to sue gun manufacturers for negligence that results in injury or death. The bill creates a code of conduct for firearms makers and allows civil lawsuits for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws come amid a rise in gun violence in recent years — both in California and nationwide — and a spate of mass shootings in just the last few months, including one at a school in Uvalde, Texas, in late May that left 19 children and two teachers dead, and a July 4 massacre in Highland Park, Illinois, that killed seven people and injured dozens more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of California’s new gun control laws are more than likely to face legal challenges, some possibly making their way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To elevate his ongoing political jousting match with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott — an anti-abortion-rights, pro-gun-rights Republican — Newsom also ran an ad Friday \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3570623-newsom-runs-ads-in-texas-newspapers-hitting-abbott-on-guns-abortion/\">in several Texas newspapers\u003c/a> repurposing a statement Abbott made \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-abortions-law/\">when he signed his state’s anti-abortion-rights law\u003c/a> last year. In the ad, the word “abortion” is crossed out and replaced with “gun violence” as the cause of children’s deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives,” Newsom said in a statement announcing the ad. “If Governor Abbott truly wants to protect the right to life, I urge him to follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6anO63fQyVc\">video message Newsom aired in Florida\u003c/a> last month attacking Gov. Ron DeSantis over his support for laws restricting LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has flatly denied that these out-of-state ad campaigns are intended to promote his rumored run for president, but they have successfully garnered the attention of national media outlets and Democrats hungry for outspoken leaders willing to forcefully take on the Supreme Court, the gun industry and the Republican establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Newsom has declared himself to be “pro-life,” borrowing the phrase used by anti-abortion-rights activists and turning it against them, the gun lobby and others who oppose restrictions on firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked Friday if he was considering a run for president, Newsom reiterated his previous position that he has “subzero” interest.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial, high-profile move fulfills a promise Newsom made after the U.S. Supreme Court in December \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/12/10/1053628779/supreme-court-refuse-to-block-texas-abortion-law-as-legal-fights-move-forward\">allowed a Texas anti-abortion-rights law to take effect\u003c/a>. It comes a day after the governor signed a package of eight other bills aimed at further restricting access to guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flanked by state Attorney General Rob Bonta, lawmakers and gun violence survivors, Newsom signed the bill at Santa Monica College, where six people were killed in 2013 when a gunman opened fire with an AR-15-type semi-automatic assault weapon that the shooter assembled using component parts without serial numbers. Under the new law, victims of so-called ghost guns will be allowed to sue the companies that manufacture and sell them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom called the legislation “perhaps the most impactful thing we have done in California in decades … allowing 40 million Californians to enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to gun rights’ supporters and the firearm industry lobby, Newsom said, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We are sick and tired of being on the defense in this movement. It’s time to put \u003cem>them\u003c/em> on the defense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom implored other states to act more boldly if the federal government fails to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope other Democratic governors in other states take notice. We need to take these guns off the streets,” he said. “Let’s meet this moment and let’s not have any more moments saying, ‘We could have, would have and should have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, set to go into effect in January, allows citizens to sue violators for $10,000 per weapon involved in a crime. Gun dealers who illegally sell firearms to anyone younger than 21 are also liable for the same damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was introduced on Friday by Mia Tretta, who in 2019 was hit in the stomach by a bullet fired from a ghost gun during a mass shooting at her Santa Clarita high school. “You, Gov. Newsom, are saving lives,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the signing, Hertzberg also pledged that the Legislature would continue sending Newsom bills intended to further prevent gun violence. “If it takes another 100 laws, so be it to protect our citizens,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 351px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11920274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg\" alt=\"a poster that repurposes an anti-abortion statement to address about gun violence.\" width=\"351\" height=\"739\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-800x1685.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-1020x2148.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-160x337.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-729x1536.jpeg 729w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/newsom-texas-973x2048.jpeg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 351px) 100vw, 351px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The ad Gov. Gavin Newsom ran in several Texas newspapers on Friday, repurposing an anti-abortion-rights quote from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Office of the Governor of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill signing comes a month after the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and the constitutional right to have an abortion, and also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/23/us/supreme-court-ny-open-carry-gun-law.html\">struck down a New York law \u003c/a>that placed strict limits on carrying concealed firearms in public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom also signed a package of bills with more restrained impacts than SB 1327. They include measures that bar anyone from making more than three guns a year or making any guns with a 3D printer without obtaining a state-issued license. Other measures require schools to periodically inform parents about the safe storage of firearms, prohibit gun sales on state property, boost inspections of gun dealers, and add child and elder abuse to the list of crimes that block gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks ago Newsom signed another bill introduced by San Francisco Democratic Assemblymember Phil Ting that allows individuals, as well as state and local governments, to sue gun manufacturers for negligence that results in injury or death. The bill creates a code of conduct for firearms makers and allows civil lawsuits for violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new laws come amid a rise in gun violence in recent years — both in California and nationwide — and a spate of mass shootings in just the last few months, including one at a school in Uvalde, Texas, in late May that left 19 children and two teachers dead, and a July 4 massacre in Highland Park, Illinois, that killed seven people and injured dozens more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of California’s new gun control laws are more than likely to face legal challenges, some possibly making their way to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To elevate his ongoing political jousting match with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott — an anti-abortion-rights, pro-gun-rights Republican — Newsom also ran an ad Friday \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3570623-newsom-runs-ads-in-texas-newspapers-hitting-abbott-on-guns-abortion/\">in several Texas newspapers\u003c/a> repurposing a statement Abbott made \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/18/texas-heartbeat-bill-abortions-law/\">when he signed his state’s anti-abortion-rights law\u003c/a> last year. In the ad, the word “abortion” is crossed out and replaced with “gun violence” as the cause of children’s deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Texas can ban abortion and endanger lives, California can ban deadly weapons of war and save lives,” Newsom said in a statement announcing the ad. “If Governor Abbott truly wants to protect the right to life, I urge him to follow California’s lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad follows a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6anO63fQyVc\">video message Newsom aired in Florida\u003c/a> last month attacking Gov. Ron DeSantis over his support for laws restricting LGBTQ+ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has flatly denied that these out-of-state ad campaigns are intended to promote his rumored run for president, but they have successfully garnered the attention of national media outlets and Democrats hungry for outspoken leaders willing to forcefully take on the Supreme Court, the gun industry and the Republican establishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Newsom has declared himself to be “pro-life,” borrowing the phrase used by anti-abortion-rights activists and turning it against them, the gun lobby and others who oppose restrictions on firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked Friday if he was considering a run for president, Newsom reiterated his previous position that he has “subzero” interest.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last week, San Francisco Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins as the city’s new district attorney, after former DA Chesa Boudin was ousted in a contentious recall election. Jenkins worked for Boudin as a prosecutor, but quit in protest over some of his decisions, and joined the effort to recall Boudin as lead spokesperson. Now that she’s got her former boss’s job, Jenkins has said she wants to review dozens of former drug cases and may overturn decisions made by her predecessor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Phil Ting’s New Gun Control Law\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There have been more than 300 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gunviolencearchive.org/reports/mass-shooting\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gun Violence Archive\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have acted swiftly to respond to these recent events and pushed through a new package of gun control laws. We talk to state Assemblymember Phil Ting, D-San Francisco, about the new law he authored, which carves a pathway to sue gun makers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The first six months of the year have been the driest in California’s recorded history, setting us up for a serious wildfire season. Crews have been battling wildfire in Yosemite National Park, where a big blaze has threatened ancient sequoias. We tackle this and more of the week’s big stories with our panel of reporters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kevin Stark, KQED climate editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Grace Toohey, Los Angeles Times breaking news reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>James Webb Telescope\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nearly a million miles away, an array of 18 hexagonal mirrors made from rare metals is capturing stunning images of our universe. There’s a special California connection to the James Webb Telescope: It was partly assembled in Southern California, and many Californian engineers worked on the project for years. This week’s Something Beautiful showcases the story of this remarkable piece of technology that taps into our collective human spirit of invention, exploration and wonder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]U[/dropcap]n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, Abogada de CRLA\"]‘Nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen.’[/pullquote]A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11881727\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2021/07/HOUSE-BURNING-IMAGE-1020x574.jpg\"]Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11906800\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Paloma-Reyes-1020x765-1.jpg\"]“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, Unión de Campesinos\"]‘Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades.’[/pullquote]La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rubén Lugo, Departamento del Trabajo de EE.UU.\"]‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’[/pullquote]Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11884929\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/hand-with-cell-phone.jpg\"]Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar.’[/pullquote]Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, Formó parte del programa H-2A\"]‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’[/pullquote]Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "La visa H-2A permite que trabajadores agrícolas reciban empleo temporal en los Estados Unidos pero muchos inmigrantes en este programa sufren abusos laborales y hay pocas protecciones contra represalias por parte de empleadores y reclutadores.",
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"title": "Trabajar con una visa H-2A en EE.UU.: Las represalias que pueden enfrentar los trabajadores agrícolas que alzan la voz | KQED",
"description": "La visa H-2A permite que trabajadores agrícolas reciban empleo temporal en los Estados Unidos pero muchos inmigrantes en este programa sufren abusos laborales y hay pocas protecciones contra represalias por parte de empleadores y reclutadores.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">U\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n par de botas, unas camisas y unos pantalones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso fue lo que Samuel dejó el pasado octubre en el cuarto que compartía con otros trabajadores del campo en Mauritson Farms, un viñedo en el Condado de Sonoma, el cual está ubicado en el corazón de la región vitivinícola de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Él iba de regreso a su pueblo natal en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca. La cosecha de la uva había terminado y el plazo de su visa H-2A pronto terminaría. Había trabajado para Mauritson Farms desde el 2019 con una visa H-2A, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/trabajar-en-estados-unidos/trabajadores-temporales-no-inmigrantes/trabajadores-agricolas-temporales-h-2a\">la cual otorga a trabajadores agrícolas de todo el mundo una estancia temporal en Estados Unidos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa H-2A, lanzado en 1986, es el sucesor al programa Bracero, el cual operó desde 1942 hasta 1964, y permitió que decenas de miles de mexicanos trabajaran en granjas estadounidenses. Sin embargo, grupos laborales han criticado al programa Bracero \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">por no proteger a los trabajadores que sufrieron robo de salarios, maltrato físico y pésimas condiciones laborales y de vida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la visa H-2A, Samuel y otros muchachos provenientes de pueblos y comunidades rurales cerca del municipio de Sola de Vega en Oaxaca venían a California para trabajar de febrero a octubre en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los cuales producen la marca de vino Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel dejó sus pertenencias en Healdsburg con planes para regresar en 2022. Pero Mauritson Farms nunca lo volvió a contratar.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nA finales de la temporada de cosecha del 2021, Samuel y otros cinco trabajadores de Oaxaca manifestaron su oposición a lo que para ellos habían sido condiciones laborales injustas e inseguras durante los últimos tres años. Según ellos, tuvieron que trabajar en temperaturas extremadamente altas sin las protecciones adecuadas contra el calor, parte de su salario fue descontado sin ninguna razón y además experimentaron abuso verbal del encargado que los supervisaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con el apoyo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, un grupo de derechos laborales en el Condado de Sonoma, los seis trabajadores se reunieron con el gerente del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, el pasado mes de octubre para hablar sobre lo que estaba sucediendo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se disculpó con nosotros, que él se sentía mal con lo que estaba pasando en su compañía”, dijo Kevin, uno de los trabajadores del campo que estaban presentes ese día. Kevin trabajó junto a Samuel durante esos tres años. “Él se comprometía a llevarnos otra vez para allá a trabajar”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Samuel y Kevin (cuyos nombres verdaderos KQED no ha divulgado para protegerlos de posibles futuras represalias), esta promesa representaba mucho más que una oferta de trabajo para el siguiente año. Lo tomaron como una señal que podían expresarse libremente acerca de las condiciones laborales y que Mauritson no haría lo que más temían: tomar represalias contra ellos y nunca más contratarlos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dejamos nuestras cosas [en Mauritson Farms] creyendo que íbamos a regresar”, dijo Samuel, pero de esas promesas, dice, “no hay nada”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919456\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919456\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Unas viñas en un viñedo con uvas que ya han madurado y están listas para ser cosechadas.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel y Kevin vinieron a California por primera vez en 2019 con visas H-2A y regresaban cada año hasta el 2021. Llegaban en febrero y se iban al final de la cosecha de uvas en octubre. Ahora esperan en Oaxaca por el fallo del ALRB. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>De los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson en octubre, ninguno fue contratado de nuevo en 2022, pese a que presentaron sus solicitudes de trabajo con Cierto Global, la compañía externa de selección de personal. Tanto Samuel como Kevin creen que no fueron contratados otra vez porque se quejaron acerca de las condiciones laborales en los viñedos de Mauritson Farms. Sin embargo, lo que hicieron está dentro los derechos laborales y protección a los trabajadores en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representantes de North Bay Jobs With Justice afirman que han intentado comunicarse con Mauritson varias veces desde febrero, sin recibir una respuesta. Además, Mauritson no aceptó la invitación de una entrevista con KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El 7 de febrero, North Bay Jobs With Justice presentó un cargo contra Mauritson Farms por parte de los seis trabajadores con el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB es la agencia estatal que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola. La denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">sostiene que Mauritson Farms discriminó contra los trabajadores\u003c/a> cuando esta compañía se negó a darles empleo luego de que estos formaron parte de una “actividad concertada”, o sea organizarse para pedir mejoras laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A medida que avanza la investigación del ALRB, Samuel y Kevin siguen buscando empleo en Oaxaca y en EE.UU., pero hay pocas oportunidades. Ya terminó la temporada para recibir una visa H-2A este año, entonces por ahora la única opción es buscar trabajo en México. Con pocos ahorros restantes y familias que mantener, se les está acabando el tiempo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además de ser el estado con el sector agrícola más grande del país, California tiene la tercera parte de trabajadores extranjeros con una visa H-2A. El año pasado, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A\u003c/a> para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Y pese a que el estado ha desarrollado un sistema complejo de reglamentos y dependencias para proteger a estos trabajadores, los inmigrantes con visas H-2A siguen siendo extremadamente vulnerables a represalias ilegales por parte de sus empleadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a trabajadores extranjeros, muchos empleadores usan una red de reclutadores externos que operan dentro y fuera del país. Trabajadores como Samuel y Kevin dependen de estos reclutadores para encontrar empleo en EE.UU. y navegar el proceso para recibir una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, es común que estos reclutadores pongan en lista negra a empleados que denuncien un procedimiento laboral injusto, no sólo para un empleador, sino también para muchas empresas más en la industria agrícola. Para los trabajadores afectados, esto perjudica su futuro laboral en los EE.UU. y para funcionarios laborales estadounidenses, complica su tarea para hacer cumplir las leyes laborales que prohíben represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">El año pasado, más de 32 mil obreros provenientes de todo el mundo llegaron a California con una visa H-2A para trabajar en la industria agrícola. Pese a que estos trabajadores están protegidos por las mismas leyes laborales que cualquier otra persona, defensores laborales afirman que estos siguen siendo vulnerables a las represalias si denuncian prácticas laborales injustas o inseguras. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Es ilegal que los empleadores tomen represalias pero ‘aún así lo hacen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice ha trabajado como abogada de derechos laborales por más de 20 años. Ahora es la directora de litigio, abogacía y entrenamiento en California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, o en español, Asistencia Jurídica Rural de California) un despacho de abogados que ofrece ayuda legal. Rice ha representado a decenas de trabajadores del campo en casos que implican condiciones laborales peligrosas, robo de sueldos y represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando habla con un cliente por primera vez, recalca lo siguiente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias”, dijo, pero agregó que, “nunca decimos que un empleador no puede tomar represalias porque claro que pueden hacerlo. Sólo que es ilegal y aún así lo hacen”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gracias a décadas de activismo liderado por campesinos e inmigrantes, California cuenta con varias dependencias que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales, entre ellas los reglamentos que prohíben represalias. El ALRB fue creado luego de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_Spanish_051805.pdf\">aprobara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas en 1975\u003c/a>, la cual garantiza el derecho de los trabajadores del campo a la negociación colectiva. A parte de eso, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/a> investiga sueldos mal pagados o robados, y la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California (Cal/OSHA por sus siglas en inglés) hace cumplir reglamentos estatales, \u003ca href=\"http://www.99calor.org/_downloads/complaint.sheet_spanish.pdf\">como las protecciones contra el calor para quienes trabajan al aire libre\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A nivel nacional, el Departamento de Trabajo procesa las órdenes de trabajo del programa H-2A y regula los contratos de trabajadores extranjeros. Dentro de esta dependencia, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">División de Salarios y Horas de Trabajo\u003c/a> investiga casos en donde compañías no están pagando a sus empleados adecuadamente o se niegan a ofrecer vivienda, transporte o comida, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">lo cual es requerido por el gobierno federal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos trabajadores agrícolas contactan a Rice después de que perdieron sus empleos o al final de la temporada de cosecha. “Ahí es cuando hablan sobre posible robo de sueldos, si no les dieron de comer o si su lugar de trabajo no tenía baños”, ella explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero ese momento ya es muy tarde, dice ella, particularmente para los trabajadores con visa H-2A que tienen una estancia limitada en EE.UU. Esto limita el tiempo que abogados como Rice tienen para recaudar pruebas y testimonios antes de que el trabajador se vaya del país, lo cual complica el proceso aún más ya que muchos obreros vienen de comunidades rurales y aisladas en México, Centroamérica y el Caribe con muy poca conexión celular o internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces, ¿por qué esperar hasta el último momento para alzar la voz?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay varias maneras en que los trabajadores con visa H-2A pueden experimentar una represalia. Una es perder su trabajo (y al mismo tiempo sus visas), pero también pueden sufrir amenazas o castigos. Samuel recuerda que a su cuadrilla le tocó trabajar en los viñedos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados). “A veces nos sentíamos bien deshidratados que se desmayaba uno”. dijo. “Sentíamos que queríamos vomitar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando le avisaron al encargado cómo se sentían, Samuel afirma que este se rió y les dijo que siguieran trabajando. Kevin agregó que había varios días calurosos en que los trabajadores no recibieron ninguna protección, lo cual va en contra de leyes estatales. “Estaba el calor a 90, 95 grados y no había ninguna sombra para tomar un vaso de agua o sentarte a descansar un ratito. Nada de eso”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el mercurio sube a los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 26.7 centígrados), Cal/OSHA \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">exige a los empleadores que proporcionen suficiente agua, sombra y descanso a sus trabajadores\u003c/a>. En términos prácticos, cada empleado debe recibir al menos un cuarto de galón de agua (equivalente a 950 mililitros) por hora y puede descansar en la sombra a cualquier momento que lo necesite. Sin embargo, una investigación de NPR en 2021 reveló que \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">más de 40 trabajadores agrícolas murieron en California por golpe de calor\u003c/a> y otras enfermedades relacionadas al calor dentro de un periodo de 10 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA afirma que las muertes relacionadas al calor se pueden prevenir, pero esta dependencia ha lidiado con falta de personal suficiente por varios años, lo cual \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">limita su capacidad para regular las miles de granjas, campos y viñedos que operan a lo largo de California\u003c/a>. Por ende, la responsabilidad de proteger a los trabajadores del calor termina siendo la del empleador únicamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Una red de represalias en EE.UU. y el extranjero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según un reporte del Centro de los Derechos del Migrante publicado en 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">es bastante común que los empleadores en el programa H-2A usen amenazas para ejercer mayor control sobre sus trabajadores y prevenir que alcen la voz\u003c/a>. La organización entrevistó a 100 trabajadores que previamente formaron parte del programa H-2A y 100 por ciento de ellos experimentaron al menos una seria violacion legal de sus derechos y 94 por ciento de ellos, al menos tres violaciones a sus derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice de CRLA señala que los empleadores en el programa H-2A tienen muchísimo control sobre sus trabajadores. Un empleador debe proveer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">vivienda, comida, además de transporte de ida y vuelta del sitio de trabajo\u003c/a>. Además, muchos trabajadores no tienen su propio vehículo, ni una licencia para conducir y por ende dependen de sus jefes para hacer viajes esenciales como comprar comida o recibir atención médica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un trabajador que experimenta malas condiciones de trabajo siempre puede irse de manera voluntaria, ¿verdad?” dijo Rice. “Bueno, eso no es cierto para los trabajadores con visa H-2A”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Este programa funciona de manera similar al trabajo no abonado que se vio por varias décadas después de la Guerra Civil de EE.UU, a través de la aparcería”, agregó la abogada. “El trabajador depende tanto del empleador que sería imposible decir que son libres para buscar otras oportunidades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La influencia de un empleador abusivo puede perjudicar a un trabajador incluso cuando este último ya haya regresado a su país natal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para contratar a nuevos trabajadores, muchos empleadores utilizan a reclutadores externos que operan por todo el mundo. El proceso para reclutar trabajadores está repleto de abusos. Los reclutadores a veces \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">cobran a trabajadores cantidades exorbitantes para conectarlos con compañías estadounidenses y otros mienten por completo acerca de las oportunidades laborales que pueden ofrecer\u003c/a>. Aún más, un reporte publicado en el 2015 por la Oficina de Contabilidad del Gobierno (GAO por sus siglas en inglés) señaló que estos reclutadores \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">ponen en la lista negra a cualquier empleado que denuncia un abuso por parte de su jefe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos reclutadores, que van desde individuos operando de manera informal hasta multinacionales, generalmente trabajan para múltiples compañías agrícolas en EE.UU. Cuando un reclutador pone a un trabajador en la lista negra, esto va más allá de un solo empleador, sino que tiene repercusiones en sectores enteros de la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice ha visto cómo esto sucede con varios de sus clientes. Luego de reportar a un empleador abusivo en un estado, estos trabajadores no pueden encontrar empleo en otros estados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La primera cosa que un empleador hace después de que un trabajador se queja de su salario o condiciones laborales es llamar al reclutador para decirle, ‘No quiero contratar a esta persona el siguiente año porque se quejaron de mí’, y con eso, el trabajador ya no será contratado por esa compañía ni tampoco por todas las otras empresas que mantengan una conexión con ese reclutador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los trabajadores regresan a sus países de origen, todavía pueden ser perjudicados. El reporte de la GAO relata que cuando funcionarios estadounidenses viajaron a México para hablar con obreros que formaron parte del programa H-2A en el pasado, muchos de estos trabajadores tenían miedo de hablar. Según ellos, su preocupación era que alguien en su pueblo los viera y los reportara al reclutador que opera en esa zona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>La Unión de Campesinos (UFW por sus siglas en inglés), sindicato que opera a nivel nacional, también ha notado este fenómeno. Elizabeth Strater, directora de campañas estratégicas de la UFW, explica cómo varios trabajadores con visa H-2A de origen jamaicano harán todo lo posible para aguantar a un empleador abusivo con el objetivo de permanecer en el grupo de solicitantes del siguiente año. “Los reclutadores tienen una enorme cantidad de control sobre quién puede acceder a las visas dentro de estas comunidades”, dijo Strater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando Mauritson Farms contrató por primera vez a su cuadrilla en 2019, Samuel y Kevin afirman que la compañía manejó el proceso para contratarlos a través de la aplicación WhatsApp y sin intermediarios. Pero en 2022, la empresa contrató a Cierto Global, una multinacional que se especializa en reclutar trabajadores agrícolas y hasta fue nombrada una “reclutadora ética” por el gobierno del presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero aún así, Samuel y Kevin se preocupan que ya no podrán encontrar trabajo en la industria agrícola de EE.UU. “Lo que yo pienso es que [Mauritson] ya no quieren tener más problemas y mejor metieron [el reclutador] para que escojan ahí mejor el que venga”, dijo Kevin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Controlando a las redes de reclutadores\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>¿Cómo pueden los funcionarios laborales impedir que las empresas estadounidenses tomen represalias en contra los trabajadores con visa H-2A si esto sucede fuera del país?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El reporte de la GAO indica que actualmente existe muy poca regulación federal sobre el proceso de reclutamiento para el programa H-2A. Pese a que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional mantiene una extensa lista de todos los inmigrantes con visa H-2A, no existe una base de datos a nivel federal con la información de los individuos o empresas que llevan a cabo estas actividades por parte de empresas estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Agencias estatales como el ALRB de California, que actualmente investiga el caso Mauritson, también se les dificulta hacer cumplir sus propias reglas laborales en estas situaciones. Jessica Arciniega, directora regional para esta dependencia, dice que estos casos son bastantes complicados para su agencia ya que enfrentan limitaciones jurídicas, pero en ciertos casos, este tipo de represalia puede formar parte de una investigación en curso sobre un procedimiento laboral injusto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si existe evidencia que un reclutador actuó como un agente del empleador, entonces eso puede ser algo que investiguemos”, dijo Arciniega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A nivel federal, los funcionarios del Departamento del Trabajo también están limitados por su jurisdicción. “Nuestra autoridad para hacer cumplir la ley sólo existe en los Estados Unidos. No podemos regular lo que estos reclutadores externos están haciendo en México, por ejemplo”, dijo Rubén Lugo, coordinador regional de la agencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si un grupo de trabajadores reporta un incumplimiento de contrato al Departamento de Trabajo por parte del empleador y el siguiente año ninguno de esos trabajadores es contratado nuevamente, “podemos ver claramente que estos trabajadores sufrieron una represalia”, dijo el funcionario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, el gobierno federal puede ordenar al empleador que recontrate a los trabajadores afectados. Y si también hubo robo de sueldos, los funcionarios pueden exigir a la empresa que le pague a los obreros todo lo que les debe. Compañías reincidentes hasta pueden ser removidos del programa H-2A de manera permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero estas consecuencias sólo aplican a las empresas en Estados Unidos y no impactan a los reclutadores en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>En el 2018, más del 90 por ciento de los trabajadores con visa H-2A provenían de México y según el \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">reporte de la GAO\u003c/a>, existe una red bastante desarrollada de reclutadores dentro de ese país. Grupos defensores de migrantes insisten que el gobierno mexicano, al igual que los gobiernos de otros países que abastecen trabajadores para este programa, debe ser más proactivo en regular las actividades de estos reclutadores y también educar a sus connacionales acerca de sus derechos laborales antes de viajar a EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero los funcionarios mexicanos que hablaron con KQED rechazaron esta idea y argumentan que esto no es la responsabilidad del gobierno mexicano, a pesar de que los mexicanos que trabajan en los campos de EE.UU. mandan millones de dólares cada año a México, lo cual sostiene gran parte de la economía de ese país.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Las visas H-2A no son un programa binacional”, dijo Remedios Gómez Arnau, cónsul general de México en San Francisco, y agregó que funcionarios mexicanos no tienen ningún papel en el proceso para contratar a los trabajadores del programa H-2A. El gobierno de México sólo se involucra cuando sus connacionales llegan a territorio estadounidense y se comunican con un consulado mexicano, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la persona sale de territorio nacional y entra a otro territorio a donde tiene una visa, entonces donde nos podemos enterar es aquí si el connacional o la connacional se acerca al consulado y nos dice que tienen un problema”, dijo la cónsul. “Pero antes de eso, las autoridades mexicanas desconocen quién está viniendo aquí siendo contratado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919520\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='Un grupo de manifestantes protesta fuera de una oficina y lleva muchos carteles. Uno de ellos lee. \"Pago extra por peligros\".' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas y los organizadores del grupo North Bay Jobs With Justice protestan en las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022. Una coalición de trabajadores y organizadores está presionando al condado para que se establezcan cinco normas de seguridad, con el próposito de proteger a los trabajadores del campo a medida que los incendios forestales se intensifican debido al cambio climático. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘La manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel y Kevin no se arrepienten de haber alzado la voz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nosotros nos sentimos en nuestro derecho”, dijo Samuel y agregó, “No sólo es uno [que se quejó], pero somos varios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para el equipo de North Bay Jobs With Justice, el cual ha apoyado a Samuel y a sus compañeros desde el año pasado, este caso podría ser un parteaguas en la lucha para proteger a los trabajadores del campo en la industria vitivinícola y el resto de California de represalias y procedimientos laborales injustos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Si la agencia estatal ALRB falla en contra de Mauritson, esto podría alentar a otros trabajadores en la región a denunciar más abusos, dice Ana Salgado, una de las líderes de North Bay Jobs With Justice. Algo así podría ampliar el movimiento a favor de protecciones laborales en el campo antes de que se intensifique la temporada de incendios en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Varios grupos que defienden los derechos de trabajadores agrícolas han formado una coalición para exigir al Condado de Sonoma que establezca \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">cinco protocolos de seguridad a medida que los incendios forestales aumentan a causa del cambio climático\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las cinco demandas incluyen que la industria del vino capacite a sus empleados, en su idioma materno, sobre cómo evacuar y mantenerse seguros durante un incendio forestal. También exigen que se permita la entrada en los viñedos a observadores comunitarios para que estos observen si se están acatando los reglamentos de seguridad laboral. De esta forma, los activistas esperan que ningún trabajador se sienta solo cuando denuncie a un empleador abusivo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La Tierra está cambiando y la manera en que protegemos a los trabajadores debe de también cambiar”, dijo Salgado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919524\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919524\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Un grupo de manifestantes toca los tambores afuera de una oficina.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un grupo de manifestantes protesta a las afueras del Departamento de Gestión de Emergencias del Condado de Sonoma el 9 de junio de 2022 para exigir mayores protecciones para los trabajadores agrícolas antes del inicio de la temporada de incendios forestales. Los organizadores señalan que el cambio climático seguirá empeorarando las condiciones laborales en el campo. \u003ccite>(Cortesía de Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Más allá del Condado de Sonoma, activistas laborales proponen reformas estructurales al programa H-2A para hacer responsables tanto a empleadores como a reclutadores por las represalias que tomen. El Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Tiempo-De-Reforma.pdf\">ha recomendado al Congreso que apruebe legislación que reforme el proceso de reclutamiento y garantice asistencia legal a trabajadores que hayan sufrido un abuso laboral\u003c/a>, incluso cuando estos se hayan ido del país. También aconseja a dependencias federales como el Departamento de Trabajo que formen una base de datos accesible a cualquier trabajador extranjero y que incluya información de todos los reclutadores y empleadores que participan en el programa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Por su parte, Cynthia Rice, la abogada de CRLA, señaló un vacío legal en las regulaciones del programa H-2A que castigan a empleadores abusivos: cuando un trabajador demanda a su empresa por un procedimiento laboral injusto, esta compañía puede llegar a un acuerdo legal con este trabajador y por ende evita admitir que violó una ley laboral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al no aceptar cualquier responsabilidad por un delito, ese empleador puede entrar al programa H-2A otra vez el siguiente año”, dijo Rice. Si funcionarios federales tomarán en cuenta cuáles compañías llegan a acuerdos legales año tras año cuando están decidiendo qué empresas pueden formar parte del programa, eso podría prevenir que empleadores con una historia de abusos sigan contratando a más trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reformar el programa H-2A no sólo beneficiaría a obreros extranjeros, sino también protegería a trabajadores estadounidenses, dice Rice. Si es más fácil explotar a trabajadores con visa H-2A, esto los hace más atractivos para contratar ya que los empleadores saben que pueden explotar a estos sin tener que pagar las mismas consecuencias que cuando hacen lo mismo con estadounidenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mientras espera por el fallo del ALRB, Kevin comparte todo lo que aprendió el año pasado con sus compañeros que están considerando migrar a EE.UU. para trabajar. No quiere que otros pasen por lo mismo que le tocó a él.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estábamos felices con el trabajo que nosotros teníamos allá porque teníamos de donde tomar un poco económicamente para mandarle a la familia y para que pudiéramos hacer algo, una casita o invertir en un negocio”, dijo, pero agregó que esto no justifica la manera en que él y sus compañeros fueron tratados. “Nos sentíamos mal con el maltrato que nos estaban dando y entonces empezamos a investigar sobre las cosas que [los empleadores] deben de hacer por ti”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "in-vallejo-investigations-of-police-take-so-long-officers-kill-again-before-reviews-are-done",
"title": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around dinner time on Feb. 13, 2018, Ronell Foster was riding his bike on a wide road that runs through the historic downtown of Vallejo, California. The 33-year-old did not own a car, and cycled nearly everywhere he went around his hometown, often flanked by his teenage son and 5-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, Foster was riding alone, swerving in and out of traffic lanes without a bike light, and caught the attention of officer Ryan McMahon, who pursued Foster in his car. Foster hit the brakes, and McMahon ordered him to “come over and sit in front of my car,” according to the officer’s deposition in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Foster’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stop messing with me,” Foster responded before taking off on his bike in the opposite direction, McMahon recalled in his deposition testimony. The officer got back in his car and chased him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foster soon fell from his bike and ran away. When McMahon continued the chase on foot, Vallejo policy required him to notify the department by radio. But that’s not what he did. Instead, he left his patrol car and followed Foster toward a dark walkway between two houses.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Dekmar, police chief, LaGrange, Georgia, and former civil rights police monitor, US Department of Justice\"]‘This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice. Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they ran, McMahon tased the African American man in the back without a warning, although officers are required to give one unless it puts them in danger. The officer later said he did so in part because he saw Foster grabbing his pants, causing him to think Foster had a firearm. Foster, who was unarmed, kept running but fell. As he tried to get up, McMahon pushed him, causing Foster to fall down a small flight of cement stairs, the officer testified in the lawsuit. McMahon then straddled his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body camera footage shows Foster lying on the pavement without fighting back when McMahon, standing next to him, fired his Taser once more. Then the officer struck Foster in the head and body with a 13-inch metal flashlight, Foster’s family alleged in court records. As McMahon swung to hit again, Foster caught the flashlight and tried to get up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some facts of the case are disputed, what happened next is not: McMahon shot Foster seven times. Autopsy records show he hit Foster once in the head, four times in the back and twice on the left side of his body, killing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all good,” McMahon said as backup arrived minutes later. “He’s down. He’s down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 678px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919407 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man smiling and wearing a beanie and hoodie.\" width=\"678\" height=\"970\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png 678w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 678px) 100vw, 678px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronell Foster \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A diverse waterfront city of 125,000 located in the San Francisco Bay Area, Vallejo has garnered \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/21/us/willie-mccoy-police-shooting.html\">national attention\u003c/a> in recent years for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/11/23/how-a-deadly-police-force-ruled-a-city\">rate of police killings\u003c/a>, which far outpaces those of all but two California cities, San Bernardino and South Gate, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/vallejo-police-highest-rate-of-residents-shot-per-capita-in-northern-california-nbc-bay-area-probes-causes/190344/\">a 2019 NBC Bay Area report\u003c/a>. Eight families of people killed by police over the last decade have filed civil suits against Vallejo, which has paid out more than $8.3 million in settlements so far, with three cases ongoing. (The single largest settlement, $5.7 million, went to the Foster family.) In July 2020, Open Vallejo exposed a tradition in which \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">officers bent their badges to mark their fatal shootings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Open Vallejo and ProPublica have looked at what happens inside the department after those killings occur, examining more than 15,000 pages of police, forensic and court files related to the city’s 17 fatal police shootings since 2011. Based on records that emerged after dozens of public records requests and two lawsuits filed by Open Vallejo, the news organizations found a pattern of delayed and incomplete investigations, with dire consequences.[aside label=\"Related Posts\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/vallejopolicing, The Fight Against Policing in Vallejo\"]In the Foster case, when top department leadership ultimately reviewed reports and evidence more than a year and a half after Foster was killed, it found McMahon had violated department policies — both by pursuing Foster on foot without notifying the department and without backup and by failing to turn on his body camera before using deadly force. (While McMahon only turned on his body camera after he fired, the camera is designed to automatically capture 30 seconds of preactivation footage.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer McMahon failed to recognize his safety and the safety of the suspect Ronnell Foster outweighed apprehension for a minor traffic/pedestrian violation,” then-police chief Joseph Allio wrote in a memorandum. Allio ordered that McMahon “attend a 1 to 3-day course on officer safety and tactics focusing on critical incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time that training was ordered, the officer had been involved in the killing of another African American man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to our first-of-its-kind review of Vallejo’s investigations of police killings, six of the department’s 17 fatal shootings between 2011 and 2020 involved an officer using deadly force while still under investigation for a prior killing. In three of those cases, including McMahon’s, department officials noted officers’ initial mistakes in their reports, but not until after their second killing. In all three, the investigation into the second killing also revealed significant tactical errors, like not considering the use of nonlethal weapons. In one case, officials identified the same mistake in two killings involving the same officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Investigations into police killings were ongoing when the same officers used deadly force again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Vallejo’s reviews of police killings have dragged on for years. Six times since 2011, the incident was still under review when the same officer was involved in another fatal encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11919408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1020x762.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1536x1148.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1920x1435.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Note: The Vallejo Police Department was unable to produce a final administrative report for the killings of Sherman Peacock and Peter Mestler. The end date for the investigations into those two killings reflects the district attorney’s final review of each case. All officers either declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment for this story. \u003ccite>(Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news organizations also found that the department consistently failed to properly complete essential investigative tasks and took more than a year on average to close its administrative investigations of fatal shootings — methods that experts say are at odds with best practices promoted by the U.S. Department of Justice and used by police agencies around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice,” said Louis Dekmar, the police chief in LaGrange, Georgia, since 1995, and a former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in the Foster case mishandled a crucial piece of evidence, police records show, then took months to request that the crime lab analyze it for fingerprints. Nineteen months passed between the killing and the submission of investigative findings to the police chief. Only then was the chief able to fully assess the case and consider discipline for that shooting. McMahon later testified that he feared for his life and that Foster, holding the flashlight, faced him “in a boxer type stance.” But body camera footage does not support the officer’s claim that Foster was facing him, and an expert for Foster’s family who reviewed enhanced footage and other forensic evidence concluded that Foster had immediately turned away. McMahon remained on the job, and was later fired over his involvement in the killing of another man, during which, a department investigation found, he endangered a fellow officer by shooting from behind him. He did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a March phone call, Shawny Williams, Vallejo’s police chief since November 2019, agreed to an interview but declined to schedule it; after we shared our findings with the department in writing, he provided a statement that pointed to recent administrative changes, like implementing a yearly crisis intervention training and requiring officers to use deescalation tactics when possible before engaging with a suspect. Williams also noted proposed reforms to how the department investigates its fatal shootings — some of which mirror recommendations first made to the department by a law enforcement consultant two years ago. Among them: a deadline for officials to produce their findings once all the evidence has been gathered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams declined to answer questions about any specific cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I cannot comment on critical incidents which occurred prior to my arrival, or on ongoing matters, I can confirm that overall, the VPD continues the process of implementing police reforms,” the chief wrote. “All the above changes are designed to create enhanced internal accountability and will provide a more transparent process for our department and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A remarkable amount of incompetence’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is no universal timeline for internal investigations, guidelines developed for the Department of Justice by a group of local police officials say departments should, at minimum, complete their probes before any statute of limitations on officer discipline expires (one year, in California, with some exceptions). \u003ca href=\"https://cops.usdoj.gov/ric/Publications/cops-p164-pub.pdf\">“It is preferable,” the group wrote, “to conclude investigations within 180 days.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some of the DOJ’s own reviews of police departments across the country, it has pushed for even shorter deadlines when it comes to investigating an officer’s use of force, including fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, for example, the Justice Department mandated that the East Haven Police Department in Connecticut complete deadly force investigations within 60 days and forward a report to the chief, who has 45 days to complete the review. And in 2014, the DOJ required a similar deadline in Albuquerque for reviews of serious uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Vallejo, Open Vallejo and ProPublica found that the police department has taken an average of 20 months to review fatal shootings, from the time of a police killing to the date a chief signed off on the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of mistakes drove delays in Vallejo and undermined the integrity of investigations. One core problem: Some witnesses to killings reported long delays before officers took their statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened in 2012, after Jaime Alvarado and his wife, Rocio Alvarado, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/three-shootings-in-vallejo\">they witnessed Vallejo police shoot their neighbor Jeremiah Moore\u003c/a>, a young man whose mother said he was on the autism spectrum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police had responded to 911 calls about loud noises coming from Moore’s home, including the sound of glass breaking. Although officers and an intoxicated witness later claimed Moore had been armed with a .22-caliber rifle, Jaime Alvarado said Moore was naked and unarmed, with his hands up and shaking from fright, when he was shot and killed by Vallejo officer Sean Kenney. (A forensic analysis could not find Moore’s fingerprints on the rifle, which was recovered in his home, while a later one found small traces of his blood on it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 666px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a white man smiling broadly as if laughing, with a goatee, beard, baseball cap, and baggy T-shirt.\" width=\"666\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png 666w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 666px) 100vw, 666px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremiah Moore \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alvarado said he tried to approach a Vallejo officer a few hours after he saw the killing through his second-floor window, but was told that “we don’t have time to talk” and to “get inside the house.” No one from the department tried to contact him after that, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would not pay attention to me,” Alvarado told Open Vallejo and ProPublica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Alvarado, detectives didn’t take his statement until several months later, after an attorney hired by Moore’s family to sue the city facilitated the interview. Yet there is no record of that interview in Vallejo’s case file, and the department ultimately cleared the officer in the killing. Neither the Moore family attorney nor the police department responded to questions about Alvarado’s account. The Moore family’s lawsuit was settled in 2016 for $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of three investigations among the 17 killings in which Vallejo detectives interviewed one or more eyewitnesses months later or did not interview them at all, despite a county policy that states department officials are responsible for “immediately” securing crime scenes, including identifying and sequestering witnesses in order to obtain their statements. In each of these cases, the witnesses’ accounts directly contradicted claims by police that the victims had been armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was not the only type of delay. In 11 of the 17 cases, investigators did not meet a 30-day goal set by the county to complete their reports. Detectives often took even longer to request analysis on important evidence, such as bullets fired by officers, fingerprinting, DNA samples and weapons allegedly carried by the victims. In six investigations, Vallejo sent requests for evidence testing to a crime lab half a year or more following the killings. In most of those cases, the delayed analyses appear to have hampered the investigations or led to cases being closed by investigators before some forensic reports could be included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11919415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-1020x1229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-160x193.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Foster’s case, detectives didn’t seek fingerprint testing of the flashlight that McMahon claimed Foster used as a weapon until eight months after the killing. When they finally made a request, the lab could not find Foster’s fingerprints. Experts say \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233901042_Determination_of_latent_fingerprint_degradation_patterns_-_A_real_fieldwork_study\">long delays can cause biological evidence to degrade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of delayed resolutions of investigations are severe,” the Justice Department wrote in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/925846/download\">investigation of the Chicago Police Department in 2017\u003c/a>, triggered after a white officer fatally shot Black teenager Laquan McDonald. “Memories fade, evidence is lost, and investigators may not be able to locate those crucial witnesses needed to determine whether misconduct has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Solano County district attorney’s office based their decisions about whether to charge Vallejo police officers primarily on evidence gathered by Vallejo officials. This made some of the detectives’ missteps especially meaningful. For example, in three of the killings from 2012, prosecutors cleared officers before all the evidence in the case had been analyzed by forensic experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either there is a remarkable amount of incompetence or it’s malicious,” said Seth Stoughton, a professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law and former Florida police officer, about the Vallejo Police Department. “Neither should be acceptable.” Stoughton testified as a national police standards expert for the prosecution in the trial of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who was convicted of the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, the Vallejo police chief, declined to answer specific questions about the numerous delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solano County’s current district attorney, Krishna Abrams, who took office shortly after the officer involved in the Moore shooting was cleared, also declined to comment on the findings of this investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Abrams wrote in a statement that her office has continued to make it a priority to use best practices for investigating officer-involved fatal incidents. She pointed to rule changes from 2020 that require that future investigations of Vallejo killings involve criminal investigators from other departments in the county. She did not comment, however, on another rule change made that year that removed a 30-day target for detectives to complete their reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>While investigations drag, officers kill again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Vallejo’s investigations dragged on, sometimes for years, officers who had killed patrolled the city’s streets, their mistakes unaddressed. In three cases, department officials flagged officers’ actions only after they were involved in another killing, police records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Sean Kenney killed Anton Barrett in May 2012. Kenney was still under investigation for that shooting when, on the morning of Sept. 2, 2012, he and his partner, Dustin Joseph, pulled up in front of the home of a man named Mario Romero. Romero, who identified as Black, Indigenous and Latino, was sitting in his parked Ford Thunderbird with his brother-in-law, police and court records show. The two white officers claimed that the young men seemed shocked to see them approaching and that Romero’s car was encroaching on the sidewalk, according to the officers’ depositions in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Romero’s family. Kenney also claimed that a similar vehicle had been involved in a shooting the prior month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within seconds and without exchanging a word, Kenney and Joseph exited their vehicle and started firing, according to Joseph’s deposition. Then, Kenney jumped on the hood of the Thunderbird, according to court and police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers fired 31 rounds in total, striking Romero, a father of one, 30 times in the face, neck, forearms, chest and left side of his body. His brother-in-law was hit once in the pelvis and survived. Officers pulled both men from the car after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919411 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with longish hair smiling and looking up at the viewer, wearing a Black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mario Romero \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joseph told detectives that Romero had briefly gotten out of the car and grabbed the butt of a gun in his waistband, though officials never found a firearm. Kenney claimed he recovered a pellet gun wedged between the rear portion of the driver’s seat and the center console. Two weeks after the incident, the officers were sent back to patrol. While police experts said many departments don’t prohibit this, they also said that having officers with open deadly force investigations go out on patrol can be dangerous for officers and community members alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take detectives another eight weeks to interview Romero’s three sisters, eyewitnesses in the case who contradicted the officers’ accounts. They said they never saw Romero with a firearm and that their brother remained inside the car during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before those interviews happened, though, Kenney had killed again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 21, 2012, the day after Romero’s funeral, Kenney fatally shot Jeremiah Moore, the young man whose neighbor Jamie Alvarado said was unarmed. It was Kenney’s third deadly incident that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, on March 20, 2013, Joseph and two others were involved in the fatal shooting of 42-year-old William Heinze, who had barricaded himself in a house with a firearm during a mental health crisis. It was Joseph’s second deadly incident in just over six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged white man smiling, with his lips closed so sort of tiredly, with a trim haircut and wearing a black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Heinze \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2014, with investigations into those two killings pending, Joseph received a departmental Life-Saving Medal for a separate event and was promoted to corporal. Kenney, with three open deadly force investigations, was awarded the Medal of Valor for his role in the Moore shooting, according to Kenney’s deposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two years after the Romero shooting, the department’s Critical Incident Review Board finally issued findings in the administrative probe. The panel is supposed to evaluate whether officers’ use of force was justified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2014, it flagged the officers’ tactics during the incident. The board found that Kenney placed himself in a “tactically disadvantageous position with a potentially armed subject” when he jumped on the hood of Romero’s car, and noted officers could have waited at their car for backup, records show. Nevertheless, officials noted, “The board felt that the officers relied upon their past training to successfully endure this dangerous and rapidly evolving incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It still recommended additional training, without specifying whether the training was intended for the two officers or the department as a whole. The board then failed to forward its own completed report to supervisors for nearly a year. During that time, the city settled the lawsuit for $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet another year would pass before then-Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou assessed the case for disciplinary, training and policy considerations. Bidou approved the board’s findings, but he did not take further action in the case, the files show. By then, criminal accountability had been ruled out, too. The district attorney had declined to file charges three years earlier. His report noted that Vallejo investigators had interviewed Romero’s sisters long after the incident; the prosecutor suggested that the delay made their statements less credible than the officers’ accounts. He was also missing forensic analyses that would later show that the DNA and fingerprints taken from the pellet gun could not be matched to Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that investigation had been run properly, Kenney would have been off the street and he wouldn’t have killed my son,” asserted Lisa Moore, the mother of Jeremiah Moore, Kenney’s third shooting victim, about Vallejo’s handling of the case. “Four years, that’s a long time to figure out, ‘Oh, we messed up. What did we do wrong so that this doesn’t happen again?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenney retired from the Vallejo Police Department in 2018, after the board cleared him in the Moore shooting. He declined to comment for this story. As for Joseph, the Vallejo board ultimately flagged officers’ tactics during his second deadly incident, and recommended training. Joseph, who did not respond to requests for comment, left Vallejo in 2019 to join the nearby Fairfield Police Department, where Fairfield officials said he is currently on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘With this delay, there is no justice’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The review board’s actions in the Romero case were not an anomaly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Made up of two to six ranked officers from within the Vallejo PD, the Critical Incident Review Board reviews an investigation, identifies whether officers violated any policies and makes recommendations to the chief, according to the department’s policy manuals. Our analysis of the 17 cases found that those reviews were consistently delayed. In 11 cases, the panel sent its report up the chain of command more than one year after the incident. And in six of those cases, the board sat on its findings for months before forwarding them, delaying the review of the chief of police, who makes the final decision on discipline, according to the analysis by Open Vallejo and ProPublica. In two cases from 2011 and 2012, the department was unable to show that a final administrative review was completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news organizations’ analysis found that the board often cleared officers even when it noted problems with how they had handled a shooting. In fact, the CIRB never determined that any officers had violated department policies, according to the department’s records. Often, it recommended training. But in at least a few of those cases, there is no evidence in training and investigative files that the involved officers completed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases in which the chief considered potential discipline, he opened yet another investigation because the board’s probe was insufficient, creating additional delays. All these delays by both the CIRB and the chief matter in part because California law gives departments only one year to impose discipline once officials learn of an incident, though that timeline is paused during a criminal investigation. (That timeframe expired in one of the 17 killings that we reviewed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said Vallejo’s approach is fundamentally flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole purpose of having a disciplinary process in place: to assess quickly whether or not officers have engaged in misconduct and, if they’re a threat to the public, to get them removed from the department and off the streets,” said Judge LaDoris Hazzard Cordell, a former Superior Court judge for the County of Santa Clara. From 2010 to 2015, Cordell served as the independent police auditor for the city of San José, which created the office in 1993 following the beating of Rodney King by the Los Angeles Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening in Vallejo is quite the opposite: It’s just delay, delay. And with this delay, there is no justice,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over and over, the board seemed to miss opportunities to help the department fix practices that contributed to those killings. Despite delays, the CIRB did, in fact, note plenty of problems: officers who didn’t turn on their body cameras, failed to use less lethal options, mismanaged crime scenes or did not wait for backup. But, time and again, the board reports neither called out individual officers for problematic behavior nor recommended policy changes as a result of the failures they repeatedly identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common problem identified by the CIRB in its reviews of killings was that officers acted without sufficient “cover,” meaning they didn’t properly use structures like cars for protection when confronting civilians, amplifying the risk to themselves and others in already-dangerous situations. When officers don’t take cover, “they put themselves in jeopardy — they create jeopardy,” said Dekmar, the former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “That results in a use of force that may have been avoided.” Investigators noted cover issues in six of Vallejo’s 17 killings since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It first surfaced in the 2012 case of Marshall Tobin, a 43-year-old Black man who was sitting in his car sobbing over his phone when two officers, both under deadly force investigations for prior killings, approached him. Police had received a call about an armed man in a parking lot. After Tobin emerged from his car, officers tased him and then fired at least 11 rounds at him, killing him. The officers told investigators that after he was tased, Tobin had reached for a gun in his waistband. They did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 670px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919413 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with sort of long hair and facial stubble, wearing a light T-shirt and dark jacket. He is looking straight at the viewer, unsmiling, as if this image is taken from a driver's license photo.\" width=\"670\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png 670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 670px) 100vw, 670px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Tobin \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year and a half later, the CIRB found in its review that the officers had approached Tobin on foot, “leaving the cover and concealment of the vehicles.” It recommended additional department training in how to use cover, but it did not officially flag the officers’ behavior or find that they had violated a policy. (Two months after that, one of those two officers, from inside his patrol car, shot at a Latino man fleeing a traffic stop — the officer’s third fatal incident in two years. The board approved of the shooting, and the chief cleared him.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point after the Tobin killing, then-police chief Joseph Kreins, who reviewed seven fatal shootings between 2012 and 2014, did add a clause to the policy manual that “encouraged” officers on vehicle pursuits to “remember the importance of cover, concealment, and safe distance.” But in 2015, despite the board’s findings in the Romero and Tobin shootings, the next chief of police, Andrew Bidou, removed it. Neither Kreins nor Bidou responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue emerged again in 2017, when officers killed Jeffrey Barboa, a father of one who police said was wanted for an armed robbery. Following a high-speed pursuit that ended in a crash, Barboa had approached officers while holding a knife over his head. The officers, standing within 15 feet, did not step back, police records show. As Barboa slowly walked toward the officers, they fired approximately 50 rounds at him, hitting him at least 30 times in the chest, face, neck, arms and legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919414\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919414 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged Latino man with dark hair, unsmiling, wearing a collared shirt and jacket.\" width=\"664\" height=\"946\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeffrey Barboa \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 28 months after that shooting, in December 2019, the CIRB found in its report that had the officers taken cover or put more distance between themselves and Barboa, they would have created time to communicate with him and “deploy less-lethal alternatives.” “It is this positioning that likely caused the situation to speed up,” the board wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, the review board responded as it usually did: It identified no policy violation or specific officer at fault and issued a list of training recommendations with no accompanying plan to implement them. There is no evidence in the department’s reports that Vallejo officials took further action in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporting for this project was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/mariam-elba\">Mariam Elba\u003c/a> contributed research. Geoffrey King contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Vallejo's flawed handling of fatal police shootings allowed six officers to use deadly force again before their first cases were decided. Experts say the department's system needs oversight.",
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"title": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done | KQED",
"description": "Vallejo's flawed handling of fatal police shootings allowed six officers to use deadly force again before their first cases were decided. Experts say the department's system needs oversight.",
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"headline": "In Vallejo, Investigations of Police Take So Long, Officers Kill Again Before Reviews Are Done",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org\">Laurence Du Sault, Open Vallejo\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around dinner time on Feb. 13, 2018, Ronell Foster was riding his bike on a wide road that runs through the historic downtown of Vallejo, California. The 33-year-old did not own a car, and cycled nearly everywhere he went around his hometown, often flanked by his teenage son and 5-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that night, Foster was riding alone, swerving in and out of traffic lanes without a bike light, and caught the attention of officer Ryan McMahon, who pursued Foster in his car. Foster hit the brakes, and McMahon ordered him to “come over and sit in front of my car,” according to the officer’s deposition in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Foster’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stop messing with me,” Foster responded before taking off on his bike in the opposite direction, McMahon recalled in his deposition testimony. The officer got back in his car and chased him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foster soon fell from his bike and ran away. When McMahon continued the chase on foot, Vallejo policy required him to notify the department by radio. But that’s not what he did. Instead, he left his patrol car and followed Foster toward a dark walkway between two houses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice. Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they ran, McMahon tased the African American man in the back without a warning, although officers are required to give one unless it puts them in danger. The officer later said he did so in part because he saw Foster grabbing his pants, causing him to think Foster had a firearm. Foster, who was unarmed, kept running but fell. As he tried to get up, McMahon pushed him, causing Foster to fall down a small flight of cement stairs, the officer testified in the lawsuit. McMahon then straddled his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body camera footage shows Foster lying on the pavement without fighting back when McMahon, standing next to him, fired his Taser once more. Then the officer struck Foster in the head and body with a 13-inch metal flashlight, Foster’s family alleged in court records. As McMahon swung to hit again, Foster caught the flashlight and tried to get up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some facts of the case are disputed, what happened next is not: McMahon shot Foster seven times. Autopsy records show he hit Foster once in the head, four times in the back and twice on the left side of his body, killing him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all good,” McMahon said as backup arrived minutes later. “He’s down. He’s down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 678px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919407 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man smiling and wearing a beanie and hoodie.\" width=\"678\" height=\"970\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM.png 678w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.10-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 678px) 100vw, 678px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronell Foster \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A diverse waterfront city of 125,000 located in the San Francisco Bay Area, Vallejo has garnered \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/21/us/willie-mccoy-police-shooting.html\">national attention\u003c/a> in recent years for its \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/11/23/how-a-deadly-police-force-ruled-a-city\">rate of police killings\u003c/a>, which far outpaces those of all but two California cities, San Bernardino and South Gate, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/vallejo-police-highest-rate-of-residents-shot-per-capita-in-northern-california-nbc-bay-area-probes-causes/190344/\">a 2019 NBC Bay Area report\u003c/a>. Eight families of people killed by police over the last decade have filed civil suits against Vallejo, which has paid out more than $8.3 million in settlements so far, with three cases ongoing. (The single largest settlement, $5.7 million, went to the Foster family.) In July 2020, Open Vallejo exposed a tradition in which \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">officers bent their badges to mark their fatal shootings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Open Vallejo and ProPublica have looked at what happens inside the department after those killings occur, examining more than 15,000 pages of police, forensic and court files related to the city’s 17 fatal police shootings since 2011. Based on records that emerged after dozens of public records requests and two lawsuits filed by Open Vallejo, the news organizations found a pattern of delayed and incomplete investigations, with dire consequences.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/vallejopolicing, The Fight Against Policing in Vallejo"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the Foster case, when top department leadership ultimately reviewed reports and evidence more than a year and a half after Foster was killed, it found McMahon had violated department policies — both by pursuing Foster on foot without notifying the department and without backup and by failing to turn on his body camera before using deadly force. (While McMahon only turned on his body camera after he fired, the camera is designed to automatically capture 30 seconds of preactivation footage.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer McMahon failed to recognize his safety and the safety of the suspect Ronnell Foster outweighed apprehension for a minor traffic/pedestrian violation,” then-police chief Joseph Allio wrote in a memorandum. Allio ordered that McMahon “attend a 1 to 3-day course on officer safety and tactics focusing on critical incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time that training was ordered, the officer had been involved in the killing of another African American man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to our first-of-its-kind review of Vallejo’s investigations of police killings, six of the department’s 17 fatal shootings between 2011 and 2020 involved an officer using deadly force while still under investigation for a prior killing. In three of those cases, including McMahon’s, department officials noted officers’ initial mistakes in their reports, but not until after their second killing. In all three, the investigation into the second killing also revealed significant tactical errors, like not considering the use of nonlethal weapons. In one case, officials identified the same mistake in two killings involving the same officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Investigations into police killings were ongoing when the same officers used deadly force again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Vallejo’s reviews of police killings have dragged on for years. Six times since 2011, the incident was still under review when the same officer was involved in another fatal encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11919408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-800x598.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1020x762.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1536x1148.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop-1920x1435.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220627-openvallejo-desktop.png 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Note: The Vallejo Police Department was unable to produce a final administrative report for the killings of Sherman Peacock and Peter Mestler. The end date for the investigations into those two killings reflects the district attorney’s final review of each case. All officers either declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment for this story. \u003ccite>(Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news organizations also found that the department consistently failed to properly complete essential investigative tasks and took more than a year on average to close its administrative investigations of fatal shootings — methods that experts say are at odds with best practices promoted by the U.S. Department of Justice and used by police agencies around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t accepted practice. This isn’t even basement standard practice,” said Louis Dekmar, the police chief in LaGrange, Georgia, since 1995, and a former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “Any agency that takes that long is saying that this isn’t a priority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in the Foster case mishandled a crucial piece of evidence, police records show, then took months to request that the crime lab analyze it for fingerprints. Nineteen months passed between the killing and the submission of investigative findings to the police chief. Only then was the chief able to fully assess the case and consider discipline for that shooting. McMahon later testified that he feared for his life and that Foster, holding the flashlight, faced him “in a boxer type stance.” But body camera footage does not support the officer’s claim that Foster was facing him, and an expert for Foster’s family who reviewed enhanced footage and other forensic evidence concluded that Foster had immediately turned away. McMahon remained on the job, and was later fired over his involvement in the killing of another man, during which, a department investigation found, he endangered a fellow officer by shooting from behind him. He did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a March phone call, Shawny Williams, Vallejo’s police chief since November 2019, agreed to an interview but declined to schedule it; after we shared our findings with the department in writing, he provided a statement that pointed to recent administrative changes, like implementing a yearly crisis intervention training and requiring officers to use deescalation tactics when possible before engaging with a suspect. Williams also noted proposed reforms to how the department investigates its fatal shootings — some of which mirror recommendations first made to the department by a law enforcement consultant two years ago. Among them: a deadline for officials to produce their findings once all the evidence has been gathered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams declined to answer questions about any specific cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I cannot comment on critical incidents which occurred prior to my arrival, or on ongoing matters, I can confirm that overall, the VPD continues the process of implementing police reforms,” the chief wrote. “All the above changes are designed to create enhanced internal accountability and will provide a more transparent process for our department and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A remarkable amount of incompetence’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there is no universal timeline for internal investigations, guidelines developed for the Department of Justice by a group of local police officials say departments should, at minimum, complete their probes before any statute of limitations on officer discipline expires (one year, in California, with some exceptions). \u003ca href=\"https://cops.usdoj.gov/ric/Publications/cops-p164-pub.pdf\">“It is preferable,” the group wrote, “to conclude investigations within 180 days.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in some of the DOJ’s own reviews of police departments across the country, it has pushed for even shorter deadlines when it comes to investigating an officer’s use of force, including fatal shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, for example, the Justice Department mandated that the East Haven Police Department in Connecticut complete deadly force investigations within 60 days and forward a report to the chief, who has 45 days to complete the review. And in 2014, the DOJ required a similar deadline in Albuquerque for reviews of serious uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Vallejo, Open Vallejo and ProPublica found that the police department has taken an average of 20 months to review fatal shootings, from the time of a police killing to the date a chief signed off on the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of mistakes drove delays in Vallejo and undermined the integrity of investigations. One core problem: Some witnesses to killings reported long delays before officers took their statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened in 2012, after Jaime Alvarado and his wife, Rocio Alvarado, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/three-shootings-in-vallejo\">they witnessed Vallejo police shoot their neighbor Jeremiah Moore\u003c/a>, a young man whose mother said he was on the autism spectrum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police had responded to 911 calls about loud noises coming from Moore’s home, including the sound of glass breaking. Although officers and an intoxicated witness later claimed Moore had been armed with a .22-caliber rifle, Jaime Alvarado said Moore was naked and unarmed, with his hands up and shaking from fright, when he was shot and killed by Vallejo officer Sean Kenney. (A forensic analysis could not find Moore’s fingerprints on the rifle, which was recovered in his home, while a later one found small traces of his blood on it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 666px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a white man smiling broadly as if laughing, with a goatee, beard, baseball cap, and baggy T-shirt.\" width=\"666\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM.png 666w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.37-PM-160x229.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 666px) 100vw, 666px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeremiah Moore \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alvarado said he tried to approach a Vallejo officer a few hours after he saw the killing through his second-floor window, but was told that “we don’t have time to talk” and to “get inside the house.” No one from the department tried to contact him after that, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They would not pay attention to me,” Alvarado told Open Vallejo and ProPublica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Alvarado, detectives didn’t take his statement until several months later, after an attorney hired by Moore’s family to sue the city facilitated the interview. Yet there is no record of that interview in Vallejo’s case file, and the department ultimately cleared the officer in the killing. Neither the Moore family attorney nor the police department responded to questions about Alvarado’s account. The Moore family’s lawsuit was settled in 2016 for $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of three investigations among the 17 killings in which Vallejo detectives interviewed one or more eyewitnesses months later or did not interview them at all, despite a county policy that states department officials are responsible for “immediately” securing crime scenes, including identifying and sequestering witnesses in order to obtain their statements. In each of these cases, the witnesses’ accounts directly contradicted claims by police that the victims had been armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was not the only type of delay. In 11 of the 17 cases, investigators did not meet a 30-day goal set by the county to complete their reports. Detectives often took even longer to request analysis on important evidence, such as bullets fired by officers, fingerprinting, DNA samples and weapons allegedly carried by the victims. In six investigations, Vallejo sent requests for evidence testing to a crime lab half a year or more following the killings. In most of those cases, the delayed analyses appear to have hampered the investigations or led to cases being closed by investigators before some forensic reports could be included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11919415\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png\" alt=\"A graph.\" width=\"800\" height=\"964\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-800x964.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-1020x1229.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile-160x193.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/20220701-vallejo-investigative-missteps-mobile.png 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Foster’s case, detectives didn’t seek fingerprint testing of the flashlight that McMahon claimed Foster used as a weapon until eight months after the killing. When they finally made a request, the lab could not find Foster’s fingerprints. Experts say \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233901042_Determination_of_latent_fingerprint_degradation_patterns_-_A_real_fieldwork_study\">long delays can cause biological evidence to degrade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of delayed resolutions of investigations are severe,” the Justice Department wrote in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/file/925846/download\">investigation of the Chicago Police Department in 2017\u003c/a>, triggered after a white officer fatally shot Black teenager Laquan McDonald. “Memories fade, evidence is lost, and investigators may not be able to locate those crucial witnesses needed to determine whether misconduct has occurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the Solano County district attorney’s office based their decisions about whether to charge Vallejo police officers primarily on evidence gathered by Vallejo officials. This made some of the detectives’ missteps especially meaningful. For example, in three of the killings from 2012, prosecutors cleared officers before all the evidence in the case had been analyzed by forensic experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either there is a remarkable amount of incompetence or it’s malicious,” said Seth Stoughton, a professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law and former Florida police officer, about the Vallejo Police Department. “Neither should be acceptable.” Stoughton testified as a national police standards expert for the prosecution in the trial of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who was convicted of the murder of George Floyd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, the Vallejo police chief, declined to answer specific questions about the numerous delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Solano County’s current district attorney, Krishna Abrams, who took office shortly after the officer involved in the Moore shooting was cleared, also declined to comment on the findings of this investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Abrams wrote in a statement that her office has continued to make it a priority to use best practices for investigating officer-involved fatal incidents. She pointed to rule changes from 2020 that require that future investigations of Vallejo killings involve criminal investigators from other departments in the county. She did not comment, however, on another rule change made that year that removed a 30-day target for detectives to complete their reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>While investigations drag, officers kill again\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Vallejo’s investigations dragged on, sometimes for years, officers who had killed patrolled the city’s streets, their mistakes unaddressed. In three cases, department officials flagged officers’ actions only after they were involved in another killing, police records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Sean Kenney killed Anton Barrett in May 2012. Kenney was still under investigation for that shooting when, on the morning of Sept. 2, 2012, he and his partner, Dustin Joseph, pulled up in front of the home of a man named Mario Romero. Romero, who identified as Black, Indigenous and Latino, was sitting in his parked Ford Thunderbird with his brother-in-law, police and court records show. The two white officers claimed that the young men seemed shocked to see them approaching and that Romero’s car was encroaching on the sidewalk, according to the officers’ depositions in a civil rights lawsuit filed by Romero’s family. Kenney also claimed that a similar vehicle had been involved in a shooting the prior month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within seconds and without exchanging a word, Kenney and Joseph exited their vehicle and started firing, according to Joseph’s deposition. Then, Kenney jumped on the hood of the Thunderbird, according to court and police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers fired 31 rounds in total, striking Romero, a father of one, 30 times in the face, neck, forearms, chest and left side of his body. His brother-in-law was hit once in the pelvis and survived. Officers pulled both men from the car after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919411 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with longish hair smiling and looking up at the viewer, wearing a Black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.49-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mario Romero \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Joseph told detectives that Romero had briefly gotten out of the car and grabbed the butt of a gun in his waistband, though officials never found a firearm. Kenney claimed he recovered a pellet gun wedged between the rear portion of the driver’s seat and the center console. Two weeks after the incident, the officers were sent back to patrol. While police experts said many departments don’t prohibit this, they also said that having officers with open deadly force investigations go out on patrol can be dangerous for officers and community members alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take detectives another eight weeks to interview Romero’s three sisters, eyewitnesses in the case who contradicted the officers’ accounts. They said they never saw Romero with a firearm and that their brother remained inside the car during the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before those interviews happened, though, Kenney had killed again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 21, 2012, the day after Romero’s funeral, Kenney fatally shot Jeremiah Moore, the young man whose neighbor Jamie Alvarado said was unarmed. It was Kenney’s third deadly incident that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next year, on March 20, 2013, Joseph and two others were involved in the fatal shooting of 42-year-old William Heinze, who had barricaded himself in a house with a firearm during a mental health crisis. It was Joseph’s second deadly incident in just over six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged white man smiling, with his lips closed so sort of tiredly, with a trim haircut and wearing a black T-shirt.\" width=\"664\" height=\"948\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.48.57-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Heinze \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2014, with investigations into those two killings pending, Joseph received a departmental Life-Saving Medal for a separate event and was promoted to corporal. Kenney, with three open deadly force investigations, was awarded the Medal of Valor for his role in the Moore shooting, according to Kenney’s deposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly two years after the Romero shooting, the department’s Critical Incident Review Board finally issued findings in the administrative probe. The panel is supposed to evaluate whether officers’ use of force was justified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2014, it flagged the officers’ tactics during the incident. The board found that Kenney placed himself in a “tactically disadvantageous position with a potentially armed subject” when he jumped on the hood of Romero’s car, and noted officers could have waited at their car for backup, records show. Nevertheless, officials noted, “The board felt that the officers relied upon their past training to successfully endure this dangerous and rapidly evolving incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It still recommended additional training, without specifying whether the training was intended for the two officers or the department as a whole. The board then failed to forward its own completed report to supervisors for nearly a year. During that time, the city settled the lawsuit for $2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet another year would pass before then-Vallejo Police Chief Andrew Bidou assessed the case for disciplinary, training and policy considerations. Bidou approved the board’s findings, but he did not take further action in the case, the files show. By then, criminal accountability had been ruled out, too. The district attorney had declined to file charges three years earlier. His report noted that Vallejo investigators had interviewed Romero’s sisters long after the incident; the prosecutor suggested that the delay made their statements less credible than the officers’ accounts. He was also missing forensic analyses that would later show that the DNA and fingerprints taken from the pellet gun could not be matched to Romero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that investigation had been run properly, Kenney would have been off the street and he wouldn’t have killed my son,” asserted Lisa Moore, the mother of Jeremiah Moore, Kenney’s third shooting victim, about Vallejo’s handling of the case. “Four years, that’s a long time to figure out, ‘Oh, we messed up. What did we do wrong so that this doesn’t happen again?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kenney retired from the Vallejo Police Department in 2018, after the board cleared him in the Moore shooting. He declined to comment for this story. As for Joseph, the Vallejo board ultimately flagged officers’ tactics during his second deadly incident, and recommended training. Joseph, who did not respond to requests for comment, left Vallejo in 2019 to join the nearby Fairfield Police Department, where Fairfield officials said he is currently on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘With this delay, there is no justice’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The review board’s actions in the Romero case were not an anomaly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Made up of two to six ranked officers from within the Vallejo PD, the Critical Incident Review Board reviews an investigation, identifies whether officers violated any policies and makes recommendations to the chief, according to the department’s policy manuals. Our analysis of the 17 cases found that those reviews were consistently delayed. In 11 cases, the panel sent its report up the chain of command more than one year after the incident. And in six of those cases, the board sat on its findings for months before forwarding them, delaying the review of the chief of police, who makes the final decision on discipline, according to the analysis by Open Vallejo and ProPublica. In two cases from 2011 and 2012, the department was unable to show that a final administrative review was completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news organizations’ analysis found that the board often cleared officers even when it noted problems with how they had handled a shooting. In fact, the CIRB never determined that any officers had violated department policies, according to the department’s records. Often, it recommended training. But in at least a few of those cases, there is no evidence in training and investigative files that the involved officers completed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases in which the chief considered potential discipline, he opened yet another investigation because the board’s probe was insufficient, creating additional delays. All these delays by both the CIRB and the chief matter in part because California law gives departments only one year to impose discipline once officials learn of an incident, though that timeline is paused during a criminal investigation. (That timeframe expired in one of the 17 killings that we reviewed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said Vallejo’s approach is fundamentally flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the whole purpose of having a disciplinary process in place: to assess quickly whether or not officers have engaged in misconduct and, if they’re a threat to the public, to get them removed from the department and off the streets,” said Judge LaDoris Hazzard Cordell, a former Superior Court judge for the County of Santa Clara. From 2010 to 2015, Cordell served as the independent police auditor for the city of San José, which created the office in 1993 following the beating of Rodney King by the Los Angeles Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is happening in Vallejo is quite the opposite: It’s just delay, delay. And with this delay, there is no justice,” Cordell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over and over, the board seemed to miss opportunities to help the department fix practices that contributed to those killings. Despite delays, the CIRB did, in fact, note plenty of problems: officers who didn’t turn on their body cameras, failed to use less lethal options, mismanaged crime scenes or did not wait for backup. But, time and again, the board reports neither called out individual officers for problematic behavior nor recommended policy changes as a result of the failures they repeatedly identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common problem identified by the CIRB in its reviews of killings was that officers acted without sufficient “cover,” meaning they didn’t properly use structures like cars for protection when confronting civilians, amplifying the risk to themselves and others in already-dangerous situations. When officers don’t take cover, “they put themselves in jeopardy — they create jeopardy,” said Dekmar, the former civil rights police monitor for the U.S. Department of Justice. “That results in a use of force that may have been avoided.” Investigators noted cover issues in six of Vallejo’s 17 killings since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It first surfaced in the 2012 case of Marshall Tobin, a 43-year-old Black man who was sitting in his car sobbing over his phone when two officers, both under deadly force investigations for prior killings, approached him. Police had received a call about an armed man in a parking lot. After Tobin emerged from his car, officers tased him and then fired at least 11 rounds at him, killing him. The officers told investigators that after he was tased, Tobin had reached for a gun in his waistband. They did not respond to requests for comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 670px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919413 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a Black man with sort of long hair and facial stubble, wearing a light T-shirt and dark jacket. He is looking straight at the viewer, unsmiling, as if this image is taken from a driver's license photo.\" width=\"670\" height=\"954\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM.png 670w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.06-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 670px) 100vw, 670px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marshall Tobin \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year and a half later, the CIRB found in its review that the officers had approached Tobin on foot, “leaving the cover and concealment of the vehicles.” It recommended additional department training in how to use cover, but it did not officially flag the officers’ behavior or find that they had violated a policy. (Two months after that, one of those two officers, from inside his patrol car, shot at a Latino man fleeing a traffic stop — the officer’s third fatal incident in two years. The board approved of the shooting, and the chief cleared him.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point after the Tobin killing, then-police chief Joseph Kreins, who reviewed seven fatal shootings between 2012 and 2014, did add a clause to the policy manual that “encouraged” officers on vehicle pursuits to “remember the importance of cover, concealment, and safe distance.” But in 2015, despite the board’s findings in the Romero and Tobin shootings, the next chief of police, Andrew Bidou, removed it. Neither Kreins nor Bidou responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue emerged again in 2017, when officers killed Jeffrey Barboa, a father of one who police said was wanted for an armed robbery. Following a high-speed pursuit that ended in a crash, Barboa had approached officers while holding a knife over his head. The officers, standing within 15 feet, did not step back, police records show. As Barboa slowly walked toward the officers, they fired approximately 50 rounds at him, hitting him at least 30 times in the chest, face, neck, arms and legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919414\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 664px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919414 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png\" alt=\"A black-and-white watercolor illustration of a middle-aged Latino man with dark hair, unsmiling, wearing a collared shirt and jacket.\" width=\"664\" height=\"946\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM.png 664w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Screen-Shot-2022-07-12-at-3.49.12-PM-160x228.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 664px) 100vw, 664px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeffrey Barboa \u003ccite>(Kate Copeland/ProPublica)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 28 months after that shooting, in December 2019, the CIRB found in its report that had the officers taken cover or put more distance between themselves and Barboa, they would have created time to communicate with him and “deploy less-lethal alternatives.” “It is this positioning that likely caused the situation to speed up,” the board wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, the review board responded as it usually did: It identified no policy violation or specific officer at fault and issued a list of training recommendations with no accompanying plan to implement them. There is no evidence in the department’s reports that Vallejo officials took further action in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reporting for this project was supported by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/people/mariam-elba\">Mariam Elba\u003c/a> contributed research. Geoffrey King contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Shinzo Abe Assassinated\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was assassinated July 8, 2022, worked to build ties with Silicon Valley and to craft a pro-democracy theater in the Pacific. Hoover Institution Distinguished Research Fellow \u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Auslin\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> joins us to discuss Abe’s work and legacy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>COVID BA.5 Subvariant a ‘Different Beast’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">UCSF Chair of Medicine \u003c/span>\u003cb>Dr. Bob Wachter \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">talks about why he’s calling the COVID BA.5 variant “a different beast” and how to defend against ongoing surges of the virus. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom is running for reelection in California, so why is he running a television ad in Florida? And will Californians vote to make access to abortion a part of the state’s constitution? Our panel of reporters helps us unpack these topics and other major news of the week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Adhiti Bandlamudi, KQED reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy C. Owens, MarketWatch bureau chief\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Berkeley Rose Garden\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this week’s Something Beautiful, we go to a public garden that opened in 1937 in the East Bay. The Berkeley Rose Garden provides remarkable views of the city and the bay and features more than 100 varieties of the floral delight.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Pedro Figueroa, ICE detainee\"]‘I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right … What did I do wrong?’[/pullquote]Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eunice Cho, attorney, ACLU\"]‘These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs.’[/pullquote]In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11917597 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/GoldenStateAnnex-1020x698.jpg']Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5 p.m. July 11: \u003c/strong>Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center staff moved Pedro Figueroa out of solitary confinement on July 8, shortly after KQED published this story, according to his attorney. Mohamed Mousa remains in what’s officially known as “administrative segregation,” his attorney said. Both men were found guilty of “inciting or engaging in a demonstration,” charges allegedly related to a monthslong labor strike by immigration detainees seeking higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with The GEO Group, which operates the immigration detention center, declined to confirm the status of the men, and referred questions to ICE. The agency did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, July 8:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nTwo immigrant detainees have been held in solitary confinement for over a week for backing a labor strike seeking better wages and conditions at the privately run facility where they are held in Bakersfield, the men told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged retaliation fuels fear and intimidation, according to interviews with the men, their attorneys and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mohamed Mousa and Pedro Figueroa said they were moved to a restricted housing unit after signing a declaration on June 28 that they and 15 others were joining a months-long peaceful work stoppage by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees who are paid $1 a day to clean dormitories and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Employees with The GEO Group, a large private prison company that operates the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield, transferred the men separately to “administrative segregation” on June 29 and June 30, according to GEO forms viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what they’re doing to retaliate against people who speak up. This is what they’re doing to intimidate us, which I am intimidated,” Figueroa, 33, said by phone as he sat in what he described as a small, windowless cell detainees refer to as “the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose not to work and voice my opinion respectfully, and that’s within my right,” added Figueroa, a former incarcerated firefighter who battled the massive August Complex fire in 2020. “I’m trying to understand, what did I do wrong?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show GEO staffers charged Figueroa and Mousa with “inciting or engaging in a demonstration” and “conduct that disrupts/interferes with the security or operation of the facility.” Both are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/detention-standards/2011/pbnds2011r2016.pdf\">labeled as high offenses under ICE guidelines\u003c/a> for the detention center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa and Mousa said they are kept in their cells — about 6 by 12 feet, with a sink, toilet and a cot — for 22 hours a day or longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives you anxiety, raises your stress level. It raises your depression level,” said Mousa, a 41-year-old immigrant from Egypt and former film student in Los Angeles. “It’s a terrible place to be. It’s like they dig a grave and throw you in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon request, Mousa and Figueroa have access to a phone and an electronic tablet, which guards push through a slit in the room’s metal door. Calls and entertainment, such as music or books, may cost anywhere between $0.03 and $0.11 per minute, the detainees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for GEO, \u003ca href=\"https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20220502005931/en/The-GEO-Group-Reports-First-Quarter-2022-Results\">which reported total revenues of $551 million in the first quarter of 2022\u003c/a>, rebuffed allegations that the detainees are being punished for protesting their working and living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers, including more than a dozen so-called “housing porters,” are calling for California’s $15 per hour minimum wage, fair treatment by Mesa Verde’s administration and more nutritious meals, among other demands. Some detainees at the facility have refused to work since April 28, but their demands have been largely ignored by GEO and ICE, said Esperanza Cuautle, a community organizer with Pangea Legal Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919181\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 648px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg\" alt=\"a smiling bald man holds a chainsaw wearing work clothing\" width=\"648\" height=\"1017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp.jpeg 648w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57176_Pedro_Firecamp-160x251.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Figueroa poses at the Antelope Fire camp in Siskiyou County in 2021. When he was incarcerated, before his ICE detention, Figueroa won a spot in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s fire camp program, and helped battle wildfires. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Figueroa family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The GEO spokesperson repeatedly denied a labor strike is taking place at Mesa Verde and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917597/immigrant-detainees-strike-over-working-conditions-california-regulators-investigate\">Golden State Annex, a nearby detention center also operated by the multinational company\u003c/a>, arguing that the detained workers are part of a voluntary program. But he declined to answer what demonstration or disruption the detainees were charged with engaging in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to strongly reject these baseless allegations,” said the spokesperson for the Florida-based company. “Our facilities, including the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center, provide high-quality services in accordance with all federal contract requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center is maintained in accordance with all applicable federal sanitation standards, with or without the contributions of Voluntary Work Program participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mesa Verde currently detains 51 men, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management\">ICE’s most recent detention statistics\u003c/a>. Figueroa and Mousa were arrested by the agency after being released from state prisons for felony convictions, according to court records and their attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, however, felt no choice but to take a plea deal and continues to maintain his innocence, according to his lawyer, Katie Kavanagh, with the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mousa entered the U.S. lawfully in 2006, and has since been granted protections against deportation by two separate immigration judges, but ICE has appealed, said Kelsey Morales, an immigration attorney with the Alameda County Public Defender’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figueroa, the father of four children born in the U.S., was brought to the country as a baby. He grew up in Orange County, according to Kavanagh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Detainees often opt to work for $1 a day to help their families afford what they describe as costly phone calls and commissary items such as dental floss and tortillas — and to ensure clean living areas, which they say no other janitorial service maintains at Mesa Verde.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, immigrant detainees paid $1 a day in privately run facilities are entitled to pursue civil remedy for unpaid wages, and are considered “employees” based on a ruling by a federal judge in 2018, said Christina Cano, a spokesperson with the Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees the enforcement of minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, for-profit operators of immigration detention centers commonly use the voluntary work program to do cleaning, maintenance, laundry and other tasks that keep facilities running, saving money on labor costs, according to Eunice Cho, an attorney with the ACLU National Prison Project in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These private prison companies are profiting by millions of dollars every year by using these volunteer work programs,” Cho said. “Private prison companies have often used punishment to ask for more people to perform labor, doing things like threatening and putting people into solitary confinement, denying food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts in California, Washington and other states are currently deciding whether these labor practices constitute illegal forced labor or minimum wage law violations, and whether companies like GEO are accountable, according to Cho.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moreover, immigrants who are detained by the federal government while they fight deportation — a civil, not criminal proceeding — have the right to freedom of speech, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s long settled that the First Amendment prohibits the use of solitary confinement as punishment for speaking up against conditions of confinement in prisons and detention centers,” Cho said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether ICE agrees. ICE did not return requests for comment on the rule, the labor strike or retaliation allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reports of potentially exploitative work and retaliation at Mesa Verde are “alarming,” said a spokesperson for U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, D-Calif.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our office is working to gather additional information and ensure there is proper oversight,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, South Bay Congressmember Zoe Lofgren, D-San José, who chairs the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship, said she has “long been concerned” about immigration authorities’ use of for-profit prisons and conditions for detainees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new allegations are troubling, yet sadly unsurprising,” said Lofgren, who \u003ca href=\"https://lofgren.house.gov/media/press-releases/lofgren-correa-ca-dems-urge-dhs-close-three-ice-detention-centers\">led 22 Democratic colleagues in urging the Biden administration to close three detention centers in California\u003c/a>, including one operated by GEO. “I take these allegations seriously and expect a complete and thorough investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday tapped Brooke Jenkins to be the city’s next district attorney, choosing a homicide prosecutor who left the DA’s office last year and became a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1533282427493183488\">leading critic of her former boss Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment comes a month after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">55% of voters in the city opted to recall Boudin from office\u003c/a>, midway through his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins described herself as a “progressive prosecutor,” but also said she intended to rebalance the office’s approach to crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black and Latina woman, I have seen the imbalances and disproportionate impacts of our criminal justice firsthand,” Jenkins said at a City Hall press conference Thursday evening, after Breed introduced her. “I have had family members on both sides of the courtroom. My family has seen and felt the impacts of police violence. The inequity in the criminal justice system is not theoretical to me. It is part of my lived experience. Working together, I know we can make San Francisco a stronger, safer and more just place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED in April, Jenkins criticized Boudin’s charging decisions and said the plea deals he made were often far too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11916212\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Image-from-iOS-5-1020x680.jpg\"]“When you execute a plea deal, it needs to be one that’s responsible. Right? It needs to be one that’s proportionate to your criminal history and your current crime, and it needs to also put you in a position not to reoffend,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also found fault with what she saw as Boudin’s rigid adherence to progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the issue with Chesa that I see is that refusal to change course, even when he sees policies aren’t working,” she said. “Even when the public is screaming out, ‘Hey, we support reform, but this type of reform is not effective in balancing public safety.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins now inherits \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/She-s-a-progressive-homicide-prosecutor-who-16556274.php\">an office she once called “a sinking ship.”\u003c/a> On Thursday, she acknowledged that lingering instability, vowing to “restore office morale to a much higher place,” and pledging equal treatment for DA prosecutors hired before and after Boudin’s arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed emphasized that Jenkins, like Boudin, is committed to criminal justice reform. “This is not just about locking people up and throwing away the key,” she said. “This is not what we’re about in this city. This is about striking a balance and doing what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the numerous candidates Breed interviewed for the job, Jenkins “stood out” as someone who not only recognized the need for compassion and understanding in the prosecutorial process, but also prioritized accountability and justice, the mayor said. “That balance of fairness is what made her stand apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, 40, was born and raised in the Bay Area and worked in private practice before joining the DA’s office in 2014 as a prosecutor in the misdemeanors unit. She worked her way up to the general felonies unit, where she prosecuted hate crimes for nearly two years, and then served in the homicide unit until her resignation in protest last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919024 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman covered in shadow walks across a room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brooke Jenkins, Mayor London Breed’s pick for district attorney, enters a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Set to be sworn in Friday, she will take over an office that has seen more than its share of turnover in recent years. Former DA Kamala Harris left the position to become California Attorney General in 2011, and her replacement, George Gascón, resigned in 2019 to run for Los Angeles DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the progressive Prosecutors Alliance of California, and a Boudin supporter, said the new DA’s first task should be preventing a mass exodus of attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s better for victims and survivors of crime to not have a lot of turnover of their case from one lawyer to the next and one advocate to the next,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, however, won’t have much time to get comfortable in the job. In November, voters will decide whether she or another candidate fills out the remaining year in Boudin’s term. If she wins, Jenkins will face voters again in 2023 if she decides to seek a full four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a source familiar with the process, the mayor has spent “every day” since last month’s recall election thinking about this appointment, and held more than a dozen meetings at City Hall with community groups, former DA office staff, judges and various law enforcement officials. She also met with advocates for crime victims, as well as supporters and opponents of Boudin’s recall, the source said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed reportedly asked potential appointees for their take on issues such as how to prosecute domestic violence, drug arrests and weapons charges. According to the mayor’s office, Breed wanted someone with prosecutorial experience who also was a supporter of criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Breed did not take a formal position on Boudin’s recall, she had openly criticized his leadership, and it was evident she supported his removal from office, two-and-a-half years after he edged out her handpicked appointee, Suzy Loftus, in a very close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919059\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919059\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Mayor London Breed stands at a podium, her right hand extended,with a California and American flag behind her, introducing Brooke Jenkins - standing to her right — as San Francisco's new district attorney.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New San Francisco district attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to Mayor London Breed introduce her during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to Jenkins, the mayor also reportedly considered Alameda County Deputy District Attorney Nancy Tung, who ran unsuccessfully for the job in 2019. Other potential candidates included SF Superior Court Judge Eric Fleming, a former prosecutor in the DA’s office, and Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who endorsed Boudin’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to recall Boudin, a progressive reformer, began not long after he took office in 2020, just as the pandemic began turning life upside down. San Francisco’s courts were included in the mass shutdown of in-person government operations, resulting in much slower prosecutions and resolutions of pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin’s tenure also coincided with a sharp rise in anti-Asian hate crimes — both in San Francisco and across the country — as well as viral videos of organized “smash-and-grab” incidents at upscale stores in Union Square that fueled a general but often unfounded perception that crime was rising and Boudin was to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people being alone, people being isolated and existing through social media kind of led to a heightened sense that our city wasn’t safe, and [Boudin] took the blame for it,” said former police commissioner and recall opponent John Hamasaki. “He took the fall for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamasaki, who was a strong critic of the San Francisco Police Department while he served as commissioner, noted that although the recall was framed by national media as a referendum on Boudin’s progressive policies, “within the recall crowd, there was never any specificity as to what they wanted — just that Boudin is doing a bad job and needs to be recalled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, shortly after the election, Breed insisted that she was not looking for a DA who would turn away from criminal justice reforms, which are broadly popular in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by DeBerry.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11916701,news_11913102,news_11908825\"]“I think it would be extremely unfortunate for San Francisco to move away from reform,” she said. “There has been a long history in this city and county of looking for better approaches [than tough-on-crime policies] to creating safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1470830101348577285\">Breed has been critical of what she sees as the city’s lax response to crime\u003c/a>, the DA can only prosecute suspects that the SFPD actually arrest. Many city officials and residents have criticized the police department for its extremely low arrest rates for common crimes like auto break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But attorney Doug Chan, who supported the recall, said that, within the Chinese community, “the perception was that the continued tenure of Chesa Boudin in the DA’s office constituted, in effect, a public health hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, post-election analyses showed that some of the highest levels of support for the recall came in neighborhoods with large percentages of Asian American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe there is a great groundswell of support in this town, in the Chinese community, to jail our way out of the issue,” Chan said. But, he added, “there has to be a better means of holding individuals accountable for doing bad acts out on the streets and for injury and, in some cases, even death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin, who had been a public defender but never a prosecutor, kept many of his campaign promises, including his increased reliance on diversion programs as alternatives to prosecution and incarceration, and of holding police accountable for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Breed has made her choice for the city’s top prosecutor, she will own perceptions, as well as realities, about crime in the city and how police, the DA and the courts are responding to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin has not ruled out another run for the office, which would set up an epic clash and likely more hyperbolic coverage of San Francisco by national media outlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming Jenkins wins in November, she will be on the ballot with Breed as the mayor seeks reelection in 2023, and Breed will no doubt do everything she can to help her succeed.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jenkins is set to be sworn in on Friday. The appointment comes a month after 55% of voters in the city opted to recall Chesa Boudin from office, midway through his first term.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed on Thursday tapped Brooke Jenkins to be the city’s next district attorney, choosing a homicide prosecutor who left the DA’s office last year and became a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1533282427493183488\">leading critic of her former boss Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appointment comes a month after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">55% of voters in the city opted to recall Boudin from office\u003c/a>, midway through his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins described herself as a “progressive prosecutor,” but also said she intended to rebalance the office’s approach to crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a Black and Latina woman, I have seen the imbalances and disproportionate impacts of our criminal justice firsthand,” Jenkins said at a City Hall press conference Thursday evening, after Breed introduced her. “I have had family members on both sides of the courtroom. My family has seen and felt the impacts of police violence. The inequity in the criminal justice system is not theoretical to me. It is part of my lived experience. Working together, I know we can make San Francisco a stronger, safer and more just place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED in April, Jenkins criticized Boudin’s charging decisions and said the plea deals he made were often far too lenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When you execute a plea deal, it needs to be one that’s responsible. Right? It needs to be one that’s proportionate to your criminal history and your current crime, and it needs to also put you in a position not to reoffend,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also found fault with what she saw as Boudin’s rigid adherence to progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the issue with Chesa that I see is that refusal to change course, even when he sees policies aren’t working,” she said. “Even when the public is screaming out, ‘Hey, we support reform, but this type of reform is not effective in balancing public safety.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins now inherits \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/bayarea/heatherknight/article/She-s-a-progressive-homicide-prosecutor-who-16556274.php\">an office she once called “a sinking ship.”\u003c/a> On Thursday, she acknowledged that lingering instability, vowing to “restore office morale to a much higher place,” and pledging equal treatment for DA prosecutors hired before and after Boudin’s arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed emphasized that Jenkins, like Boudin, is committed to criminal justice reform. “This is not just about locking people up and throwing away the key,” she said. “This is not what we’re about in this city. This is about striking a balance and doing what’s right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the numerous candidates Breed interviewed for the job, Jenkins “stood out” as someone who not only recognized the need for compassion and understanding in the prosecutorial process, but also prioritized accountability and justice, the mayor said. “That balance of fairness is what made her stand apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, 40, was born and raised in the Bay Area and worked in private practice before joining the DA’s office in 2014 as a prosecutor in the misdemeanors unit. She worked her way up to the general felonies unit, where she prosecuted hate crimes for nearly two years, and then served in the homicide unit until her resignation in protest last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11919024 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling woman covered in shadow walks across a room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/001_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brooke Jenkins, Mayor London Breed’s pick for district attorney, enters a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Set to be sworn in Friday, she will take over an office that has seen more than its share of turnover in recent years. Former DA Kamala Harris left the position to become California Attorney General in 2011, and her replacement, George Gascón, resigned in 2019 to run for Los Angeles DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the progressive Prosecutors Alliance of California, and a Boudin supporter, said the new DA’s first task should be preventing a mass exodus of attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s better for victims and survivors of crime to not have a lot of turnover of their case from one lawyer to the next and one advocate to the next,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins, however, won’t have much time to get comfortable in the job. In November, voters will decide whether she or another candidate fills out the remaining year in Boudin’s term. If she wins, Jenkins will face voters again in 2023 if she decides to seek a full four-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a source familiar with the process, the mayor has spent “every day” since last month’s recall election thinking about this appointment, and held more than a dozen meetings at City Hall with community groups, former DA office staff, judges and various law enforcement officials. She also met with advocates for crime victims, as well as supporters and opponents of Boudin’s recall, the source said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed reportedly asked potential appointees for their take on issues such as how to prosecute domestic violence, drug arrests and weapons charges. According to the mayor’s office, Breed wanted someone with prosecutorial experience who also was a supporter of criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Breed did not take a formal position on Boudin’s recall, she had openly criticized his leadership, and it was evident she supported his removal from office, two-and-a-half years after he edged out her handpicked appointee, Suzy Loftus, in a very close election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919059\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919059\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Mayor London Breed stands at a podium, her right hand extended,with a California and American flag behind her, introducing Brooke Jenkins - standing to her right — as San Francisco's new district attorney.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57119_005_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New San Francisco district attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to Mayor London Breed introduce her during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to Jenkins, the mayor also reportedly considered Alameda County Deputy District Attorney Nancy Tung, who ran unsuccessfully for the job in 2019. Other potential candidates included SF Superior Court Judge Eric Fleming, a former prosecutor in the DA’s office, and Supervisor Catherine Stefani, who endorsed Boudin’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Efforts to recall Boudin, a progressive reformer, began not long after he took office in 2020, just as the pandemic began turning life upside down. San Francisco’s courts were included in the mass shutdown of in-person government operations, resulting in much slower prosecutions and resolutions of pending cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin’s tenure also coincided with a sharp rise in anti-Asian hate crimes — both in San Francisco and across the country — as well as viral videos of organized “smash-and-grab” incidents at upscale stores in Union Square that fueled a general but often unfounded perception that crime was rising and Boudin was to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people being alone, people being isolated and existing through social media kind of led to a heightened sense that our city wasn’t safe, and [Boudin] took the blame for it,” said former police commissioner and recall opponent John Hamasaki. “He took the fall for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamasaki, who was a strong critic of the San Francisco Police Department while he served as commissioner, noted that although the recall was framed by national media as a referendum on Boudin’s progressive policies, “within the recall crowd, there was never any specificity as to what they wanted — just that Boudin is doing a bad job and needs to be recalled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, shortly after the election, Breed insisted that she was not looking for a DA who would turn away from criminal justice reforms, which are broadly popular in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by DeBerry.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think it would be extremely unfortunate for San Francisco to move away from reform,” she said. “There has been a long history in this city and county of looking for better approaches [than tough-on-crime policies] to creating safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LondonBreed/status/1470830101348577285\">Breed has been critical of what she sees as the city’s lax response to crime\u003c/a>, the DA can only prosecute suspects that the SFPD actually arrest. Many city officials and residents have criticized the police department for its extremely low arrest rates for common crimes like auto break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But attorney Doug Chan, who supported the recall, said that, within the Chinese community, “the perception was that the continued tenure of Chesa Boudin in the DA’s office constituted, in effect, a public health hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, post-election analyses showed that some of the highest levels of support for the recall came in neighborhoods with large percentages of Asian American voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe there is a great groundswell of support in this town, in the Chinese community, to jail our way out of the issue,” Chan said. But, he added, “there has to be a better means of holding individuals accountable for doing bad acts out on the streets and for injury and, in some cases, even death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin, who had been a public defender but never a prosecutor, kept many of his campaign promises, including his increased reliance on diversion programs as alternatives to prosecution and incarceration, and of holding police accountable for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Breed has made her choice for the city’s top prosecutor, she will own perceptions, as well as realities, about crime in the city and how police, the DA and the courts are responding to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin has not ruled out another run for the office, which would set up an epic clash and likely more hyperbolic coverage of San Francisco by national media outlets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming Jenkins wins in November, she will be on the ballot with Breed as the mayor seeks reelection in 2023, and Breed will no doubt do everything she can to help her succeed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Grand Jury: Major Health and Safety Violations at Santa Rita Jail Require 'Urgent Attention'",
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"content": "\u003cp>Serious safety violations, inadequate medical services and poor sanitation are among a host of critical issues plaguing Santa Rita Jail, Alameda County's notorious lockup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's according to a civil grand jury investigation of the long-troubled Dublin-based jail, the county's main adult detention facility. The report, released Tuesday, details \u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/grandjury-assets/docs/2021-2022/Grand.Jury.Report.2022.for.ITD.Web.pdf\">a litany of major problems at the jail that have resulted in unsafe conditions for its detainees and staff\u003c/a>, and spurred a “multiple-year pattern of lawsuits concerning conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns identified in this report represent material health, safety, and financial risks and as such warrant urgent attention,” the 35-page report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021 alone, it notes, there were seven in-custody deaths at the jail along with an \"unprecedented\" spike in COVID-19 cases, with some 20% of detainees testing positive at the peak of the January surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"2021-2022 Alameda County Grand Jury Final Report\"]'The concerns identified in this report represent material health, safety, and financial risks and as such warrant urgent attention.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a detainee enters custody at Santa Rita, Alameda County assumes responsibility for that detainee’s health and well-being,” the report asserts. “That responsibility is a legal duty and persists regardless of the emotional or mental state of the detainee, the offense with which they are charged, budget pressures within the county, or even the presence of a global pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among its wide-ranging findings, the report calls attention to inadequate access to outdoor spaces and describes a confusing and ineffective process for detainees to report grievances. It also underscores, in graphic terms, the jail's excessively dirty cells — especially those used for temporary occupancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The presence of feces smeared on walls and foul odors in several cells described as being available for immediate occupancy suggests to the Grand Jury a systemic issue with the quality of cleaning and sanitation of temporary occupancy cells,” the report describes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation additionally identifies lackluster security procedures at the facility that often fail to block visitors and employees from smuggling in contraband, especially drugs — an issue its staff views “as perhaps the most serious and persistent challenge faced by the jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jurors reported that during their 13 inspection visits, they were asked for credentials only once and were never made to go through a metal detector or undergo a bag search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounts of such lax oversight track with the jail's recent history of overdose deaths and smuggling scandals. In July 2020, an Alameda County Sheriff's technician was charged with 10 felonies for allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/07/29/sheriffs-technician-charged-with-smuggling-drugs-cellphone-into-jail/\">smuggling methamphetamine and a cellphone\u003c/a> to an inmate awaiting trial for murder. The following month, a female detainee \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/06/10/east-bay-woman-admits-to-selling-fentanyl-into-santa-rita-jail-leading-to-fatal-overdose/\">died from an overdose of fentanyl\u003c/a> that had been smuggled in from an outside dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/09/03/alameda-county-santa-rita-jail-medical-director-fired-wellpath-drugs-vaccination-covid/\">the jail's medical director was fired\u003c/a> for writing fake prescriptions to obtain opioid pain medications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operated by the Alameda County Sheriff's Office, Santa Rita Jail is among the largest detention facilities in the country. As of February 2022, the 33-year-old facility held roughly 2,260 male and female detainees — about 65% of its total capacity. Nearly two-thirds of its population have not been convicted of crimes, and are awaiting adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury, whose investigation included extensive interviews and reviews of thousands of pages of records, makes nearly 30 recommendations for improving conditions at the facility. Among them: regular safety inspections, tighter security at entry points, an updated and more responsive grievance process for detainees, increased access to outdoor areas and stricter enforcement of COVID-19 safety protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff's office, which has 90 days to respond to the report, declined this week to comment on the findings, saying it was still reviewing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some of the information related to the Santa Rita Jail has been public for some time, we will obviously need time to review the comments in their entirety before an informed statement can be made,” Tya M. Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff's office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"santa-rita-jail\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]The grand jury's report comes on the heels of a separate investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division, which last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/file/1388891/download\">concluded that the lack of mental health treatment options at the jail violated the Americans with Disabilities Act\u003c/a>. Such negligence, it found, resulted in needless suffering and death — including 19 reported suicides since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and its sheriff's office, the DOJ report alleges, “engage in a pattern or practice of constitutional violations in the conditions at the Santa Rita Jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March of this year, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">a federal judge placed the jail under court supervision for at least six years\u003c/a> after hearing stirring detainee testimony in a class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new grand jury report confirms “that many safety rules are not being followed by the staff and medical providers at the Santa Rita Jail,” said Sanjay Schmidt, a San Francisco-based civil rights lawyer, who represents the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/29/alameda-county-has-deliberate-indifference-to-safety-of-inmates-at-santa-rita-jail-lawsuit-alleges/\">Jonas Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park was found dead in his cell in February 2021, after allegedly hanging himself — just five days into his detention at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Alameda County and the sheriff's office, filed by Park's family earlier this year, alleges that the 33-year-old entered the jail while “actively experiencing opiate withdrawal\" and, rather than receiving help, was put in an isolation cell — known as “restrictive” housing. His death, the suit claims, was a result of the jail staff's “deliberate indifference” to Park’s “serious, emergency medical and mental health needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There appears to be a correlation between the overuse of restrictive housing, the inadequacy of access to outdoor space, and the high rate of suicides in the Santa Rita Jail,” Schmidt said, noting that the jail's suicide rate is significantly higher the average rate in detention centers nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt added that the report also emphasizes the importance of cases like the one he's working on, as they are “important vehicles for getting the attention of policymakers in the county, to alert them of the need for reforms to stop needlessly endangering the lives, safety, and welfare of pretrial detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/index.page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The civil grand jury,\u003c/a> similar to a citizen watchdog group, is made up of a team of 19 people tasked with ensuring that local agencies are acting in the best interest of the public. It's investigation of Santa Rita Jail is part of a much larger report released on Tuesday that scrutinizes multiple institutions within Alameda County, including its mental health system, student homelessness, BART oversight and election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Nina Thorsen contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Serious safety violations, inadequate medical services and poor sanitation are among a host of critical issues plaguing Santa Rita Jail, Alameda County's notorious lockup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's according to a civil grand jury investigation of the long-troubled Dublin-based jail, the county's main adult detention facility. The report, released Tuesday, details \u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/grandjury-assets/docs/2021-2022/Grand.Jury.Report.2022.for.ITD.Web.pdf\">a litany of major problems at the jail that have resulted in unsafe conditions for its detainees and staff\u003c/a>, and spurred a “multiple-year pattern of lawsuits concerning conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns identified in this report represent material health, safety, and financial risks and as such warrant urgent attention,” the 35-page report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021 alone, it notes, there were seven in-custody deaths at the jail along with an \"unprecedented\" spike in COVID-19 cases, with some 20% of detainees testing positive at the peak of the January surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation additionally identifies lackluster security procedures at the facility that often fail to block visitors and employees from smuggling in contraband, especially drugs — an issue its staff views “as perhaps the most serious and persistent challenge faced by the jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jurors reported that during their 13 inspection visits, they were asked for credentials only once and were never made to go through a metal detector or undergo a bag search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accounts of such lax oversight track with the jail's recent history of overdose deaths and smuggling scandals. In July 2020, an Alameda County Sheriff's technician was charged with 10 felonies for allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/07/29/sheriffs-technician-charged-with-smuggling-drugs-cellphone-into-jail/\">smuggling methamphetamine and a cellphone\u003c/a> to an inmate awaiting trial for murder. The following month, a female detainee \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/06/10/east-bay-woman-admits-to-selling-fentanyl-into-santa-rita-jail-leading-to-fatal-overdose/\">died from an overdose of fentanyl\u003c/a> that had been smuggled in from an outside dealer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/09/03/alameda-county-santa-rita-jail-medical-director-fired-wellpath-drugs-vaccination-covid/\">the jail's medical director was fired\u003c/a> for writing fake prescriptions to obtain opioid pain medications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operated by the Alameda County Sheriff's Office, Santa Rita Jail is among the largest detention facilities in the country. As of February 2022, the 33-year-old facility held roughly 2,260 male and female detainees — about 65% of its total capacity. Nearly two-thirds of its population have not been convicted of crimes, and are awaiting adjudication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grand jury, whose investigation included extensive interviews and reviews of thousands of pages of records, makes nearly 30 recommendations for improving conditions at the facility. Among them: regular safety inspections, tighter security at entry points, an updated and more responsive grievance process for detainees, increased access to outdoor areas and stricter enforcement of COVID-19 safety protocols.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff's office, which has 90 days to respond to the report, declined this week to comment on the findings, saying it was still reviewing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some of the information related to the Santa Rita Jail has been public for some time, we will obviously need time to review the comments in their entirety before an informed statement can be made,” Tya M. Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff's office, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The grand jury's report comes on the heels of a separate investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division, which last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/file/1388891/download\">concluded that the lack of mental health treatment options at the jail violated the Americans with Disabilities Act\u003c/a>. Such negligence, it found, resulted in needless suffering and death — including 19 reported suicides since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and its sheriff's office, the DOJ report alleges, “engage in a pattern or practice of constitutional violations in the conditions at the Santa Rita Jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in March of this year, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/08/judge-places-santa-rita-jail-under-external-oversight-ending-mental-health-abuse-lawsuit/\">a federal judge placed the jail under court supervision for at least six years\u003c/a> after hearing stirring detainee testimony in a class-action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new grand jury report confirms “that many safety rules are not being followed by the staff and medical providers at the Santa Rita Jail,” said Sanjay Schmidt, a San Francisco-based civil rights lawyer, who represents the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/29/alameda-county-has-deliberate-indifference-to-safety-of-inmates-at-santa-rita-jail-lawsuit-alleges/\">Jonas Park\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park was found dead in his cell in February 2021, after allegedly hanging himself — just five days into his detention at the facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Alameda County and the sheriff's office, filed by Park's family earlier this year, alleges that the 33-year-old entered the jail while “actively experiencing opiate withdrawal\" and, rather than receiving help, was put in an isolation cell — known as “restrictive” housing. His death, the suit claims, was a result of the jail staff's “deliberate indifference” to Park’s “serious, emergency medical and mental health needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There appears to be a correlation between the overuse of restrictive housing, the inadequacy of access to outdoor space, and the high rate of suicides in the Santa Rita Jail,” Schmidt said, noting that the jail's suicide rate is significantly higher the average rate in detention centers nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schmidt added that the report also emphasizes the importance of cases like the one he's working on, as they are “important vehicles for getting the attention of policymakers in the county, to alert them of the need for reforms to stop needlessly endangering the lives, safety, and welfare of pretrial detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://grandjury.acgov.org/index.page\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The civil grand jury,\u003c/a> similar to a citizen watchdog group, is made up of a team of 19 people tasked with ensuring that local agencies are acting in the best interest of the public. It's investigation of Santa Rita Jail is part of a much larger report released on Tuesday that scrutinizes multiple institutions within Alameda County, including its mental health system, student homelessness, BART oversight and election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Nina Thorsen contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cynthia Rice, director of litigation, advocacy and training, California Rural Legal Assistance\"]‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’[/pullquote]At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886628\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11886402\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/DSCF1773-1020x680.jpg\"]“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns, United Farm Workers\"]‘There is a tremendous amount of control over access to those [H-2A] visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin.’[/pullquote]The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator, Department of Labor\"]‘Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing.’[/pullquote]State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Labor Coverage' tag='labor-rights']Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, community co-chair, North Bay Jobs With Justice\"]‘The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well.’[/pullquote]Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kevin, former H-2A worker\"]‘We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.’[/pullquote]While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "What's it like for immigrant farmworkers to report an unfair labor practice? Advocates say laborers with H-2A visas are vulnerable to retaliation not just from their employers but from recruiters that connect them to jobs in the future.",
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"title": "Blacklisted for Speaking Up: How California Farmworkers Fighting Abuses Are Vulnerable to Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> pair of boots, shirts and pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Samuel left in the room he shared with other field workers at Mauritson Farms in Healdsburg, in the heart of Sonoma County’s wine country, last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was heading back to his family in his hometown in Oaxaca, Mexico. The harvest had ended and his H-2A visa would soon expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He started working at Mauritson Farms in 2019 with an H-2A visa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-2a-temporary-agricultural-workers\">which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time\u003c/a>. The program was modeled off the Bracero Program, which was created in 1942, thanks to an agreement between the U.S. and Mexican governments that brought Mexican workers to American farms. Labor rights groups point out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">many of those braceros experienced wage theft, physical abuse and terrible working and living conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the H-2A program, Samuel and a group of other young men from towns and rural communities in and around the Sola de Vega district in Oaxaca have come to California for years — from February through October — to work at Mauritson Farms, which owns and controls the vineyards that produce Mauritson Wines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He left his belongings in Healdsburg with plans to come back in 2022. But he was never rehired by Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the 2021 growing season, Samuel and five other workers from Oaxaca spoke up against what \u003ca href=\"#workplace\">they believed to be unfair and unsafe working conditions they had experienced for the past three years\u003c/a>. They said they were asked to work on extremely hot days without adequate protections against the heat, that hours of their pay were docked for unjustified reasons and that they suffered verbal abuse from the foreman who supervised them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the support of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the group of six workers met with Cameron Mauritson, manager of the vineyard, in October to explain what they were experiencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He apologized to us and said he was really sorry that this had happened at his company,” said Kevin, who also was at the meeting and worked alongside Samuel for the same period of time. “He promised that he would hire us again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Samuel and Kevin — whose real names KQED is not using due to their fears of employment loss — this promise represented a lot more than a job offer for the next year. It signaled that the group could feel comfortable speaking out against unsafe working conditions and that Mauritson wouldn’t do what they feared the most: retaliate against them by not hiring them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We left our things [at Mauritson Farms] believing we would come back,” Samuel said. “But none of it was true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918388\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A grapevine in a field. The grapes are ripe and ready to pick.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45142_017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Samuel and Kevin started coming to California in 2019 with H-2A visas. They would come in February and leave at the end of the grape harvest season in October. They now wait in their hometowns in Oaxaca to hear what an ALRB investigation finds. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Out of the six workers who met with Mauritson in October, none was called back to work in 2022, despite their completion of an application with Cierto Global, the company’s third-party recruiter service. Both Samuel and Kevin believe they were not rehired because they told management about unsafe working conditions they were experiencing in Mauritson’s vineyards, a right protected by California labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Bay Jobs With Justice representatives said they have reached out to Mauritson several times since February without receiving a response. Mauritson also declined KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 7, North Bay Jobs With Justice filed an unfair labor practice charge on behalf of the six workers with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), the state agency that investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry. The charge \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/3.3.22-ULP-Against-Employer-Mauritson-Farms-Inc..pdf\">states that Mauritson Farms discriminated against the workers\u003c/a> by “refusing to rehire them because they engaged in protected concerted activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ALRB investigation moves forward, Samuel and Kevin spend their days taking on whatever work they can get in Oaxaca and looking for different farming jobs in the U.S., but with little luck. The window to receive an H-2A visa this year has closed, so they must look for jobs that don’t offer visas. With their remaining savings depleted and families to feed, time is running out to make enough money to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, home to the country’s largest agriculture sector, also has the nation’s third-most H-2A workers. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22082364/h2a-statistics.pdf\">more than 32,000 H-2A laborers from around the world worked in the state supporting the agriculture industry\u003c/a>. And even though California has an extensive system of agencies and regulations meant to protect these workers, H-2A immigrants are still extremely vulnerable to illegal retaliation by their employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To bring foreign workers to the U.S., many H-2A employers use a network of both formal and informal recruiters that operate both inside and outside the country. Workers like Samuel and Kevin depend on these recruiters to find jobs in the U.S. and navigate the visa application process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when a worker speaks up about illegal labor practices, advocates say these recruiters often make sure the worker is blacklisted across the industry — making it harder for these laborers to find another job in the U.S. and for agricultural industry and labor agencies, who only have jurisdiction in the U.S., to enforce anti-retaliation rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918390\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11918390\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of grapevines in a field. In the background, a worker can be seen picking grapes.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS45137_011_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 4,200 laborers from around the world come to work in California with an H-2A visa. Most of them are employed in the agricultural industry. While these workers are protected by the same labor laws as anybody else, labor advocates say they are especially vulnerable to retaliation if they speak up against what they consider to be unfair or unsafe labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘Employers do retaliate’ even though it’s illegal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cynthia Rice has worked as a labor rights attorney for over 20 years. She’s now the director of litigation, advocacy and training at California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit law firm that provides free legal aid across the state. She’s represented dozens of agricultural workers in cases involving dangerous working conditions, wage theft and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of each conversation with a new client, she makes one point clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retaliation is illegal,” she said, while adding that, “we never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you. It’s just illegal and employers do retaliate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to decades of farmworker- and immigrant-led organizing, California has several agencies that enforce labor laws, including anti-retaliation rules. The ALRB was created after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/fact-sheets/fact-sheet-english/\">California Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> in 1975, which guaranteed collective bargaining rights for farmworkers. Additionally, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/\">California Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> investigates underpaid or missing wages, and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/\">California Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA) enforces workplace safety rules like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">heat protections for outdoor workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We never say the employer can’t retaliate against you because of course the employer can retaliate against you.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the federal level, the Department of Labor processes job orders for the H-2A program and enforces employment contracts and the federal laws meant to protect guest workers. The department’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd\">Wage and Hour Division\u003c/a> investigates cases where employers may not be paying their workers properly or failing to provide housing, transportation or meals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">which is required by the federal government\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant farmworkers Rice has worked with come to her after they’ve been terminated or when they’re about to go back to their home countries after the harvest season. “Then they talk about the hours that were shaved or the meals and restrooms that they didn’t get,” she explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But waiting until the end of harvest season to file a claim with the ALRB or other labor agencies is usually too late, she said, particularly for H-2A workers who typically have to leave the U.S. soon after. It gives attorneys like Rice very limited time to collect evidence and testimony before the worker heads back to their home country, which usually complicates communication as many H-2A holders come from rural communities in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, with limited access to the internet and telephone reception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why wait until the very last moment to speak up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retaliation can mean losing your job (and with that, your H-2A visa) after speaking up, but it can also include intimidation or punishment. Samuel remembers when his crew was working the fields in temperatures exceeding 95 degrees. “There were times where we felt so dehydrated that we were going to pass out,” he said. “We felt we wanted to vomit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"workplace\">\u003c/a>When he’d tell the foreman how he and others were feeling, Samuel said the foreman would laugh at them and tell them to keep working. Kevin said that there were many hot days where the workers didn’t have any of the heat protections required by California law. “When it was 90, 95 degrees, we didn’t have any shady spots to have a glass of water or rest for a bit,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When outside temperatures exceed 80 degrees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Cal/OSHA requires employers to provide their workers with sufficient water, shade and rest\u003c/a>. That means each employee should be able to drink at least one quart of water per hour and request breaks in the shade whenever they feel the need to. But a 2021 NPR investigation found that even with these protections in place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">nearly four dozen California workers died from heatstroke\u003c/a> and other heat-related illnesses within a 10-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA has stated that heat-related deaths can be prevented, but the agency has struggled with understaffing for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886402/why-california-workers-are-still-dying-from-heat-despite-protections\">making it harder for it to enforce its rules across California’s thousands of farms\u003c/a>. So in many cases, the responsibility of protecting workers from heat falls solely on the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A network of retaliation in the US — and abroad\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A 2020 report by the migrant rights group Centro de los Derechos del Migrante \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">shows that it’s common for H-2A employers nationwide to intimidate workers to exert greater control over them\u003c/a> and prevent them from feeling safe enough to speak up while they’re employed. Out of 100 former H-2A workers the organization spoke to, 100% of them experienced at least one serious legal violation and 94% experienced three or more serious legal violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice from CRLA points out that H-2A employers have an incredible amount of control over workers. An employer \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/whdfs26.pdf\">must provide housing, meals and transportation to and from the work site\u003c/a>. Because many workers don’t have a U.S. driver’s license or their own vehicle, they also depend on their bosses for transportation to go grocery shopping, to receive medical care and for other essential activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A worker who is experiencing bad working conditions can always vote with his or her feet, right?” Rice said. “Well, that’s not true for H-2A workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The program is really closer to a kind of indentured servitude that we had in prior decades under sharecropper relationships post-emancipation,” she added. “There is such a dependency that the worker has on the employer and you can’t really say that they’re free to engage in activity anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abusive employers can exert control over workers even when they are no longer living in the U.S. In order to find employees, many H-2A employers depend on third-party recruiters that operate all over the world. The recruitment process is rife with abuse, as some recruiters charge workers exorbitant amounts to connect them with American companies, \u003ca href=\"https://cdmigrante.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Ripe-for-Reform.pdf\">some practice debt bondage and others mislead workers entirely about job opportunities\u003c/a>. Additionally, a 2015 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">found that recruiters often blacklist any worker who speaks up about abuses to their employer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These recruiters, which range from informal one-person operations to multinational corporations, usually work for several employers spread out across the U.S. So when recruiters blacklist a worker, they’re not just doing so for one employer but potentially for whole sectors of the agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rice has seen this happen several times with clients who spoke up about an employer in one state, only to later have trouble finding a job in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that the employer does once a worker has complained about wages or working conditions,” she said, “is go back to the recruiter and say, ‘I don’t want to hire this guy next year because they complained about me,’ and that affects not only recruitment for that particular employer, but also for all of the employers that a recruiter has a relationship with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when workers have returned to their countries of origin, the possibility of being blacklisted still exists. In the \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2015 GAO report\u003c/a>, federal officials traveled to Mexico to talk to former H-2A workers and noted that laborers were concerned about being seen talking to U.S. investigators in their hometowns because “people walking by could possibly see and report them to the local recruiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There is a tremendous amount of control over access to those [H-2A] visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The United Farm Workers union, which operates nationwide, also has noticed this phenomenon. Elizabeth Strater, director of strategic campaigns with the UFW, said many Jamaican H-2A workers in the U.S. will stick it out with a bad employer for a whole year just to stay within the recruitment pool for the next year. “There is also a tremendous amount of control over access to those visas [exerted by recruiters] within the communities of origin,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mauritson Farms first hired their crew in 2019, Samuel and Kevin say that the company arranged the recruitment process directly, using WhatsApp to coordinate. But in 2022, the vineyard switched to using a third-party recruiter, Cierto Global, a multinational farm labor contractor that was dubbed an “ethical recruiter” by the Biden administration earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Samuel and Kevin still worry that they now will have a much harder time finding a job in agriculture in the U.S. “I think [Mauritson] didn’t want any more problems to come up for them anymore,” Kevin said, “so they brought on the recruiter to be more selective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Regulating the recruiter network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How can labor officials prevent retaliation by American companies against H-2A workers if it happens outside the U.S.?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GAO report points out that because recruitment happens outside the U.S., there’s very little federal oversight. Although the Department of Homeland Security keeps track of every incoming H-2A immigrant, there’s no federal database that tracks which agents are recruiting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>State agencies like California’s ALRB, which is currently investigating the Mauritson case, also have a hard time enforcing anti-retaliation laws in these situations. Regional director Jessica Arciniega shared that these types of situations are difficult for her agency due to jurisdictional limitations, but in certain cases, this sort of retaliation can fit into an ongoing unfair labor practice investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that the recruiter was an agent of the employer, then it may be part of something that we investigate,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, Department of Labor officials are constrained by their jurisdiction. “Our enforcement authority is just in the United States. We can’t regulate what these third-party recruiters are doing, let’s just say, in Mexico,” said Ruben Lugo, regional enforcement coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Lugo explains, if a group of workers reported a breach of contract to the Department of Labor by their employer, and the following year none of the workers who were cooperating with the investigation were rehired, “then we can clearly discern that these workers were retaliated [against].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this situation, the federal government can order the employer to rehire the affected workers. In cases involving wage theft, officials also can require companies to pay back what they owe workers, along with civil penalties. For repeat offenders, authorities can even remove an employer from the H-2A program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, these consequences apply only for agriculture companies in the U.S., not recruiters abroad. In 2018, over 90% of H-2A workers were from Mexico and the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/gao-2015-report-on-h2a-program-668875.pdf\">2018 GOA report\u003c/a> shows that the recruiter network operates extensively throughout that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Migrant worker advocates argue that the Mexican government, along with the governments of other countries H-2A immigrants travel from, should be more proactive about regulating the activities of these recruiters and educating workers on what their labor rights are before they leave for the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mexican officials KQED spoke to pushed back, arguing that isn’t the responsibility of the Mexican government — despite millions of dollars flowing back to Mexico each year as remittances from Mexican nationals working for the U.S. agriculture industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“H-2A visas are not part of a binational program,” said Remedios Gómez Arnau, consul general of Mexico in San Francisco. The Mexican government has no part in the hiring process and only plays a role through its consular system once Mexican nationals are in American territory, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once somebody leaves Mexico and enters another country using a visa, then that’s when we can figure out here if the national approaches a consulate and tells us what their issue is,” she said. “But before that, Mexican authorities don’t know who is being hired by who.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918371 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A group of people protest outside an office building. Many are holding signs, one says in Spanish, \"Pago extra por peligros\" or \"hazard pay\" in English.' width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02464-1-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers and organizers with the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice picket outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022. A coalition of workers and organizers have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards, meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change, including hazard pay for farm laborers who work in wildfire evacuation zones. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘The way we protect workers must change’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Samuel and Kevin don’t regret speaking up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re acting within our rights,” Samuel said. “It’s not just one worker who spoke up but many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the team at North Bay Jobs With Justice who have been working with this group of workers since last year, this case could set a precedent for the fight to protect farmworkers in wine country and the rest of California against retaliation and unsafe labor practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the ALRB finds that Mauritson did retaliate against its workers, that could encourage other workers across the region to report their own experiences to labor officials, said Ana Salgado, community co-chair of the NBJWJ board. That could potentially fuel the movement for greater worker protections ahead of wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of worker advocacy groups, including NBJWJ, \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/farmworkers-deserve-safety-and-respect-in-sonoma-county?source=ig\">have pushed Sonoma County officials for months to put into place five safety standards\u003c/a> meant to protect workers as wildfires intensify due to climate change. These include providing safety and fire evacuation training in the workers’ first languages, including Indigenous languages, and allowing independent community observers to assess the safety of workers out in the field, so that workers are not alone when they report unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Earth is changing, and the way we protect workers must change as well,” said Salgado in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11918370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11918370 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people play the drums outside of an office building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1710\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1020x681.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1536x1026.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-2048x1368.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/DSC02491-1920x1282.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters gathered outside the Department of Emergency Management of Sonoma County on June 9, 2022, to demand greater protections for farmworkers before the onset of wildfire season. Organizers point out that climate change will only worsen in the coming years and insist that officials expand labor regulations to better protect workers as global temperatures increase. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Derek Knowles)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beyond Sonoma County, migrant rights advocates also are proposing structural reforms to the H-2A program to hold both employers and recruiters accountable for retaliation. Centro de los Derechos del Migrante has recommended that Congress approve legislation that reforms the recruitment process and ensures that workers who have suffered a labor rights violation in the U.S. can still access legal services once they’ve left the country. They’re also encouraging federal agencies, including the Department of Labor, to create a database accessible to workers that keeps track of H-2A employers and their recruiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cynthia Rice, attorney with the CRLA, points out a loophole in the existing accountability mechanism for H-2A employers: When a worker sues their company for an illegal labor practice, that company can settle the lawsuit and avoid admitting they violated labor law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because there has not been any admission of liability or wrongdoing, that employer can get another H-2A order the next year,” Rice said. If federal officials took into consideration which companies are settling lawsuits year after year when it decides which ones get to stay in the H-2A program, it could prevent employers who don’t protect their workers from staying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reforming the program isn’t just necessary to better protect H-2A workers, Rice said, but also would benefit American workers. When H-2A workers are more vulnerable to retaliation, that makes them more attractive to hire, since employers know they can exploit them without having to fear the same consequences they’d face in hiring Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While he waits to hear the ALRB’s decision, Kevin has been sharing everything he’s learned in the past year with friends who are considering working in the U.S. He doesn’t want others to go through the same things he did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were happy with the job we had over there because it gave us the economic means to send money back to our families and save for a home or a business,” he said. But he added that doesn’t justify how he was treated: “We felt awful with the abuse we received, so we set out to learn what the employer actually needs to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "new-california-crime-data-show-an-epidemic-of-hate-says-california-attorney-general-bonta",
"title": "New California Crime Data Shows an 'Epidemic of Hate,' Says California Attorney General Bonta",
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"content": "\u003cp>Calling it an “epidemic of hate,” Attorney General Rob Bonta on Tuesday released the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202021%20FINAL.pdf\">2021 Hate Crime in California\u003c/a> report, showing hate crimes spiking by 33% last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In fact, a level we haven’t seen in California since the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11,” said Bonta at a press conference in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total number of bias-based events in California was 1,763 in 2021, with crimes targeting Black people being most prevalent, increasing 12.5% from 456 in 2020 to 513 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-Asian hate crimes rose a staggering 177% after a 107% increase the year before, “and these statistics hit very close to home for me personally,” said Bonta, the first Filipino American to be California’s attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reported hate crimes based on sexual orientation spiked 48%, while anti-Latino bias events rose nearly 30% in 2021. Among hate crime events based on religion, anti-Jewish bias increased 32%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of cases filed for prosecution by local prosecutors increased by 30%, Bonta noted that hate crimes are often underreported, and his office cautioned against comparing data among California counties due to differences in reporting and charging decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each of these incidents represents an attack on a person, a neighbor, a family member, a fellow Californian,” said Bonta. “And worse, we know our statistics likely are not exhaustive” since some victims decline to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general also made clear what he thinks is responsible for the skyrocketing incidents of hatred.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"California Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us.’[/pullquote]“The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us,” Bonta noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also announced the creation of a statewide hate crime coordinator position to be the point person between the California Department of Justice and local law enforcement officials to oversee and assist with the reporting and prosecution of hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was joined by several representatives of anti-hate groups, including Jimmie Jackson, director of the North Area branch of the NAACP, which includes Hawaii and parts of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all tired of seeing our brothers and sisters of color being targets of hatred, discrimination and racism,” Jackson said. “And we are all in this fight to stay. We’re all in this fight together. And I hope everybody will join us in this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cirian Villavicencio with the California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs noted that anti-Asian hate crimes have been targeted at his community for decades. “Our communities have been historically marginalized and stereotyped as perpetual foreigners,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities,” he added.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Commissioner Cirian Villavicencio, California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs\"]‘It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities.’[/pullquote]Last year’s annual report showed a similarly high increase — 31% — with anti-Black bias making up the bulk of incidents in a state where African Americans are 6% of the population. The 2020 report also showed a startling increase in bias crimes against Asian Americans following the emergence of the coronavirus in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the 2021 death of an 84-year-old Thai grandfather is headed to trial although the district attorney’s office has not filed hate crime charges in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, a white gunman killed 10 Black shoppers and workers at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. A steep rise in anti-Asian bias since 2020 included the March 2021 killing of eight people at Atlanta-area massage businesses, including six women of Asian descent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hate crime is motivated by the victim’s gender, nationality, race or ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Hate incidents such as name-calling are not necessarily criminal. The state’s department of justice has collected and reported statewide data on hate crimes since 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of cases filed for prosecution by local prosecutors increased by 30%, Bonta noted that hate crimes are often underreported, and his office cautioned against comparing data among California counties due to differences in reporting and charging decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each of these incidents represents an attack on a person, a neighbor, a family member, a fellow Californian,” said Bonta. “And worse, we know our statistics likely are not exhaustive” since some victims decline to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general also made clear what he thinks is responsible for the skyrocketing incidents of hatred.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The pandemic gave way to an epidemic of hate. We saw the bigoted words of our former president turn a trickle of hate into a flood that remains with us,” Bonta noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta also announced the creation of a statewide hate crime coordinator position to be the point person between the California Department of Justice and local law enforcement officials to oversee and assist with the reporting and prosecution of hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was joined by several representatives of anti-hate groups, including Jimmie Jackson, director of the North Area branch of the NAACP, which includes Hawaii and parts of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all tired of seeing our brothers and sisters of color being targets of hatred, discrimination and racism,” Jackson said. “And we are all in this fight to stay. We’re all in this fight together. And I hope everybody will join us in this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cirian Villavicencio with the California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs noted that anti-Asian hate crimes have been targeted at his community for decades. “Our communities have been historically marginalized and stereotyped as perpetual foreigners,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will take all of us, all of us here working together in partnership, to bring justice, healing and peace to all of our communities,” he added.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year’s annual report showed a similarly high increase — 31% — with anti-Black bias making up the bulk of incidents in a state where African Americans are 6% of the population. The 2020 report also showed a startling increase in bias crimes against Asian Americans following the emergence of the coronavirus in China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the 2021 death of an 84-year-old Thai grandfather is headed to trial although the district attorney’s office has not filed hate crime charges in that case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, a white gunman killed 10 Black shoppers and workers at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York. A steep rise in anti-Asian bias since 2020 included the March 2021 killing of eight people at Atlanta-area massage businesses, including six women of Asian descent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hate crime is motivated by the victim’s gender, nationality, race or ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Hate incidents such as name-calling are not necessarily criminal. The state’s department of justice has collected and reported statewide data on hate crimes since 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Given law enforcement’s history of abuses committed against the LGBTQ community and other marginalized and oppressed groups, it should have surprised no one when the issue of uniformed police marching in this year’s San Francisco Pride Parade threatened to disrupt an event organizers hoped would unite people after two years of social distancing driven by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in the LGBTQ community simply did not want uniformed officers, even queer ones, marching up Market Street in uniforms Sunday. But LGBTQ police officers, firefighters and sheriff’s deputies announced they would not participate if their uniforms were banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to Pride representatives and queer police officers to get a better understanding of why SFPD officers were initially told not to wear uniforms and why it caused such a controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives of the historic Transgender District in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood sees it, having a uniformed police presence in the parade is antithetical to spirit of Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is just the visible connection between police uniforms at a celebration, at an event that is supposed to be a repudiation of suppression perpetuated by police,” she told KQED. “This history and this tension has been brewing for decades and decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Pride organizers in New York City said last month they planned to exclude police from their parade altogether, prompting Mayor Eric Adams, a former NYPD cop, to say he might skip the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the controversy is not whether police officers should march, but what they \u003cem>wear\u003c/em>. The SF Pride Committee said LGBTQ police were welcome to march, but not in full uniform because of the uniform’s connection to systematic mistreatment or violence directed at the queer community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_11838357 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2016/07/Drag-demonstrationCOVER-1180x664.jpg']For example, in May 1979, the gay community was enraged by a light prison sentence given to former Supervisor Dan White, a friend of the police and fire departments, who murdered Mayor George Moscone and gay Supervisor Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the so-called White Night Riots, people threw bricks through City Hall windows and lit police cars on fire. SFPD responded with force at a gay bar in the Castro. It was a low point in relations between the LGBTQ community and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we are very well aware of with the Stonewall Inn riots of 1969, even in San Francisco’s own Compton’s Cafeteria riots of 1966, these were direct confrontations of trans and queer people with police,” said Peraza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said opposition to uniformed police in the Pride parade was understandable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think of the creation of Pride, it was started by the activism and the resistance of Black and brown trans and queer people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaks into microphone she's holding on sidewalk outside building as three Black and brown people listen in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transgender District Director of Social Justice & Empowerment Initiatives Jupiter Peraza speaks outside the site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot in San Francisco on March 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And today, after the murder of George Floyd and other fatal encounters with police, the uniform can be fraught for people of color and queer folks. That history, including excessive use of force, fatal shootings, discrimination and harassment, isn’t lost on Carolyn Wysinger, president of SF Pride, which puts on the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she’s had family members in law enforcement – her grandfather was a police officer in Louisiana, and her cousin was a cop across the bay in Richmond – Wysinger, a Black lesbian, has also had more than her share of run-ins with cops. She says her masculine appearance has led to trouble, like the time she was pulled over in Southern California, apparently for an expired registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was kind of pulled out of the car, you know, pushed up against the car stop and frisked,” she recalls. “And when he pushed me up against the car, he basically told me, ‘You know, if I find drugs in here, I’m throwing you in jail.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse, a CHP officer pulled her over on a freeway in Los Angeles County and pulled out a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And to this day, I don’t know why I was pulled over and I don’t know why I had a gun put to my head. But that did happen,” Wysinger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of incidents like those, Wysinger understands where queer police are coming from when they declined to march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They felt that by not wearing a uniform that they were dishonoring the struggle of those who were there during [the fight pressing the SFPD to allow LGBTQ officers to march in their uniforms] and that, you know, was kind of diminishing that fight for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917929\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a Black woman smiling broadly and wearing a bright red shirt leans casually against a building\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Wysinger, board president of SF Pride, poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police officer Kathryn Winters, a transgender member of the SFPD Pride Alliance, has a different take on the community’s relationship with the SFPD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, LGBTQ persons weren’t really welcome in law enforcement. And the idea of LGBTQ people wearing a police uniform in a pride parade was unheard of,” Winters said. “The idea of us being out proud and visible was radical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, she and other LGBTQ police officers were reluctant to let go of a hard-fought right both to join the SFPD and then to march in full uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when the Pride Committee told them they could only march in something less than their full uniforms, the cops said no. And in a show of solidarity, Mayor London Breed said she wouldn’t join the parade either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. Tracy McCray spoke for many police officers and other first responders when she described the importance of wearing their uniforms in the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a part of who we are. And, unfortunately, for some people they have angst when they see that,” McCray told KQED. “We’re identifiable with that. It is who you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman smiles broadly, wearing a blue SFPOA shirt in an office with a US flag in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy McCray, San Francisco Police Officers Association president, poses for a portrait at the SFPOA offices in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a 33-year veteran of the SFPD, McCray isn’t just any cop. She’s the new president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, which for years has defended officers accused of excessive use of force, killing unarmed men of color and sending racist texts messages. Despite pledging to reform, SFPD continued to stop and use force against Black people more than any other race in 2021. And earlier this year it was revealed that the department regularly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905239/sf-police-use-dna-from-rape-exams-to-identify-suspects-in-unrelated-cases-da-says\">logged\u003c/a> rape victims’ DNA information into a database to use as evidence in unrelated crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in at least one way, McCray is different from her POA predecessors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, I’m a woman. I’m Black, and I’m actually a lesbian,” she said. “Who saw that coming? No one saw that coming. I didn’t see that coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a Black lesbian, who grew up in public housing in the Western Addition, head up the San Francisco police union might be evidence of impending change. But despite those demographic details, McCray acknowledges she’s still a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m interested in wages, working conditions and benefits,” she said. “I’m not into playing these political games, so I’m not a politician. It’s about getting what’s best for the members out on the street so they can understand what they can and cannot do when they’re doing their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pride']The disagreement over uniforms in the parade turned out to be something of a misunderstanding. During a conversation at Manny’s Cafe in the Mission earlier this month, Pride Executive Director Suzanne Ford and Officer Winters, both transgender women, it became clear that the SFPD was under the impression they could not wear uniforms at all, while the parade committee merely wanted them to wear \u003cem>some\u003c/em> clothing with SFPD Pride logos rather than their full uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, a compromise was struck where on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance will march in uniform and others will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt that a common ground would be, ‘Hey, still come be in the parade. But maybe if you made it a little bit more casual, like Pride T-shirts, so it wouldn’t be as bad for some of the people who were asking for you not to be there,'” Wysinger said. “We felt that it was a good common ground for both the demonstrators and for the LGBT officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of openly gay cops and other law enforcement members marching in the Pride parade brings back memories for Danilo Quintanilla. As a closeted 18-year old growing up in the Central Valley, he came to San Francisco with a friend in 2008 to watch the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His eyes welled up as he recalled how that moment made him realize that a queer, Latino kid could fulfill his dream. Since 2016, he’s been a deputy with the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the most profound moments was seeing law enforcement officers walking down the parade, holding hands of their partners, seeing literally the diversity of San Francisco reflected in law enforcement,” Quintanilla said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Given law enforcement’s history of abuses committed against the LGBTQ community and other marginalized and oppressed groups, it should have surprised no one when the issue of uniformed police marching in this year’s San Francisco Pride Parade threatened to disrupt an event organizers hoped would unite people after two years of social distancing driven by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many in the LGBTQ community simply did not want uniformed officers, even queer ones, marching up Market Street in uniforms Sunday. But LGBTQ police officers, firefighters and sheriff’s deputies announced they would not participate if their uniforms were banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED spoke to Pride representatives and queer police officers to get a better understanding of why SFPD officers were initially told not to wear uniforms and why it caused such a controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives of the historic Transgender District in San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood sees it, having a uniformed police presence in the parade is antithetical to spirit of Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is just the visible connection between police uniforms at a celebration, at an event that is supposed to be a repudiation of suppression perpetuated by police,” she told KQED. “This history and this tension has been brewing for decades and decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Pride organizers in New York City said last month they planned to exclude police from their parade altogether, prompting Mayor Eric Adams, a former NYPD cop, to say he might skip the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the controversy is not whether police officers should march, but what they \u003cem>wear\u003c/em>. The SF Pride Committee said LGBTQ police were welcome to march, but not in full uniform because of the uniform’s connection to systematic mistreatment or violence directed at the queer community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For example, in May 1979, the gay community was enraged by a light prison sentence given to former Supervisor Dan White, a friend of the police and fire departments, who murdered Mayor George Moscone and gay Supervisor Harvey Milk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the so-called White Night Riots, people threw bricks through City Hall windows and lit police cars on fire. SFPD responded with force at a gay bar in the Castro. It was a low point in relations between the LGBTQ community and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we are very well aware of with the Stonewall Inn riots of 1969, even in San Francisco’s own Compton’s Cafeteria riots of 1966, these were direct confrontations of trans and queer people with police,” said Peraza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said opposition to uniformed police in the Pride parade was understandable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think of the creation of Pride, it was started by the activism and the resistance of Black and brown trans and queer people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaks into microphone she's holding on sidewalk outside building as three Black and brown people listen in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS54874_007_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Transgender District Director of Social Justice & Empowerment Initiatives Jupiter Peraza speaks outside the site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot in San Francisco on March 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And today, after the murder of George Floyd and other fatal encounters with police, the uniform can be fraught for people of color and queer folks. That history, including excessive use of force, fatal shootings, discrimination and harassment, isn’t lost on Carolyn Wysinger, president of SF Pride, which puts on the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although she’s had family members in law enforcement – her grandfather was a police officer in Louisiana, and her cousin was a cop across the bay in Richmond – Wysinger, a Black lesbian, has also had more than her share of run-ins with cops. She says her masculine appearance has led to trouble, like the time she was pulled over in Southern California, apparently for an expired registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was kind of pulled out of the car, you know, pushed up against the car stop and frisked,” she recalls. “And when he pushed me up against the car, he basically told me, ‘You know, if I find drugs in here, I’m throwing you in jail.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even worse, a CHP officer pulled her over on a freeway in Los Angeles County and pulled out a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And to this day, I don’t know why I was pulled over and I don’t know why I had a gun put to my head. But that did happen,” Wysinger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of incidents like those, Wysinger understands where queer police are coming from when they declined to march without uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They felt that by not wearing a uniform that they were dishonoring the struggle of those who were there during [the fight pressing the SFPD to allow LGBTQ officers to march in their uniforms] and that, you know, was kind of diminishing that fight for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917929\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917929\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a Black woman smiling broadly and wearing a bright red shirt leans casually against a building\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56765_015_KQED_CarolynWysingerSFPride_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolyn Wysinger, board president of SF Pride, poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police officer Kathryn Winters, a transgender member of the SFPD Pride Alliance, has a different take on the community’s relationship with the SFPD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once upon a time, LGBTQ persons weren’t really welcome in law enforcement. And the idea of LGBTQ people wearing a police uniform in a pride parade was unheard of,” Winters said. “The idea of us being out proud and visible was radical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that reason, she and other LGBTQ police officers were reluctant to let go of a hard-fought right both to join the SFPD and then to march in full uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when the Pride Committee told them they could only march in something less than their full uniforms, the cops said no. And in a show of solidarity, Mayor London Breed said she wouldn’t join the parade either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. Tracy McCray spoke for many police officers and other first responders when she described the importance of wearing their uniforms in the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a part of who we are. And, unfortunately, for some people they have angst when they see that,” McCray told KQED. “We’re identifiable with that. It is who you are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11917931\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11917931\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman smiles broadly, wearing a blue SFPOA shirt in an office with a US flag in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS56741_002_KQED_TracyMcCraySFPOA_06232022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy McCray, San Francisco Police Officers Association president, poses for a portrait at the SFPOA offices in San Francisco on June 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a 33-year veteran of the SFPD, McCray isn’t just any cop. She’s the new president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, which for years has defended officers accused of excessive use of force, killing unarmed men of color and sending racist texts messages. Despite pledging to reform, SFPD continued to stop and use force against Black people more than any other race in 2021. And earlier this year it was revealed that the department regularly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905239/sf-police-use-dna-from-rape-exams-to-identify-suspects-in-unrelated-cases-da-says\">logged\u003c/a> rape victims’ DNA information into a database to use as evidence in unrelated crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in at least one way, McCray is different from her POA predecessors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, I’m a woman. I’m Black, and I’m actually a lesbian,” she said. “Who saw that coming? No one saw that coming. I didn’t see that coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a Black lesbian, who grew up in public housing in the Western Addition, head up the San Francisco police union might be evidence of impending change. But despite those demographic details, McCray acknowledges she’s still a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m interested in wages, working conditions and benefits,” she said. “I’m not into playing these political games, so I’m not a politician. It’s about getting what’s best for the members out on the street so they can understand what they can and cannot do when they’re doing their job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The disagreement over uniforms in the parade turned out to be something of a misunderstanding. During a conversation at Manny’s Cafe in the Mission earlier this month, Pride Executive Director Suzanne Ford and Officer Winters, both transgender women, it became clear that the SFPD was under the impression they could not wear uniforms at all, while the parade committee merely wanted them to wear \u003cem>some\u003c/em> clothing with SFPD Pride logos rather than their full uniforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, a compromise was struck where on-duty members of the SFPD Pride Alliance will march in uniform and others will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt that a common ground would be, ‘Hey, still come be in the parade. But maybe if you made it a little bit more casual, like Pride T-shirts, so it wouldn’t be as bad for some of the people who were asking for you not to be there,'” Wysinger said. “We felt that it was a good common ground for both the demonstrators and for the LGBT officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of openly gay cops and other law enforcement members marching in the Pride parade brings back memories for Danilo Quintanilla. As a closeted 18-year old growing up in the Central Valley, he came to San Francisco with a friend in 2008 to watch the parade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His eyes welled up as he recalled how that moment made him realize that a queer, Latino kid could fulfill his dream. Since 2016, he’s been a deputy with the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the most profound moments was seeing law enforcement officers walking down the parade, holding hands of their partners, seeing literally the diversity of San Francisco reflected in law enforcement,” Quintanilla said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch3>\u003cb>Prof. Michele Goodwin\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The United States Supreme Court overturned 50 years of precedent Friday, striking down Roe v. Wade and the federal right to an abortion. President Joe Biden addressed the nation this morning, saying the court had set the country back by 150 years. We get analysis and perspective from constitutional law expert and UC Irvine Chancellor’s Professor Michele B. Goodwin. “Women are still petitioning for the right of personhood in the United States,” Goodwin said in reaction to the court ruling. “That’s not hyperbole. That’s the decision itself.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How are California and the Bay Area responding to the news about Roe? We also discuss how climate change is contributing to wildfires and dive into a KQED and Capital Public Radio investigation into how CAL FIRE is leaving the state vulnerable to catastrophic wildfires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Danielle Venton, KQED science reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Susan Stryker\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gender and sexuality historian and co-author of “Gay by the Bay” Susan Stryker joins us to talk about celebrating Pride Month and the need to continue fighting for LGBTQAI+ rights – especially now that the nation’s highest court has overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Pride in San Francisco\u003c/b>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco has celebrated gay pride every year since 1970. Ahead of this Sunday’s 52nd annual parade featuring floats, local politicians and, of course, “dykes on bikes,” our look at Something Beautiful this week features pride decorations around the city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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}
},
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"id": "bbc-world-service",
"title": "BBC World Service",
"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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