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"content": "\u003cp>About a year ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722735/munchery-folds-and-these-local-businesses-are-paying-the-price\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that an on-demand food delivery service called Munchery had abruptly shut down and filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. When it went bust, at least a dozen bakers and chefs in San Francisco that had prepared food for the company were left in the lurch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a classic venture capital story: A startup gets a bunch of money, grows fast and then crashes, burning those it owes money to, particularly vendors and suppliers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.accountingcoach.com/blog/what-is-an-unsecured-creditor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">credit is not secured\u003c/a>. When Munchery shut down, it owed at least $50,000 to small business owners in San Francisco alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this time the story has a surprise ending. After a year, the bakers and chefs finally succeeded in getting their money back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Christmas Eve, a UPS delivery driver dropped off an envelope at Three Babes Bakeshop in the city’s Portola neighborhood. Inside was a check for $18,000. “I was so surprised I shrieked,” said owner Lenore Estrada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That check — almost all of the money Munchery owed Estrada when it closed last year — came with an unsigned note indicating it was from some “unspecified” investors and executives of the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804188\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caleb Roark puts crumble on a blackberry pie at the Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco on Feb. 28, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until then, Estrada had assumed there was no way she would ever get that money back. Under Chapter 11 bankruptcy law, the company was not legally required to pay back vendors like Estrada, even though they had taken her pies and sold them. Estrada was incensed. She refused to just sit by and allow the company and its investors to ignore her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Estrada took to social media to call out Munchery and its investors. Then she decided to hold a bake sale protest outside the offices of one of the venture capitalists who had invested in Munchery. After KQED reported it, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2019/02/19/food-delivery-startup-munchery-folds-leaving-small-businesses-hook/\">the story got picked up by national news outlets.\u003c/a> Estrada thinks that attention did the trick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Lenore Estrada, Three Babes Bakeshop\"]‘There is something inherently wrong about the way the system is set up.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think if we hadn’t stood up for ourselves and I hadn’t organized that protest and if we hadn’t made it really really public and sort of embarrassing for the Munchery investors and executives, I definitely don’t think we would have gotten paid,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrada calls the unexpected reimbursement a “Christmas miracle.” It allowed her to give her employees holiday bonuses. But while grateful for the check, she said it doesn’t excuse what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she was scrambling to cover her $18,000 loss last year, many Munchery investors were making ample amounts of money on their other bets. Take Menlo Ventures: The firm lost money with Munchery but hit the jackpot with Uber, raking in millions in returns that it’s now investing in a new round of companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804192\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804192\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Williams boxes pies at Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco on Feb. 28, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This, of course, is not how business works for a baker or for any other small business. Think about it in terms of pies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I make tons of money on apple pies but lose tons of money on cherry pies,” Estrada said, “I still have to pay for the cherries and the labor to make the cherry pies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of venture capital, Estrada said, “There is something inherently wrong about the way the system is set up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menlo Ventures, one of the Munchery’s investors, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other venture capitalists, like Eric Paley, a managing partner at Founder Collective in Cambridge, Massachusetts, said he agrees with Estrada that there are some things inherently wrong in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the venture industries are really driven off the home runs,” Paley said. “Many VCs would rather push a business harder and see it fail than risk that it turns out to be an OK business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"venture-capital\"]An OK, or even a good business, might be good for society by doing something like, say, providing pies, but it doesn’t deliver the windfall profits that venture capitalists are hunting for, Paley explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>way of investing is increasingly becoming a part of how America does business. Venture capital investment in U.S. companies has risen every year since the financial crisis in 2008, and it is currently at an all time high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pitchbook.com/media/press-releases/us-venture-capital-investment-surpasses-130-billion-in-2019-for-second-consecutive-year\">According to PitchBook\u003c/a>, $136 billion of VC money was poured into U.S. companies last year alone. To put that in perspective, that’s roughly $415 venture capital dollars invested last year for every child, woman and man in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paley said the entire venture capitalist ecosystem has grown toxic, with many investors encouraging companies to grow fast at all costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you put rocket fuel in a really nice car, you’re going to blow up that car,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you don’t even have to blow up the car to do serious damage, said Gerald Friedman, an economics professor at University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Just injecting tons of venture capital investment, which needs big returns to pay off, introduces a dangerous level of volatility, he said. Or, put more simply, “Hot money makes economies less stable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804196\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804196\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Freshly baked pies at Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Friedman and Paley both said there’s far too much venture capital in the system, which contributes to frequent booms and busts. Venture capitalists reap the rewards of the booms, but during the inevitable busts, smaller businesses who don’t have large stockpiles of cash to absorb the blows bear the brunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates an asymmetric situation. They can win, while you’re losing,” Friedman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrada said she’s happy she fought to get her money back. It means she can follow through with her plan to open a storefront at the end of March and focus exclusively on her business, rather than trying to hold venture capitalists accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important, because unlike in the world of venture capital, Estrada doesn’t have the luxury of placing multiple bets and seeing which one pays off. She makes pies. And she only gets paid for the ones she sells, be they cherry, apple or bourbon pecan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From this reporter’s vantage point, not a single one of them looks like a bad bet at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About a year ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722735/munchery-folds-and-these-local-businesses-are-paying-the-price\">KQED reported\u003c/a> that an on-demand food delivery service called Munchery had abruptly shut down and filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. When it went bust, at least a dozen bakers and chefs in San Francisco that had prepared food for the company were left in the lurch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a classic venture capital story: A startup gets a bunch of money, grows fast and then crashes, burning those it owes money to, particularly vendors and suppliers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.accountingcoach.com/blog/what-is-an-unsecured-creditor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">credit is not secured\u003c/a>. When Munchery shut down, it owed at least $50,000 to small business owners in San Francisco alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this time the story has a surprise ending. After a year, the bakers and chefs finally succeeded in getting their money back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Christmas Eve, a UPS delivery driver dropped off an envelope at Three Babes Bakeshop in the city’s Portola neighborhood. Inside was a check for $18,000. “I was so surprised I shrieked,” said owner Lenore Estrada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That check — almost all of the money Munchery owed Estrada when it closed last year — came with an unsigned note indicating it was from some “unspecified” investors and executives of the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804188\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804188\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41666_002_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4480-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caleb Roark puts crumble on a blackberry pie at the Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco on Feb. 28, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Until then, Estrada had assumed there was no way she would ever get that money back. Under Chapter 11 bankruptcy law, the company was not legally required to pay back vendors like Estrada, even though they had taken her pies and sold them. Estrada was incensed. She refused to just sit by and allow the company and its investors to ignore her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Estrada took to social media to call out Munchery and its investors. Then she decided to hold a bake sale protest outside the offices of one of the venture capitalists who had invested in Munchery. After KQED reported it, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2019/02/19/food-delivery-startup-munchery-folds-leaving-small-businesses-hook/\">the story got picked up by national news outlets.\u003c/a> Estrada thinks that attention did the trick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think if we hadn’t stood up for ourselves and I hadn’t organized that protest and if we hadn’t made it really really public and sort of embarrassing for the Munchery investors and executives, I definitely don’t think we would have gotten paid,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrada calls the unexpected reimbursement a “Christmas miracle.” It allowed her to give her employees holiday bonuses. But while grateful for the check, she said it doesn’t excuse what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she was scrambling to cover her $18,000 loss last year, many Munchery investors were making ample amounts of money on their other bets. Take Menlo Ventures: The firm lost money with Munchery but hit the jackpot with Uber, raking in millions in returns that it’s now investing in a new round of companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804192\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804192\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41667_003_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4483-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Williams boxes pies at Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco on Feb. 28, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This, of course, is not how business works for a baker or for any other small business. Think about it in terms of pies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I make tons of money on apple pies but lose tons of money on cherry pies,” Estrada said, “I still have to pay for the cherries and the labor to make the cherry pies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of venture capital, Estrada said, “There is something inherently wrong about the way the system is set up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menlo Ventures, one of the Munchery’s investors, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other venture capitalists, like Eric Paley, a managing partner at Founder Collective in Cambridge, Massachusetts, said he agrees with Estrada that there are some things inherently wrong in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the venture industries are really driven off the home runs,” Paley said. “Many VCs would rather push a business harder and see it fail than risk that it turns out to be an OK business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>An OK, or even a good business, might be good for society by doing something like, say, providing pies, but it doesn’t deliver the windfall profits that venture capitalists are hunting for, Paley explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>way of investing is increasingly becoming a part of how America does business. Venture capital investment in U.S. companies has risen every year since the financial crisis in 2008, and it is currently at an all time high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pitchbook.com/media/press-releases/us-venture-capital-investment-surpasses-130-billion-in-2019-for-second-consecutive-year\">According to PitchBook\u003c/a>, $136 billion of VC money was poured into U.S. companies last year alone. To put that in perspective, that’s roughly $415 venture capital dollars invested last year for every child, woman and man in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paley said the entire venture capitalist ecosystem has grown toxic, with many investors encouraging companies to grow fast at all costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you put rocket fuel in a really nice car, you’re going to blow up that car,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you don’t even have to blow up the car to do serious damage, said Gerald Friedman, an economics professor at University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Just injecting tons of venture capital investment, which needs big returns to pay off, introduces a dangerous level of volatility, he said. Or, put more simply, “Hot money makes economies less stable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11804196\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11804196\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41673_009_KQED_ThreeBabesBakeshop_02282020_4559-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Freshly baked pies at Three Babes Bakeshop in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Friedman and Paley both said there’s far too much venture capital in the system, which contributes to frequent booms and busts. Venture capitalists reap the rewards of the booms, but during the inevitable busts, smaller businesses who don’t have large stockpiles of cash to absorb the blows bear the brunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates an asymmetric situation. They can win, while you’re losing,” Friedman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrada said she’s happy she fought to get her money back. It means she can follow through with her plan to open a storefront at the end of March and focus exclusively on her business, rather than trying to hold venture capitalists accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important, because unlike in the world of venture capital, Estrada doesn’t have the luxury of placing multiple bets and seeing which one pays off. She makes pies. And she only gets paid for the ones she sells, be they cherry, apple or bourbon pecan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From this reporter’s vantage point, not a single one of them looks like a bad bet at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "latino-small-business-owners-are-the-fastest-growing-group-of-entrepreneurs-in-the-us",
"title": "Latino Small Business Owners are the Fastest-Growing Group of Entrepreneurs in the US",
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"headTitle": "Latino Small Business Owners are the Fastest-Growing Group of Entrepreneurs in the US | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the weekends, Salinas food truck owner Orlando Osornio, 30, and his wife, Denise, sell mile-high tortas filled with California fusion-inspired ingredients: hot Cheetos, bacon, mango-habañero sauce, or pineapple. Some come for the birria torta or the chicken-bacon-alfredo torta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A line of customers winds its way around the side of his tent as meat sizzles on the grills. On the other side of the mesh, Osornio and his crew pack and stack toasted buns as fast as they can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, when Osornio, who is Mexican American, was contemplating launching Tortas Al 100, he knew one thing: He didn’t want to apply for a loan. Osornio had racked up “about $30,000” in credit card debt as a teenager and when life smacked him in the face in his early 20s, he got serious about paying it down and fixing his credit score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803667\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803667\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orlando Osornio owns Tortas Al 100 in Salinas. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That experience, he said, was what prompted him to forgo applying for a small business loan. Instead, Osornio estimated he and his wife spent at least $50,000 of their salaries on the burgeoning business, including food, four grills, a tent and more during its first year of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino small business owners like Osornio are the fastest-growing group of entrepreneurs in the U.S., even as they battle systemic racism that has resulted in lower incomes and loan rates. Over the past 10 years, the number of Latino business owners grew 34%, compared to 1% for all business owners in the United States, according to a recent study from Stanford University. And more Latinos than ever are applying for small business loans to launch or grow their operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Becoming an Economic Force\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The growing success of Latino small business owners comes as Latinos are increasingly becoming an economic force in the U.S. The same Stanford study found Latino-owned businesses contributed about $500 billion to the economy in annual sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report to Congress based on data from 2017 found almost 60 million Latinos in the United States already account for $2.3 trillion in economic activity in total, which on its own would rank as the eighth largest economy in the world. And Latinos are projected to make up 30% of the U.S. population by 2020, meaning the group’s contributions are likely to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino-owned businesses employ more than 3 million people, the 2019 State of Latino Entrepreneurship report by the Stanford Latino Entrepreneurship Initiative (SLEI), a Stanford University research initiative centered around Latinos in business, found. All told, Latino-owned businesses account for about 4% of U.S. business revenues and 5.5% of U.S. employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Latino-owned companies remain smaller than white-owned firms, averaging only $1.2 million in revenue compared with $2.3 million brought in by a white-owned company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is a problem, said Jerry Porras, a professor of organizational behavior and change emeritus at Stanford Business School, co-founder of the Latino Business Action Network, a nonprofit out of Stanford University focused on empowering Latino business owners, and co-director of SLEI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s really a positive story when you look at Latino businesses across the country,” said Porras. “The number is smaller as a base but its growing very rapidly. Latinos are oriented towards starting businesses and are doing it at a significant rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Latino-owned employer firms were given the same chances, Porras said, they would generate an additional $4 billion in revenue and 1 million jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Younger Than Other Entrepreneurs\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the U.S., Latinos are represented in all the major industry sectors, owning businesses in manufacturing, education, health services, finance, construction and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino business owners tend to be younger than non-Latino business owners. Roughly 33% of Latino entrepreneurs are younger than 45, compared to just 22% of non-Latino entrepreneurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For every 100,000 Latino adults in the United States, on average 510 became entrepreneurs each month in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, research by the \u003ca href=\"https://drum.lib.umd.edu/bitstream/handle/1903/24590/racialwealthgapbrief.pdf?sequence=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Institute on Assets and Social Policy\u003c/a>, an institute that studies economic opportunities for people of color, evidences that historic disenfranchisement of people of color has led to those very people having less generational wealth than white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, policies that favor the affluent have continued to widen the gap, particularly between white families and black or Latino families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the income gap between blacks and whites closed somewhat between 1970 to 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/11/who-is-hispanic/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hispanics\u003c/a> fell even further behind at all income levels, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/07/12/key-findings-on-the-rise-in-income-inequality-within-americas-racial-and-ethnic-groups/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center think tank\u003c/a> found in 2018. Even top-earning Hispanics earned only 65% as much as whites in 2016, down from 74% in 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos, on average, continue to make lower salaries than white people, research out of Stanford showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, this combination means Latinos typically have lower credit scores, which, in turn, can mean higher interest rates or being turned down for loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a report submitted to the \u003ca href=\"https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/hhrg-116-ba00-wstate-brownj-20190226.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. House Financial Services Committee in 2019\u003c/a> by UnidosUS, a nonpartisan think tank focused on the Hispanic community, banks originally had loan officers who determined the “trustworthiness” of a loan applicant. As such, people of color were often discriminated against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the following decades, banks lost their loan officers to the war effort, and soon invented credit scores as a stand-in. However, these, too, had their issues as they were built on longstanding disparities and have resulted in communities of color, young adults, people with low income and immigrants having disproportionately low credit scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/sites/gsb/files/publication-pdf/slei-report-2018-latino-owned-businesses-shinging-light-national-trends.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2017 Small Business Credit Study\u003c/a> by the Federal Reserve Banks, of applicants denied credit, 45% of Latino applicants were denied for insufficient credit history and 37% were denied for having too low a credit score. (Applicants could choose more than one response.) In comparison, white applicants were turned away at rates of 33% and 26% for the same reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the Latino story in some ways follows the story of why black families have less wealth than white people today,” said Urban Institute research fellow Steven Brown. “There is a lack of the same kind of resources that help build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown cited restricted access to homeownership under policies such as “redlining” as a primary way Latinos were kept from building generational wealth. For decades, black and Latino neighborhoods were unfairly deemed too risky for loans and mortgages through redlining. That left people in those neighborhoods reliant on speculators or private sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Latinos have been able to buy homes, they have historically been relegated to neighborhoods where the homes didn’t have as much value so they’re unable to build as much wealth and pass it on,” said Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more recent years, as Latinos have become more prominent in U.S. culture, their economic standing is also rising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.biz2credit.com/research-reports/latino-small-business-study-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019 study\u003c/a> of 61,000 small-business loan applications submitted to Biz2Credit’s online marketplace found that the number of credit applications from Latino-owned businesses rose 23% from 2018 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Outpacing US Economy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>And over the last year, Latino-owned businesses reported an average revenue growth of 14%, outpacing the growth of the U.S. economy, the Stanford report showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While revenues climbed, though, the average credit scores of Latino business owners dipped to 588 from 594 last year, according to Biz2Credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Biz2Credit’s CEO, Rohit Arora, that could indicate business owners are using personal credit cards to fund their business growth if their companies did not qualify for loans. Furthermore, cost management can be difficult for young businesses, which may factor into the dip in scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When credit scores are less than 600, it is hard to get traditional bank loans,” Arora said in the report his firm released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porras said the lack of credit can force Latino business owners to make riskier financial decisions, such as relying on personal credit cards to grow their business, or taking out a loan on their accounts receivable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By and large, I think Latinos are very unsuccessful in securing loans from the more professional sources,” said Porras. “It’s the smaller ones that are hurting the most,” added Porras, referencing business size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Latino borrowers may be less trusting of financial institutions as a whole, based either on past experiences or a general understanding of systemic racism by lending institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos have to pay more for interest,” said Fausta Ibarra, 59, who owns her own hair salon, Tropical Cuts, in Salinas, California. “We have to pay more for everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ibarra, who calls herself a “cien por ciento,” or 100%, Mexican woman, herself had poor credit, after issues with a house she and her sisters bought together in the early 1990s. When she applied for a loan in 1993 to open her hair salon, a brightly lit salon tucked into a small strip mall in Salinas, Washington Mutual Bank denied the loan. (The bank collapsed in 2008 during the financial crisis.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She ended up borrowing nearly $30,000 from friends, family and coworkers, slowly paying them back one by one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, when Ibarra tried to purchase a home in 1996, her low credit still held her back. There was, however, another way, the realtor told her. Ibarra ended up paying more than the house was on the market for, and she had to borrow from friends and family so she could put down a deposit of $10,000, twice what she was prepared to pay out of pocket. Ibarra felt taken advantage of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Latinos tienen que ganarse el pan cada día,” said Ibarra in her native Spanish. “Yo sí pienso que los Latinos pueden contribuir más si nos dan la oportunidad para sacar adelante a nuestros hijos. Yo pienso que todos tenemos las ganas de progresar pero no se nos dan las facilidades que se les da a una persona ciudadana de aquí.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That translates in English to: “Latinos have to start all over again, every day,” said Ibarra. “I do think that Latinos can contribute more to this country if they give us the same opportunity to better ourselves and our children. I think we all want to progress, but they don’t give us the same tools they give someone who was born here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, black people and Latinos continue to be routinely denied conventional mortgage loans at rates far higher than their white counterparts, according to Home Mortgage Disclosure Act records \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analyzed by Reveal\u003c/a> for The Center for Investigative Reporting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis showed black applicants were turned away at significantly higher rates than whites in 48 cities, and Latinos in 25, even when controlling for loan size, neighborhood and income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other instances, black or Latino applicants were steered toward higher-cost, riskier loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bank of America, for example, agreed to a $335 million payout to the Justice Department on behalf of its mortgage lender, Countrywide. Prior to Bank of America’s purchase of the lending institution, Countrywide purposely charged more than 200,000 black and Latino borrowers more for their mortgage loans than white borrowers with similar qualifications between 2004 and 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lender advised those borrowers of color to take out risky sub-prime loans, even when they qualified for prime loans, or simply charged them higher rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lending institutions, such as Wells Fargo, have had similar claims levied against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Latinos Turn to Friends, Family for Seed Money\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to the 2019 Stanford report, Latinos get loans from local banks at a much higher rate than they do from national banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, local banks are disappearing across the United States and in California, thanks to what some say are more onerous federal regulations, potentially leaving Latinos out in the cold. According to data provided by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), as of Dec. 31, 2001, 8,080 FDIC-insured community banks existed in the country. By Dec. 31, 2018, 5,406 remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local banks are tied to the community more tightly,” said Porras. “If the community has more Latino businesses, the relationships are built up and they grow. National banks lag behind there because local banks work harder to network with the businesses in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When local banks are not available, instead of applying to larger loan institutions, many Latinos turn to friends, family and crowdfunding for seed money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803669\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803669\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brew-N-Krew co-owners Marlene and Steven Garcia serve customers at Steinbeck’s Home Brew Fest. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, a small city surrounded by rich agricultural land, U.S. Census Bureau data shows 78.7% of the some-156,000 residents are Hispanic or Latino. While the city’s agricultural industry thrives financially, thanks to the tens of thousands of Latino farmworkers that flow in and out of Salinas every year, the average farmworker takes home just $17,500 a year, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. More than 17% of its residents live in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Latino entrepreneurship is evident in Salinas. Latino-owned restaurants, barbershops, grocery stores, showrooms like this \u003ca href=\"https://www.craftsmenind.com/mobile-showroom-trailer-truck\">\u003cstrong>trailer mobile showroom\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> and more have risen out of the landscape all over town, tucked into plazas and surrounding big box stores. Nearly 30% of all businesses in Monterey County, where Salinas rests, are owned by Hispanic or Latino people, per data provided by the Monterey County Workforce Development Board from the 2012 American Community Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Garcia, 29, is the proprietor of a homebrew operation turned commercial brewery that will open in Salinas in the spring. She borrowed $210,000 from her mother to start up her operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas’s downtown is just three blocks long, but Garcia’s brewery, Brew & Krew, will open on the 100 block of Main Street, near four other Latino-owned businesses that have opened (or re-opened under new ownership) in the last two years. The growth is notable on a side of town that is inhabited primarily by white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am honestly so thankful for my parents, both of them,” said Garcia, reminiscing about her parents’ insistence that she help with the family businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents, Graciela and Gildardo, worked in fields after immigrating to the U.S. from Guanajuato, Mexico. Every month or so, they would go to Los Angeles, five hours away, to stock up on Mexican candy, piñatas and cassette tapes, Garcia said. Then, they would turn around and sell them at the Santa Cruz weekend flea market in central California, dragging their children with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was there that Garcia learned the dedication it took to run a business, even as she told her parents she never wanted to own her own operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, my entire life, we would go to the flea market,” said Garcia. “We’d wake up super early, drive to Santa Cruz, and work. I remember telling my parents, ‘I don’t want this, I don’t want to go into business.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that I’m older, I appreciate everything they did. I see why they did that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Garcias opened another stand in another flea market, then a taquería. Finally, they sold all their businesses and took out their first loan of $80,000 to open a liquor store in Gilroy. They named the store La Flor de Jalisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"latino\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garcia wanted to open her own brewery, her mother became her silent business partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, because of the way they saved, because they saved, a lot of the money that has been invested came from my mom,” said Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is in the process of applying for her first loan — a Small Business Administration loan for $480,000 to open her business. She credits her mother’s help in allowing her to not rack up debt and interest rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the space is still unfinished, Garcia has big plans for her small brewery. She wants large, stainless steel canisters in the back, behind a large pane of glass, so brew enthusiasts can watch the brewers at work as they sip on suds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hopes to connect with other business owners in the area to cross-promote, whether it be with the cinema next door or the sandwich shop across the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic parents are never excited to hand out money,” Garcia said, laughing. “But she believed in it, she saw that people really do like beer. If she wouldn’t seen that reaction, it would have been harder to convince her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803671\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803671\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-800x567.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-1020x723.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osornio, owner of Tortas Al 100, closes the back of his cargo trailer. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Puro cash’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Osornio’s family has a saying whenever they have to pay for something. “Puro cash,” they repeat, laughing, or pure cash in English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The joke is based on Osornio’s father. Years ago, when he was purchasing a car for his wife, the salesman asked him if he wanted to finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No,” said Osornio the elder. “Puro cash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the financial savvy his father displayed, Orsonio said his parents rarely talked money management with him. All he recalls was being told credit cards were for emergencies only, a lesson that, like many teenagers, he immediately disregarded as soon as he got one of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience of wiggling out from under a pile of debt taught Osornio that he wanted applying for a loan to be “a last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, Osornio has managed to build such a successful business with his unique torta recipes that he routinely fields offers from locals to invest in or outright purchase his business — and his recipes — from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that, advocates have said, is the hidden silver lining for Latino entrepreneurs: even more untapped potential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://research.newamericaneconomy.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/12/Hispanic_V5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">New American Economy report\u003c/a> on the power of Hispanics in the U.S., Hispanic entrepreneurs own a large chunk of transportation and warehouse businesses, laying claim to more than 20% of the industry in 2012. They also owned about 12% of the country’s construction firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that, given a chance, Latinos could grow their portion of the economy even further. However, the “opportunity gap” between Latinos and their white, business-owning\u003cbr>\ncounterparts is wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wealth is the missing ingredient in the Latino community,” said Porras. “If we could add more wealth, people would consume more and grow the economy. How do we get more wealth? Grow businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a synergystic process,” said Porras. “In the long term, it will benefit the whole country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All Latinos need, Porras said, is a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kate Cimini is a multimedia journalist for The Californian. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Latino small business owners are the fastest-growing group of entrepreneurs in the U.S., even as they battle systemic racism resulting in lower incomes and loan rates.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the weekends, Salinas food truck owner Orlando Osornio, 30, and his wife, Denise, sell mile-high tortas filled with California fusion-inspired ingredients: hot Cheetos, bacon, mango-habañero sauce, or pineapple. Some come for the birria torta or the chicken-bacon-alfredo torta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A line of customers winds its way around the side of his tent as meat sizzles on the grills. On the other side of the mesh, Osornio and his crew pack and stack toasted buns as fast as they can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, when Osornio, who is Mexican American, was contemplating launching Tortas Al 100, he knew one thing: He didn’t want to apply for a loan. Osornio had racked up “about $30,000” in credit card debt as a teenager and when life smacked him in the face in his early 20s, he got serious about paying it down and fixing his credit score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803667\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803667\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-800x572.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"572\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41591_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-1-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orlando Osornio owns Tortas Al 100 in Salinas. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That experience, he said, was what prompted him to forgo applying for a small business loan. Instead, Osornio estimated he and his wife spent at least $50,000 of their salaries on the burgeoning business, including food, four grills, a tent and more during its first year of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino small business owners like Osornio are the fastest-growing group of entrepreneurs in the U.S., even as they battle systemic racism that has resulted in lower incomes and loan rates. Over the past 10 years, the number of Latino business owners grew 34%, compared to 1% for all business owners in the United States, according to a recent study from Stanford University. And more Latinos than ever are applying for small business loans to launch or grow their operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Becoming an Economic Force\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The growing success of Latino small business owners comes as Latinos are increasingly becoming an economic force in the U.S. The same Stanford study found Latino-owned businesses contributed about $500 billion to the economy in annual sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2019 report to Congress based on data from 2017 found almost 60 million Latinos in the United States already account for $2.3 trillion in economic activity in total, which on its own would rank as the eighth largest economy in the world. And Latinos are projected to make up 30% of the U.S. population by 2020, meaning the group’s contributions are likely to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino-owned businesses employ more than 3 million people, the 2019 State of Latino Entrepreneurship report by the Stanford Latino Entrepreneurship Initiative (SLEI), a Stanford University research initiative centered around Latinos in business, found. All told, Latino-owned businesses account for about 4% of U.S. business revenues and 5.5% of U.S. employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Latino-owned companies remain smaller than white-owned firms, averaging only $1.2 million in revenue compared with $2.3 million brought in by a white-owned company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is a problem, said Jerry Porras, a professor of organizational behavior and change emeritus at Stanford Business School, co-founder of the Latino Business Action Network, a nonprofit out of Stanford University focused on empowering Latino business owners, and co-director of SLEI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there’s really a positive story when you look at Latino businesses across the country,” said Porras. “The number is smaller as a base but its growing very rapidly. Latinos are oriented towards starting businesses and are doing it at a significant rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Latino-owned employer firms were given the same chances, Porras said, they would generate an additional $4 billion in revenue and 1 million jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Younger Than Other Entrepreneurs\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Across the U.S., Latinos are represented in all the major industry sectors, owning businesses in manufacturing, education, health services, finance, construction and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino business owners tend to be younger than non-Latino business owners. Roughly 33% of Latino entrepreneurs are younger than 45, compared to just 22% of non-Latino entrepreneurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For every 100,000 Latino adults in the United States, on average 510 became entrepreneurs each month in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, research by the \u003ca href=\"https://drum.lib.umd.edu/bitstream/handle/1903/24590/racialwealthgapbrief.pdf?sequence=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Institute on Assets and Social Policy\u003c/a>, an institute that studies economic opportunities for people of color, evidences that historic disenfranchisement of people of color has led to those very people having less generational wealth than white people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, policies that favor the affluent have continued to widen the gap, particularly between white families and black or Latino families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the income gap between blacks and whites closed somewhat between 1970 to 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/11/who-is-hispanic/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hispanics\u003c/a> fell even further behind at all income levels, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/07/12/key-findings-on-the-rise-in-income-inequality-within-americas-racial-and-ethnic-groups/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pew Research Center think tank\u003c/a> found in 2018. Even top-earning Hispanics earned only 65% as much as whites in 2016, down from 74% in 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos, on average, continue to make lower salaries than white people, research out of Stanford showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, this combination means Latinos typically have lower credit scores, which, in turn, can mean higher interest rates or being turned down for loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a report submitted to the \u003ca href=\"https://financialservices.house.gov/uploadedfiles/hhrg-116-ba00-wstate-brownj-20190226.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">U.S. House Financial Services Committee in 2019\u003c/a> by UnidosUS, a nonpartisan think tank focused on the Hispanic community, banks originally had loan officers who determined the “trustworthiness” of a loan applicant. As such, people of color were often discriminated against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the following decades, banks lost their loan officers to the war effort, and soon invented credit scores as a stand-in. However, these, too, had their issues as they were built on longstanding disparities and have resulted in communities of color, young adults, people with low income and immigrants having disproportionately low credit scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/sites/gsb/files/publication-pdf/slei-report-2018-latino-owned-businesses-shinging-light-national-trends.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2017 Small Business Credit Study\u003c/a> by the Federal Reserve Banks, of applicants denied credit, 45% of Latino applicants were denied for insufficient credit history and 37% were denied for having too low a credit score. (Applicants could choose more than one response.) In comparison, white applicants were turned away at rates of 33% and 26% for the same reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the Latino story in some ways follows the story of why black families have less wealth than white people today,” said Urban Institute research fellow Steven Brown. “There is a lack of the same kind of resources that help build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown cited restricted access to homeownership under policies such as “redlining” as a primary way Latinos were kept from building generational wealth. For decades, black and Latino neighborhoods were unfairly deemed too risky for loans and mortgages through redlining. That left people in those neighborhoods reliant on speculators or private sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Latinos have been able to buy homes, they have historically been relegated to neighborhoods where the homes didn’t have as much value so they’re unable to build as much wealth and pass it on,” said Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more recent years, as Latinos have become more prominent in U.S. culture, their economic standing is also rising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.biz2credit.com/research-reports/latino-small-business-study-2019\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2019 study\u003c/a> of 61,000 small-business loan applications submitted to Biz2Credit’s online marketplace found that the number of credit applications from Latino-owned businesses rose 23% from 2018 to 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Outpacing US Economy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>And over the last year, Latino-owned businesses reported an average revenue growth of 14%, outpacing the growth of the U.S. economy, the Stanford report showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While revenues climbed, though, the average credit scores of Latino business owners dipped to 588 from 594 last year, according to Biz2Credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Biz2Credit’s CEO, Rohit Arora, that could indicate business owners are using personal credit cards to fund their business growth if their companies did not qualify for loans. Furthermore, cost management can be difficult for young businesses, which may factor into the dip in scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When credit scores are less than 600, it is hard to get traditional bank loans,” Arora said in the report his firm released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porras said the lack of credit can force Latino business owners to make riskier financial decisions, such as relying on personal credit cards to grow their business, or taking out a loan on their accounts receivable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By and large, I think Latinos are very unsuccessful in securing loans from the more professional sources,” said Porras. “It’s the smaller ones that are hurting the most,” added Porras, referencing business size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, Latino borrowers may be less trusting of financial institutions as a whole, based either on past experiences or a general understanding of systemic racism by lending institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos have to pay more for interest,” said Fausta Ibarra, 59, who owns her own hair salon, Tropical Cuts, in Salinas, California. “We have to pay more for everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ibarra, who calls herself a “cien por ciento,” or 100%, Mexican woman, herself had poor credit, after issues with a house she and her sisters bought together in the early 1990s. When she applied for a loan in 1993 to open her hair salon, a brightly lit salon tucked into a small strip mall in Salinas, Washington Mutual Bank denied the loan. (The bank collapsed in 2008 during the financial crisis.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She ended up borrowing nearly $30,000 from friends, family and coworkers, slowly paying them back one by one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, when Ibarra tried to purchase a home in 1996, her low credit still held her back. There was, however, another way, the realtor told her. Ibarra ended up paying more than the house was on the market for, and she had to borrow from friends and family so she could put down a deposit of $10,000, twice what she was prepared to pay out of pocket. Ibarra felt taken advantage of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Latinos tienen que ganarse el pan cada día,” said Ibarra in her native Spanish. “Yo sí pienso que los Latinos pueden contribuir más si nos dan la oportunidad para sacar adelante a nuestros hijos. Yo pienso que todos tenemos las ganas de progresar pero no se nos dan las facilidades que se les da a una persona ciudadana de aquí.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That translates in English to: “Latinos have to start all over again, every day,” said Ibarra. “I do think that Latinos can contribute more to this country if they give us the same opportunity to better ourselves and our children. I think we all want to progress, but they don’t give us the same tools they give someone who was born here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, black people and Latinos continue to be routinely denied conventional mortgage loans at rates far higher than their white counterparts, according to Home Mortgage Disclosure Act records \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/for-people-of-color-banks-are-shutting-the-door-to-homeownership/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">analyzed by Reveal\u003c/a> for The Center for Investigative Reporting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis showed black applicants were turned away at significantly higher rates than whites in 48 cities, and Latinos in 25, even when controlling for loan size, neighborhood and income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other instances, black or Latino applicants were steered toward higher-cost, riskier loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bank of America, for example, agreed to a $335 million payout to the Justice Department on behalf of its mortgage lender, Countrywide. Prior to Bank of America’s purchase of the lending institution, Countrywide purposely charged more than 200,000 black and Latino borrowers more for their mortgage loans than white borrowers with similar qualifications between 2004 and 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lender advised those borrowers of color to take out risky sub-prime loans, even when they qualified for prime loans, or simply charged them higher rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lending institutions, such as Wells Fargo, have had similar claims levied against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Latinos Turn to Friends, Family for Seed Money\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to the 2019 Stanford report, Latinos get loans from local banks at a much higher rate than they do from national banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, local banks are disappearing across the United States and in California, thanks to what some say are more onerous federal regulations, potentially leaving Latinos out in the cold. According to data provided by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), as of Dec. 31, 2001, 8,080 FDIC-insured community banks existed in the country. By Dec. 31, 2018, 5,406 remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local banks are tied to the community more tightly,” said Porras. “If the community has more Latino businesses, the relationships are built up and they grow. National banks lag behind there because local banks work harder to network with the businesses in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When local banks are not available, instead of applying to larger loan institutions, many Latinos turn to friends, family and crowdfunding for seed money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803669\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803669\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41593_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brew-N-Krew co-owners Marlene and Steven Garcia serve customers at Steinbeck’s Home Brew Fest. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, a small city surrounded by rich agricultural land, U.S. Census Bureau data shows 78.7% of the some-156,000 residents are Hispanic or Latino. While the city’s agricultural industry thrives financially, thanks to the tens of thousands of Latino farmworkers that flow in and out of Salinas every year, the average farmworker takes home just $17,500 a year, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. More than 17% of its residents live in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Latino entrepreneurship is evident in Salinas. Latino-owned restaurants, barbershops, grocery stores, showrooms like this \u003ca href=\"https://www.craftsmenind.com/mobile-showroom-trailer-truck\">\u003cstrong>trailer mobile showroom\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> and more have risen out of the landscape all over town, tucked into plazas and surrounding big box stores. Nearly 30% of all businesses in Monterey County, where Salinas rests, are owned by Hispanic or Latino people, per data provided by the Monterey County Workforce Development Board from the 2012 American Community Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Garcia, 29, is the proprietor of a homebrew operation turned commercial brewery that will open in Salinas in the spring. She borrowed $210,000 from her mother to start up her operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas’s downtown is just three blocks long, but Garcia’s brewery, Brew & Krew, will open on the 100 block of Main Street, near four other Latino-owned businesses that have opened (or re-opened under new ownership) in the last two years. The growth is notable on a side of town that is inhabited primarily by white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am honestly so thankful for my parents, both of them,” said Garcia, reminiscing about her parents’ insistence that she help with the family businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents, Graciela and Gildardo, worked in fields after immigrating to the U.S. from Guanajuato, Mexico. Every month or so, they would go to Los Angeles, five hours away, to stock up on Mexican candy, piñatas and cassette tapes, Garcia said. Then, they would turn around and sell them at the Santa Cruz weekend flea market in central California, dragging their children with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was there that Garcia learned the dedication it took to run a business, even as she told her parents she never wanted to own her own operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up, my entire life, we would go to the flea market,” said Garcia. “We’d wake up super early, drive to Santa Cruz, and work. I remember telling my parents, ‘I don’t want this, I don’t want to go into business.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that I’m older, I appreciate everything they did. I see why they did that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Garcias opened another stand in another flea market, then a taquería. Finally, they sold all their businesses and took out their first loan of $80,000 to open a liquor store in Gilroy. They named the store La Flor de Jalisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garcia wanted to open her own brewery, her mother became her silent business partner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, because of the way they saved, because they saved, a lot of the money that has been invested came from my mom,” said Garcia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia is in the process of applying for her first loan — a Small Business Administration loan for $480,000 to open her business. She credits her mother’s help in allowing her to not rack up debt and interest rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the space is still unfinished, Garcia has big plans for her small brewery. She wants large, stainless steel canisters in the back, behind a large pane of glass, so brew enthusiasts can watch the brewers at work as they sip on suds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hopes to connect with other business owners in the area to cross-promote, whether it be with the cinema next door or the sandwich shop across the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hispanic parents are never excited to hand out money,” Garcia said, laughing. “But she believed in it, she saw that people really do like beer. If she wouldn’t seen that reaction, it would have been harder to convince her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803671\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11803671\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-800x567.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut-1020x723.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41594_LATINO-BUSINESS-OWNERS-photo-4-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Osornio, owner of Tortas Al 100, closes the back of his cargo trailer. \u003ccite>(Kate Cimini/The Salinas Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>‘Puro cash’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Osornio’s family has a saying whenever they have to pay for something. “Puro cash,” they repeat, laughing, or pure cash in English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The joke is based on Osornio’s father. Years ago, when he was purchasing a car for his wife, the salesman asked him if he wanted to finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No,” said Osornio the elder. “Puro cash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the financial savvy his father displayed, Orsonio said his parents rarely talked money management with him. All he recalls was being told credit cards were for emergencies only, a lesson that, like many teenagers, he immediately disregarded as soon as he got one of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experience of wiggling out from under a pile of debt taught Osornio that he wanted applying for a loan to be “a last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, Osornio has managed to build such a successful business with his unique torta recipes that he routinely fields offers from locals to invest in or outright purchase his business — and his recipes — from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that, advocates have said, is the hidden silver lining for Latino entrepreneurs: even more untapped potential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://research.newamericaneconomy.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/12/Hispanic_V5.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">New American Economy report\u003c/a> on the power of Hispanics in the U.S., Hispanic entrepreneurs own a large chunk of transportation and warehouse businesses, laying claim to more than 20% of the industry in 2012. They also owned about 12% of the country’s construction firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that, given a chance, Latinos could grow their portion of the economy even further. However, the “opportunity gap” between Latinos and their white, business-owning\u003cbr>\ncounterparts is wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wealth is the missing ingredient in the Latino community,” said Porras. “If we could add more wealth, people would consume more and grow the economy. How do we get more wealth? Grow businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a synergystic process,” said Porras. “In the long term, it will benefit the whole country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All Latinos need, Porras said, is a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kate Cimini is a multimedia journalist for The Californian. This article is part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Thursday Is Your Last Chance to Take the Census. Here's Why It's So Important",
"title": "Thursday Is Your Last Chance to Take the Census. Here's Why It's So Important",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Oct. 15\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official count of the entire U.S. population — which only happens every 10 years — is happening now, and it ends tonight on Thursday, Oct. 15 at 11:59 pm PDT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/\">The 2020 census\u003c/a> is a monumental effort to collect information about every person living in the United States, regardless of citizenship status, including age, address, race/ethnicity, home ownership status and size of household. That data will have widespread social, political and economic impacts on just about every community in the country for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>You have just hours to respond to the census. \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/?cid=20002:%2Bcensus:sem.ga:p:dm:en:&utm_source=sem.ga&utm_medium=p&utm_campaign=dm:en&utm_content=20002&utm_term=%2Bcensus\">Click here to start your census response online. \u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-phone.html\"> respond by phone\u003c/a> today or \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-mail.html\">mail your paper response\u003c/a> as long as it's postmarked Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We asked you — our readers — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796143/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-the-2020-census\">tell us what you want to know\u003c/a> about the census. Here are answers to the questions we received:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#2\">Why does it matter?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#3\">What if there's an undercount in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#1\">How and when do I fill out the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#4\">Is the coronavirus pandemic affecting census operations?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#5\">How do I know I'm being contacted by the actual Census Bureau?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#6\">What questions are on the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#7\">Will the citizenship question be on the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#8\">Is my information protected?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#9\">What counts as a single household?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#10\">What if I don't respond or leave many questions blank?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Still have questions? \u003ca href=\"#census\">Submit them below.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why does it matter?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For starters, more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/partners/2020.html\">$675 billion in federal funding\u003c/a> is at stake, according to the Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11796143 label='Help Guide Our Coverage' hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/censusfinal2-1020x680.png\"]In fact, most of the federal funding California receives is based on census data, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/census-related-funding-in-california/\">research\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California shows. That data also plays a key role in determining how that money is distributed to different programs and communities throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the census count impacts political representation and redistricting — how states redraw their legislative districts based on population changes. The data are also used by scores of organizations and businesses in deciding where to have a presence — but more on that below.\u003ca id=\"3\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if there's an undercount in California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The census count determines, among many other things, how the U.S. House of Representatives' 435 seats are divvied up among the states. While most experts expect California to retain its 53 seats, a significant undercount could jeopardize that representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right']The deadline to \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/\">respond to the census is Oct. 15\u003c/a>.[/pullquote]\u003c/span>On top of that, because lawmakers use census population data to redraw legislative lines, political representation — both federally and on the state level — could shift away from undercounted areas, which are more \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/interactive/2020-census-maps-californias-hard-to-count-communities/\">likely\u003c/a> to be poorer communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, communities rely on the data to determine investment needs, such as where to build new roads, hospitals and schools. And businesses and nonprofit groups use it to inform where services are needed and to help identify consumer demand and job markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/zuEo-lXtVjc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of past census counts have shown that certain demographic groups are particularly hard to reach, including immigrants, children, young men, renters and Latino and African American residents. And all of those groups have become a significantly larger portion of California’s population since the 2010 count, heightening concerns of a potential undercount and prompting California to invest in an unprecedented level of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"1\">\u003c/a>How and when do I fill out the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau, a division of the Department of Commerce, runs the count. It asks respondents to answer questions based on their location on April 1 — Census Day — to capture an accurate snapshot of that moment in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first year the census is \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/?cid=20002:%2Bcensus:sem.ga:p:dm:en:&utm_source=sem.ga&utm_medium=p&utm_campaign=dm:en&utm_content=20002&utm_term=%2Bcensus\">available online\u003c/a>. Although the bureau expects the majority of respondents to submit it that way, it can also be filled out by mail or phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2020 census officially began in January in the tiny, remote \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/21/796703843/along-the-rim-of-alaska-the-once-a-decade-u-s-census-begins-in-toksook-bay\">fishing village\u003c/a> of Toksook Bay, Alaska. The vast majority of the population, though — roughly 95% of all U.S. households — received \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/content/dam/2020census/materials/partners/2019-12/2020-informational-invitation-letter.pdf\">invitations in the mail\u003c/a> in mid-March. For everyone else, including those without home addresses, census counters — called \"enumerators\" — will deliver forms in person. This has been delayed due to the coronavirus pandemic — \u003ca href=\"#covid\">read more on that below.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitations sent to each household include a unique ID and instructions on how to respond. You may have also received a paper form along with your official invitation if you live in an area with historically low response rates. \u003ca href=\"https://www.censushardtocountmaps2020.us\">This map\u003c/a> shows the current self-response rate of your community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your unique ID is intended to help protect your identity and prevent duplicates from being submitted. However, if you don't know your ID when you fill out the census, you can use your street address instead. And if more than one person in a household submits multiple forms accidentally, the Census Bureau says it has procedures in place to resolve that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"covid\">\u003c/a>Is the coronavirus pandemic affecting census operations?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The cutoff for responding by yourself online, by phone or mail \u003cem>was\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/operational-adjustments-covid-19.html\">extended from July 31 to Oct. 31.\u003c/a> But on Oct. 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/13/921428056/supreme-court-allows-trump-administration-to-end-census-early\">a Supreme Court ruling allowed the Trump administration to end the count early\u003c/a>, on Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enumerators had planned to start visiting households in mid-May, but this is now \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/operational-adjustments-covid-19.html\">postponed until Aug. 11\u003c/a>. The Census Bureau conducted online, paid trainings for its recently hired temporary employees in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2020/update-on-2020-census-field-operations.html\">suspended all field operations\u003c/a>, which includes counting the homeless population and people living in “group quarters,\" such as on-campus students, until June 1. The bureau said it will continue to evaluate field operations and communicate updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of many colleges across the country taking instruction online and closing on-campus housing, the Census Bureau adjusted operations to specifically make sure students are counted. More on that \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2020/modifying-2020-operations-for-counting-college-students.html\">here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While field operations are suspended, households were able to respond to the census online by themselves. This meant census takers had fewer houses to visit when the time comes — and less concern about virus transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"5\">\u003c/a>How do I know I'm being contacted by the actual Census Bureau (and not someone trying to con me)?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#contact\">For starters\u003c/a>, the Census Bureau will NEVER:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Send unsolicited emails\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask for your social security number, bank account or credit card numbers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Request money or donations\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If an enumerator knocks on your door, you can ask for an ID badge, which should have that person's photograph, a U.S. Department of Commerce watermark and an expiration date. You can also call 800-923-8282 to speak with a local Census Bureau representative about any concerns.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"6\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What questions are on the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/content/dam/2020census/materials/partners/2019-08/2020-informational-questionnaire.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Click here\u003c/a> for a sample census form and \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/about-questions.html\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">explanation\u003c/a> of why each question is asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notable changes from the 2010 census include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A question allowing respondents — both married or unmarried — to select if they are in opposite or same-sex partnerships.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The option to differentiate between Hispanic, Latino or Spanish origin.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A space to write in racial origins under the race selection question.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"7\">\u003c/a>Will the citizenship question be on the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Definitely not!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration's yearlong effort to include a citizenship question on the census was ruled unconstitutional by three federal judges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/06/27/717635291/supreme-court-leaves-citizenship-question-blocked-from-2020-census\">a decision upheld\u003c/a> last year by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be clear, the federal government will NOT be able to determine a person's citizenship status based on census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"8\">\u003c/a>Is my information protected?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes. The results of the census can only be used for statistical analysis. Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/reference/privacy_confidentiality/title_13_us_code.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal privacy law\u003c/a>, employees of the Census Bureau are prohibited from releasing any collected information, even to law enforcement agencies. The law also protects your responses from being used against you in court or by any other government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census workers take a lifetime oath to protect individuals' information. A violation can result in up to five years in prison and/or a penalty of $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau says it has also taken major steps this year to ensure data security against hacking and cyberthreats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All data submitted online are encrypted to protect personal privacy, and our cybersecurity program meets the highest and most recent standards for protecting personal information,\" the Census Bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">website states\u003c/a>. \"Once the data are received, they are no longer online. From the moment the Census Bureau collects responses, our focus and legal obligation is to keep them safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/12/805159481/watchdog-warns-census-faces-cybersecurity-hiring-risks-before-national-rollout\">a report\u003c/a> from the Government Accountability Office warned that the bureau is lagging in addressing IT and cybersecurity risks tied to last-minute shifts to a new backup system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"9\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How should someone from a single home that houses two families answer the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Bay Area residents are no stranger to shared housing arrangements, so let’s break this down: A housing unit is considered separate only if its residents live and eat separately from the other tenants in the building and have direct access outside, or through a common hallway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The occupants of a housing unit may include a single person, one family, unmarried partners, multiple families living together, multiple roommates — there are plenty of possibilities.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"10\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if I don't respond or leave many questions blank?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Contrary to what many people think, filling out the census is not voluntary: It's actually required by law. If you don’t respond or send back a largely incomplete form, the Census Bureau will continue to send reminders, deliver a paper questionnaire, and eventually, begin to make in-person enumerator visits — up to six times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although failing to respond can technically\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/221\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> result in a fine\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2014/jan/09/us-census-bureau/americans-must-answer-us-census-bureau-survey-law-/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">no one has been prosecuted\u003c/a> since 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Oct. 15\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official count of the entire U.S. population — which only happens every 10 years — is happening now, and it ends tonight on Thursday, Oct. 15 at 11:59 pm PDT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/\">The 2020 census\u003c/a> is a monumental effort to collect information about every person living in the United States, regardless of citizenship status, including age, address, race/ethnicity, home ownership status and size of household. That data will have widespread social, political and economic impacts on just about every community in the country for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>You have just hours to respond to the census. \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/?cid=20002:%2Bcensus:sem.ga:p:dm:en:&utm_source=sem.ga&utm_medium=p&utm_campaign=dm:en&utm_content=20002&utm_term=%2Bcensus\">Click here to start your census response online. \u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-phone.html\"> respond by phone\u003c/a> today or \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/ways-to-respond/responding-by-mail.html\">mail your paper response\u003c/a> as long as it's postmarked Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We asked you — our readers — to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796143/what-do-you-want-to-know-about-the-2020-census\">tell us what you want to know\u003c/a> about the census. Here are answers to the questions we received:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#2\">Why does it matter?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#3\">What if there's an undercount in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#1\">How and when do I fill out the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#4\">Is the coronavirus pandemic affecting census operations?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#5\">How do I know I'm being contacted by the actual Census Bureau?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#6\">What questions are on the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#7\">Will the citizenship question be on the census?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#8\">Is my information protected?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#9\">What counts as a single household?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#10\">What if I don't respond or leave many questions blank?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Still have questions? \u003ca href=\"#census\">Submit them below.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why does it matter?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For starters, more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/partners/2020.html\">$675 billion in federal funding\u003c/a> is at stake, according to the Census Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In fact, most of the federal funding California receives is based on census data, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/census-related-funding-in-california/\">research\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California shows. That data also plays a key role in determining how that money is distributed to different programs and communities throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the census count impacts political representation and redistricting — how states redraw their legislative districts based on population changes. The data are also used by scores of organizations and businesses in deciding where to have a presence — but more on that below.\u003ca id=\"3\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if there's an undercount in California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The census count determines, among many other things, how the U.S. House of Representatives' 435 seats are divvied up among the states. While most experts expect California to retain its 53 seats, a significant undercount could jeopardize that representation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "The deadline to \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/\">respond to the census is Oct. 15\u003c/a>.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>On top of that, because lawmakers use census population data to redraw legislative lines, political representation — both federally and on the state level — could shift away from undercounted areas, which are more \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/interactive/2020-census-maps-californias-hard-to-count-communities/\">likely\u003c/a> to be poorer communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, communities rely on the data to determine investment needs, such as where to build new roads, hospitals and schools. And businesses and nonprofit groups use it to inform where services are needed and to help identify consumer demand and job markets.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zuEo-lXtVjc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zuEo-lXtVjc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The results of past census counts have shown that certain demographic groups are particularly hard to reach, including immigrants, children, young men, renters and Latino and African American residents. And all of those groups have become a significantly larger portion of California’s population since the 2010 count, heightening concerns of a potential undercount and prompting California to invest in an unprecedented level of census outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"1\">\u003c/a>How and when do I fill out the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Census Bureau, a division of the Department of Commerce, runs the count. It asks respondents to answer questions based on their location on April 1 — Census Day — to capture an accurate snapshot of that moment in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first year the census is \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/?cid=20002:%2Bcensus:sem.ga:p:dm:en:&utm_source=sem.ga&utm_medium=p&utm_campaign=dm:en&utm_content=20002&utm_term=%2Bcensus\">available online\u003c/a>. Although the bureau expects the majority of respondents to submit it that way, it can also be filled out by mail or phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2020 census officially began in January in the tiny, remote \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/21/796703843/along-the-rim-of-alaska-the-once-a-decade-u-s-census-begins-in-toksook-bay\">fishing village\u003c/a> of Toksook Bay, Alaska. The vast majority of the population, though — roughly 95% of all U.S. households — received \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/content/dam/2020census/materials/partners/2019-12/2020-informational-invitation-letter.pdf\">invitations in the mail\u003c/a> in mid-March. For everyone else, including those without home addresses, census counters — called \"enumerators\" — will deliver forms in person. This has been delayed due to the coronavirus pandemic — \u003ca href=\"#covid\">read more on that below.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitations sent to each household include a unique ID and instructions on how to respond. You may have also received a paper form along with your official invitation if you live in an area with historically low response rates. \u003ca href=\"https://www.censushardtocountmaps2020.us\">This map\u003c/a> shows the current self-response rate of your community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your unique ID is intended to help protect your identity and prevent duplicates from being submitted. However, if you don't know your ID when you fill out the census, you can use your street address instead. And if more than one person in a household submits multiple forms accidentally, the Census Bureau says it has procedures in place to resolve that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"covid\">\u003c/a>Is the coronavirus pandemic affecting census operations?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The cutoff for responding by yourself online, by phone or mail \u003cem>was\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/operational-adjustments-covid-19.html\">extended from July 31 to Oct. 31.\u003c/a> But on Oct. 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/13/921428056/supreme-court-allows-trump-administration-to-end-census-early\">a Supreme Court ruling allowed the Trump administration to end the count early\u003c/a>, on Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enumerators had planned to start visiting households in mid-May, but this is now \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/news-events/operational-adjustments-covid-19.html\">postponed until Aug. 11\u003c/a>. The Census Bureau conducted online, paid trainings for its recently hired temporary employees in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2020/update-on-2020-census-field-operations.html\">suspended all field operations\u003c/a>, which includes counting the homeless population and people living in “group quarters,\" such as on-campus students, until June 1. The bureau said it will continue to evaluate field operations and communicate updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of many colleges across the country taking instruction online and closing on-campus housing, the Census Bureau adjusted operations to specifically make sure students are counted. More on that \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2020/modifying-2020-operations-for-counting-college-students.html\">here.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While field operations are suspended, households were able to respond to the census online by themselves. This meant census takers had fewer houses to visit when the time comes — and less concern about virus transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"5\">\u003c/a>How do I know I'm being contacted by the actual Census Bureau (and not someone trying to con me)?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#contact\">For starters\u003c/a>, the Census Bureau will NEVER:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Send unsolicited emails\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ask for your social security number, bank account or credit card numbers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Request money or donations\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If an enumerator knocks on your door, you can ask for an ID badge, which should have that person's photograph, a U.S. Department of Commerce watermark and an expiration date. You can also call 800-923-8282 to speak with a local Census Bureau representative about any concerns.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"6\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What questions are on the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/content/dam/2020census/materials/partners/2019-08/2020-informational-questionnaire.pdf\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Click here\u003c/a> for a sample census form and \u003ca href=\"https://2020census.gov/en/about-questions.html\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">explanation\u003c/a> of why each question is asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Notable changes from the 2010 census include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A question allowing respondents — both married or unmarried — to select if they are in opposite or same-sex partnerships.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The option to differentiate between Hispanic, Latino or Spanish origin.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A space to write in racial origins under the race selection question.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"7\">\u003c/a>Will the citizenship question be on the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Definitely not!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration's yearlong effort to include a citizenship question on the census was ruled unconstitutional by three federal judges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/06/27/717635291/supreme-court-leaves-citizenship-question-blocked-from-2020-census\">a decision upheld\u003c/a> last year by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be clear, the federal government will NOT be able to determine a person's citizenship status based on census data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"8\">\u003c/a>Is my information protected?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Yes. The results of the census can only be used for statistical analysis. Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/history/www/reference/privacy_confidentiality/title_13_us_code.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal privacy law\u003c/a>, employees of the Census Bureau are prohibited from releasing any collected information, even to law enforcement agencies. The law also protects your responses from being used against you in court or by any other government agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Census workers take a lifetime oath to protect individuals' information. A violation can result in up to five years in prison and/or a penalty of $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Census Bureau says it has also taken major steps this year to ensure data security against hacking and cyberthreats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All data submitted online are encrypted to protect personal privacy, and our cybersecurity program meets the highest and most recent standards for protecting personal information,\" the Census Bureau's \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/factsheets/2019/comm/2020-confidentiality-factsheet.pdf\">website states\u003c/a>. \"Once the data are received, they are no longer online. From the moment the Census Bureau collects responses, our focus and legal obligation is to keep them safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/12/805159481/watchdog-warns-census-faces-cybersecurity-hiring-risks-before-national-rollout\">a report\u003c/a> from the Government Accountability Office warned that the bureau is lagging in addressing IT and cybersecurity risks tied to last-minute shifts to a new backup system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"9\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How should someone from a single home that houses two families answer the census?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Bay Area residents are no stranger to shared housing arrangements, so let’s break this down: A housing unit is considered separate only if its residents live and eat separately from the other tenants in the building and have direct access outside, or through a common hallway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The occupants of a housing unit may include a single person, one family, unmarried partners, multiple families living together, multiple roommates — there are plenty of possibilities.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"10\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What if I don't respond or leave many questions blank?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Contrary to what many people think, filling out the census is not voluntary: It's actually required by law. If you don’t respond or send back a largely incomplete form, the Census Bureau will continue to send reminders, deliver a paper questionnaire, and eventually, begin to make in-person enumerator visits — up to six times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although failing to respond can technically\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/13/221\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> result in a fine\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2014/jan/09/us-census-bureau/americans-must-answer-us-census-bureau-survey-law-/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">no one has been prosecuted\u003c/a> since 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-voters-may-increase-taxes-to-pay-for-more-child-care",
"title": "Alameda County Voters Weigh Tax Increase to Pay for Child Care",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California struggles to meet child care and preschool needs, some communities are asking voters to help fill the gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and the city of Emeryville both have measures on the ballot next month that would either generate or set aside funds for child care and other children’s services, such as health care and preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably the biggest barrier to doing right by our kids and making sure they get what they need is not having the resources to do it,” said Margaret Brodkin, director of Funding the Next Generation, an advocacy organization that offers guidance for local communities seeking to fund children’s services. “The state has an important role to play in this, but it certainly can’t do everything. These measures give local communities the authority to figure out how best to use resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures attempt to help some of the hundreds of thousands of children from low-income families in California who\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/only-a-fraction-of-california-children-eligible-receive-subsidized-child-care/608382\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> never receive subsidies\u003c/a> for child care or preschool even though they are eligible. \u003ca href=\"https://gettingdowntofacts.com/sites/default/files/2018-09/GDTFII_Report_Reardon-Doss.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Research\u003c/a> shows they are less prepared for kindergarten than their peers who attended preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_10977377\" label=\"Child Care Providers Struggle to Afford Rising Minimum Wage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County advocates are trying again to raise the sales tax to pay for more child care and preschool services, after narrowly failing to pass a similar measure in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_05_19/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/ROV_288363.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda County’s Measure C\u003c/a> would add a half percent sales tax on local purchases — 50 cents for every $100 — to raise an estimated $30 million a year for pediatric health care and an estimated $120 million a year for improving child care workers’ wages and increasing the number of subsidized child care and preschool slots for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is a huge gap between the need and the actual slots available currently. It would really be helpful to close the gap,” said Erika Kuempel, a spokeswoman for First 5 Alameda County, a county commission dedicated to helping families with children under 6 years old. The commission would administer the money if the measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.first5alameda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First 5\u003c/a> Alameda County and the Alameda County Early Care and Education Program estimate that 4,000 to 5,000 more children would be able to enroll in subsidized child care or preschool if the measure passes, and 12,000 children who currently receive preschool subsidies from the state would receive additional money to cover more of their enrollment costs. An estimated 3,300 teachers and assistant teachers would receive classes, coaching and higher compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/ece/documents/AlamedaCounty-Unmet-Need-by-City-Age-12-12-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an estimated\u003c/a> 10,000 3 year olds and 4 year olds and 22,500 0-2 year olds in Alameda County who are eligible for subsidized care but not enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local tax measures to fund early education programs are not very common in California because they have historically required a two-thirds vote to pass. A measure similar to Measure C narrowly lost in June 2018 in Alameda County, with 66.20% of the vote, falling short of the required vote by less than half of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether this initiative needs a simple majority or two-thirds. If the initiative does not get a full two-thirds vote, though, it may be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law requires a two-thirds vote for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose, like child care. However, San Francisco and Oakland officials have argued in court that only a simple majority is needed if a tax measure was put on the ballot by voters, and not by the local government. A San Francisco Superior Court judge agreed that citizen initiatives only require a simple majority vote, while judges in Fresno and Alameda counties have both said they need a two-thirds majority. All the cases have been appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Doutherd, director of Parent Voices Oakland, a parent-led advocacy group that is one of the organizations backing Measure C, said the campaign is aiming for a two-thirds vote. Doutherd believes that is possible, since the 2018 vote was so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s much more awareness around the struggles that working parents have, living in a high-cost county, trying to afford rent. And child care affordability is something that we see presidential candidates talking about. It’s something that we see being covered almost weekly at this point in the newspapers,” Doutherd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another local measure for children’s services is on the ballot in California this March. In Emeryville, voters will also consider whether to add a quarter percent sales tax to local purchases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.emeryville.org/1328/Measure-F-Measure-for-a-Safer-Emeryville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure F\u003c/a> would raise an estimated $2 million every year to go toward both affordable child care and preschool and police, fire and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California struggles to meet child care and preschool needs, some communities are asking voters to help fill the gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County and the city of Emeryville both have measures on the ballot next month that would either generate or set aside funds for child care and other children’s services, such as health care and preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Probably the biggest barrier to doing right by our kids and making sure they get what they need is not having the resources to do it,” said Margaret Brodkin, director of Funding the Next Generation, an advocacy organization that offers guidance for local communities seeking to fund children’s services. “The state has an important role to play in this, but it certainly can’t do everything. These measures give local communities the authority to figure out how best to use resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures attempt to help some of the hundreds of thousands of children from low-income families in California who\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2019/only-a-fraction-of-california-children-eligible-receive-subsidized-child-care/608382\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> never receive subsidies\u003c/a> for child care or preschool even though they are eligible. \u003ca href=\"https://gettingdowntofacts.com/sites/default/files/2018-09/GDTFII_Report_Reardon-Doss.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Research\u003c/a> shows they are less prepared for kindergarten than their peers who attended preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County advocates are trying again to raise the sales tax to pay for more child care and preschool services, after narrowly failing to pass a similar measure in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_05_19/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/ROV_288363.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alameda County’s Measure C\u003c/a> would add a half percent sales tax on local purchases — 50 cents for every $100 — to raise an estimated $30 million a year for pediatric health care and an estimated $120 million a year for improving child care workers’ wages and increasing the number of subsidized child care and preschool slots for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there is a huge gap between the need and the actual slots available currently. It would really be helpful to close the gap,” said Erika Kuempel, a spokeswoman for First 5 Alameda County, a county commission dedicated to helping families with children under 6 years old. The commission would administer the money if the measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.first5alameda.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">First 5\u003c/a> Alameda County and the Alameda County Early Care and Education Program estimate that 4,000 to 5,000 more children would be able to enroll in subsidized child care or preschool if the measure passes, and 12,000 children who currently receive preschool subsidies from the state would receive additional money to cover more of their enrollment costs. An estimated 3,300 teachers and assistant teachers would receive classes, coaching and higher compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/ece/documents/AlamedaCounty-Unmet-Need-by-City-Age-12-12-2019.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an estimated\u003c/a> 10,000 3 year olds and 4 year olds and 22,500 0-2 year olds in Alameda County who are eligible for subsidized care but not enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local tax measures to fund early education programs are not very common in California because they have historically required a two-thirds vote to pass. A measure similar to Measure C narrowly lost in June 2018 in Alameda County, with 66.20% of the vote, falling short of the required vote by less than half of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear whether this initiative needs a simple majority or two-thirds. If the initiative does not get a full two-thirds vote, though, it may be challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California law requires a two-thirds vote for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose, like child care. However, San Francisco and Oakland officials have argued in court that only a simple majority is needed if a tax measure was put on the ballot by voters, and not by the local government. A San Francisco Superior Court judge agreed that citizen initiatives only require a simple majority vote, while judges in Fresno and Alameda counties have both said they need a two-thirds majority. All the cases have been appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clarissa Doutherd, director of Parent Voices Oakland, a parent-led advocacy group that is one of the organizations backing Measure C, said the campaign is aiming for a two-thirds vote. Doutherd believes that is possible, since the 2018 vote was so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s much more awareness around the struggles that working parents have, living in a high-cost county, trying to afford rent. And child care affordability is something that we see presidential candidates talking about. It’s something that we see being covered almost weekly at this point in the newspapers,” Doutherd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another local measure for children’s services is on the ballot in California this March. In Emeryville, voters will also consider whether to add a quarter percent sales tax to local purchases. \u003ca href=\"https://www.emeryville.org/1328/Measure-F-Measure-for-a-Safer-Emeryville\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure F\u003c/a> would raise an estimated $2 million every year to go toward both affordable child care and preschool and police, fire and emergency services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s probably a common sight during your commute — electric scooters zooming down or being abandoned on sidewalks. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/transportation/micro-mobility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City of San Jose\u003c/a> wants to be the first in the world to keep electric scooters in the bike lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simran Rakhra, a fourth-year student at San Jose State University, rides Lime scooters occasionally when she’s running late to class. She said she usually rides on whatever path is the fastest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if there’s a bike lane, I usually go on the bike lane so that I’m not in the way of people,” Rakhra said. “But if there’s nobody there, I’m going to be on the sidewalk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Sam Liccardo, San Jose Mayor']‘I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them. But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/vr/scooters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>, electric scooters are allowed on bike paths, lanes, or trails, but not on sidewalks. But enforcing the law is an entirely different beast to tackle. The City of San Jose took the problem to the scooter companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo said the city is working with several app-based scooter companies to keep riders in bike lanes — and off sidewalks — using technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them,” Liccardo said. “But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One technology most companies are using is geofencing. It uses a person’s location and creates boundaries that a user has to stay in — similar to how Google Maps creates a specific geographic perimeter for a person to get to his or her destination. If the person deviates from that path, the app knows and will reroute accordingly to get back within the boundary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.li.me/en-us/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lime\u003c/a> is using geofencing — and detection technology — in its proposed solution to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the surface of a road compared to the surface of a sidewalk, they feel very different,” Sam Kang, Lime’s government relations director, said. “Where the road will be bumpier and inconsistent, the sidewalk tends to be smoother and whatever grooves it has tends to be a lot more consistent because of the tiles … that most sidewalks has.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related content\" tag=\"scooters\"]Lime scooters detect those differences and can identify with 95 percent accuracy whether someone is riding on the sidewalk or the road. Riders who spend more than half of their journey on a sidewalk get a reminder on their phone that riding on the sidewalk is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And for more habitual offenders, we can send them a more stern warning and we can experiment with different educational ways in which we can try to alter rider behavior,” Kang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gruv.app\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grüv\u003c/a>, another electric scooter company, plans to go a step further with their new software, according to co-founder Alex Nesic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply informing riders of bad behavior with the hope of nudging them toward better behavior, our approach is designed to decrease the vehicle speed to five miles per hour on sidewalks in real-time while alerting the rider simultaneously of the reason why,” Nesic said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Heyne, a public information manager with the San Jose Department of Transportation, said he has yet to see a company in San Jose that incorporates all of the e-scooter safety technologies available — one that detects sidewalk riding and one that reduces an e-scooter’s speed when on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our next step will be to limit deployment of the [scooter] devices in the area defined in our regulations until companies are ready to deploy devices that meet our regulatory requirements,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to eventually require companies to incorporate the safety technologies that will encourage riders to stay away from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rakhra, the SJSU student, said she rides her scooter on the sidewalk because she doesn’t always feel safe riding on the road. As she stands on 2nd street in downtown San Jose, she said, “If I’m trying to cross here, there is no bike lane … so it just depends on where you’re at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s probably a common sight during your commute — electric scooters zooming down or being abandoned on sidewalks. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/transportation/micro-mobility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">City of San Jose\u003c/a> wants to be the first in the world to keep electric scooters in the bike lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simran Rakhra, a fourth-year student at San Jose State University, rides Lime scooters occasionally when she’s running late to class. She said she usually rides on whatever path is the fastest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if there’s a bike lane, I usually go on the bike lane so that I’m not in the way of people,” Rakhra said. “But if there’s nobody there, I’m going to be on the sidewalk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them. But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/dmv/detail/vr/scooters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">state law\u003c/a>, electric scooters are allowed on bike paths, lanes, or trails, but not on sidewalks. But enforcing the law is an entirely different beast to tackle. The City of San Jose took the problem to the scooter companies themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo said the city is working with several app-based scooter companies to keep riders in bike lanes — and off sidewalks — using technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you what the technology is going to be or whether it’ll be a whole assortment of them,” Liccardo said. “But we’re going to use that as a standard for the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One technology most companies are using is geofencing. It uses a person’s location and creates boundaries that a user has to stay in — similar to how Google Maps creates a specific geographic perimeter for a person to get to his or her destination. If the person deviates from that path, the app knows and will reroute accordingly to get back within the boundary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.li.me/en-us/home\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Lime\u003c/a> is using geofencing — and detection technology — in its proposed solution to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the surface of a road compared to the surface of a sidewalk, they feel very different,” Sam Kang, Lime’s government relations director, said. “Where the road will be bumpier and inconsistent, the sidewalk tends to be smoother and whatever grooves it has tends to be a lot more consistent because of the tiles … that most sidewalks has.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lime scooters detect those differences and can identify with 95 percent accuracy whether someone is riding on the sidewalk or the road. Riders who spend more than half of their journey on a sidewalk get a reminder on their phone that riding on the sidewalk is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And for more habitual offenders, we can send them a more stern warning and we can experiment with different educational ways in which we can try to alter rider behavior,” Kang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://gruv.app\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grüv\u003c/a>, another electric scooter company, plans to go a step further with their new software, according to co-founder Alex Nesic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply informing riders of bad behavior with the hope of nudging them toward better behavior, our approach is designed to decrease the vehicle speed to five miles per hour on sidewalks in real-time while alerting the rider simultaneously of the reason why,” Nesic said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Heyne, a public information manager with the San Jose Department of Transportation, said he has yet to see a company in San Jose that incorporates all of the e-scooter safety technologies available — one that detects sidewalk riding and one that reduces an e-scooter’s speed when on the sidewalk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our next step will be to limit deployment of the [scooter] devices in the area defined in our regulations until companies are ready to deploy devices that meet our regulatory requirements,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city hopes to eventually require companies to incorporate the safety technologies that will encourage riders to stay away from sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rakhra, the SJSU student, said she rides her scooter on the sidewalk because she doesn’t always feel safe riding on the road. As she stands on 2nd street in downtown San Jose, she said, “If I’m trying to cross here, there is no bike lane … so it just depends on where you’re at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"data-privacy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been about a month since California rolled out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792899/the-california-consumer-privacy-act-mandates-what-again-exactly\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">toughest consumer data privacy law\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, you can demand that any company detail what information it collects about you, tell it to stop selling that information to other companies, or even delete the data altogether. And if a company negligently allows itself to be hacked, exposing your data, you can sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, there’s talk of another law: The \u003ca href=\"https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5aa18a452485b60001c301de/5d8bc3342a72fc8145920a32_CPREA_2020_092519_Annotated_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a> would add clarifying language to the newly enacted \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB375\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA)\u003c/a>, stipulating, among other things, that businesses:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Should not collect the personal information of children without consent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should only collect consumers’ personal information for specific purposes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Should provide consumers with easily accessible tools to obtain their personal information, correct or delete it, and to opt‐out of its sale to other parties.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most dramatically, the new initiative would create a new regulatory agency in California that would enforce protections in addition to the Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should have more privacy professionals in this agency, once it gets funded, up and operating if the initiative passes, than right now exists in the FTC [Federal Trade Commission] in the entire country,” said the man behind the existing law and the proposed initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caprivacy.org/about-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alastair Mactaggart\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he added, “Sensible companies realize this regulation is coming. This is not a burn-down-the-whole-world law. This is not a law that, you know, puts anybody out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real estate developer turned data privacy advocate has given a lot of thought in recent years to the surveillance economy that’s sprung up around consumer data. And he recognizes he’s not alone in feeling concerned about it: About 81% of the public say they feel “the potential risks they face because of data collection by companies outweigh the benefits,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2019/11/15/americans-and-privacy-concerned-confused-and-feeling-lack-of-control-over-their-personal-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to the Pew Research Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike most of us, Mactaggart had the money to launch a political and legal conversation in California, although “conversation” is perhaps too polite a term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Mactaggart launched a ballot initiative to tackle consumer data privacy. Business interests, data privacy advocates and members of the state Legislature were able to persuade him to drop it in favor of hastily written — and passed — legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, all sides declared open season on “fixing” it as the legislative year progressed. More than a couple dozen bills were launched, some trying to tighten the language of the CCPA to favor consumers, more trying to loosen the law to favor businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected some pushing and shoving, but I didn’t expect this wholesale assault to try to like wipe it out,” Mactaggart said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures failed to pass, thanks in large part to state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, D-Santa Barbara, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee in Sacramento. After the smoke cleared, what was left of the CCPA was still the strongest law of its kind in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be because “it’s the only privacy act in the country,” said Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she appreciates that Mactaggart now wants to make the law even tougher, although she hasn’t had the chance to comprehensively review the fine print.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a new area. There are probably going to be a lot of different interpretations to it,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a number of other data privacy advocates like Mary Stone Ross with the \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Privacy Information Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., are concerned about the fine print. Ross co-authored the earlier initiative, but says the new one includes giveaways to business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, there’s this definition of ‘de-identified information,’ ” she said. “It’s actually a really big deal because by definition, de-identified information is not personal information, and so if that definition is weakened, then it weakens the scope of the entire law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure enough, in this new initiative is a weakened definition of de-identified,” Ross added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other areas of the fine print, the Act raises the threshold for when the rules apply: only companies that buy, sell or share the personal information of more than 100,000 consumers or households need comply. The current standard kicks in for 50,000 consumers or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet more fine print: A business is exempt from disclosing information in response to rights requests if it requires disclosing “trade secrets.” The definition of a trade secret is very broad and could create a significant hurdle for prosecutors, regulators, or consumers trying to exercise their rights under CCPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard for data privacy advocates to ignore these provisions, even amid other language that tightens other elements of CCPA in favor of consumers. Last October, 11 privacy groups wrote an \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/files/2019/10/29/2019-10-23_-_privacy_coalition_comments_on_cprea.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">open letter\u003c/a> to Mactaggart, urging 45 ways to strengthen the language of his new initiative. Only seven of their suggestions were incorporated into the final version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are steps forward. There are steps back. There are missed opportunities,” said Hayley Tsukayama, a legislative activist for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2019/10/strengthen-californias-next-consumer-data-privacy-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>. Noting that EFF has not officially come out against the new initiative, she added, “We have publicly pointed out the flaws that we see in the initiative. He didn’t take all of our suggestions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Beyond California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the absence of federal data privacy law, Ross says other states are looking to California for direction. “There’s legislation that’s going to be introduced in Florida, in Colorado, potentially in New York,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jim Halpert, a corporate attorney with DLA Piper who advises companies about data privacy, the new initiative is a step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new language, he said, is “addressing some of the practical compliance issues that drove efforts to amend the law by the business community in 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s groundbreaking data privacy regulation constitutes “a sea change in regulation of privacy in the U.S.,” Halpert added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few data privacy advocates expect Silicon Valley to lobby against the new initiative as Mactaggart gathers signatures, because they’re getting at least some of what they want. And given growing public concerns about data privacy, people on both sides expect voters to find the basic idea of the California Privacy Rights Act of 2020 appealing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco made millions of dollars selling taxi medallions a decade ago, but now drivers say the crushing debt burden is \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaximedallions\">literally killing them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the rise of Uber and Lyft, the city raked in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802107/medallion-crisis-leaves-cab-drivers-with-overwhelming-debt\">around $64 million\u003c/a> selling drivers a license – or medallion – to operate a cab for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, new app-based ride service companies got a welcome reception at City Hall and things started going rapidly downhill for medallion owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, hundreds of taxi drivers are stuck with huge debt payments and a dying business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco made millions of dollars selling taxi medallions a decade ago, but now drivers say the crushing debt burden is \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaximedallions\">literally killing them\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the rise of Uber and Lyft, the city raked in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11802107/medallion-crisis-leaves-cab-drivers-with-overwhelming-debt\">around $64 million\u003c/a> selling drivers a license – or medallion – to operate a cab for $250,000 a piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, new app-based ride service companies got a welcome reception at City Hall and things started going rapidly downhill for medallion owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, hundreds of taxi drivers are stuck with huge debt payments and a dying business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last May, Burger Patch first opened its doors in midtown Sacramento with a sign that said “No Cash Accepted.” The owners of the organic and vegan burger joint were worried that a cash register might invite theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But customers kept showing up with only cash. Sometimes the cashiers would accept it, working around the digital system; other times, they’d simply give the customer a free meal. About a month in, Burger Patch changed course, deciding to install a cash register after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be able to have everyone come and eat here no matter what,” said Zia Simmons, who has worked at the restaurant since it opened. “We don’t want to ever have to be like, well if you don’t have a card, you can’t eat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small, but growing number of businesses are no longer accepting cash. Owners say that accepting only credit cards, debit cards or digital wallets like Apple Pay is more efficient and lowers the risk of being robbed. Electronic forms of payments are \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/cash/publications/fed-notes/2019/june/2019-findings-from-the-diary-of-consumer-payment-choice/\">gaining popularity\u003c/a> with consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the cash-free trend has raised concerns that such shops exclude customers who rely exclusively on cash. Sen. Jerry Hill, a Democrat from San Mateo, says this amounts to discrimination against people without credit cards or bank accounts, who tend to be low-income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s intentionally discrimination. But that’s in fact what they’re doing,” Hill said. Cashless stores “may be the thing of the future, (but) it’s not there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Hill introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB926\">bill\u003c/a> last week to require that all brick-and-mortar businesses in California accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, California would become the third state, after Massachusetts and New Jersey, to ban cashless businesses before they become widespread. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/06/803003343/some-businesses-are-going-cashless-but-cities-are-pushing-back\">San Francisco, Philadelphia and New York City\u003c/a> passed similar ordinances in the past year, and Washington, D.C., is currently \u003ca href=\"http://lims.dccouncil.us/Download/41809/B23-0122-HearingNotice1.pdf\">considering a ban\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CASHLESS-photo-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A customer pays with a credit card at Burger Patch, a vegan burger joint in Sacramento.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer pays with a credit card at Burger Patch, a vegan burger joint in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California residents with limited resources are far more likely to use cash. While 7.4% of California households do not have banks, the rate among households earning less than $15,000 per year is 27.3%, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://economicinclusion.gov/surveys/2017household/documents/yoy-analysis.html?where=State_Unbanked_California_2017_YOY_Analysis\">2017 survey by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People of color, immigrants and disabled people are also more likely to be excluded by a cashless economy. In California, 20.5% of black households and 14.5% of Hispanic households do not use banks, according to the survey data. The rate is 24.8% among households that speak only Spanish at home and 20.7% among adults with disabilities. Single mothers lack access to bank accounts at a rate more than twice that of single fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When retailers don’t accept cash, they’re effectively locking out workers in low-wage jobs, communities of color and our homeless neighbors,” Andrea Zinder, president of United Food and Commercial Workers Western States Council, which has endorsed the bill, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People between the ages of 25 and 44 pay with cash less often than people who are older or younger — about one-fifth of the time, compared with one-third, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/cash/publications/fed-notes/2019/june/2019-findings-from-the-diary-of-consumer-payment-choice/\">2019 study\u003c/a> by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed law, cashless transactions would be legal, but if a business turns away a customer who only has cash, it could face a civil penalty between $25 and $500. Online retailers would be excluded, as would car rental businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No groups have filed opposition against the bill yet, but Hill expects that retailers may put up a fight. Around 10% of the nearly 100,000 businesses that use Square, a financial check-out service, are cashless, according to a recent national \u003ca href=\"https://squareup.com/us/en/making-change\">study\u003c/a> from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Retailers Association has not yet taken a position on the bill, said President and CEO Rachel Michelin. An uptick in retail theft has spurred some smaller retailers to turn towards electronic payments to avoid keeping cash behind the counter. She said the bill might be “premature” given that she hasn’t observed a widespread trend in stores going cashless, other than in more techy areas like Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801859\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801859\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sen. Jerry Hill speaks in support of his bill SB 38, which would support volunteer firefighters if passed, in the Senate Governance and Finance committee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jerry Hill speaks in support of his bill SB 38, which would support volunteer firefighters if passed, in the Senate Governance and Finance committee. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hill said the issue came on his radar when he walked into a restaurant in San Mateo last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw there’s a sign there that said ‘we don’t accept cash.’ That kind of shocked me and surprised me,” Hill said. “That seemed almost like they were discriminating against those who did not have the ability to pay an electronic transaction, and for me that raised a flag.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store was Sweetgreen, a build-your-own salad eatery with a sleek tech aesthetic, where a typical bowl costs upwards of $10. The chain phased out cash transactions in 2017 but reversed course last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going cashless… had the unintended consequence of excluding those who prefer to pay or can only pay with cash,” the company explained in a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@sweetgreen/back-to-the-future-its-cash-dc1de3da437a\">blog post\u003c/a> last April. “To accomplish our mission, everyone in the community needs to have access to real food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon’s cashier-less automated convenience store, called Amazon Go, also decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/backlash-against-cashless-stores-forces-sweetgreen-and-amazon-go-to-accept-cash-2019-04-30\">phase in the ability to take cash\u003c/a> after facing backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Hill, that’s evidence that companies can transition back “without great difficulty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if (this bill) is as big of a deal for (retailers) as those who are now discriminated against because they cannot pay with cash,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\">\u003cem> The California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last May, Burger Patch first opened its doors in midtown Sacramento with a sign that said “No Cash Accepted.” The owners of the organic and vegan burger joint were worried that a cash register might invite theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But customers kept showing up with only cash. Sometimes the cashiers would accept it, working around the digital system; other times, they’d simply give the customer a free meal. About a month in, Burger Patch changed course, deciding to install a cash register after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be able to have everyone come and eat here no matter what,” said Zia Simmons, who has worked at the restaurant since it opened. “We don’t want to ever have to be like, well if you don’t have a card, you can’t eat here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small, but growing number of businesses are no longer accepting cash. Owners say that accepting only credit cards, debit cards or digital wallets like Apple Pay is more efficient and lowers the risk of being robbed. Electronic forms of payments are \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/cash/publications/fed-notes/2019/june/2019-findings-from-the-diary-of-consumer-payment-choice/\">gaining popularity\u003c/a> with consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the cash-free trend has raised concerns that such shops exclude customers who rely exclusively on cash. Sen. Jerry Hill, a Democrat from San Mateo, says this amounts to discrimination against people without credit cards or bank accounts, who tend to be low-income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s intentionally discrimination. But that’s in fact what they’re doing,” Hill said. Cashless stores “may be the thing of the future, (but) it’s not there yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Hill introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB926\">bill\u003c/a> last week to require that all brick-and-mortar businesses in California accept cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, California would become the third state, after Massachusetts and New Jersey, to ban cashless businesses before they become widespread. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/06/803003343/some-businesses-are-going-cashless-but-cities-are-pushing-back\">San Francisco, Philadelphia and New York City\u003c/a> passed similar ordinances in the past year, and Washington, D.C., is currently \u003ca href=\"http://lims.dccouncil.us/Download/41809/B23-0122-HearingNotice1.pdf\">considering a ban\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/CASHLESS-photo-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A customer pays with a credit card at Burger Patch, a vegan burger joint in Sacramento.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer pays with a credit card at Burger Patch, a vegan burger joint in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Jackie Botts/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California residents with limited resources are far more likely to use cash. While 7.4% of California households do not have banks, the rate among households earning less than $15,000 per year is 27.3%, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://economicinclusion.gov/surveys/2017household/documents/yoy-analysis.html?where=State_Unbanked_California_2017_YOY_Analysis\">2017 survey by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People of color, immigrants and disabled people are also more likely to be excluded by a cashless economy. In California, 20.5% of black households and 14.5% of Hispanic households do not use banks, according to the survey data. The rate is 24.8% among households that speak only Spanish at home and 20.7% among adults with disabilities. Single mothers lack access to bank accounts at a rate more than twice that of single fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When retailers don’t accept cash, they’re effectively locking out workers in low-wage jobs, communities of color and our homeless neighbors,” Andrea Zinder, president of United Food and Commercial Workers Western States Council, which has endorsed the bill, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People between the ages of 25 and 44 pay with cash less often than people who are older or younger — about one-fifth of the time, compared with one-third, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/cash/publications/fed-notes/2019/june/2019-findings-from-the-diary-of-consumer-payment-choice/\">2019 study\u003c/a> by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed law, cashless transactions would be legal, but if a business turns away a customer who only has cash, it could face a civil penalty between $25 and $500. Online retailers would be excluded, as would car rental businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No groups have filed opposition against the bill yet, but Hill expects that retailers may put up a fight. Around 10% of the nearly 100,000 businesses that use Square, a financial check-out service, are cashless, according to a recent national \u003ca href=\"https://squareup.com/us/en/making-change\">study\u003c/a> from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Retailers Association has not yet taken a position on the bill, said President and CEO Rachel Michelin. An uptick in retail theft has spurred some smaller retailers to turn towards electronic payments to avoid keeping cash behind the counter. She said the bill might be “premature” given that she hasn’t observed a widespread trend in stores going cashless, other than in more techy areas like Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11801859\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11801859\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Sen. Jerry Hill speaks in support of his bill SB 38, which would support volunteer firefighters if passed, in the Senate Governance and Finance committee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41337_CASHLESS-photo-3-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Jerry Hill speaks in support of his bill SB 38, which would support volunteer firefighters if passed, in the Senate Governance and Finance committee. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/CALMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hill said the issue came on his radar when he walked into a restaurant in San Mateo last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw there’s a sign there that said ‘we don’t accept cash.’ That kind of shocked me and surprised me,” Hill said. “That seemed almost like they were discriminating against those who did not have the ability to pay an electronic transaction, and for me that raised a flag.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store was Sweetgreen, a build-your-own salad eatery with a sleek tech aesthetic, where a typical bowl costs upwards of $10. The chain phased out cash transactions in 2017 but reversed course last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going cashless… had the unintended consequence of excluding those who prefer to pay or can only pay with cash,” the company explained in a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@sweetgreen/back-to-the-future-its-cash-dc1de3da437a\">blog post\u003c/a> last April. “To accomplish our mission, everyone in the community needs to have access to real food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon’s cashier-less automated convenience store, called Amazon Go, also decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/backlash-against-cashless-stores-forces-sweetgreen-and-amazon-go-to-accept-cash-2019-04-30\">phase in the ability to take cash\u003c/a> after facing backlash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Hill, that’s evidence that companies can transition back “without great difficulty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if (this bill) is as big of a deal for (retailers) as those who are now discriminated against because they cannot pay with cash,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jackie Botts is a reporter at CalMatters. This article is part of\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/divide/\">\u003cem> The California Divide\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Brick & Mortar Music Hall Cuts Ties With Controversial Co-Owner, Signs Ten-Year Lease",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This report contains a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Controversial Bay Area nightlife figure Jason Perkins no longer co-owns the Brick & Mortar Music Hall, and the independent music venue has secured a ten-year lease extension on its 250-capacity Mission District location, according to the new partnership group at the helm. [aside postID=arts_13853477,arts_10973414,arts_13873227]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Rosen in January notified the San Francisco Entertainment Commission of the change in ownership, as required by the venue’s entertainment permit, saying the Brick & Mortar is now run by Michael O’Connor, Barry Smyth of the Crafty Fox Ale House and himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking to get a new sense of goodwill in the community,” Rosen said, without mentioning Perkins. Rosen described “initiatives that can communicate a different approach to running the business than in the past,” including flyering for an informational community event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor, previously Perkins’ partner in several businesses under the now-defunct Parish Entertainment Group, said the venue renewed its lease for ten years in December and declined to comment further. The extension runs against a trend of small- to mid-sized independent venues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13873227/amnesia-is-the-latest-san-francisco-music-venue-to-close\">closing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850185/slims-great-american-music-hall-workers-axed-as-goldenvoice-expands\">ceding booking\u003c/a> to the corporate promoters Live Nation and Goldenvoice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brick & Mortar Music Hall’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.brickandmortarmusic.com/\">calendar\u003c/a> currently lists near-daily indie rock, hip-hop and soul events presented by promoters such as Noise Pop and Sean Healy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perkins was once the co-owner of several venues, bars and restaurants in the Bay Area and Northern California, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/10973414/entertainment-commission-nightlife-heroes-or-instrument-of-destruction\">styled himself as a crusader\u003c/a> against public corruption while also appearing to use his short-lived music magazine to impugn local artists in unsigned editorials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, however, Perkins faced costly breach-of-contract litigation as well as accusations, including from a former employee who leaked video evidence, that he harassed and accosted homeless people in the Mission District. Perkins, who didn’t respond to a request for comment, has declared in court filings that he now lives with his family in Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The security footage showed a 2018 altercation between Perkins and a homeless man that, according to the former employee, followed Perkins leaving threatening notes on tents. (Perkins has denied leaving the notes, and said the video showed self-defense.) After the outcry, news outlets reported that Allen Scott, an executive at Another Planet Entertainment, had earlier bought Perkins’ stake in the New Parish in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the background, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13853477/how-a-club-owner-raised-ticket-fees-pocketed-bonuses-and-lost-big-in-court\">as KQED previously reported\u003c/a>, Perkins faced lawsuits from ticketing service providers Ticketfly and Crowdtorch alleging he sought and received hundreds of thousands of dollars in signing bonuses for Brick & Mortar before deliberately reneging on the contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crowdtorch won judgment against Perkins and O’Connor in 2017 for $323,000. Last year a judge dismissed the defendants’ appeal of a ruling favoring Ticketfly, which is now owned by Eventbrite. Ticketfly’s attorney recently filed a request for default judgment totaling $824,824.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perkins’ businesses Place Pigalle in San Francisco, Leo’s Music Club in Oakland and Sierra Valley Lodge in Calpine all closed following his conflicts with city officials and property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Feb. 11: The original version of this story contained an inaccurate timeline of Perkins’ divestment from the New Parish. Perkins sold his stake in the Oakland club before, not after, public outcry over his altercation with a homeless man. The story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy. An original headline also alluded to Perkins being removed from the ownership of Brick & Mortar Music Hall by his partners in the venture; one of the club’s current owners has since stated this is not the case. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Rosen in January notified the San Francisco Entertainment Commission of the change in ownership, as required by the venue’s entertainment permit, saying the Brick & Mortar is now run by Michael O’Connor, Barry Smyth of the Crafty Fox Ale House and himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking to get a new sense of goodwill in the community,” Rosen said, without mentioning Perkins. Rosen described “initiatives that can communicate a different approach to running the business than in the past,” including flyering for an informational community event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor, previously Perkins’ partner in several businesses under the now-defunct Parish Entertainment Group, said the venue renewed its lease for ten years in December and declined to comment further. The extension runs against a trend of small- to mid-sized independent venues \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13873227/amnesia-is-the-latest-san-francisco-music-venue-to-close\">closing\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850185/slims-great-american-music-hall-workers-axed-as-goldenvoice-expands\">ceding booking\u003c/a> to the corporate promoters Live Nation and Goldenvoice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brick & Mortar Music Hall’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.brickandmortarmusic.com/\">calendar\u003c/a> currently lists near-daily indie rock, hip-hop and soul events presented by promoters such as Noise Pop and Sean Healy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perkins was once the co-owner of several venues, bars and restaurants in the Bay Area and Northern California, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/10973414/entertainment-commission-nightlife-heroes-or-instrument-of-destruction\">styled himself as a crusader\u003c/a> against public corruption while also appearing to use his short-lived music magazine to impugn local artists in unsigned editorials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, however, Perkins faced costly breach-of-contract litigation as well as accusations, including from a former employee who leaked video evidence, that he harassed and accosted homeless people in the Mission District. Perkins, who didn’t respond to a request for comment, has declared in court filings that he now lives with his family in Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The security footage showed a 2018 altercation between Perkins and a homeless man that, according to the former employee, followed Perkins leaving threatening notes on tents. (Perkins has denied leaving the notes, and said the video showed self-defense.) After the outcry, news outlets reported that Allen Scott, an executive at Another Planet Entertainment, had earlier bought Perkins’ stake in the New Parish in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the background, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13853477/how-a-club-owner-raised-ticket-fees-pocketed-bonuses-and-lost-big-in-court\">as KQED previously reported\u003c/a>, Perkins faced lawsuits from ticketing service providers Ticketfly and Crowdtorch alleging he sought and received hundreds of thousands of dollars in signing bonuses for Brick & Mortar before deliberately reneging on the contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crowdtorch won judgment against Perkins and O’Connor in 2017 for $323,000. Last year a judge dismissed the defendants’ appeal of a ruling favoring Ticketfly, which is now owned by Eventbrite. Ticketfly’s attorney recently filed a request for default judgment totaling $824,824.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perkins’ businesses Place Pigalle in San Francisco, Leo’s Music Club in Oakland and Sierra Valley Lodge in Calpine all closed following his conflicts with city officials and property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Feb. 11: The original version of this story contained an inaccurate timeline of Perkins’ divestment from the New Parish. Perkins sold his stake in the Oakland club before, not after, public outcry over his altercation with a homeless man. The story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy. An original headline also alluded to Perkins being removed from the ownership of Brick & Mortar Music Hall by his partners in the venture; one of the club’s current owners has since stated this is not the case. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>250 teachers in the West Contra Costa Unified School District \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreteacherlayoffs\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">may be laid off\u003c/a> as part of a plan to close a $32 million budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wait, what?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2019/05/06/pacific-heights-mansion-most-expensive-sold-2019.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">glory\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/2019Q4_alphabet_earnings_release.pdf?cache=05bd9fe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wealth\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanjose/news/2019/12/18/bay-area-venture-funding-report-crunchbase.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abundance\u003c/a>, we're actually talking about laying off teachers in the Richmond-based district?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president of the United Teachers of Richmond union said that, after non-teaching staff is included, the district may lay off a total of 400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Class sizes may increase and millions more may be cut from school budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isn't this the kind of thing that happens in a recession, not when the economy is going bonkers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>250 teachers in the West Contra Costa Unified School District \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreteacherlayoffs\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">may be laid off\u003c/a> as part of a plan to close a $32 million budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wait, what?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2019/05/06/pacific-heights-mansion-most-expensive-sold-2019.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">glory\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/2019Q4_alphabet_earnings_release.pdf?cache=05bd9fe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wealth\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanjose/news/2019/12/18/bay-area-venture-funding-report-crunchbase.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">abundance\u003c/a>, we're actually talking about laying off teachers in the Richmond-based district?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president of the United Teachers of Richmond union said that, after non-teaching staff is included, the district may lay off a total of 400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Class sizes may increase and millions more may be cut from school budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isn't this the kind of thing that happens in a recession, not when the economy is going bonkers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"order": 8
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
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