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"title": "California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bit hard to swallow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a ‘free state’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University\"]‘Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.’[/pullquote]Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 … [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force\"]‘I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.’[/pullquote]“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Wouldn’t want to live under a rock’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.",
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"title": "California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That? | KQED",
"description": "Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bit hard to swallow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a ‘free state’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 … [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Wouldn’t want to live under a rock’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "¿Qué es el programa de acción diferida de la administración Biden para trabajadores indocumentados?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"#funciona\">\u003cstrong>Cómo funciona la solicitud de acción diferida\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A medida que progresan las investigaciones sobre posibles violaciones laborales en las dos granjas de hongos de Half Moon Bay donde se produjo un tiroteo masivo el mes pasado, los abogados laborales y de inmigración del Área de la Bahía dicen que están tratando de correr la voz sobre las nuevas protecciones federales anunciadas recientemente por la administración del presidente Biden que podrían proteger a los trabajadores indocumentados de la deportación si hablan sobre los abusos en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el gobernador Gavin Newsom visitó Half Moon Bay tras la matanza del 23 de enero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">la cual cobró la vida de siete trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes,\u003c/a> expresó su conmoción al enterarse que los empleados vivieran en contenedores de transporte y dijo que algunos le habían contado que ganaban sólo 9 dólares la hora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Patricia Ortiz, Directora jurídica del programa de inmigración, California Rural Legal Assistance\"]\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable. Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que tienen acceso las personas en otras partes del estado, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Quieren saber el salario mínimo de California? No es de 9 dólares la hora\", dijo Newsom. \"Sin atención sanitaria, sin ayudas, sin servicios. Pero ellos cuidan de nuestra salud. Prestando un servicio a todos y cada uno de nosotros, todos los días\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades estatales comenzaron inmediatamente a recabar información sobre California Terra Garden y Concord Farms, las dos granjas atacadas, y consiguieron entrar dos horas después de que las fuerzas del orden abrieron de nuevo los sitios el 25 de enero, según Peter Melton, portavoz del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales del estado. Confirmó que su agencia está investigando a ambas empresas por posibles infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melton subrayó que la agencia no solicita ni rastrea el estatus migratorio de los trabajadores, y añadió: \"En California, los trabajadores agrícolas y de la mayoría de las demás industrias están protegidos por las leyes laborales y las normas de seguridad y salud en el lugar de trabajo de California, independientemente de su estatus migratorio\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por una cuestión de política, el Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU. no quiso confirmar si también está investigando las granjas. Pero el vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, Joaquín Jiménez Ureña, dijo que la semana anterior investigadores federales estuvieron en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tuve la oportunidad de reunirme con ellos\", dijo. \"Compartieron conmigo lo que están investigando. Quieren colaborar con nosotros para asegurarse de que los trabajadores agrícolas estén bien atendidos con salarios y vivienda, y que se les comunique cualquier incidente que ocurra en las granjas.\"\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vulnerables a la explotación\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las protecciones laborales de California, los trabajadores inmigrantes suelen tener miedo a denunciar por temor a las represalias de los empleadores y a la amenaza de la deportación, afirman los defensores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi el 60% de los trabajadores agrícolas del estado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/national-agricultural-workers-survey/research/data-tables\">son inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), según los últimos datos del Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incluso los trabajadores agrícolas que trabajan legalmente, con \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/espanol\">visados agrícolas temporales H-2A\u003c/a>, pueden ser reacios a quejarse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">porque dependen de sus empleadores para mantener sus visados de trabajo\u003c/a>. Y para los inmigrantes indocumentados, el temor es aún mayor, dice Patricia Ortiz, directora legal del programa de inmigración de la organización sin fines de lucro California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11919450\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/FarmworkersIlloVignet-1020x659-1.jpg\"]\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable\", dijo Ortiz. \"Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que la gente en otras partes del estado tiene acceso, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-anuncia-mejoras-en-los-procesos-para-apoyar-las-investigaciones-de-cumplimiento\">un nuevo programa simplificado y acelerado de solicitud de \"acción diferida\"\u003c/a>, destinado a ayudar al gobierno a acabar con los empleadores abusivos, podría animar a más trabajadores indocumentados a denunciar condiciones injustas o inseguras, dijo Ortiz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores que demuestren que están cooperando con una investigación laboral pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección contra la deportación a través de un proceso acelerado anunciado en enero por el Secretario de Seguridad Nacional (DHS, por sus siglas en inglés), Alejandro Mayorkas. La protección, que se concederá caso por caso, se basa en \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/memo_from_secretary_mayorkas_on_worksite_enforcement.pdf\">un memorando de octubre de 2021 en el que se describe la estrategia del DHS para hacer cumplir la ley en los lugares de trabajo (PDF)\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Los empresarios sin escrúpulos que se aprovechan de la vulnerabilidad de los trabajadores extranjeros perjudican a todos los trabajadores y ponen en desventaja a las empresas que respetan las normas\", declaró Mayorkas al anunciar el nuevo programa en enero. \"Responsabilizaremos a estos depredadores animando a todos los trabajadores a hacer valer sus derechos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difundir el mensaje\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortiz dice que grupos de defensa de los inmigrantes como el suyo han estado organizando apresuradamente cursos de formación y seminarios web para informar sobre el programa a otros proveedores de servicios jurídicos que trabajan con inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Jiménez Ureña, vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, que también ayuda dirigir la organización sin fines de lucro ALAS, o Ayudando Latinos a Soñar, que apoya a trabajadores agrícolas en el condado de San Mateo, dijo que desconocía la iniciativa federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el tiroteo masivo y las posibles infracciones laborales en las granjas de hongos, la Agencia de Trabajo y Desarrollo Laboral de la administración del gobernador Newsom ha empezado a compartir información sobre el nuevo programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La administración ha estado en estrecho contacto con el condado de San Mateo y las organizaciones comunitarias en relación con asistencia migratoria y las nuevas orientaciones del DHS sobre posibles ayudas de inmigración para los trabajadores que hayan sufrido infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\", dijo Erin Hickey, portavoz de la agencia, en un correo electrónico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los líderes sindicales de California llevaron a cabo un curso de formación sobre el nuevo programa en Los Ángeles. Y un grupo de abogados del Área de la Bahía programaron una videollamada para debatir cómo podrían beneficiar a sus clientes estas protecciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Un giro de 180 grados\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sergio Benavides, un abogado de inmigración de Hayward dijo que ya hace tiempo es que la administración Biden debería haberse enfocado en las protecciones laborales para los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Para mí representa un giro completo de 180 grados con respecto a la era del expresidente Trump\", dijo. \"La administración Biden está diciendo, 'Oigan, trabajadores, queremos ayudarlos. Queremos protegerlos. Queremos investigar las violaciones de la ley. Por favor, salgan a la luz'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Benavides advirtió que la acción diferida es sólo temporal, y dijo que los inmigrantes deberían consultar primero a un abogado para decidir si les beneficiaría solicitarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay otras formas de alivio de la inmigración que podrían ser más duraderas para los inmigrantes indocumentados, incluidos los de las granjas de setas de Half Moon Bay, dijo. Una de ellas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/programas-humanitarios/victimas-de-la-trata-de-personas-y-de-otros-crimenes/victimas-de-actos-criminales-estatus-u-de-no-inmigrante\">el visado U\u003c/a>, puede conducir a una tarjeta verde y, en última instancia, a la ciudadanía para las víctimas de determinados delitos que cooperen con las fuerzas del orden o los investigadores gubernamentales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y la eficacia del nuevo programa federal dependerá de lo bien que se administre, dijo Benavides. Aunque el DHS dice que el proceso de solicitud será \"agilizado y acelerado\", otras solicitudes de inmigración suelen retrasarse, señaló.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La gente puede tener derecho a prestaciones y las solicita, pero tarda años y hay estos enormes retrasos\", dijo. \"Van a intentar acelerarlo. ¿Pero qué significa eso? No sé si el gobierno de Biden tiene el personal necesario para asegurarse de que estas solicitudes se tramitan más rápido.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"funciona\">\u003c/a>Cómo funciona este programa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si está pensando en solicitar la acción diferida sobre la deportación, aquí tiene algunos detalles que debe conocer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Un abogado de inmigración puede ayudarle a decidir si le conviene presentar la solicitud. También pueden decirle si hay otras formas de ayuda migratoria a las que pueda optar, incluidas protecciones más permanentes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Para solicitarla, debe presentar, entre otros formularios:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud firmada en la que explique su reclamación y que está participando en una investigación de una agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una carta de apoyo de la agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Documentos que prueben su empleo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Prueba de su identidad y nacionalidad.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Información biográfica.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud de permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>La protección contra la expulsión es temporal, hasta dos años. Puede renovarse si la investigación laboral está en curso. Tenga en cuenta que el DHS dice que puede poner fin a la acción diferida \"en cualquier momento, a su discreción\".\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Si su solicitud es aprobada y puede demostrar \"necesidad económica\", también puede obtener un permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>En algunos casos, el USCIS puede remitir las solicitudes al Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de EE.UU. (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), especialmente si está en proceso de deportación. Pueden pedir al ICE que les ayude a decidir si le conceden la acción diferida.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>El Servicio de Ciudadanía e Información de EE.UU. ha creado una oficina para tramitar las solicitudes de forma acelerada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/apoyo-del-dhs-la-aplicacion-de-las-leyes-laborales-y-de-empleo\">La información completa sobre el proceso de solicitud está disponible aquí, en español e inglés.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bajo el nuevo programa de \"acción diferida\", los trabajadores que demuestren que están cooperando con una investigación laboral pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección contra la deportación.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"#funciona\">\u003cstrong>Cómo funciona la solicitud de acción diferida\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A medida que progresan las investigaciones sobre posibles violaciones laborales en las dos granjas de hongos de Half Moon Bay donde se produjo un tiroteo masivo el mes pasado, los abogados laborales y de inmigración del Área de la Bahía dicen que están tratando de correr la voz sobre las nuevas protecciones federales anunciadas recientemente por la administración del presidente Biden que podrían proteger a los trabajadores indocumentados de la deportación si hablan sobre los abusos en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el gobernador Gavin Newsom visitó Half Moon Bay tras la matanza del 23 de enero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">la cual cobró la vida de siete trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes,\u003c/a> expresó su conmoción al enterarse que los empleados vivieran en contenedores de transporte y dijo que algunos le habían contado que ganaban sólo 9 dólares la hora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable. Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que tienen acceso las personas en otras partes del estado, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Quieren saber el salario mínimo de California? No es de 9 dólares la hora\", dijo Newsom. \"Sin atención sanitaria, sin ayudas, sin servicios. Pero ellos cuidan de nuestra salud. Prestando un servicio a todos y cada uno de nosotros, todos los días\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades estatales comenzaron inmediatamente a recabar información sobre California Terra Garden y Concord Farms, las dos granjas atacadas, y consiguieron entrar dos horas después de que las fuerzas del orden abrieron de nuevo los sitios el 25 de enero, según Peter Melton, portavoz del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales del estado. Confirmó que su agencia está investigando a ambas empresas por posibles infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melton subrayó que la agencia no solicita ni rastrea el estatus migratorio de los trabajadores, y añadió: \"En California, los trabajadores agrícolas y de la mayoría de las demás industrias están protegidos por las leyes laborales y las normas de seguridad y salud en el lugar de trabajo de California, independientemente de su estatus migratorio\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por una cuestión de política, el Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU. no quiso confirmar si también está investigando las granjas. Pero el vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, Joaquín Jiménez Ureña, dijo que la semana anterior investigadores federales estuvieron en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tuve la oportunidad de reunirme con ellos\", dijo. \"Compartieron conmigo lo que están investigando. Quieren colaborar con nosotros para asegurarse de que los trabajadores agrícolas estén bien atendidos con salarios y vivienda, y que se les comunique cualquier incidente que ocurra en las granjas.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vulnerables a la explotación\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las protecciones laborales de California, los trabajadores inmigrantes suelen tener miedo a denunciar por temor a las represalias de los empleadores y a la amenaza de la deportación, afirman los defensores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi el 60% de los trabajadores agrícolas del estado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/national-agricultural-workers-survey/research/data-tables\">son inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), según los últimos datos del Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incluso los trabajadores agrícolas que trabajan legalmente, con \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/espanol\">visados agrícolas temporales H-2A\u003c/a>, pueden ser reacios a quejarse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">porque dependen de sus empleadores para mantener sus visados de trabajo\u003c/a>. Y para los inmigrantes indocumentados, el temor es aún mayor, dice Patricia Ortiz, directora legal del programa de inmigración de la organización sin fines de lucro California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable\", dijo Ortiz. \"Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que la gente en otras partes del estado tiene acceso, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-anuncia-mejoras-en-los-procesos-para-apoyar-las-investigaciones-de-cumplimiento\">un nuevo programa simplificado y acelerado de solicitud de \"acción diferida\"\u003c/a>, destinado a ayudar al gobierno a acabar con los empleadores abusivos, podría animar a más trabajadores indocumentados a denunciar condiciones injustas o inseguras, dijo Ortiz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores que demuestren que están cooperando con una investigación laboral pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección contra la deportación a través de un proceso acelerado anunciado en enero por el Secretario de Seguridad Nacional (DHS, por sus siglas en inglés), Alejandro Mayorkas. La protección, que se concederá caso por caso, se basa en \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/memo_from_secretary_mayorkas_on_worksite_enforcement.pdf\">un memorando de octubre de 2021 en el que se describe la estrategia del DHS para hacer cumplir la ley en los lugares de trabajo (PDF)\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Los empresarios sin escrúpulos que se aprovechan de la vulnerabilidad de los trabajadores extranjeros perjudican a todos los trabajadores y ponen en desventaja a las empresas que respetan las normas\", declaró Mayorkas al anunciar el nuevo programa en enero. \"Responsabilizaremos a estos depredadores animando a todos los trabajadores a hacer valer sus derechos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difundir el mensaje\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortiz dice que grupos de defensa de los inmigrantes como el suyo han estado organizando apresuradamente cursos de formación y seminarios web para informar sobre el programa a otros proveedores de servicios jurídicos que trabajan con inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Jiménez Ureña, vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, que también ayuda dirigir la organización sin fines de lucro ALAS, o Ayudando Latinos a Soñar, que apoya a trabajadores agrícolas en el condado de San Mateo, dijo que desconocía la iniciativa federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el tiroteo masivo y las posibles infracciones laborales en las granjas de hongos, la Agencia de Trabajo y Desarrollo Laboral de la administración del gobernador Newsom ha empezado a compartir información sobre el nuevo programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La administración ha estado en estrecho contacto con el condado de San Mateo y las organizaciones comunitarias en relación con asistencia migratoria y las nuevas orientaciones del DHS sobre posibles ayudas de inmigración para los trabajadores que hayan sufrido infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\", dijo Erin Hickey, portavoz de la agencia, en un correo electrónico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los líderes sindicales de California llevaron a cabo un curso de formación sobre el nuevo programa en Los Ángeles. Y un grupo de abogados del Área de la Bahía programaron una videollamada para debatir cómo podrían beneficiar a sus clientes estas protecciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Un giro de 180 grados\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sergio Benavides, un abogado de inmigración de Hayward dijo que ya hace tiempo es que la administración Biden debería haberse enfocado en las protecciones laborales para los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Para mí representa un giro completo de 180 grados con respecto a la era del expresidente Trump\", dijo. \"La administración Biden está diciendo, 'Oigan, trabajadores, queremos ayudarlos. Queremos protegerlos. Queremos investigar las violaciones de la ley. Por favor, salgan a la luz'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Benavides advirtió que la acción diferida es sólo temporal, y dijo que los inmigrantes deberían consultar primero a un abogado para decidir si les beneficiaría solicitarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay otras formas de alivio de la inmigración que podrían ser más duraderas para los inmigrantes indocumentados, incluidos los de las granjas de setas de Half Moon Bay, dijo. Una de ellas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/programas-humanitarios/victimas-de-la-trata-de-personas-y-de-otros-crimenes/victimas-de-actos-criminales-estatus-u-de-no-inmigrante\">el visado U\u003c/a>, puede conducir a una tarjeta verde y, en última instancia, a la ciudadanía para las víctimas de determinados delitos que cooperen con las fuerzas del orden o los investigadores gubernamentales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y la eficacia del nuevo programa federal dependerá de lo bien que se administre, dijo Benavides. Aunque el DHS dice que el proceso de solicitud será \"agilizado y acelerado\", otras solicitudes de inmigración suelen retrasarse, señaló.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La gente puede tener derecho a prestaciones y las solicita, pero tarda años y hay estos enormes retrasos\", dijo. \"Van a intentar acelerarlo. ¿Pero qué significa eso? No sé si el gobierno de Biden tiene el personal necesario para asegurarse de que estas solicitudes se tramitan más rápido.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"funciona\">\u003c/a>Cómo funciona este programa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si está pensando en solicitar la acción diferida sobre la deportación, aquí tiene algunos detalles que debe conocer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Un abogado de inmigración puede ayudarle a decidir si le conviene presentar la solicitud. También pueden decirle si hay otras formas de ayuda migratoria a las que pueda optar, incluidas protecciones más permanentes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Para solicitarla, debe presentar, entre otros formularios:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud firmada en la que explique su reclamación y que está participando en una investigación de una agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una carta de apoyo de la agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Documentos que prueben su empleo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Prueba de su identidad y nacionalidad.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Información biográfica.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud de permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>La protección contra la expulsión es temporal, hasta dos años. Puede renovarse si la investigación laboral está en curso. Tenga en cuenta que el DHS dice que puede poner fin a la acción diferida \"en cualquier momento, a su discreción\".\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Si su solicitud es aprobada y puede demostrar \"necesidad económica\", también puede obtener un permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>En algunos casos, el USCIS puede remitir las solicitudes al Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de EE.UU. (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), especialmente si está en proceso de deportación. Pueden pedir al ICE que les ayude a decidir si le conceden la acción diferida.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>El Servicio de Ciudadanía e Información de EE.UU. ha creado una oficina para tramitar las solicitudes de forma acelerada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/apoyo-del-dhs-la-aplicacion-de-las-leyes-laborales-y-de-empleo\">La información completa sobre el proceso de solicitud está disponible aquí, en español e inglés.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Ukraine War One-Year Anniversary\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the one-year anniversary of the war in Ukraine, we speak with the Ukrainian Consul General Dmytro Kushneruk about how Californians have supported Ukrainians and what the war-torn country still needs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alonzo King\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alonzo King Lines Ballet company in San Francisco has a mission to nurture artistry and the development of creative expression in dance. AKLB’s founder, and a recent inductee into the California Hall of Fame, Alonzo King joins us in the studio to discuss exploration and expression through the soul language of movement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When war erupted in Eastern Europe one year ago, communities in the Bay Area rallied together for Ukraine and against Russian President Vladimir Putin. This week’s Something Beautiful looks back at shows of support from last year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta announced on Friday a review of criminal cases statewide to search for possible wrongful convictions, pledging to look for new evidence and scrutinize prosecutors’ conduct that could prompt a new round of exonerations for people in prison.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11940089,forum_2010101859999,forum_201503161000\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the Post-Conviction Justice Unit within the California Department of Justice will have “broad discretion” to investigate wrongful or improper convictions. He said the unit will partner with local district attorneys, many of whom already have their own teams that review wrongful convictions. He said the unit will pay particular attention to cases in counties where local prosecutors do not have what he called a “conviction integrity unit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t be knee-jerk every time at all times, blindly defending convictions when they’re indefensible because of innocence, or because of error, or because of an excessive sentence,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have historically not gone out of their way to overturn convictions secured by their offices. But technological advances in DNA testing and other forensic evidence have brought forward lots of new evidence on old cases, raising questions about the convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, exonerations have been increasing steadily since 1989, with a peak of 282 recorded in 2022, according to the National Registry of Exonerations, a project of the Newkirk Center for Science and Society at UC Irvine; the University of Michigan Law School; and Michigan State University College of Law. The project has recorded \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.umich.edu/special/exoneration/Pages/about.aspx\">3,381 exonerations since 1989\u003c/a>, according to its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local prosecutors across the country have established internal review units to evaluate this evidence, including in Minnesota and New York. In California, prosecutors in Contra Costa and Sacramento counties have similar units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the district attorney’s Innocence Commission spent 18 months investigating the conviction of Joaquin Ciria, who was sentenced in 1990 to life in prison for the shooting death of Felix Bastarrica. A judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-shootings-california-san-francisco-7f8d56cfcabbd244048970b1808af187\">overturned Ciria’s conviction last year\u003c/a> after the district attorney’s office found new witnesses and evidence of “a cascade of errors” in how the case was handled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Totten, CEO of the California District Attorneys Association, said such cases are “truly rare, but they are very troubling.” The former district attorney in Ventura County started his own internal review unit, resulting in two high-profile exonerations during his time in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those things as a prosecutor and you recognize the grave, the solemn responsibility we have to individuals charged with crimes to ensure they are justly prosecuted and justly sentenced, it really compels a response,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Totten said the district attorneys association “wholeheartedly” supports Bonta’s review and said it “will largely be embraced” by local prosecutors. He said some jurisdictions in California have only one or two prosecutors, noting they don’t have the resources to conduct these types of reviews on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the Post-Conviction Justice Unit within the California Department of Justice will have “broad discretion” to investigate wrongful or improper convictions. He said the unit will partner with local district attorneys, many of whom already have their own teams that review wrongful convictions. He said the unit will pay particular attention to cases in counties where local prosecutors do not have what he called a “conviction integrity unit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t be knee-jerk every time at all times, blindly defending convictions when they’re indefensible because of innocence, or because of error, or because of an excessive sentence,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have historically not gone out of their way to overturn convictions secured by their offices. But technological advances in DNA testing and other forensic evidence have brought forward lots of new evidence on old cases, raising questions about the convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, exonerations have been increasing steadily since 1989, with a peak of 282 recorded in 2022, according to the National Registry of Exonerations, a project of the Newkirk Center for Science and Society at UC Irvine; the University of Michigan Law School; and Michigan State University College of Law. The project has recorded \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.umich.edu/special/exoneration/Pages/about.aspx\">3,381 exonerations since 1989\u003c/a>, according to its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and local prosecutors across the country have established internal review units to evaluate this evidence, including in Minnesota and New York. In California, prosecutors in Contra Costa and Sacramento counties have similar units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the district attorney’s Innocence Commission spent 18 months investigating the conviction of Joaquin Ciria, who was sentenced in 1990 to life in prison for the shooting death of Felix Bastarrica. A judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-shootings-california-san-francisco-7f8d56cfcabbd244048970b1808af187\">overturned Ciria’s conviction last year\u003c/a> after the district attorney’s office found new witnesses and evidence of “a cascade of errors” in how the case was handled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Totten, CEO of the California District Attorneys Association, said such cases are “truly rare, but they are very troubling.” The former district attorney in Ventura County started his own internal review unit, resulting in two high-profile exonerations during his time in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see those things as a prosecutor and you recognize the grave, the solemn responsibility we have to individuals charged with crimes to ensure they are justly prosecuted and justly sentenced, it really compels a response,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Totten said the district attorneys association “wholeheartedly” supports Bonta’s review and said it “will largely be embraced” by local prosecutors. He said some jurisdictions in California have only one or two prosecutors, noting they don’t have the resources to conduct these types of reviews on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "The Building That Looks Like a Boat Off the Coast of Palo Alto",
"headTitle": "The Building That Looks Like a Boat Off the Coast of Palo Alto | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CkwPS-Dc8ftWLCpcjDjRoSIIBcv_Tzo3/view\">\u003cem>Read the transcript of this episode here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I walk along the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofpaloalto.org/Departments/Community-Services/Open-Space-Parks/Neighborhood-Parks/Baylands-Nature-Preserve\">Palo Alto Baylands\u003c/a>, I see what looks like a paddle-driven riverboat that you would typically see on the Mississippi River. What is that boat and why is it there?” asked Agnes Veith of Sunnyvale. She’s a volunteer at \u003ca href=\"https://www.environmentalvolunteers.org/ecocenter/\">Environmental Volunteers\u003c/a>, a nonprofit housed in a building that really does look like a boat, and wanted to know more about its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a fan of art deco buildings in the Bay Area, you probably know of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://noehill.com/sf/landmarks/nat2007001468.asp\">Coit Tower\u003c/a>. Or Oakland’s beloved \u003ca href=\"https://www.paramountoakland.org/history_news\">Paramount Theatre\u003c/a>. Or the iconic \u003ca href=\"https://www.destinationhotels.com/hotel-de-anza/hotel-de-anza-blog/spend-the-night-at-legendary-hotel-de-anza\">Hotel de Anza\u003c/a> in downtown San José. There aren’t a lot of these nostalgic throwbacks to the 1930s still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But art deco doesn’t really describe the building Veith is thinking of. It’s in a subcategory of art deco called streamline moderne, or nautical moderne. Which is to say: horizontal orientation, rounded edges and porthole-shaped windows. There’s something that looks like a navigation bridge popping out onto a third story. A rainbow flag flies high and proud from a hoist at the top of the building. The paint job is a white that Benjamin Moore might describe as “sand dollar” or “dune,” with French blue accents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whimsy or cheese? I’m going with whimsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building was designed for the \u003ca href=\"https://seascout.org\">Sea Scouts\u003c/a>, a maritime program of the Boy Scouts of America, by architect \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltohistory.org/birge-clark.php\">Birge Clark.\u003c/a> He’s the one behind the Palo Alto Post Office, the President Hotel and several Stanford buildings. Clark reportedly took his inspiration for the Sea Scout building from the pilot house of an old paddle wheel steamer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that’s the story of what hits your eyeballs as you’re walking in the Baylands. The history of the building is just as compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2139px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940610\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts.jpg\" alt=\"A sepia toned photograph shows rows of young men in maritime uniforms in front of an Art Deco building that looks like a boat. What looks like a military band plays in foreground.\" width=\"2139\" height=\"1714\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts.jpg 2139w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-800x641.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1020x817.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-160x128.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1536x1231.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-2048x1641.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1920x1539.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2139px) 100vw, 2139px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Palo Alto Sea Scout Base was commissioned in May of 1941. That’s the Stanford Band in the foreground. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyde Forbes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Palo Alto philanthropist Lucie Stern commissioned it as a home base for the \u003ca href=\"https://seascout.org\">Sea Scouts\u003c/a>. The building opened in 1941 to great fanfare, especially given the ongoing hostilities of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a pivotal moment for the local chapter, which taught teenagers from as far north as Redwood City and as far south as San José. Their counterparts in the Girl Scouts were called the Mariners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Murray was a Sea Scout. He joined in 1974, at the age of 14, and rose up through the ranks from apprentice to vice commodore for the western region. Over the years, he also became an amateur historian of the Sea Scouts on the Peninsula. He’s talked to old-timers before they died about \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltohistory.org/the-palo-alto-yacht-harbor.php\">the start of the harbor in 1928\u003c/a>, and the decades of fun and education that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That harbor was alive and well. It was teeming with families, with teenagers, a bunch of sailboats. Aww, man, it was a whole other world,” Murray said. “Imagine right in front of that building, an 85-foot PT boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A PT boat, by the way, was a motorized torpedo boat used by the Navy in World War II: small, fast and cheap to build. They were cheap to give away, too, to programs like the Sea Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940611\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6.jpg\" alt=\"A class photo taken outdoors of young, teenage boys looking jaunty in sailor outfits.\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Palo Alto Sea Scouts after a coastal summer cruise from PA to San Diego and return, circa 1969. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Skipper George Moore)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Here I was, a 14-year-old kid, and they put me on a WWII, 64-foot tugboat. I started as a deckhand and then I graduated to become an engineer, working on an engine the size of a train. So the first thing I noticed was we were being treated as men, not little boys anymore,” Murray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were adventurous trips to San Francisco and even Alaska. There were regattas and dances and lifelong friendships formed. Murray credits his time in the Sea Scouts for turning him into an educator. He was a political science professor for 30 years before he retired. Most of his brothers went into education, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But times change and so do social attitudes toward the environment. The dredging that made Palo Alto’s harbor operational stopped after a contentious citywide vote in 1986, to allow for the area to return to its original state as wetlands. Then in 1994, the Palo Alto and San Mateo County Sea Scout councils merged, and in 2002, they gave up the lease on the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, while sitting empty, the foundation sank three feet into the mud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you come inside and you look at the floorboards, you can actually see the original floorboards and see some of the blackening as a result of some of that constant tide flow and flooding,” said Toby Goldberg, director of programs and partnerships at Environmental Volunteers. The local nonprofit where Goldberg works, and where Agnes Veith (our Bay Curious question-asker) volunteers, hosts field trips for some 50 schools in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11940613 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a.jpeg\" alt=\"A gray goose, with a long black neck, white and black head, and wings outstretched, lifts off from a rippling, brown lake, three splashes from its feet behind it.\" width=\"640\" height=\"330\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a.jpeg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a-160x83.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Canada goose takes flight in the Palo Alto Baylands. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Agnes Veith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The organization got hold of the building in the 2000s and lined up grant money to renovate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The refurbished Sea Scout building sits 4 feet higher than its forebear, to prevent future flooding due to tidal influx as well as sea level rise. But 4 feet may not be enough. “During particular times of the year, especially king tides, if there’s a storm, the water actually does come up sometimes over the deck. So we have had instances where there was a question of, ‘Did we need our kayaks for getting into work today?'” Goldberg said.[emailsignup newslettername=\"baycurious\" align=\"right\"]You might think that a building that looks like a boat circa World War II would be an odd choice for an outfit that teaches about wetlands. But somehow, it just feels right when you’re out there. Especially standing on the deck in the back and looking out over a calm expanse of mud and pickleweed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940614\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11940614 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A big sign by a building that looks like a boat says \"Environmental Volunteers EcoCenter.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Environmental Volunteers EcoCenter in the Palo Alto Baylands. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel Watson, a former science educator now with Environmental Volunteers, can wax more poetic: “A whole vista of cordgrasses and the pickleweeds, with the channels that still remain here. Today, we’ve got lots of Northern shoveler ducks and Ridgeway’s rails. Sunset is beautiful here. It’s certainly the best part of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg added that the wetlands act like a nursery for a lot of organisms. “So we see things like bat rays, and we’ll see harbor seals occasionally coming through. Birds galore, [depending on] the season. So every time you come out here, you’re going to be seeing different things, different birds, different insects. You can see that all from the deck of this building that looks like a boat,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t wait for the Sea Scout building to sink into the mud again. Make tracks and come see it, across from the duck pond, and bring your camera and a pair of binoculars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1CkwPS-Dc8ftWLCpcjDjRoSIIBcv_Tzo3/view\">\u003cem>Read the transcript of this episode here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I walk along the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofpaloalto.org/Departments/Community-Services/Open-Space-Parks/Neighborhood-Parks/Baylands-Nature-Preserve\">Palo Alto Baylands\u003c/a>, I see what looks like a paddle-driven riverboat that you would typically see on the Mississippi River. What is that boat and why is it there?” asked Agnes Veith of Sunnyvale. She’s a volunteer at \u003ca href=\"https://www.environmentalvolunteers.org/ecocenter/\">Environmental Volunteers\u003c/a>, a nonprofit housed in a building that really does look like a boat, and wanted to know more about its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a fan of art deco buildings in the Bay Area, you probably know of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://noehill.com/sf/landmarks/nat2007001468.asp\">Coit Tower\u003c/a>. Or Oakland’s beloved \u003ca href=\"https://www.paramountoakland.org/history_news\">Paramount Theatre\u003c/a>. Or the iconic \u003ca href=\"https://www.destinationhotels.com/hotel-de-anza/hotel-de-anza-blog/spend-the-night-at-legendary-hotel-de-anza\">Hotel de Anza\u003c/a> in downtown San José. There aren’t a lot of these nostalgic throwbacks to the 1930s still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But art deco doesn’t really describe the building Veith is thinking of. It’s in a subcategory of art deco called streamline moderne, or nautical moderne. Which is to say: horizontal orientation, rounded edges and porthole-shaped windows. There’s something that looks like a navigation bridge popping out onto a third story. A rainbow flag flies high and proud from a hoist at the top of the building. The paint job is a white that Benjamin Moore might describe as “sand dollar” or “dune,” with French blue accents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whimsy or cheese? I’m going with whimsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building was designed for the \u003ca href=\"https://seascout.org\">Sea Scouts\u003c/a>, a maritime program of the Boy Scouts of America, by architect \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltohistory.org/birge-clark.php\">Birge Clark.\u003c/a> He’s the one behind the Palo Alto Post Office, the President Hotel and several Stanford buildings. Clark reportedly took his inspiration for the Sea Scout building from the pilot house of an old paddle wheel steamer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that’s the story of what hits your eyeballs as you’re walking in the Baylands. The history of the building is just as compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2139px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940610\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts.jpg\" alt=\"A sepia toned photograph shows rows of young men in maritime uniforms in front of an Art Deco building that looks like a boat. What looks like a military band plays in foreground.\" width=\"2139\" height=\"1714\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts.jpg 2139w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-800x641.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1020x817.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-160x128.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1536x1231.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-2048x1641.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/disk-022-IMG0081-adj-sea-scouts-1920x1539.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2139px) 100vw, 2139px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Palo Alto Sea Scout Base was commissioned in May of 1941. That’s the Stanford Band in the foreground. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Hyde Forbes)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Palo Alto philanthropist Lucie Stern commissioned it as a home base for the \u003ca href=\"https://seascout.org\">Sea Scouts\u003c/a>. The building opened in 1941 to great fanfare, especially given the ongoing hostilities of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a pivotal moment for the local chapter, which taught teenagers from as far north as Redwood City and as far south as San José. Their counterparts in the Girl Scouts were called the Mariners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Murray was a Sea Scout. He joined in 1974, at the age of 14, and rose up through the ranks from apprentice to vice commodore for the western region. Over the years, he also became an amateur historian of the Sea Scouts on the Peninsula. He’s talked to old-timers before they died about \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltohistory.org/the-palo-alto-yacht-harbor.php\">the start of the harbor in 1928\u003c/a>, and the decades of fun and education that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That harbor was alive and well. It was teeming with families, with teenagers, a bunch of sailboats. Aww, man, it was a whole other world,” Murray said. “Imagine right in front of that building, an 85-foot PT boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A PT boat, by the way, was a motorized torpedo boat used by the Navy in World War II: small, fast and cheap to build. They were cheap to give away, too, to programs like the Sea Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940611\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6.jpg\" alt=\"A class photo taken outdoors of young, teenage boys looking jaunty in sailor outfits.\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/6-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Palo Alto Sea Scouts after a coastal summer cruise from PA to San Diego and return, circa 1969. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Skipper George Moore)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Here I was, a 14-year-old kid, and they put me on a WWII, 64-foot tugboat. I started as a deckhand and then I graduated to become an engineer, working on an engine the size of a train. So the first thing I noticed was we were being treated as men, not little boys anymore,” Murray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were adventurous trips to San Francisco and even Alaska. There were regattas and dances and lifelong friendships formed. Murray credits his time in the Sea Scouts for turning him into an educator. He was a political science professor for 30 years before he retired. Most of his brothers went into education, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But times change and so do social attitudes toward the environment. The dredging that made Palo Alto’s harbor operational stopped after a contentious citywide vote in 1986, to allow for the area to return to its original state as wetlands. Then in 1994, the Palo Alto and San Mateo County Sea Scout councils merged, and in 2002, they gave up the lease on the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, while sitting empty, the foundation sank three feet into the mud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you come inside and you look at the floorboards, you can actually see the original floorboards and see some of the blackening as a result of some of that constant tide flow and flooding,” said Toby Goldberg, director of programs and partnerships at Environmental Volunteers. The local nonprofit where Goldberg works, and where Agnes Veith (our Bay Curious question-asker) volunteers, hosts field trips for some 50 schools in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11940613 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a.jpeg\" alt=\"A gray goose, with a long black neck, white and black head, and wings outstretched, lifts off from a rippling, brown lake, three splashes from its feet behind it.\" width=\"640\" height=\"330\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a.jpeg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/AF5A903D-EFC1-4C58-9728-9352E8236814_1_201_a-160x83.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Canada goose takes flight in the Palo Alto Baylands. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Agnes Veith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The organization got hold of the building in the 2000s and lined up grant money to renovate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The refurbished Sea Scout building sits 4 feet higher than its forebear, to prevent future flooding due to tidal influx as well as sea level rise. But 4 feet may not be enough. “During particular times of the year, especially king tides, if there’s a storm, the water actually does come up sometimes over the deck. So we have had instances where there was a question of, ‘Did we need our kayaks for getting into work today?'” Goldberg said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>You might think that a building that looks like a boat circa World War II would be an odd choice for an outfit that teaches about wetlands. But somehow, it just feels right when you’re out there. Especially standing on the deck in the back and looking out over a calm expanse of mud and pickleweed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940614\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11940614 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-scaled.jpeg\" alt='A big sign by a building that looks like a boat says \"Environmental Volunteers EcoCenter.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_6014-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Environmental Volunteers EcoCenter in the Palo Alto Baylands. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel Watson, a former science educator now with Environmental Volunteers, can wax more poetic: “A whole vista of cordgrasses and the pickleweeds, with the channels that still remain here. Today, we’ve got lots of Northern shoveler ducks and Ridgeway’s rails. Sunset is beautiful here. It’s certainly the best part of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg added that the wetlands act like a nursery for a lot of organisms. “So we see things like bat rays, and we’ll see harbor seals occasionally coming through. Birds galore, [depending on] the season. So every time you come out here, you’re going to be seeing different things, different birds, different insects. You can see that all from the deck of this building that looks like a boat,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t wait for the Sea Scout building to sink into the mud again. Make tracks and come see it, across from the duck pond, and bring your camera and a pair of binoculars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in CA Politics \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even though Dianne Feinstein hasn’t stepped down, the race is on to replace the U.S. senator. We get the latest from our politics team on what’s happening in the Golden State and follow up on how California’s leaders are responding to President Biden’s State of the Union address.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>DEI with Eric Abrams \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does DEI mean and why does it matter? We discuss the future of DEI with KQED’s new Chief Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Officer, Eric Abrams.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Inner Richmond District\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While walking down Clement Street in San Francisco’s Inner Richmond District, you’ll find mouth watering cuisines from around the world as well as local businesses like the original Green Apple Books. The Inner Richmond neighborhood in San Francisco is this week’s look at Something Beautiful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "This Week in CA Politics Even though Dianne Feinstein hasn't stepped down, the race is on to replace the U.S. senator. We get the latest from our politics team on what's happening in the Golden State and follow up on how California's leaders are responding to President Biden's State of the Union address. Guests: Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent Scott Shafer, KQED politics and government senior editor DEI with Eric Abrams What does DEI mean and why does it matter? We discuss the future of DEI with KQED's new Chief Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Officer, Eric Abrams. Something",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Tales of the Town\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nA new film titled Tales of the Town travels 100 years in Oakland’s political and cultural history. The creators are the hosts of Hella Black Podcast, who have been engaged in social activism in Oakland for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Abbas Muntaqim, Hella Black Podcast co-host\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delency Parham, Hella Black Podcast co-host\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CA Housing Deadline\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia has a goal to build 440,000 new housing units by 2030. Cities and counties were supposed to submit their plans for how they’re going to build all those houses, apartments and condominiums this week, but most didn’t turn in their homework. In the Bay Area, 80% of agencies missed the deadline. We talk to KQED housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi about the consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What Is Going on in SF’s Castro District?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn recent years, the Castro neighborhood has seen changes: The population is aging, the neighborhood’s demographic is changing, and several landmark establishments have closed down. This week, the city’s Historic Preservation Commission decided that the Castro Theatre’s balcony seats should receive historic landmark designation but did not include the theater’s floor seats in its ruling. This comes after a longstanding debate over whether the theater’s seats should be preserved or changed once the venue is taken over by Another Planet Entertainment. We interview Bay Area Reporter assistant editor John Ferrannini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Something Beautiful: The Book Club of California\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFounded in San Francisco in 1912, the Book Club of California is a nonprofit organization that celebrates the history of the book and book arts. Today, its lectures and library showcase fine printing, book design, literature, California history and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Tales of the Town\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nA new film titled Tales of the Town travels 100 years in Oakland’s political and cultural history. The creators are the hosts of Hella Black Podcast, who have been engaged in social activism in Oakland for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Abbas Muntaqim, Hella Black Podcast co-host\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Delency Parham, Hella Black Podcast co-host\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CA Housing Deadline\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nCalifornia has a goal to build 440,000 new housing units by 2030. Cities and counties were supposed to submit their plans for how they’re going to build all those houses, apartments and condominiums this week, but most didn’t turn in their homework. In the Bay Area, 80% of agencies missed the deadline. We talk to KQED housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi about the consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What Is Going on in SF’s Castro District?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn recent years, the Castro neighborhood has seen changes: The population is aging, the neighborhood’s demographic is changing, and several landmark establishments have closed down. This week, the city’s Historic Preservation Commission decided that the Castro Theatre’s balcony seats should receive historic landmark designation but did not include the theater’s floor seats in its ruling. This comes after a longstanding debate over whether the theater’s seats should be preserved or changed once the venue is taken over by Another Planet Entertainment. We interview Bay Area Reporter assistant editor John Ferrannini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Something Beautiful: The Book Club of California\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFounded in San Francisco in 1912, the Book Club of California is a nonprofit organization that celebrates the history of the book and book arts. Today, its lectures and library showcase fine printing, book design, literature, California history and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "When Mpox Hit, Community Clinics Stepped In. Why Hasn't the Government Paid Them Back Yet?",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Seven months ago, California battled its second widespread infectious disease outbreak in as many years — \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/news/item/28-11-2022-who-recommends-new-name-for-monkeypox-disease#:~:text=Following%20a%20series%20of%20consultations,%E2%80%9Cmonkeypox%E2%80%9D%20is%20phased%20out.\">mpox, formerly referred to as monkeypox\u003c/a>. Cases spread exponentially, primarily among the state’s male LGBTQ population, and officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/california-monkeypox-2/\">struggled to roll out limited vaccine supplies\u003c/a> from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community clinics and LGBTQ health centers opened mass mpox vaccination sites as quickly as possible and clamored for assistance from local and legislative leaders, but oftentimes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/california-monkeypox/\">red tape at both the federal and state levels\u003c/a> hampered a speedy response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11920455,news_11926465,news_11921709\"]Today, as the federal government ends its mpox state of emergency, those clinics say bureaucracy is once again standing in the way. State and federal reimbursement for services — potentially in the millions of dollars — has not been approved and likely won’t be for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not clear what the holdup is,” said Craig Pulsipher, former associate director of government affairs at APLA Health, a clinic in Los Angeles specializing in LGBTQ populations. APLA Health administered more than 4,000 vaccines and was one of the largest vaccinators in the city. It received an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DOA/CDPH%20Document%20Library/MPX-CBO-Grant-RFA-Awardees_ADA.pdf\">$83,000 grant for mpox work (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state Office of AIDS, but dedicated “hundreds of thousands of dollars” to vaccination and shifted funding from other programs to the response effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature released \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/California-will-pour-money-into-fight-against-17405442.php\">$41 million in emergency funding\u003c/a> for mpox response efforts last year, half of which has stayed with the state Department of Public Health. Approximately $1.4 million went to community organizations helping directly with vaccine efforts, but organizations say it’s not nearly enough to cover their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the vaccine itself was given to states free-of-charge from the federal stockpile, community organizations dispensing the shots still had to invest staff time, equipment and other resources to respond. Typically, shots and other minor procedures are billed as part of a “provider visit,” but that requires being seen by a doctor, which doesn’t happen during the kind of mass vaccine drives that became commonplace for COVID-19 and mpox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state must \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/formsandpubs/laws/Documents/SPA-22-0062-Pending.pdf\">petition the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a> to use Medi-Cal dollars for standalone vaccine reimbursement to try to recoup some of the labor expenses. Medi-Cal is the state’s insurance program for patients with lower incomes, and it’s funded through state and federal dollars.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Ward Carpenter, chief health officer, Los Angeles LGBT Center\"]'The virus isn't gone. It's not surging right now, but it's not gone, so we're at risk of a resurgence.'[/pullquote]“This was everything we did for probably three months,” said Dr. Ward Carpenter, chief health officer with the Los Angeles LGBT Center. “We were barely able to keep our urgent care visits open for non-mpox related things. ... It was at least as busy as the early days of COVID if not more so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LGBT Center doled out more than 6,500 vaccines, Carpenter said, and has more than $500,000 in outstanding expenses. It received an $116,000 mpox grant from the AIDS office in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, California’s Department of Health Care Services submitted a federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/formsandpubs/laws/Documents/SPA-22-0062-Pending.pdf\">request for reimbursement (PDF)\u003c/a>. Shortly after, members of California’s Congressional delegation, led by Democratic Rep. Jimmy Gomez of Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://gomez.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=2698\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the U.S. Health and Human Services branch urging timely approval of the request. Community clinics, which often serve as safety nets for underrepresented patients and those with lower incomes, have little financial wiggle room and already had to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2022/03/california-covid-vaccines-community-clinics-payment/\">wait two years for COVID-19 payment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your rapid and urgent attention to these requests will help to ensure that critical providers and community clinics in our districts are able to continue their vital work,” the letter read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said in November that Gomez’s office asked APLA Health if additional pressure on federal partners would be helpful, but the organization turned him down at the time because state officials were confident the approval was coming soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we heard from [the state Department of Health Care Services] was they were moving forward and that pressure wouldn’t be needed,” Pulsipher said. “It has yet to be approved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11921529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11921529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People lined up to get the monkeypox vaccine.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of people wait in a walk-in line for an mpox vaccine at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on Monday, Aug. 1, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The department told CalMatters in a statement that the federal government must approve California’s plan to use Medi-Cal dollars for mpox reimbursement. The federal government sent the state comments and revisions to the plan in December with a 90-day review window, which potentially pushes the timeline for clinics to receive checks past March. Although clinics will eventually be able to ask for payment for services they provided as far back as August, when mpox was at its height, the more time that goes by, the less likely overburdened staff will be able to bill retroactively, Pulsipher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is extremely time-intensive to go back and submit those claims,” he said. “Some clinics will do that and some probably won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mpox outbreak today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California reported its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/05/monkeypox-california/\">first mpox case in Sacramento last May\u003c/a>. What began as an isolated travel-related infection quickly ballooned into a statewide outbreak, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Mpox-Data.aspx\">peaked in August at 145 cases in one day\u003c/a>, according to state data. More than 5,700 cases have been reported in California, the most of any state, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=california+monkeypox+deaths&ei=SUTUY5rpG7OfkPIPnZuy4Ao&ved=0ahUKEwjasef32uj8AhWzD0QIHZ2NDKwQ4dUDCBA&uact=5&oq=california+monkeypox+deaths&gs_lcp=Cgxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAQAzIGCAAQFhAeMgYIABAWEB4yBQgAEIYDMgUIABCGAzIFCAAQhgM6CggAEEcQ1gQQsAM6DQgAEEcQ1gQQyQMQsANKBAhBGABKBAhGGABQpAFYpAFg2ANoAXABeACAAWeIAWeSAQMwLjGYAQCgAQHIAQjAAQE&sclient=gws-wiz-serp\">country’s first death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be hard to kind of overstate how frantic and frenetic and all-consuming it was at that point versus now,” Carpenter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In stark contrast, there were two cases reported on Jan. 10, the most recent date data was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although state officials have not set an end date for California’s state of emergency, the Department of Public Health plans to roll routine surveillance and response duties into its Sexually Transmitted Disease Control Branch and Office of AIDS, according to an unsigned email from its media department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As cases decline, the outbreak comes under control, and the public health components for a robust response are fully operational, there should be no impact to providers, [local health jurisdictions], or patients of ending the state of emergency,” the email said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the end of the emergency does not mean “the end of disease,” Carpenter said. Plenty of LA's LGBT Center patients are vaccinated during routine doctor’s visits, often having been unaware of the outbreak and the need for protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The virus isn’t gone. It’s not surging right now, but it’s not gone, so we’re at risk of a resurgence,” Carpenter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher, with APLA Health, said his organization is still working hard to educate and vaccinate Black and Latino patients, who often face the greatest health care barriers — even though the expense for that work will likely never be reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to remain vigilant,” he said, “to continue outreach and education, continue to reach folks that aren’t vaccinated and to recognize the inequities around vaccine uptake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians account for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Mpox-Data.aspx\">58% of all mpox cases but only 33% of all vaccinations\u003c/a>, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has become so clear between COVID and mpox is that one person’s poor access to health care affects all of us,” Carpenter said. “That’s, again, why we are not putting these vaccines down and going back to business as usual. Even within our own community we know that we still have a lot more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Cash-strapped LGBTQ health centers provided thousands of mpox vaccines under a state of emergency, but as cases wane, the promised reimbursements have been mired in red tape.",
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"description": "Cash-strapped LGBTQ health centers provided thousands of mpox vaccines under a state of emergency, but as cases wane, the promised reimbursements have been mired in red tape.",
"title": "When Mpox Hit, Community Clinics Stepped In. Why Hasn't the Government Paid Them Back Yet? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Seven months ago, California battled its second widespread infectious disease outbreak in as many years — \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/news/item/28-11-2022-who-recommends-new-name-for-monkeypox-disease#:~:text=Following%20a%20series%20of%20consultations,%E2%80%9Cmonkeypox%E2%80%9D%20is%20phased%20out.\">mpox, formerly referred to as monkeypox\u003c/a>. Cases spread exponentially, primarily among the state’s male LGBTQ population, and officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/california-monkeypox-2/\">struggled to roll out limited vaccine supplies\u003c/a> from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community clinics and LGBTQ health centers opened mass mpox vaccination sites as quickly as possible and clamored for assistance from local and legislative leaders, but oftentimes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/08/california-monkeypox/\">red tape at both the federal and state levels\u003c/a> hampered a speedy response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Today, as the federal government ends its mpox state of emergency, those clinics say bureaucracy is once again standing in the way. State and federal reimbursement for services — potentially in the millions of dollars — has not been approved and likely won’t be for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not clear what the holdup is,” said Craig Pulsipher, former associate director of government affairs at APLA Health, a clinic in Los Angeles specializing in LGBTQ populations. APLA Health administered more than 4,000 vaccines and was one of the largest vaccinators in the city. It received an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DOA/CDPH%20Document%20Library/MPX-CBO-Grant-RFA-Awardees_ADA.pdf\">$83,000 grant for mpox work (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state Office of AIDS, but dedicated “hundreds of thousands of dollars” to vaccination and shifted funding from other programs to the response effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature released \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/California-will-pour-money-into-fight-against-17405442.php\">$41 million in emergency funding\u003c/a> for mpox response efforts last year, half of which has stayed with the state Department of Public Health. Approximately $1.4 million went to community organizations helping directly with vaccine efforts, but organizations say it’s not nearly enough to cover their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the vaccine itself was given to states free-of-charge from the federal stockpile, community organizations dispensing the shots still had to invest staff time, equipment and other resources to respond. Typically, shots and other minor procedures are billed as part of a “provider visit,” but that requires being seen by a doctor, which doesn’t happen during the kind of mass vaccine drives that became commonplace for COVID-19 and mpox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state must \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/formsandpubs/laws/Documents/SPA-22-0062-Pending.pdf\">petition the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a> to use Medi-Cal dollars for standalone vaccine reimbursement to try to recoup some of the labor expenses. Medi-Cal is the state’s insurance program for patients with lower incomes, and it’s funded through state and federal dollars.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This was everything we did for probably three months,” said Dr. Ward Carpenter, chief health officer with the Los Angeles LGBT Center. “We were barely able to keep our urgent care visits open for non-mpox related things. ... It was at least as busy as the early days of COVID if not more so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LGBT Center doled out more than 6,500 vaccines, Carpenter said, and has more than $500,000 in outstanding expenses. It received an $116,000 mpox grant from the AIDS office in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, California’s Department of Health Care Services submitted a federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/formsandpubs/laws/Documents/SPA-22-0062-Pending.pdf\">request for reimbursement (PDF)\u003c/a>. Shortly after, members of California’s Congressional delegation, led by Democratic Rep. Jimmy Gomez of Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://gomez.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=2698\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the U.S. Health and Human Services branch urging timely approval of the request. Community clinics, which often serve as safety nets for underrepresented patients and those with lower incomes, have little financial wiggle room and already had to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2022/03/california-covid-vaccines-community-clinics-payment/\">wait two years for COVID-19 payment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your rapid and urgent attention to these requests will help to ensure that critical providers and community clinics in our districts are able to continue their vital work,” the letter read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher said in November that Gomez’s office asked APLA Health if additional pressure on federal partners would be helpful, but the organization turned him down at the time because state officials were confident the approval was coming soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we heard from [the state Department of Health Care Services] was they were moving forward and that pressure wouldn’t be needed,” Pulsipher said. “It has yet to be approved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11921529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11921529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People lined up to get the monkeypox vaccine.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of people wait in a walk-in line for an mpox vaccine at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on Monday, Aug. 1, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The department told CalMatters in a statement that the federal government must approve California’s plan to use Medi-Cal dollars for mpox reimbursement. The federal government sent the state comments and revisions to the plan in December with a 90-day review window, which potentially pushes the timeline for clinics to receive checks past March. Although clinics will eventually be able to ask for payment for services they provided as far back as August, when mpox was at its height, the more time that goes by, the less likely overburdened staff will be able to bill retroactively, Pulsipher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is extremely time-intensive to go back and submit those claims,” he said. “Some clinics will do that and some probably won’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mpox outbreak today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California reported its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/05/monkeypox-california/\">first mpox case in Sacramento last May\u003c/a>. What began as an isolated travel-related infection quickly ballooned into a statewide outbreak, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Mpox-Data.aspx\">peaked in August at 145 cases in one day\u003c/a>, according to state data. More than 5,700 cases have been reported in California, the most of any state, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=california+monkeypox+deaths&ei=SUTUY5rpG7OfkPIPnZuy4Ao&ved=0ahUKEwjasef32uj8AhWzD0QIHZ2NDKwQ4dUDCBA&uact=5&oq=california+monkeypox+deaths&gs_lcp=Cgxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAQAzIGCAAQFhAeMgYIABAWEB4yBQgAEIYDMgUIABCGAzIFCAAQhgM6CggAEEcQ1gQQsAM6DQgAEEcQ1gQQyQMQsANKBAhBGABKBAhGGABQpAFYpAFg2ANoAXABeACAAWeIAWeSAQMwLjGYAQCgAQHIAQjAAQE&sclient=gws-wiz-serp\">country’s first death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be hard to kind of overstate how frantic and frenetic and all-consuming it was at that point versus now,” Carpenter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In stark contrast, there were two cases reported on Jan. 10, the most recent date data was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although state officials have not set an end date for California’s state of emergency, the Department of Public Health plans to roll routine surveillance and response duties into its Sexually Transmitted Disease Control Branch and Office of AIDS, according to an unsigned email from its media department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As cases decline, the outbreak comes under control, and the public health components for a robust response are fully operational, there should be no impact to providers, [local health jurisdictions], or patients of ending the state of emergency,” the email said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the end of the emergency does not mean “the end of disease,” Carpenter said. Plenty of LA's LGBT Center patients are vaccinated during routine doctor’s visits, often having been unaware of the outbreak and the need for protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The virus isn’t gone. It’s not surging right now, but it’s not gone, so we’re at risk of a resurgence,” Carpenter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulsipher, with APLA Health, said his organization is still working hard to educate and vaccinate Black and Latino patients, who often face the greatest health care barriers — even though the expense for that work will likely never be reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to remain vigilant,” he said, “to continue outreach and education, continue to reach folks that aren’t vaccinated and to recognize the inequities around vaccine uptake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians account for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Mpox-Data.aspx\">58% of all mpox cases but only 33% of all vaccinations\u003c/a>, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has become so clear between COVID and mpox is that one person’s poor access to health care affects all of us,” Carpenter said. “That’s, again, why we are not putting these vaccines down and going back to business as usual. Even within our own community we know that we still have a lot more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The first time it happened to Courtney Abrams, hardly anyone believed her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone had drained the more than $700 in cash aid and nearly $200 in food stamps from the electronic benefits transfer (EBT) card the 33-year-old single mother received from the state, just minutes after those monthly payments appeared in her account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams never got to spend a dime of it, though she hadn’t lost her card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams, a West Los Angeles College student, called the card company’s customer service line that day to dispute the mystery transactions. She got a replacement card from the county and filed a police report. It took a couple of weeks for money to be loaded onto her new card. She also changed the PIN.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11885417,news_11934613\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was last March. In September it happened again. This time it took a month to get her money back, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November it happened again. Now she changes her PIN every month, the night before she gets her benefits, hoping to outsmart the thieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was, like, maxing out credit cards, doing promise-to-pay, talking to my landlord, letting him know my money got stolen,” she said. “It was a lot of exposure … having to plead your case with these people in a situation that sounds kind of far-fetched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not so far-fetched now: State and county officials say that \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/scam-alerts\">a rash of thefts is wiping out the cash and food benefits from thousands of lower-income families’ electronic benefits cards\u003c/a> in California and nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions gone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The thefts, which cost the state tens of millions of dollars to replace each year, have sent recipients scrambling to pay bills and household expenses, and flooding social services departments with reimbursement requests. The state proposes to upgrade the cards’ security features at a cost of $50 million in next year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California uses EBT cards to deliver financial assistance for several programs, including CalFresh, which gives food aid to 2.8 million families a year, and CalWORKs, which gives cash to more than 300,000 families a year. Smaller programs include assistance grants to refugees and immigrant crime victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-income Californians reported $29.7 million in cash welfare stolen and $4.7 million in food aid stolen in the 14 months from July 2021 through last September, the latest month for which statewide data was available, according to the Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For CalWORKs, the theft amounted to less than $100,000 a month in mid-2021 and then rose to more than $4 million a month by last fall. The department is estimating an average of $6 million a month will be stolen this fiscal year, rising to $8 million a month in the year that begins in July, according to the California Department of Social Services budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has been stolen in California so far amounts to a sliver of the total benefits California issued to all recipients — less than 1% of the cash benefits and less than a tenth of 1% of food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the amount of EBT theft has nearly doubled since 2019, budget documents state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Minutes to lose\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear what prompted a nationwide spike in benefits theft last year. The consequences are particularly acute in California, which provides more generous cash grants than many other states. Advocates say pandemic-era boosts in food aid also meant bigger losses than usual from recipients’ accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often the theft occurs minutes after the benefits are transferred to their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939767\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939767\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"two hands hold a plastic card that reads 'golden state advantage'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley resident Esteban Vasquez holds his Golden State Advantage electronic benefits transfer (EBT) card. A lack of security features has made it easy for thieves to target EBT cards for theft. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It takes much longer to be made whole. Several recipients told CalMatters it took weeks, or even more than a month, to get benefits reimbursed amid the rising theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state social services department in 2013 instructed counties to replenish money to victims within 10 days of a theft report, but exceptions meant to catch fraud can slow that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if an aid recipient reports more than one theft within six months, social workers must flag their next claim for investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many recipients say they have been victims of theft more than once in recent months. Giovanna Roman, a Ventura County mother and community college student, said it happened to her three months in a row last year. She now receives her benefits through direct deposit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A vulnerability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One reason safety-net benefits are vulnerable to electronic theft, advocates say, is that the cards have long lacked a security feature banks began putting on their credit and debit cards in late 2015: security chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A chipped card doesn’t come in contact with hidden, illegal “skimming” devices, which are designed to copy information from the card’s strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make purchases or withdraw money, EBT card users must swipe the cards’ magnetic strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/opg52FxKoSo\">A state public service video\u003c/a> demonstrates how thieves can install skimming devices onto card readers to steal card numbers from the cards’ magnetic strips, and the thieves use hidden cameras to capture the cardholders entering their PINs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thieves can then \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p8hk1VmYYuQ\">create counterfeit cards\u003c/a> to access the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lena Silver, associate director, Neighborhood Legal Services of Los Angeles County\"]‘I feel that the EBT system was like the last place where things are so unsafe and so poor in terms of consumer protection.’[/pullquote]Until last June, the state’s EBT cards didn’t even include the three-digit “CVV” security codes typically on the back of credit and debit cards that banks use for an additional layer of fraud prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state added those codes, but the three months of data afterward show that benefits theft continued to rise, according to state figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state social services department is proposing to spend $76.5 million over the next three years to upgrade EBT cards with “enhanced security features,” according to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget proposal. Department spokesperson Jason Montiel did not answer a question about whether that means chip cards specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent motion, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors are joining advocates in urging the state to go that route.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consumer standards\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“To improve the security of the EBT system itself, so that people who rely on this very minimal food and cash assistance to survive, to bring their EBT system up to the same consumer standards that everyone else enjoys [are] the ultimate goalposts that we all need to be reaching for,” said Lena Silver, associate director at Neighborhood Legal Services of Los Angeles County, which has been flooded with calls from clients whose benefits were stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silver pointed out that, in contrast to cards sent to lower-income Californians receiving assistance, the state intended to send chipped cards to the recipients of its tax refunds to relieve inflation and high gas prices last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that the EBT system was like the last place where things are so unsafe and so poor in terms of consumer protection,” Silver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recently issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/index.html\">middle class tax refund\u003c/a> cards were issued by a different department, the Franchise Tax Board. Spokesperson Andrew LePage said the agency chose its debit card vendor, Money Network, partly because it could provide some chipped cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October the board has sent out 9.4 million debit cards, though many of those were issued without chips due to supply chain shortages. The agency has received reports of fraud and theft of those benefits, too, but it won’t say how much or how many cards lacked chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LePage said the vendor reports that the fraud rate is “well below” 1% of the money issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taxpayers pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While most of the benefits on EBT cards come from federal funds, California taxpayers foot the bill to reimburse victims of theft. California has reimbursed CalWORKs recipients for stolen funds for years, and in November 2021 the state became the first to do the same for CalFresh food aid recipients, after advocates sued the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Congress approved a spending bill allowing states to use federal funds to reimburse victims of food stamp theft that happened after Oct. 1, 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, California is blocking suspicious EBT transactions, including those made from out of state, state officials told advocates in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department also is helping counties process reimbursement claims more quickly, and “multiple investigations are ongoing,” Montiel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, Los Angeles prosecutors announced they charged 16 people in an alleged EBT fraud ring after they were caught with 300 cloned EBT cards, amounting to $400,000 in stolen benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County prosecutors in December charged two men with burglary and theft after they were arrested with 50 fraudulent cards and card-skimming equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Clearing hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state also plans to reduce the number of hurdles theft victims must clear to make a claim and get their benefits replaced. Cash welfare recipients previously had to dispute transactions with the card company and file a police report before filling out a theft claim form with the county welfare department, which advocates said was burdensome for some clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department in late January issued \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Letters-and-Notices/ACLs/2023/23-13.pdf?ver=2023-01-27-165817-090\">a new policy removing requirements to call the card company and file a police report (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding that card theft victims are “strongly encouraged” to report the theft to police and prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams said she would feel more secure if the cards were chipped. Beyond all that, she wants to get her money back with less scrutiny. The numerous calls and rounds of paperwork she had to file made her feel like she was being accused of fraud, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my bank card gets stolen and someone uses it, I don’t feel like a criminal, calling and saying, ‘Hey, my bank card was stolen, can you turn it off and reimburse me?’” she said. “They have protection against that thing specifically. It happens all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The cards the state uses to deliver financial assistance to residents through programs like CalFresh and CalWORKs lack basic security features — and it costs millions to replace stolen money and food stamps.",
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"title": "Thieves Target EBT Cards, Causing Families Stress and Costing Taxpayers Millions | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The first time it happened to Courtney Abrams, hardly anyone believed her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone had drained the more than $700 in cash aid and nearly $200 in food stamps from the electronic benefits transfer (EBT) card the 33-year-old single mother received from the state, just minutes after those monthly payments appeared in her account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams never got to spend a dime of it, though she hadn’t lost her card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams, a West Los Angeles College student, called the card company’s customer service line that day to dispute the mystery transactions. She got a replacement card from the county and filed a police report. It took a couple of weeks for money to be loaded onto her new card. She also changed the PIN.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was last March. In September it happened again. This time it took a month to get her money back, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November it happened again. Now she changes her PIN every month, the night before she gets her benefits, hoping to outsmart the thieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was, like, maxing out credit cards, doing promise-to-pay, talking to my landlord, letting him know my money got stolen,” she said. “It was a lot of exposure … having to plead your case with these people in a situation that sounds kind of far-fetched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not so far-fetched now: State and county officials say that \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/scam-alerts\">a rash of thefts is wiping out the cash and food benefits from thousands of lower-income families’ electronic benefits cards\u003c/a> in California and nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions gone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The thefts, which cost the state tens of millions of dollars to replace each year, have sent recipients scrambling to pay bills and household expenses, and flooding social services departments with reimbursement requests. The state proposes to upgrade the cards’ security features at a cost of $50 million in next year’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California uses EBT cards to deliver financial assistance for several programs, including CalFresh, which gives food aid to 2.8 million families a year, and CalWORKs, which gives cash to more than 300,000 families a year. Smaller programs include assistance grants to refugees and immigrant crime victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-income Californians reported $29.7 million in cash welfare stolen and $4.7 million in food aid stolen in the 14 months from July 2021 through last September, the latest month for which statewide data was available, according to the Department of Social Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For CalWORKs, the theft amounted to less than $100,000 a month in mid-2021 and then rose to more than $4 million a month by last fall. The department is estimating an average of $6 million a month will be stolen this fiscal year, rising to $8 million a month in the year that begins in July, according to the California Department of Social Services budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has been stolen in California so far amounts to a sliver of the total benefits California issued to all recipients — less than 1% of the cash benefits and less than a tenth of 1% of food aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the amount of EBT theft has nearly doubled since 2019, budget documents state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Minutes to lose\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear what prompted a nationwide spike in benefits theft last year. The consequences are particularly acute in California, which provides more generous cash grants than many other states. Advocates say pandemic-era boosts in food aid also meant bigger losses than usual from recipients’ accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often the theft occurs minutes after the benefits are transferred to their cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11939767\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11939767\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"two hands hold a plastic card that reads 'golden state advantage'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1322106041-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley resident Esteban Vasquez holds his Golden State Advantage electronic benefits transfer (EBT) card. A lack of security features has made it easy for thieves to target EBT cards for theft. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It takes much longer to be made whole. Several recipients told CalMatters it took weeks, or even more than a month, to get benefits reimbursed amid the rising theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state social services department in 2013 instructed counties to replenish money to victims within 10 days of a theft report, but exceptions meant to catch fraud can slow that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if an aid recipient reports more than one theft within six months, social workers must flag their next claim for investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many recipients say they have been victims of theft more than once in recent months. Giovanna Roman, a Ventura County mother and community college student, said it happened to her three months in a row last year. She now receives her benefits through direct deposit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A vulnerability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One reason safety-net benefits are vulnerable to electronic theft, advocates say, is that the cards have long lacked a security feature banks began putting on their credit and debit cards in late 2015: security chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A chipped card doesn’t come in contact with hidden, illegal “skimming” devices, which are designed to copy information from the card’s strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make purchases or withdraw money, EBT card users must swipe the cards’ magnetic strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/opg52FxKoSo\">A state public service video\u003c/a> demonstrates how thieves can install skimming devices onto card readers to steal card numbers from the cards’ magnetic strips, and the thieves use hidden cameras to capture the cardholders entering their PINs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thieves can then \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p8hk1VmYYuQ\">create counterfeit cards\u003c/a> to access the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Until last June, the state’s EBT cards didn’t even include the three-digit “CVV” security codes typically on the back of credit and debit cards that banks use for an additional layer of fraud prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state added those codes, but the three months of data afterward show that benefits theft continued to rise, according to state figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state social services department is proposing to spend $76.5 million over the next three years to upgrade EBT cards with “enhanced security features,” according to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget proposal. Department spokesperson Jason Montiel did not answer a question about whether that means chip cards specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent motion, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors are joining advocates in urging the state to go that route.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consumer standards\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“To improve the security of the EBT system itself, so that people who rely on this very minimal food and cash assistance to survive, to bring their EBT system up to the same consumer standards that everyone else enjoys [are] the ultimate goalposts that we all need to be reaching for,” said Lena Silver, associate director at Neighborhood Legal Services of Los Angeles County, which has been flooded with calls from clients whose benefits were stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silver pointed out that, in contrast to cards sent to lower-income Californians receiving assistance, the state intended to send chipped cards to the recipients of its tax refunds to relieve inflation and high gas prices last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that the EBT system was like the last place where things are so unsafe and so poor in terms of consumer protection,” Silver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recently issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/newsroom/middle-class-tax-refund/index.html\">middle class tax refund\u003c/a> cards were issued by a different department, the Franchise Tax Board. Spokesperson Andrew LePage said the agency chose its debit card vendor, Money Network, partly because it could provide some chipped cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since October the board has sent out 9.4 million debit cards, though many of those were issued without chips due to supply chain shortages. The agency has received reports of fraud and theft of those benefits, too, but it won’t say how much or how many cards lacked chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LePage said the vendor reports that the fraud rate is “well below” 1% of the money issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Taxpayers pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While most of the benefits on EBT cards come from federal funds, California taxpayers foot the bill to reimburse victims of theft. California has reimbursed CalWORKs recipients for stolen funds for years, and in November 2021 the state became the first to do the same for CalFresh food aid recipients, after advocates sued the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Congress approved a spending bill allowing states to use federal funds to reimburse victims of food stamp theft that happened after Oct. 1, 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, California is blocking suspicious EBT transactions, including those made from out of state, state officials told advocates in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department also is helping counties process reimbursement claims more quickly, and “multiple investigations are ongoing,” Montiel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, Los Angeles prosecutors announced they charged 16 people in an alleged EBT fraud ring after they were caught with 300 cloned EBT cards, amounting to $400,000 in stolen benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County prosecutors in December charged two men with burglary and theft after they were arrested with 50 fraudulent cards and card-skimming equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Clearing hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state also plans to reduce the number of hurdles theft victims must clear to make a claim and get their benefits replaced. Cash welfare recipients previously had to dispute transactions with the card company and file a police report before filling out a theft claim form with the county welfare department, which advocates said was burdensome for some clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The social services department in late January issued \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Letters-and-Notices/ACLs/2023/23-13.pdf?ver=2023-01-27-165817-090\">a new policy removing requirements to call the card company and file a police report (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding that card theft victims are “strongly encouraged” to report the theft to police and prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrams said she would feel more secure if the cards were chipped. Beyond all that, she wants to get her money back with less scrutiny. The numerous calls and rounds of paperwork she had to file made her feel like she was being accused of fraud, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my bank card gets stolen and someone uses it, I don’t feel like a criminal, calling and saying, ‘Hey, my bank card was stolen, can you turn it off and reimburse me?’” she said. “They have protection against that thing specifically. It happens all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>California Gun Violence\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple waves of gun violence have left at least \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">25 people dead in four mass shootings over two weeks, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">from Southern California to the Bay Area. While the motives behind the shootings are varied and murky, the trail of devastation left behind in the wake of these tragedies is clear. We focus on the violence and rise in gun ownership in the AAPI community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Madi Bolaños, KQED co-host of The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Varun Nikore, AAPI Victory Alliance executive director \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>SFMTA Director of Transportation\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The San Francisco \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Municipal Transportation\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Agency, commonly known as Muni, is already dealing with lower revenues caused by the pandemic. With the agency still in recovery mode, will San Francisco’s looming budget shortfall threaten them further? We discuss this time of change with SFMTA Director of Transportation Jeffrey Tumlin.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Ramses the Great and the Gold of the Pharaohs\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The de Young Museum is currently showcasing an exhibit 3,000 years in the making. As it comes to a close on Feb.12, we take one last peek at the ancient artifacts and glittering splendor of this week’s Something Beautiful: Ramses the Great and the Gold of the Pharaohs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>California Gun Violence\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple waves of gun violence have left at least \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">25 people dead in four mass shootings over two weeks, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">from Southern California to the Bay Area. While the motives behind the shootings are varied and murky, the trail of devastation left behind in the wake of these tragedies is clear. We focus on the violence and rise in gun ownership in the AAPI community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Madi Bolaños, KQED co-host of The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guy Marzorati, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Varun Nikore, AAPI Victory Alliance executive director \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Black students’ standardized test scores and graduation rates have long trailed those of their white and Asian peers. For decades, educators and legislators have tried to close that achievement gap, and a school funding proposal in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new budget illustrates just how difficult it is to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the proposed funding began as a bill that would have provided more money for Black K–12 students. The bill, authored last year by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/akilah-weber-1978/\">Akilah Weber\u003c/a>, a Democrat from La Mesa, made it through both the Assembly and Senate with unanimous support. While Newsom never vetoed the bill, he ultimately refused to sign it. Weber agreed to drop the bill when the governor promised to include the funding in his proposed budget for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after Newsom released his budget earlier this month, some advocates who supported Weber’s bill say the governor’s proposal falls short. Driven by concerns the bill would violate state and federal laws banning preferential treatment of specific racial or ethnic groups, the governor’s office directed the funding to high-poverty schools rather than Black students specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates say the proposed school funding in the budget waters down the intent of the bill and will perpetuate the achievement gap for Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a CalMatters analysis, less than 26% of Black students in California attend a school that would qualify for the $300 million proposed in Newsom’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Fortune is president and CEO of the charter school organization Fortune School of Education and was one of the lead sponsors of the bill. She said the proposal does not reflect the intentions of Weber’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds good, but it doesn’t actually get to the students who need the help,” she said. “This is an apple, and what we wanted was an orange.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill wasn’t just about race. Weber’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2774\">AB 2774\u003c/a> would have given additional funding to school districts and charter schools for the student group with the lowest standardized test scores statewide. In 2022, that group was Black students: Statewide, 30% of Black students met or exceeded standards in English language arts, and 16% met or exceeded standards in math in the 2021–22 school year. For white students, those percentages were 61% for English language arts and 48% for math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Test scores dropped slightly for all students during the pandemic, and the achievement gap persisted. In the spring of 2019, the last year of standardized testing before the pandemic shutdown, 33% of Black students met or exceeded English language arts standards, and 21% met or exceeded math standards. Among white students, 66% and 54%, respectively, met or exceeded standards.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tyrone Howard, UCLA education professor\"]‘I don’t think you can take 245 years of slavery and Jim Crow and a legacy of separate and unequal education and expect this gap to not exist.’[/pullquote]Supporters of Weber’s bill said it would have helped Black students — as the lowest-performing group on state standardized test scores — improve academically. At the same time, the legislation would have used test scores to ensure the funding was producing results: Once Black students’ scores were no longer the lowest, the next group with the lowest test scores would qualify for the additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If after one or two years those students were progressing, it could be any other student group that could be considered,” said Christina Laster, an educational adviser for Al Sharpton’s National Action Network and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say that while elected officials and policymakers are quick to identify the racial achievement gaps, they lack the political will to target Black students with extra resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re really afraid to have hard conversations and subsequent legislation around race and how we achieve racial justice in education,” said Tyrone Howard, education professor at UCLA. “I don’t think you can take 245 years of slavery and Jim Crow and a legacy of separate and unequal education and expect this gap to not exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill isn’t a new idea. Her mother, former Assemblymember and current Secretary of State Shirley Weber, authored nearly identical bills in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2635\">2018\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB575\">2019\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2685\">2020\u003c/a>. None of them made it out of the state Assembly. In 2018, Newsom made a similar deal with Shirley Weber by including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/state-budget-deal-includes-extra-funding-for-students-with-lowest-test-scores/599405\">$300 million in one-time funding\u003c/a> for the state’s lowest-performing students. That funding applied to all students regardless of race to avoid a potential legal conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some experts and advocates say race-blind solutions won’t close the achievement gap for Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the lowest-performing groups do better, that benefits students across the state,” Howard said. “I think the governor got it wrong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tweaking the Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California funds its K–12 public schools through the Local Control Funding Formula, a system enacted in 2013. The formula gives more money to districts serving higher percentages of high-needs students — English learners, foster children and students qualifying for free or reduced-price meals.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"school-funding\"]The intent is equity over equality: more resources for students who need them most. And while research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/targeted-k-12-funding-and-student-outcomes/\">the Local Control Funding Formula has helped close gaps\u003c/a> in graduation rates, college readiness and test scores, some advocates and legislators have said the state needs to increase accountability over how districts spend the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/press-releases/lawsuit-claims-la-unified-plans-illegally-divert-2-billion-intended-serve-high-need\">ACLU sued the Los Angeles Unified School District\u003c/a> for failing to spend the money generated by English learners, foster children and students from lower-income families on services for those groups. In 2021, the California Department of Education found that \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/state-orders-stricter-county-oversight-of-districts-spending-for-low-income-kids-english-learners/656621\">three school districts in San Bernardino County\u003c/a> misused funds for high-needs students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill would have added the subgroup with the lowest standardized test scores to the three student groups specified in the funding formula. Subgroups of students, like students with disabilities, that already qualify districts for additional state and federal funding would not qualify. That left racial and ethnic groups as the remaining categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the bill would have allocated $400 million to districts and charter schools for their Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘equity multiplier’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s proposed budget, Weber’s bill became the “equity multiplier.” The proposal allocates $300 million for elementary and middle schools where at least 90% of students qualify for free or reduced-price meals. For high schools, that percentage is 85%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike funding formula money that goes to districts, the dollars from the equity multiplier will go directly to schools and the rules will be stricter about where the money can be spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks Allen, an education policy adviser for Newsom and the executive director of the State Board of Education, said Weber’s bill was a “launching pad.” He pointed out that Weber’s bill didn’t include any requirements for districts on spending the money. He said Newsom’s proposal will have more accountability measures to make sure schools spend the money on the students with the highest needs. Newsom and his advisers are still working on those details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s offices provided little comment about Newsom’s proposal. When asked whether Weber was disappointed by it, her chief-of-staff, Tiffany Ryan, wrote in an email only that the “equity multiplier” is a “step in the right direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how the state will allocate the $300 million to the qualifying schools. Those details will be released in the education trailer bill that comes out later this year, state officials said. The trailer bill will describe the specific education programs that will receive money through the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Potential legal problems\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office and the bill’s sponsors said Newsom raised concerns about violating the state’s Proposition 209 and the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The former prohibits preferential treatment of a racial or ethnic group, and the latter guarantees equal protection for all citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no mention of these potential conflicts in any of the analyses of the bill. However, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2635#\">one analysis\u003c/a> for Shirley Weber’s 2018 bill identifies a potential conflict with Prop. 209, stating the bill would “ultimately target an ethnic group for supplemental funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Akilah Weber’s bill say it doesn’t mention race but rather the group of students with the lowest test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never once a racial thing,” Laster said. “It’s about the category rather than who’s in the category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, said the issue remains unclear because no law has been adjudicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The potential problem here is that among the available subgroups for test scores, many of them are race-defined,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials declined to comment on the potential legal conflicts. Weber’s and Newsom’s offices didn’t provide full details about the backroom deal that led to the race-neutral budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson, a Fairfield Democrat and chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus, said Weber’s bill was a top priority for the caucus last year, and she’s pleased with the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get to where you want to be, it has to be an incremental approach,” Wilson said. “We do not look at it as a loss in any way, shape or form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A loss for some\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California districts have seen success with programs that target Black students. At Fresno Unified, Lisa Mitchell oversees the \u003ca href=\"https://a4.fresnounified.org/\">African-American Academic Acceleration program\u003c/a>. In 2017, the local school board started allocating $4 million to the program each year. This year, the program has an additional $2 million thanks to emergency COVID funds from the federal government.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lisa Mitchell, executive director, Fresno Unified's African-American Acceleration program\"]‘Why do we give to Black students? Because Black students need the most help.’[/pullquote]The district used the money to hire teachers, tutors and counselors dedicated to increasing test scores and grades and decreasing suspension and expulsion rates for the district’s Black students. Between 2017 and 2019, the district’s Black students saw slight improvements in test scores, but those gains were wiped out during the pandemic. In 2022, less than 1 in 5 Black students met or exceeded English language arts standards and 1 in 10 met or exceeded math standards. Mitchell said the program could be doing more to train teachers as well as more to train parents to teach reading at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of great programs, but they’re not adequately staffed,” Mitchell said. It’s unclear exactly how much money the bill would have directed to the district, but she said it would have helped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acceleration program offers a 10-week after-school literacy program in the spring and a four-week program in the summer. The curriculum is based on African American authors. The district also offers a three-week coding boot camp for fifth and sixth graders that also teaches students about the contributions of African American scientists. While most of the students in these programs are Black, Mitchell said the district doesn’t turn anyone away. The program also provides on-campus supervision and instruction for suspended students as well as coaching sessions for parents who want to teach reading at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the district hasn’t encountered threats of lawsuits or criticism based on Prop. 209 or the 14th Amendment. She said district administrators and community members generally support her work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to explain to people that equity and equality don’t mean the same thing,” Mitchell said. “Why do we give to Black students? Because Black students need the most help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the governor’s office and the State Board of Education, however, said the $300 million for high-poverty schools will ultimately lead to greater equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand sometimes folks are wed to their initial idea,” Allen said. “When folks have a chance to sit with this and study it, our hope is that they’ll see there’s a lot to like here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Erica Yee contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Black students’ standardized test scores and graduation rates have long trailed those of their white and Asian peers. For decades, educators and legislators have tried to close that achievement gap, and a school funding proposal in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new budget illustrates just how difficult it is to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea for the proposed funding began as a bill that would have provided more money for Black K–12 students. The bill, authored last year by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/akilah-weber-1978/\">Akilah Weber\u003c/a>, a Democrat from La Mesa, made it through both the Assembly and Senate with unanimous support. While Newsom never vetoed the bill, he ultimately refused to sign it. Weber agreed to drop the bill when the governor promised to include the funding in his proposed budget for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after Newsom released his budget earlier this month, some advocates who supported Weber’s bill say the governor’s proposal falls short. Driven by concerns the bill would violate state and federal laws banning preferential treatment of specific racial or ethnic groups, the governor’s office directed the funding to high-poverty schools rather than Black students specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates say the proposed school funding in the budget waters down the intent of the bill and will perpetuate the achievement gap for Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a CalMatters analysis, less than 26% of Black students in California attend a school that would qualify for the $300 million proposed in Newsom’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Fortune is president and CEO of the charter school organization Fortune School of Education and was one of the lead sponsors of the bill. She said the proposal does not reflect the intentions of Weber’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds good, but it doesn’t actually get to the students who need the help,” she said. “This is an apple, and what we wanted was an orange.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill wasn’t just about race. Weber’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2774\">AB 2774\u003c/a> would have given additional funding to school districts and charter schools for the student group with the lowest standardized test scores statewide. In 2022, that group was Black students: Statewide, 30% of Black students met or exceeded standards in English language arts, and 16% met or exceeded standards in math in the 2021–22 school year. For white students, those percentages were 61% for English language arts and 48% for math.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Test scores dropped slightly for all students during the pandemic, and the achievement gap persisted. In the spring of 2019, the last year of standardized testing before the pandemic shutdown, 33% of Black students met or exceeded English language arts standards, and 21% met or exceeded math standards. Among white students, 66% and 54%, respectively, met or exceeded standards.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I don’t think you can take 245 years of slavery and Jim Crow and a legacy of separate and unequal education and expect this gap to not exist.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Supporters of Weber’s bill said it would have helped Black students — as the lowest-performing group on state standardized test scores — improve academically. At the same time, the legislation would have used test scores to ensure the funding was producing results: Once Black students’ scores were no longer the lowest, the next group with the lowest test scores would qualify for the additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If after one or two years those students were progressing, it could be any other student group that could be considered,” said Christina Laster, an educational adviser for Al Sharpton’s National Action Network and a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts say that while elected officials and policymakers are quick to identify the racial achievement gaps, they lack the political will to target Black students with extra resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re really afraid to have hard conversations and subsequent legislation around race and how we achieve racial justice in education,” said Tyrone Howard, education professor at UCLA. “I don’t think you can take 245 years of slavery and Jim Crow and a legacy of separate and unequal education and expect this gap to not exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill isn’t a new idea. Her mother, former Assemblymember and current Secretary of State Shirley Weber, authored nearly identical bills in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2635\">2018\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB575\">2019\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB2685\">2020\u003c/a>. None of them made it out of the state Assembly. In 2018, Newsom made a similar deal with Shirley Weber by including \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/state-budget-deal-includes-extra-funding-for-students-with-lowest-test-scores/599405\">$300 million in one-time funding\u003c/a> for the state’s lowest-performing students. That funding applied to all students regardless of race to avoid a potential legal conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some experts and advocates say race-blind solutions won’t close the achievement gap for Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the lowest-performing groups do better, that benefits students across the state,” Howard said. “I think the governor got it wrong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tweaking the Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California funds its K–12 public schools through the Local Control Funding Formula, a system enacted in 2013. The formula gives more money to districts serving higher percentages of high-needs students — English learners, foster children and students qualifying for free or reduced-price meals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The intent is equity over equality: more resources for students who need them most. And while research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/targeted-k-12-funding-and-student-outcomes/\">the Local Control Funding Formula has helped close gaps\u003c/a> in graduation rates, college readiness and test scores, some advocates and legislators have said the state needs to increase accountability over how districts spend the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/press-releases/lawsuit-claims-la-unified-plans-illegally-divert-2-billion-intended-serve-high-need\">ACLU sued the Los Angeles Unified School District\u003c/a> for failing to spend the money generated by English learners, foster children and students from lower-income families on services for those groups. In 2021, the California Department of Education found that \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2021/state-orders-stricter-county-oversight-of-districts-spending-for-low-income-kids-english-learners/656621\">three school districts in San Bernardino County\u003c/a> misused funds for high-needs students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s bill would have added the subgroup with the lowest standardized test scores to the three student groups specified in the funding formula. Subgroups of students, like students with disabilities, that already qualify districts for additional state and federal funding would not qualify. That left racial and ethnic groups as the remaining categories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the bill would have allocated $400 million to districts and charter schools for their Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The ‘equity multiplier’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s proposed budget, Weber’s bill became the “equity multiplier.” The proposal allocates $300 million for elementary and middle schools where at least 90% of students qualify for free or reduced-price meals. For high schools, that percentage is 85%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike funding formula money that goes to districts, the dollars from the equity multiplier will go directly to schools and the rules will be stricter about where the money can be spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks Allen, an education policy adviser for Newsom and the executive director of the State Board of Education, said Weber’s bill was a “launching pad.” He pointed out that Weber’s bill didn’t include any requirements for districts on spending the money. He said Newsom’s proposal will have more accountability measures to make sure schools spend the money on the students with the highest needs. Newsom and his advisers are still working on those details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s offices provided little comment about Newsom’s proposal. When asked whether Weber was disappointed by it, her chief-of-staff, Tiffany Ryan, wrote in an email only that the “equity multiplier” is a “step in the right direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how the state will allocate the $300 million to the qualifying schools. Those details will be released in the education trailer bill that comes out later this year, state officials said. The trailer bill will describe the specific education programs that will receive money through the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Potential legal problems\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office and the bill’s sponsors said Newsom raised concerns about violating the state’s Proposition 209 and the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The former prohibits preferential treatment of a racial or ethnic group, and the latter guarantees equal protection for all citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no mention of these potential conflicts in any of the analyses of the bill. However, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2635#\">one analysis\u003c/a> for Shirley Weber’s 2018 bill identifies a potential conflict with Prop. 209, stating the bill would “ultimately target an ethnic group for supplemental funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Akilah Weber’s bill say it doesn’t mention race but rather the group of students with the lowest test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never once a racial thing,” Laster said. “It’s about the category rather than who’s in the category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas A. Saenz, president and general counsel for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, said the issue remains unclear because no law has been adjudicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The potential problem here is that among the available subgroups for test scores, many of them are race-defined,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials declined to comment on the potential legal conflicts. Weber’s and Newsom’s offices didn’t provide full details about the backroom deal that led to the race-neutral budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson, a Fairfield Democrat and chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus, said Weber’s bill was a top priority for the caucus last year, and she’s pleased with the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To get to where you want to be, it has to be an incremental approach,” Wilson said. “We do not look at it as a loss in any way, shape or form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A loss for some\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California districts have seen success with programs that target Black students. At Fresno Unified, Lisa Mitchell oversees the \u003ca href=\"https://a4.fresnounified.org/\">African-American Academic Acceleration program\u003c/a>. In 2017, the local school board started allocating $4 million to the program each year. This year, the program has an additional $2 million thanks to emergency COVID funds from the federal government.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Why do we give to Black students? Because Black students need the most help.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The district used the money to hire teachers, tutors and counselors dedicated to increasing test scores and grades and decreasing suspension and expulsion rates for the district’s Black students. Between 2017 and 2019, the district’s Black students saw slight improvements in test scores, but those gains were wiped out during the pandemic. In 2022, less than 1 in 5 Black students met or exceeded English language arts standards and 1 in 10 met or exceeded math standards. Mitchell said the program could be doing more to train teachers as well as more to train parents to teach reading at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of great programs, but they’re not adequately staffed,” Mitchell said. It’s unclear exactly how much money the bill would have directed to the district, but she said it would have helped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acceleration program offers a 10-week after-school literacy program in the spring and a four-week program in the summer. The curriculum is based on African American authors. The district also offers a three-week coding boot camp for fifth and sixth graders that also teaches students about the contributions of African American scientists. While most of the students in these programs are Black, Mitchell said the district doesn’t turn anyone away. The program also provides on-campus supervision and instruction for suspended students as well as coaching sessions for parents who want to teach reading at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said the district hasn’t encountered threats of lawsuits or criticism based on Prop. 209 or the 14th Amendment. She said district administrators and community members generally support her work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to explain to people that equity and equality don’t mean the same thing,” Mitchell said. “Why do we give to Black students? Because Black students need the most help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the governor’s office and the State Board of Education, however, said the $300 million for high-poverty schools will ultimately lead to greater equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand sometimes folks are wed to their initial idea,” Allen said. “When folks have a chance to sit with this and study it, our hope is that they’ll see there’s a lot to like here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Erica Yee contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a sunny October afternoon, a young woman exits the Planned Parenthood office in Napa carrying a small white paper bag. She hasn’t taken more than five steps toward her car before she’s approached: “Hi, can I give you some information about free resources?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the Friday before Halloween of 2022, four months after the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/06/24/1107126432/abortion-bans-supreme-court-roe-v-wade\">leading to bans on most abortions in about 13 states\u003c/a> (so far). It’s about a week before the midterms, when California voters will decide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\">enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, here in Napa, the abortion conversation looks like this: A woman named Teresa Conemac sits on a stool steps away from the Planned Parenthood entrance, wearing scrubs and a badge that reads “client advocate,” praying and performing what she and her fellow volunteers with the Christian anti-abortion organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.40daysforlife.com/en/\">40 Days for Life\u003c/a> call “sidewalk counseling.” She talks to people approaching or exiting the clinic, and gives them pamphlets featuring widely debunked claims about the dangers of abortion and birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937384 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a older white woman in orange scrubs talks to a Black woman in dark clothing outside a Planned Parenthood health clinic\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conemac talks to a person leaving a Planned Parenthood clinic in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Conemac also tells them about resources at, and distributes cards for, the facility next door: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xuUaKU87J8\">Napa Women’s Center\u003c/a>, opened by the Christian nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life in 2020. No medical professionals work at this facility, but a visitor can take a free pregnancy test, learn about adoption agencies and pick up pamphlets that inaccurately link abortion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/healthy/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\">breast cancer\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/30/well/can-an-abortion-affect-your-fertility.html\">infertility\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">depression\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22270271/\">death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa Women’s Center is an anti-abortion center — sometimes known as a “crisis pregnancy center.” It’s one of approximately 3,000 such facilities across the country. Established by faith-based organizations, anti-abortion centers exist primarily to dissuade people from having abortions. They often attract clients by opening in close proximity to abortion care clinics and by advertising reproductive health services, despite the vast majority operating without medical licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, it is no accident that an anti-abortion center operates right next to the city’s lone Planned Parenthood, in a state of uneasy tension, on one small city block. Connected by a 6-foot wooden fence, their facades are plain, and notably similar to the casual observer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind those doors lie two vastly different worlds. For a pregnant person seeking health care, the choice of which one to enter comes with potentially life-changing consequences. None of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">new state laws aimed at strengthening abortion rights\u003c/a> can help a patient who’s standing on the sidewalk outside, deciding between the two, confused about what they’re seeing. And as long as California fails to regulate anti-abortion centers, advocates say, calling itself a sanctuary state won’t change a thing about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t have a moment to lose’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers have existed in some form since the late 1960s, when Catholic activists first sought to counter the growing legalization of abortion in the United States. After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the right to an abortion was protected by the Constitution in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision — which, had it been upheld, would have celebrated a 50th anniversary Jan. 22 — the so-called crisis pregnancy center movement expanded to include evangelical Christians. That expansion led to networks like Heartbeat International, which operates more than 2,000 centers worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers proliferated throughout the ’90s and aughts, in part thanks to federal grants for abstinence-only education under President George W. Bush; many received further federal funds due to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730464/california-sues-trump-administration-over-new-abortion-restrictions\">changes made to Title X under the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In 2019, for example, the California-based network of centers calling itself Obria Medical Clinics — which operates in Oakland, Redwood City, Union City and San José — was awarded $5.1 million over three years by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11934819,news_11931183\"]But with the fall of Roe, abortion-rights advocates say these centers have assumed an even more powerful role in the landscape, becoming an increasingly valuable tool in the anti-abortion movement’s arsenal. At the same time, advocates charge, anti-abortion centers only intensify the inequities in abortion access along racial and socioeconomic lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These centers’ impact might be most dramatic in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/us/abortion-laws-roe-v-wade.html\">26 states that either recently banned or plan to heavily restrict abortions\u003c/a>, where even seeking out abortion information could put a pregnant person on the wrong side of the law. But advocates say anti-abortion centers also play a surprisingly significant role in blue states like California, where they \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/report-shows-anti-abortion-cpcs-receive-federal-and-state-funding-to-mislead-clients-provide-few-services/#:~:text=The%20number%20of%20CPCs%20in,than%20CPCs%20in%20other%20states\">outnumber clinics that provide abortions by 20%\u003c/a> — and where as many as \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=161520323&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=fa2fb80d2a88c6eb21eaedcb8ce6386f\">16,000 people are now expected to travel each year in search of abortion care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those issues where time is of the essence to the women who are involved, whose lives are at stake,” says former Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer of the lack of regulation around anti-abortion centers. “And because of what’s happening nationally, we don’t have a moment to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his last months as city attorney in 2022, Feuer successfully introduced a city ordinance that makes it punishable by up to $10,000 for a facility to “mislead women into believing they offer a full range of reproductive health services, including abortion or abortion referrals” when they do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may already be in a situation where women who are utterly desperate to exercise their full reproductive choices are coming to our city,” says Feuer. “And we need to ensure that when they do, no pregnancy center misleads them about their services and what their options are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Christine Henneberg, Bay Area OB-GYN and author\"]‘Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do. But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.’[/pullquote]Going unmentioned in LA’s new ordinance is how difficult it’s proven to regulate these facilities — Democratic lawmakers have been trying, and mostly failing, for years. Most recently, California’s 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\">Reproductive FACT Act\u003c/a> required reproductive health care facilities to inform clients about the state’s programs that provide low-cost or free contraception and abortion, and forced unlicensed centers to post notices acknowledging that they were not licensed health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, after the law was challenged by an anti-abortion legal organization, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606427673/supreme-court-sides-with-california-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers\">U.S. Supreme Court voted 5–4 to strike it down\u003c/a> on the grounds that it violated the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://christinehenneberg.com/\">Christine Henneberg\u003c/a>, a Bay Area OB-GYN and abortion provider — who says “a fair number” of her patients have interacted with an anti-abortion center by the time they land in her office — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-06-22/crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion-deception-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continued lack of regulation\u003c/a> is “absurd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do,” says Henneberg. “But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent meaningful regulation, some agencies have focused on education: In June of 2022, California Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-consumer-alert-warning-californians-crisis\">a consumer alert about anti-abortion centers\u003c/a>. And the state’s new hub for abortion resources, abortion.ca.gov, includes a section on \u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/find-a-provider/#fake-abortion-information\">how to spot the differences between such centers and legitimate clinics that offer abortion care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Henneberg, it’s unfair to put the onus of research on the consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you send a patient to get their tonsils removed, the language is of informed consent: You tell them the risks, benefits and alternatives that you can offer them. That is the physician’s responsibility in an ethical sense, and it’s the law,” she says. “You don’t assume, oh, well, they can find out for themselves … it boggles my mind that anyone would think it’s the responsibility of the consumer seeking a legal service to figure this out on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Patients get confused’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynda Metz knew immediately that the building she’d entered wasn’t a health clinic. But it was 1995, she was 17, and the center had been the first thing listed when she looked up “pregnancy test” in the Yellow Pages. Pregnant and terrified in a strict Southern Baptist community north of Little Rock, Arkansas, she was happy to take whatever free services were closest to home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing clinical about it,” recalls Metz, who went on to have two children by the age of 20. “I peed on the stick, and then a woman pulled me into a room and took out her Bible … and kind of held me hostage for two hours. She showed me pictures of little plastic babies with arms and legs and said, ‘This is what your baby looks like now.’ There was nothing about how to [take care of myself]. Their focus was just baby, baby, baby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1534px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png\" alt=\"a young teen girl with brown hair in a school photo at left, and in a portrait with her infant son on the right\" width=\"1534\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png 1534w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-800x451.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-1020x574.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1534px) 100vw, 1534px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the left, Lynda Metz in a photo from her sophomore year of high school, the year before she became pregnant. On the right, Metz a month before her 18th birthday, with her son Matthew. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Lynda Metz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly three decades later, search engines have taken the place of the Yellow Pages — with arguably more complicated results. Last August, responding to mounting public pressure, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/08/23/tech/yelp-crisis-pregnancy-centers/index.html\">Yelp\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/08/25/google-maps-abortions/\">Google Maps\u003c/a> announced that their apps would begin labeling so-called crisis pregnancy centers differently from health clinics that provide abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would appear they’ve followed through, to a point: Up until July, a search for “abortion” on Google Maps returned nearly two dozen anti-abortion centers across the Bay Area’s nine counties, including one in San Francisco, one in Oakland and several in the South Bay. Six months later, that’s no longer the case. However, a search for “pregnancy center” or “women’s clinic” still returns most of these centers. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2022-google-search-abortion-clinic-crisis-pregnancy-center-ads/\">paid advertisements for anti-abortion centers still regularly appear in Google’s search results\u003c/a> without any disclaimers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality at Middlebury College in Vermont, thinks the algorithm update was a small, overdue step in the right direction — but she doesn’t expect it to put much of a dent in anti-abortion centers’ business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see how people would think crisis pregnancy centers are using technology to transform their approach, but I actually don’t think that’s true. I think technology has allowed them to make their same strategies more sophisticated and more wide-reaching,” says Thomsen, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/05/12/opinion/crisis-pregnancy-centers-roe.html\">deeply researched opinion piece on these facilities for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “And that strategy is to use scare tactics and deception to make claims about what they will offer you in terms of support, even though they’re never held accountable for any of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt='a mural that says \"live life love\" is seen on the side of a building labeled \"alpha pregnancy center\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alpha Pregnancy Center, a faith-based anti-abortion center on Mission Street in the Excelsior neighborhood of San Francisco. After months of public pressure, Google Maps recently updated its algorithm so this center no longer appears when a user searches the word ‘abortion.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a graduate student at UC Santa Barbara, Thomsen was part of a successful effort in 2010 to ban anti-abortion centers from advertising on campus. It’s still the only school, to her knowledge, with that restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But perhaps the most insidious tactic, says Thomsen, remains simple geography: By design, religious groups open anti-abortion centers in close proximity to clinics that offer abortion care. In Thomsen’s research on these geographic relationships, she found that more than 99% of clinics that offer abortion care nationwide have an anti-abortion center located close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any place there’s an abortion clinic, there’s a crisis pregnancy center,” she says. “And that’s very intentional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, say experts: these facilities count on vulnerable people making mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is especially evident in places like Napa, where anti-abortion activists work blatantly to direct people away from Planned Parenthood and toward the Napa Women’s Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patients get confused,” says Gloria Martinez, senior director of operations for Planned Parenthood Northern California, of the situation at those two facilities. “Especially if it’s their first time with us or visiting that location, and there’s this person out there in scrubs and this person is telling them, ‘Oh, come over here instead.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/napa-council-votes-for-30-foot-buffer-at-planned-parenthood-center-after-years-of-abortion/article_5338519e-c089-5a82-8bcd-562d833ea369.html\">so-called buffer zone\u003c/a> is supposed to render the clinic’s entrance off-limits to protesters, Martinez says local law enforcement seems hesitant to enforce it due to fears “that the opposition will take action against them” with lawsuits that claim the buffer violates their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of protesters is one major reason this Napa location of Planned Parenthood is scheduled to close in 2023 after more than 20 years. It will reopen in a new, larger facility elsewhere in Napa — staff are hesitant to say exactly where, lest anti-abortion activists begin planning protests there as well — in the hopes of a better patient experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the current patient experience, it’s difficult to quantify exactly how many people who intend to visit Planned Parenthood end up at the anti-abortion center next door. But there are indicators. During the twice-yearly campaigns by 40 Days for Life — in which anti-abortion protesters are present in larger numbers for, yes, 40 days — Martinez says the no-show rate for appointments at that Planned Parenthood doubles: It normally hovers at around 19%, but during campaigns, the number “skyrockets to 40, sometimes 50%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937702 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The hand of an older white woman holds a pamphlet describing inaccurate side effects of abortions\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">40 Days for Life volunteer Teresa Conemac holds pamphlets she distributes outside Planned Parenthood in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just another barrier [for patients], when there are already so many barriers,” says Martinez. “So many of our patients are low-income, or maybe they’re facing a language barrier or a transportation barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then this is another layer that they have to face: harassment. Harassment when seeking health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Targeting communities of color\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if a person mistakenly visits an anti-abortion center, then eventually finds their way to a clinic that offers abortion care, it’s difficult to overstate the trauma that such an experience can inflict, says Susy Chávez Herrera, communications director for California Latinas for Reproductive Justice in Los Angeles (CLRJ).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be really intense, and it can really hurt a person’s well-being,” says Chávez Herrera. “Whether physically, by delaying a procedure that might be needed for medical reasons, or mentally, because of the toll it takes on folks who are seeking a medical service and met with this series of misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be especially true considering the already vulnerable communities targeted by anti-abortion centers, according to advocates: immigrants, first-generation Americans, Black and Latinx people, young people and people from lower-income families living in rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11938511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg\" alt='pamphlets in English and Spanish on a shelf show a Black woman and a Latina woman who are pregnant. The pamphlet is titled \"the first 9 months\"' width=\"800\" height=\"529\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-2048x1355.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1920x1270.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets available at the Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco. The APC, unlike the majority of anti-abortion centers, has a medical license. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know they target the Latinx community,” says Chávez Herrera. “Just driving down the street here in LA, you see billboards from these groups, with this misinformation, in neighborhoods that we know have largely Latinx communities. And we know these anti-abortion clinics set up shop in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study by The Alliance, a consortium of law organizations and policy groups studying reproductive justice, found that \u003ca href=\"https://alliancestateadvocates.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/Alliance-CPC-Study-Designed-to-Deceive.pdf\">some anti-abortion centers try to appeal to Black communities (PDF)\u003c/a> — which already face disproportionate maternal mortality rates — by “blackwashing” their websites or pamphlets, prominently featuring images of Black women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latinx community, advocates say anti-abortion centers prey on fears undocumented immigrants might have about visiting a government-funded health clinic, wary that it could lead to deportation; others note that anti-abortion centers make a point of advertising on Spanish-language radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png\" alt=\"a screenshot of a spanish language website of a crisis pregnancy center called real options medical clinics, featuring a woman in scrubs talking to another woman, a patient\" width=\"800\" height=\"439\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1020x560.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-160x88.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1536x844.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-2048x1125.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1920x1055.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of Obria Medical Clinics, a network of anti-abortion centers that operates five facilities in the Bay Area, funded partially by federal grants it received under the Trump administration. Obria clinics also advertise that they accept Medi-Cal, which means their clinics receive reimbursements from the taxpayer-funded state program.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Net, one of the two biggest national networks of anti-abortion centers, has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9189146/\">a programming arm explicitly devoted to outreach in Black and Latinx communities\u003c/a> since 2003, according to a study in the \u003cem>International Journal of Women’s Health\u003c/em>. Initially dubbed the “Urban Initiative,” tactics include advertising on Black Entertainment Television (BET) and “drawing comparisons between abortion and slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that they target communities of color,” says Thomsen. “So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png\" alt=\"a Black woman is seen on a website for the Alpha Pregnancy Center, a Christian anti-abortion center \" width=\"800\" height=\"338\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1020x431.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-160x68.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1536x650.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-2048x866.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1920x812.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of the Alpha Pregnancy Center, an anti-abortion center in San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One small step in the right direction, according to abortion rights advocates, is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2586\">Assembly Bill 2586\u003c/a>, which was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September as a means of addressing “the reproductive and sexual health inequities that Black, Indigenous and other communities of color face” by issuing grants to community-based organizations that focus on culturally relevant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality, Middlebury College\"]‘There’s no question that they target communities of color. So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.’[/pullquote]The bill’s text included a pointed section about how the “dissemination of misinformation … particularly at the hands of organizations with a demonstrated interest in limiting choice that often misrepresent themselves as health centers, imposes a harmful barrier to reproductive health care access, especially for communities most impacted by a number of other obstacles to care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion-rights advocates applaud the bill — CLRJ endorsed it enthusiastically — some also note that funding legitimate reproductive health organizations does little to directly curtail the impact that anti-abortion centers have in communities of color, the result of decades of groundwork by anti-abortion activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about is an organized campaign of misinformation,” says Chávez Herrera. “And that has been around since well before the repeal [of Roe v. Wade], even in states that are trying to protect abortion rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘God works in mysterious ways’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the street in Napa, as Conemac and a fellow volunteer perform their “sidewalk counseling” next to signs they’ve brought that read “EXPOSE PLANNED PARENTHOOD,” people drive by and honk every few minutes in response. In some cases the honk is followed by a middle finger, or a yelled epithet. They also receive thumbs-up signals, and in one case a shout of “God bless you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the Napa Women’s Center, it’s quiet; the paint and furniture are all soothing beige and pastels. In a room often used to counsel pregnant people, Julie Murillo, executive director of the center, declines to estimate what percentage of the people entering the center are doing so mistakenly, thinking they will be able to access birth control or abortion care. It happens, she says casually, “all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937694\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a car with signs that read 'expose planned parenthood' outside a crisis pregnancy center\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with signs for the organization 40 Days for Life sits outside the Napa Women’s Center, an anti-abortion center opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I tell them that we’re not Planned Parenthood, we’re the Napa Women’s Center, and then I ask them if we can help them on what they need,” she says. She’s seated by a shelf full of English and Spanish brochures with titles like “Life Before Birth,” “What You Need to Know About Abortion Procedures” and one advertising information about “abortion pill reversal” — an experimental hormonal treatment not approved by the FDA, which the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists has said is potentially dangerous and not supported by science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not here to lie to anybody,” says Murillo. “We are here to try and tell them the truth about what happens to their bodies, and to help them make good decisions for their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937683 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three printed-out signs advertising, among other things, 'abortion pill reversal' in a row of glass panels in a front door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on the door for the Napa Women’s Center advertise ‘abortion pill reversal’ at the facility in Napa on Nov. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like most anti-abortion centers, the Napa Women’s Center has no medical professionals on staff. But the organization is in the process of recruiting a nurse practitioner; then, the center plans to begin offering ultrasounds, which anti-abortion activists consider a powerful tool in dissuading a person from having an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco may be an example of what many anti-abortion centers would like to achieve. The facility — which is not located near an abortion care clinic, and which states clearly on its website that it does not offer abortions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.alphapc.org/our-beginnings\">was founded by a group of pastors in 1983. \u003c/a>But the center completed a two-year process to obtain a medical license in 2015, and now has a full-time registered nurse overseeing its medical services, including ultrasounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For certified OB-GYNs like Henneberg, ultrasounds are also, notably, often the first indication that a patient has mistakenly been to an anti-abortion center before landing in a legitimate medical office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll ask me questions like, ‘Do I have to look at the ultrasound?’ And I’ll say, ‘No, of course not.’ And they’ll say, ‘Oh, well, the other place made me look at the ultrasound, and I really don’t wanna see it,’” she says. In some cases, according to several reports, \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2021/10/crisis-pregnancy-centers-ultrasounds-accuracy-stakes/\">an anti-abortion center might perform an ultrasound, then show patients a falsified image of a fetus at a later stage of development\u003c/a> to dissuade them from seeking an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you probe a little, often you’ll hear, ‘Yeah, I went to this place first and they told me not to get [an abortion]. And they’re obviously usually annoyed by that,” says Henneberg. “That’s not why they went there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a gray building with words that say 'free pregnancy tests' and 'Napa Women's Center, health and wellness matter'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Napa Women’s Center, a facility opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life, advertises free pregnancy tests. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murillo remains adamant that Napa Women’s Center staff are not out to trick anyone. And she says that while the center and 40 Days for Life share the same beliefs about abortion — they are hoping to “help people choose life” — they are separate organizations. (Technically, the two nonprofits do have separate tax ID numbers. But in a video advertising the Napa Women’s Center, Napa Valley Culture of Life president Gerry Cruz details how the center grew directly out of 40 Days for Life’s 2009 campaign in front of Planned Parenthood. Volunteers and staff are on a first-name basis, many belong to the same church, and so on.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussing the center’s offerings, Murillo is especially proud of the center’s “baby boutique”: In exchange for watching videos on relationships, fetal development and parenting, visitors can earn points, which can be exchanged for diapers or formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Murillo, she comes from a wine and hospitality background. “God works in mysterious ways,” she says, by way of explaining how she landed in this profession, which amounts to a combination of unlicensed social work and, ostensibly, distributing medical information. “You never know where you’re going to end up, and sometimes you just say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I felt tricked’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are encouraging signs, say some abortion-rights advocates, that anti-abortion centers may finally be garnering attention. In June, a group of four Democratic congressmembers including Sen. Elizabeth Warren introduced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4469/text?r=18&s=1\">Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act\u003c/a>, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. And the newly formed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-launches-california-reproductive-rights-task-force\">California Reproductive Rights Task Force\u003c/a> lists “enforcing consumer protection laws against deceptive or unlawful conduct concerning reproductive healthcare” as one of its objectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-abortion movement may already be adjusting its strategies in response. Anti-abortion activists have explicitly stated that they view the Dobbs decision as a chance to expand their networks, including opening new centers. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has led an effort to help existing anti-abortion centers hire trained nurses and obtain medical licensing — potentially shielding them from lawsuits about false advertising. And some facilities have increasingly touted their so-called baby boutiques, branding themselves primarily as charities, though due to lack of oversight there’s very little data on how much they actually give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937697\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a white woman with short blond and gray hair in a pink suit speaks in front of the Capitol building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), seen here speaking about abortion rights at a press conference on June 15, 2022, is one of the members of Congress behind the Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, according to the Alliance study, as of a 2021 count, anti-abortion centers outnumbered clinics that offer abortion care nationally by an average ratio of 3 to 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 170 anti-abortion centers continue to operate — and at least 10 have received state funding through Medi-Cal reimbursements, also according to the Alliance study, which noted that “[i]nvestment of public money in CPCs is escalating, especially in the states, with virtually no government oversight, accountability, or transparency.” An untold number of centers also received both federal and state funds during the pandemic through the Paycheck Protection Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, as daylight wanes, the 40 Days for Life volunteers pack up their things; Conemac likes to focus on the hours of 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., since that’s when she believes Planned Parenthood pharmacists give out RU-486, otherwise known as the abortion pill. (This location does not perform surgical abortions.) In her place, a group of teenage volunteers from the organization gathers with anti-abortion signs, and stands laughing and talking, flanking the space between the two centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937681 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a row of young teens holds anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk in between a Planned Parenthood and a crisis pregnancy center. From across the street, they seem to be diverse in terms of ethnicity, age., and gender.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young volunteers for 40 Days for Life stand with anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk between Planned Parenthood and the Napa Women’s Center in Napa on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of them look to be around 17. That’s the age Lynda Metz was when she first set foot in an anti-abortion center, scared and confused. Some 27 years later, Metz — now a proudly pro-abortion-rights grandmother still living in a conservative area of Arkansas — can’t help but think about her experience. For one, that center is still in operation, and occasionally she has to drive by it. Or she’ll see a sign from a local business announcing they donate to that facility, and she makes a mental note not to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also makes a point to talk to other young women in her community, and lets them know they have options. However, as Arkansas is now a state where abortion is “completely banned with very limited exceptions,” according to the Guttmacher Institute, those options are severely limited: A person seeking an abortion has to drive \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/arkansas/abortion-statistics\">an average of more than 300 miles one-way to visit a clinic\u003c/a> that offers them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly, when Metz thinks about her experience, it still feels fresh, and she still feels confused. She can place herself in that room, trapped with that woman and the Bible, realizing she was not going to receive any support or information about her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt tricked,” she says. And nearly three decades later, she says, “I still just don’t understand. It’s not a necessary service. You are literally tricking people into thinking that this is a certified health clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, how is this still legal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story has been updated to reflect The Associated Press’ new guidance on language to describe anti-abortion centers.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Inside the Anti-Abortion Movement’s Crisis Pregnancy Centers",
"description": "In California, a supposed sanctuary state for reproductive rights, Christian crisis pregnancy centers outnumber abortion care clinics by 20%.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a sunny October afternoon, a young woman exits the Planned Parenthood office in Napa carrying a small white paper bag. She hasn’t taken more than five steps toward her car before she’s approached: “Hi, can I give you some information about free resources?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the Friday before Halloween of 2022, four months after the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2022/06/24/1107126432/abortion-bans-supreme-court-roe-v-wade\">leading to bans on most abortions in about 13 states\u003c/a> (so far). It’s about a week before the midterms, when California voters will decide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\">enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today, here in Napa, the abortion conversation looks like this: A woman named Teresa Conemac sits on a stool steps away from the Planned Parenthood entrance, wearing scrubs and a badge that reads “client advocate,” praying and performing what she and her fellow volunteers with the Christian anti-abortion organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.40daysforlife.com/en/\">40 Days for Life\u003c/a> call “sidewalk counseling.” She talks to people approaching or exiting the clinic, and gives them pamphlets featuring widely debunked claims about the dangers of abortion and birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937384 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a older white woman in orange scrubs talks to a Black woman in dark clothing outside a Planned Parenthood health clinic\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59821_009_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Conemac talks to a person leaving a Planned Parenthood clinic in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Conemac also tells them about resources at, and distributes cards for, the facility next door: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xuUaKU87J8\">Napa Women’s Center\u003c/a>, opened by the Christian nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life in 2020. No medical professionals work at this facility, but a visitor can take a free pregnancy test, learn about adoption agencies and pick up pamphlets that inaccurately link abortion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/healthy/cancer-causes/medical-treatments/abortion-and-breast-cancer-risk.html\">breast cancer\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/30/well/can-an-abortion-affect-your-fertility.html\">infertility\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">depression\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22270271/\">death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Napa Women’s Center is an anti-abortion center — sometimes known as a “crisis pregnancy center.” It’s one of approximately 3,000 such facilities across the country. Established by faith-based organizations, anti-abortion centers exist primarily to dissuade people from having abortions. They often attract clients by opening in close proximity to abortion care clinics and by advertising reproductive health services, despite the vast majority operating without medical licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, it is no accident that an anti-abortion center operates right next to the city’s lone Planned Parenthood, in a state of uneasy tension, on one small city block. Connected by a 6-foot wooden fence, their facades are plain, and notably similar to the casual observer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But behind those doors lie two vastly different worlds. For a pregnant person seeking health care, the choice of which one to enter comes with potentially life-changing consequences. None of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926949/newsom-signs-slate-of-abortion-protection-bills\">new state laws aimed at strengthening abortion rights\u003c/a> can help a patient who’s standing on the sidewalk outside, deciding between the two, confused about what they’re seeing. And as long as California fails to regulate anti-abortion centers, advocates say, calling itself a sanctuary state won’t change a thing about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t have a moment to lose’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers have existed in some form since the late 1960s, when Catholic activists first sought to counter the growing legalization of abortion in the United States. After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the right to an abortion was protected by the Constitution in its 1973 Roe v. Wade decision — which, had it been upheld, would have celebrated a 50th anniversary Jan. 22 — the so-called crisis pregnancy center movement expanded to include evangelical Christians. That expansion led to networks like Heartbeat International, which operates more than 2,000 centers worldwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion centers proliferated throughout the ’90s and aughts, in part thanks to federal grants for abstinence-only education under President George W. Bush; many received further federal funds due to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730464/california-sues-trump-administration-over-new-abortion-restrictions\">changes made to Title X under the Trump administration\u003c/a>. In 2019, for example, the California-based network of centers calling itself Obria Medical Clinics — which operates in Oakland, Redwood City, Union City and San José — was awarded $5.1 million over three years by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But with the fall of Roe, abortion-rights advocates say these centers have assumed an even more powerful role in the landscape, becoming an increasingly valuable tool in the anti-abortion movement’s arsenal. At the same time, advocates charge, anti-abortion centers only intensify the inequities in abortion access along racial and socioeconomic lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These centers’ impact might be most dramatic in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/us/abortion-laws-roe-v-wade.html\">26 states that either recently banned or plan to heavily restrict abortions\u003c/a>, where even seeking out abortion information could put a pregnant person on the wrong side of the law. But advocates say anti-abortion centers also play a surprisingly significant role in blue states like California, where they \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/report-shows-anti-abortion-cpcs-receive-federal-and-state-funding-to-mislead-clients-provide-few-services/#:~:text=The%20number%20of%20CPCs%20in,than%20CPCs%20in%20other%20states\">outnumber clinics that provide abortions by 20%\u003c/a> — and where as many as \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/PDFs/Center_on_Reproductive_Health/California_Abortion_Estimates.pdf?campaign_id=49&emc=edit_ca_20220627&instance_id=65130&nl=california-today®i_id=161520323&segment_id=96906&te=1&user_id=fa2fb80d2a88c6eb21eaedcb8ce6386f\">16,000 people are now expected to travel each year in search of abortion care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those issues where time is of the essence to the women who are involved, whose lives are at stake,” says former Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer of the lack of regulation around anti-abortion centers. “And because of what’s happening nationally, we don’t have a moment to lose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his last months as city attorney in 2022, Feuer successfully introduced a city ordinance that makes it punishable by up to $10,000 for a facility to “mislead women into believing they offer a full range of reproductive health services, including abortion or abortion referrals” when they do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may already be in a situation where women who are utterly desperate to exercise their full reproductive choices are coming to our city,” says Feuer. “And we need to ensure that when they do, no pregnancy center misleads them about their services and what their options are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do. But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Going unmentioned in LA’s new ordinance is how difficult it’s proven to regulate these facilities — Democratic lawmakers have been trying, and mostly failing, for years. Most recently, California’s 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB775\">Reproductive FACT Act\u003c/a> required reproductive health care facilities to inform clients about the state’s programs that provide low-cost or free contraception and abortion, and forced unlicensed centers to post notices acknowledging that they were not licensed health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, after the law was challenged by an anti-abortion legal organization, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606427673/supreme-court-sides-with-california-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers\">U.S. Supreme Court voted 5–4 to strike it down\u003c/a> on the grounds that it violated the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://christinehenneberg.com/\">Christine Henneberg\u003c/a>, a Bay Area OB-GYN and abortion provider — who says “a fair number” of her patients have interacted with an anti-abortion center by the time they land in her office — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-06-22/crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion-deception-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">continued lack of regulation\u003c/a> is “absurd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working at medical facilities, we have so many regulations on everything we do,” says Henneberg. “But then these places that are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> medical facilities — that are disguising themselves as medical facilities — are totally unregulated? It makes no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absent meaningful regulation, some agencies have focused on education: In June of 2022, California Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-consumer-alert-warning-californians-crisis\">a consumer alert about anti-abortion centers\u003c/a>. And the state’s new hub for abortion resources, abortion.ca.gov, includes a section on \u003ca href=\"https://abortion.ca.gov/find-a-provider/#fake-abortion-information\">how to spot the differences between such centers and legitimate clinics that offer abortion care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Henneberg, it’s unfair to put the onus of research on the consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you send a patient to get their tonsils removed, the language is of informed consent: You tell them the risks, benefits and alternatives that you can offer them. That is the physician’s responsibility in an ethical sense, and it’s the law,” she says. “You don’t assume, oh, well, they can find out for themselves … it boggles my mind that anyone would think it’s the responsibility of the consumer seeking a legal service to figure this out on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Patients get confused’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lynda Metz knew immediately that the building she’d entered wasn’t a health clinic. But it was 1995, she was 17, and the center had been the first thing listed when she looked up “pregnancy test” in the Yellow Pages. Pregnant and terrified in a strict Southern Baptist community north of Little Rock, Arkansas, she was happy to take whatever free services were closest to home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing clinical about it,” recalls Metz, who went on to have two children by the age of 20. “I peed on the stick, and then a woman pulled me into a room and took out her Bible … and kind of held me hostage for two hours. She showed me pictures of little plastic babies with arms and legs and said, ‘This is what your baby looks like now.’ There was nothing about how to [take care of myself]. Their focus was just baby, baby, baby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1534px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png\" alt=\"a young teen girl with brown hair in a school photo at left, and in a portrait with her infant son on the right\" width=\"1534\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM.png 1534w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-800x451.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-1020x574.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2023-01-08-at-2.46.20-PM-160x90.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1534px) 100vw, 1534px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the left, Lynda Metz in a photo from her sophomore year of high school, the year before she became pregnant. On the right, Metz a month before her 18th birthday, with her son Matthew. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Lynda Metz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nearly three decades later, search engines have taken the place of the Yellow Pages — with arguably more complicated results. Last August, responding to mounting public pressure, both \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2022/08/23/tech/yelp-crisis-pregnancy-centers/index.html\">Yelp\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/08/25/google-maps-abortions/\">Google Maps\u003c/a> announced that their apps would begin labeling so-called crisis pregnancy centers differently from health clinics that provide abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would appear they’ve followed through, to a point: Up until July, a search for “abortion” on Google Maps returned nearly two dozen anti-abortion centers across the Bay Area’s nine counties, including one in San Francisco, one in Oakland and several in the South Bay. Six months later, that’s no longer the case. However, a search for “pregnancy center” or “women’s clinic” still returns most of these centers. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2022-google-search-abortion-clinic-crisis-pregnancy-center-ads/\">paid advertisements for anti-abortion centers still regularly appear in Google’s search results\u003c/a> without any disclaimers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carly Thomsen, assistant professor of gender and sexuality at Middlebury College in Vermont, thinks the algorithm update was a small, overdue step in the right direction — but she doesn’t expect it to put much of a dent in anti-abortion centers’ business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can see how people would think crisis pregnancy centers are using technology to transform their approach, but I actually don’t think that’s true. I think technology has allowed them to make their same strategies more sophisticated and more wide-reaching,” says Thomsen, who recently co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/05/12/opinion/crisis-pregnancy-centers-roe.html\">deeply researched opinion piece on these facilities for \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “And that strategy is to use scare tactics and deception to make claims about what they will offer you in terms of support, even though they’re never held accountable for any of these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937631\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937631\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt='a mural that says \"live life love\" is seen on the side of a building labeled \"alpha pregnancy center\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS60260_002_KQED_AlphaPregnancyCenter_11172022-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alpha Pregnancy Center, a faith-based anti-abortion center on Mission Street in the Excelsior neighborhood of San Francisco. After months of public pressure, Google Maps recently updated its algorithm so this center no longer appears when a user searches the word ‘abortion.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a graduate student at UC Santa Barbara, Thomsen was part of a successful effort in 2010 to ban anti-abortion centers from advertising on campus. It’s still the only school, to her knowledge, with that restriction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But perhaps the most insidious tactic, says Thomsen, remains simple geography: By design, religious groups open anti-abortion centers in close proximity to clinics that offer abortion care. In Thomsen’s research on these geographic relationships, she found that more than 99% of clinics that offer abortion care nationwide have an anti-abortion center located close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any place there’s an abortion clinic, there’s a crisis pregnancy center,” she says. “And that’s very intentional.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, say experts: these facilities count on vulnerable people making mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is especially evident in places like Napa, where anti-abortion activists work blatantly to direct people away from Planned Parenthood and toward the Napa Women’s Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Patients get confused,” says Gloria Martinez, senior director of operations for Planned Parenthood Northern California, of the situation at those two facilities. “Especially if it’s their first time with us or visiting that location, and there’s this person out there in scrubs and this person is telling them, ‘Oh, come over here instead.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a \u003ca href=\"https://napavalleyregister.com/news/local/napa-council-votes-for-30-foot-buffer-at-planned-parenthood-center-after-years-of-abortion/article_5338519e-c089-5a82-8bcd-562d833ea369.html\">so-called buffer zone\u003c/a> is supposed to render the clinic’s entrance off-limits to protesters, Martinez says local law enforcement seems hesitant to enforce it due to fears “that the opposition will take action against them” with lawsuits that claim the buffer violates their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of protesters is one major reason this Napa location of Planned Parenthood is scheduled to close in 2023 after more than 20 years. It will reopen in a new, larger facility elsewhere in Napa — staff are hesitant to say exactly where, lest anti-abortion activists begin planning protests there as well — in the hopes of a better patient experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the current patient experience, it’s difficult to quantify exactly how many people who intend to visit Planned Parenthood end up at the anti-abortion center next door. But there are indicators. During the twice-yearly campaigns by 40 Days for Life — in which anti-abortion protesters are present in larger numbers for, yes, 40 days — Martinez says the no-show rate for appointments at that Planned Parenthood doubles: It normally hovers at around 19%, but during campaigns, the number “skyrockets to 40, sometimes 50%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937702 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The hand of an older white woman holds a pamphlet describing inaccurate side effects of abortions\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59835_022_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">40 Days for Life volunteer Teresa Conemac holds pamphlets she distributes outside Planned Parenthood in Napa. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s just another barrier [for patients], when there are already so many barriers,” says Martinez. “So many of our patients are low-income, or maybe they’re facing a language barrier or a transportation barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then this is another layer that they have to face: harassment. Harassment when seeking health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Targeting communities of color\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if a person mistakenly visits an anti-abortion center, then eventually finds their way to a clinic that offers abortion care, it’s difficult to overstate the trauma that such an experience can inflict, says Susy Chávez Herrera, communications director for California Latinas for Reproductive Justice in Los Angeles (CLRJ).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be really intense, and it can really hurt a person’s well-being,” says Chávez Herrera. “Whether physically, by delaying a procedure that might be needed for medical reasons, or mentally, because of the toll it takes on folks who are seeking a medical service and met with this series of misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be especially true considering the already vulnerable communities targeted by anti-abortion centers, according to advocates: immigrants, first-generation Americans, Black and Latinx people, young people and people from lower-income families living in rural areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11938511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg\" alt='pamphlets in English and Spanish on a shelf show a Black woman and a Latina woman who are pregnant. The pamphlet is titled \"the first 9 months\"' width=\"800\" height=\"529\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-800x529.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1020x675.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1536x1016.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-2048x1355.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/IMG_2166-1920x1270.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets available at the Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco. The APC, unlike the majority of anti-abortion centers, has a medical license. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know they target the Latinx community,” says Chávez Herrera. “Just driving down the street here in LA, you see billboards from these groups, with this misinformation, in neighborhoods that we know have largely Latinx communities. And we know these anti-abortion clinics set up shop in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study by The Alliance, a consortium of law organizations and policy groups studying reproductive justice, found that \u003ca href=\"https://alliancestateadvocates.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/Alliance-CPC-Study-Designed-to-Deceive.pdf\">some anti-abortion centers try to appeal to Black communities (PDF)\u003c/a> — which already face disproportionate maternal mortality rates — by “blackwashing” their websites or pamphlets, prominently featuring images of Black women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latinx community, advocates say anti-abortion centers prey on fears undocumented immigrants might have about visiting a government-funded health clinic, wary that it could lead to deportation; others note that anti-abortion centers make a point of advertising on Spanish-language radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png\" alt=\"a screenshot of a spanish language website of a crisis pregnancy center called real options medical clinics, featuring a woman in scrubs talking to another woman, a patient\" width=\"800\" height=\"439\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-800x439.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1020x560.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-160x88.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1536x844.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-2048x1125.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.53.34-PM-1920x1055.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of Obria Medical Clinics, a network of anti-abortion centers that operates five facilities in the Bay Area, funded partially by federal grants it received under the Trump administration. Obria clinics also advertise that they accept Medi-Cal, which means their clinics receive reimbursements from the taxpayer-funded state program.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Net, one of the two biggest national networks of anti-abortion centers, has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9189146/\">a programming arm explicitly devoted to outreach in Black and Latinx communities\u003c/a> since 2003, according to a study in the \u003cem>International Journal of Women’s Health\u003c/em>. Initially dubbed the “Urban Initiative,” tactics include advertising on Black Entertainment Television (BET) and “drawing comparisons between abortion and slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no question that they target communities of color,” says Thomsen. “So we also need to be talking about crisis pregnancy centers as something that is impeding racial justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937639\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937639\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png\" alt=\"a Black woman is seen on a website for the Alpha Pregnancy Center, a Christian anti-abortion center \" width=\"800\" height=\"338\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-800x338.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1020x431.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-160x68.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1536x650.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-2048x866.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Screen-Shot-2022-12-07-at-4.51.42-PM-1920x812.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot from the website of the Alpha Pregnancy Center, an anti-abortion center in San Francisco.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One small step in the right direction, according to abortion rights advocates, is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2586\">Assembly Bill 2586\u003c/a>, which was signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September as a means of addressing “the reproductive and sexual health inequities that Black, Indigenous and other communities of color face” by issuing grants to community-based organizations that focus on culturally relevant care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill’s text included a pointed section about how the “dissemination of misinformation … particularly at the hands of organizations with a demonstrated interest in limiting choice that often misrepresent themselves as health centers, imposes a harmful barrier to reproductive health care access, especially for communities most impacted by a number of other obstacles to care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion-rights advocates applaud the bill — CLRJ endorsed it enthusiastically — some also note that funding legitimate reproductive health organizations does little to directly curtail the impact that anti-abortion centers have in communities of color, the result of decades of groundwork by anti-abortion activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re talking about is an organized campaign of misinformation,” says Chávez Herrera. “And that has been around since well before the repeal [of Roe v. Wade], even in states that are trying to protect abortion rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘God works in mysterious ways’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the street in Napa, as Conemac and a fellow volunteer perform their “sidewalk counseling” next to signs they’ve brought that read “EXPOSE PLANNED PARENTHOOD,” people drive by and honk every few minutes in response. In some cases the honk is followed by a middle finger, or a yelled epithet. They also receive thumbs-up signals, and in one case a shout of “God bless you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inside the Napa Women’s Center, it’s quiet; the paint and furniture are all soothing beige and pastels. In a room often used to counsel pregnant people, Julie Murillo, executive director of the center, declines to estimate what percentage of the people entering the center are doing so mistakenly, thinking they will be able to access birth control or abortion care. It happens, she says casually, “all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937694\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a car with signs that read 'expose planned parenthood' outside a crisis pregnancy center\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59827_012_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with signs for the organization 40 Days for Life sits outside the Napa Women’s Center, an anti-abortion center opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I tell them that we’re not Planned Parenthood, we’re the Napa Women’s Center, and then I ask them if we can help them on what they need,” she says. She’s seated by a shelf full of English and Spanish brochures with titles like “Life Before Birth,” “What You Need to Know About Abortion Procedures” and one advertising information about “abortion pill reversal” — an experimental hormonal treatment not approved by the FDA, which the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists has said is potentially dangerous and not supported by science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not here to lie to anybody,” says Murillo. “We are here to try and tell them the truth about what happens to their bodies, and to help them make good decisions for their life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937683 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three printed-out signs advertising, among other things, 'abortion pill reversal' in a row of glass panels in a front door.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59850_038_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on the door for the Napa Women’s Center advertise ‘abortion pill reversal’ at the facility in Napa on Nov. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like most anti-abortion centers, the Napa Women’s Center has no medical professionals on staff. But the organization is in the process of recruiting a nurse practitioner; then, the center plans to begin offering ultrasounds, which anti-abortion activists consider a powerful tool in dissuading a person from having an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alpha Pregnancy Center in San Francisco may be an example of what many anti-abortion centers would like to achieve. The facility — which is not located near an abortion care clinic, and which states clearly on its website that it does not offer abortions — \u003ca href=\"https://www.alphapc.org/our-beginnings\">was founded by a group of pastors in 1983. \u003c/a>But the center completed a two-year process to obtain a medical license in 2015, and now has a full-time registered nurse overseeing its medical services, including ultrasounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For certified OB-GYNs like Henneberg, ultrasounds are also, notably, often the first indication that a patient has mistakenly been to an anti-abortion center before landing in a legitimate medical office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll ask me questions like, ‘Do I have to look at the ultrasound?’ And I’ll say, ‘No, of course not.’ And they’ll say, ‘Oh, well, the other place made me look at the ultrasound, and I really don’t wanna see it,’” she says. In some cases, according to several reports, \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2021/10/crisis-pregnancy-centers-ultrasounds-accuracy-stakes/\">an anti-abortion center might perform an ultrasound, then show patients a falsified image of a fetus at a later stage of development\u003c/a> to dissuade them from seeking an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you probe a little, often you’ll hear, ‘Yeah, I went to this place first and they told me not to get [an abortion]. And they’re obviously usually annoyed by that,” says Henneberg. “That’s not why they went there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a gray building with words that say 'free pregnancy tests' and 'Napa Women's Center, health and wellness matter'\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59830_014_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Napa Women’s Center, a facility opened by faith-based nonprofit Napa Valley Culture of Life, advertises free pregnancy tests. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murillo remains adamant that Napa Women’s Center staff are not out to trick anyone. And she says that while the center and 40 Days for Life share the same beliefs about abortion — they are hoping to “help people choose life” — they are separate organizations. (Technically, the two nonprofits do have separate tax ID numbers. But in a video advertising the Napa Women’s Center, Napa Valley Culture of Life president Gerry Cruz details how the center grew directly out of 40 Days for Life’s 2009 campaign in front of Planned Parenthood. Volunteers and staff are on a first-name basis, many belong to the same church, and so on.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In discussing the center’s offerings, Murillo is especially proud of the center’s “baby boutique”: In exchange for watching videos on relationships, fetal development and parenting, visitors can earn points, which can be exchanged for diapers or formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Murillo, she comes from a wine and hospitality background. “God works in mysterious ways,” she says, by way of explaining how she landed in this profession, which amounts to a combination of unlicensed social work and, ostensibly, distributing medical information. “You never know where you’re going to end up, and sometimes you just say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I felt tricked’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are encouraging signs, say some abortion-rights advocates, that anti-abortion centers may finally be garnering attention. In June, a group of four Democratic congressmembers including Sen. Elizabeth Warren introduced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/4469/text?r=18&s=1\">Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act\u003c/a>, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. And the newly formed \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-launches-california-reproductive-rights-task-force\">California Reproductive Rights Task Force\u003c/a> lists “enforcing consumer protection laws against deceptive or unlawful conduct concerning reproductive healthcare” as one of its objectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-abortion movement may already be adjusting its strategies in response. Anti-abortion activists have explicitly stated that they view the Dobbs decision as a chance to expand their networks, including opening new centers. The National Institute of Family and Life Advocates has led an effort to help existing anti-abortion centers hire trained nurses and obtain medical licensing — potentially shielding them from lawsuits about false advertising. And some facilities have increasingly touted their so-called baby boutiques, branding themselves primarily as charities, though due to lack of oversight there’s very little data on how much they actually give away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937697\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937697\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a white woman with short blond and gray hair in a pink suit speaks in front of the Capitol building\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1403119190-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), seen here speaking about abortion rights at a press conference on June 15, 2022, is one of the members of Congress behind the Stop Anti-Abortion Disinformation Act, which would have the Federal Trade Commission issue rules regarding deceptive advertising by anti-abortion centers. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, according to the Alliance study, as of a 2021 count, anti-abortion centers outnumbered clinics that offer abortion care nationally by an average ratio of 3 to 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, roughly 170 anti-abortion centers continue to operate — and at least 10 have received state funding through Medi-Cal reimbursements, also according to the Alliance study, which noted that “[i]nvestment of public money in CPCs is escalating, especially in the states, with virtually no government oversight, accountability, or transparency.” An untold number of centers also received both federal and state funds during the pandemic through the Paycheck Protection Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Napa, as daylight wanes, the 40 Days for Life volunteers pack up their things; Conemac likes to focus on the hours of 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., since that’s when she believes Planned Parenthood pharmacists give out RU-486, otherwise known as the abortion pill. (This location does not perform surgical abortions.) In her place, a group of teenage volunteers from the organization gathers with anti-abortion signs, and stands laughing and talking, flanking the space between the two centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11937681 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"a row of young teens holds anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk in between a Planned Parenthood and a crisis pregnancy center. From across the street, they seem to be diverse in terms of ethnicity, age., and gender.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS59814_039_KQED_CrisisPregnancyCenter_11042022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young volunteers for 40 Days for Life stand with anti-abortion signs on the sidewalk between Planned Parenthood and the Napa Women’s Center in Napa on Oct. 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Emma Silvers/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of them look to be around 17. That’s the age Lynda Metz was when she first set foot in an anti-abortion center, scared and confused. Some 27 years later, Metz — now a proudly pro-abortion-rights grandmother still living in a conservative area of Arkansas — can’t help but think about her experience. For one, that center is still in operation, and occasionally she has to drive by it. Or she’ll see a sign from a local business announcing they donate to that facility, and she makes a mental note not to shop there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also makes a point to talk to other young women in her community, and lets them know they have options. However, as Arkansas is now a state where abortion is “completely banned with very limited exceptions,” according to the Guttmacher Institute, those options are severely limited: A person seeking an abortion has to drive \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/arkansas/abortion-statistics\">an average of more than 300 miles one-way to visit a clinic\u003c/a> that offers them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mostly, when Metz thinks about her experience, it still feels fresh, and she still feels confused. She can place herself in that room, trapped with that woman and the Bible, realizing she was not going to receive any support or information about her health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt tricked,” she says. And nearly three decades later, she says, “I still just don’t understand. It’s not a necessary service. You are literally tricking people into thinking that this is a certified health clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, how is this still legal?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"californiareportmagazine": {
"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
"meta": {
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
"link": "/forum",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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}
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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