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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated April 1, 2021 at 11:43 AM ET\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden's top advisers promise \"long-needed systemic reforms\" to address a backlog of more than 1 million asylum cases in the immigration court system, which often keeps people applying for asylum waiting years to resolve their cases. That could mean some big changes to how asylum cases are processed at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan the Biden administration is considering to speed up the process would take some asylum cases from the southern border out of the hands of the overloaded immigration courts under the Department of Justice. Instead, it would handle them under the purview of the Department of Homeland Security, where asylum officers already process tens of thousands of cases a year, two people familiar with the discussions who were not authorized to speak about administration plans told NPR exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those familiar with the discussions say one outcome of this plan could be to discourage unauthorized migration. That's because currently those who can argue for a certain fear of persecution are able to gain temporary residence and often a work permit as they wait out their cases. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The big flaw in the system right now is your family comes in, they're going to process you, you may end up with an ankle bracelet and an asylum hearing in three years,\" said a source familiar with the discussions. \"And so it's really hard to explain to the country that it's not just an open door.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas seemed to tease the plan earlier this month, promising to reengineer the asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will shorten from years to months the time it takes to adjudicate an asylum claim while ensuring procedural safeguards and enhancing access to counsel,\" Mayorkas said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242156/download\">530 judges\u003c/a> in the immigration courts that handle a caseload that is now backed up \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242166/download\">to more than 1.2 million cases\u003c/a>, according to the Justice Department. Meanwhile, the asylum office that could take on some of those cases under this plan has about 860 officers and a pending caseload of about 350,000, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/20_0630_cisomb-2020-annual-report-to-congress.pdf\">according to the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So it's a much more flexible system,\" said Doris Meissner, a former commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the Clinton administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan the Biden administration is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/us-asylum-system-crisis-charting-way-forward\">is based largely on the one\u003c/a> authored by Meissner, who is now a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute. Biden endorsed the plan when he was running for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meissner says the majority of Central Americans who arrive at the border are not going to be eligible for asylum, but some percentage will be eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And so that means that they would be able to get the protection they need in a prompt fashion, get on with their lives,\" Meissner said. \"And then, of course, it's the responsibility of the government to return those people who are not eligible unless that migrant wants to appeal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the administration could dramatically reduce the caseload by making a regulatory change to allow cases along the border to be handled by asylum officers in the Department of Homeland Security instead of the immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meissner and her colleagues say problems with the system were exacerbated by the Trump administration, which expanded controversial programs that fast-tracked the return of asylum-seekers at the southern border. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of cases in the immigration courts has exploded over the past decade \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242166/download\">from more than 262,000 in 2010 to 1.26 million in 2020\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, just over 231,000 cases were completed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, asylum officers for border cases are in charge of making credible-fear decisions, but then refer the cases to immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Meissner points out that asylum officers are already doing fuller reviews, including granting asylum for tens of thousands of people who already are in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Asylum officers do exactly this work for cases that arise in other parts of the country, except at the southern border, because of this way that the statutes were written that didn't anticipate cases across the southern border,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, asylum officers granted asylum to nearly 30,000 applicants from places such as Venezuela, China, Egypt, Turkey and Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This included grants of asylum to more than 3,200 applicants from Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras who were already in the U.S. when they applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say they welcome a more efficient system, provided changes are not used as a way to expedite removals as the Trump administration did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Eleanor Acer, Human Rights First']'The massive backlog must be dealt with ... But the answer to that problem is not to deprive asylum-seekers of due process and a fair hearing, or to weaponize the asylum process to try to deter other people from seeking U.S. protection.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleanor Acer of Human Rights First says there are a host of reasons to allow asylum officers to conduct the first set of interviews and reduce the numbers, but she says it's important that applicants have a chance to appeal to the court before being removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The massive backlog must be dealt with,\" she said. \"But the answer to that problem is not to deprive asylum-seekers of due process and a fair hearing, or to weaponize the asylum process to try to deter other people from seeking U.S. protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has already ended two of the Trump administration's programs, the Prompt Asylum Case Review and the Humanitarian Asylum Review Program, that were designed to quickly return Mexican and Central American asylum-seekers suspected of having invalid claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department of Homeland Security officials declined to discuss plans to shift border cases to the asylum division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an administration official said last week they are now working on a number of policies and regulations to create \"a better functioning asylum system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes establishing refugee processing in the region and strengthening other countries' asylum systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden also resurrected the Central American Minors program that reunited children with parents who are in the United States legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration is now seeking to \"pick up the pieces\" after the Trump administration, with a different set of policies that abide by U.S. law but also international obligations, Meissner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to have access to asylum,\" Meissner said, \"but it needs to be done in a way that can be prompt and fair, not in a way that leads to waits of years and years and court backlogs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Administration+Considers+Overhaul+Of+Asylum+System+At+Southern+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated April 1, 2021 at 11:43 AM ET\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden's top advisers promise \"long-needed systemic reforms\" to address a backlog of more than 1 million asylum cases in the immigration court system, which often keeps people applying for asylum waiting years to resolve their cases. That could mean some big changes to how asylum cases are processed at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan the Biden administration is considering to speed up the process would take some asylum cases from the southern border out of the hands of the overloaded immigration courts under the Department of Justice. Instead, it would handle them under the purview of the Department of Homeland Security, where asylum officers already process tens of thousands of cases a year, two people familiar with the discussions who were not authorized to speak about administration plans told NPR exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those familiar with the discussions say one outcome of this plan could be to discourage unauthorized migration. That's because currently those who can argue for a certain fear of persecution are able to gain temporary residence and often a work permit as they wait out their cases. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The big flaw in the system right now is your family comes in, they're going to process you, you may end up with an ankle bracelet and an asylum hearing in three years,\" said a source familiar with the discussions. \"And so it's really hard to explain to the country that it's not just an open door.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas seemed to tease the plan earlier this month, promising to reengineer the asylum system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will shorten from years to months the time it takes to adjudicate an asylum claim while ensuring procedural safeguards and enhancing access to counsel,\" Mayorkas said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently about \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242156/download\">530 judges\u003c/a> in the immigration courts that handle a caseload that is now backed up \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242166/download\">to more than 1.2 million cases\u003c/a>, according to the Justice Department. Meanwhile, the asylum office that could take on some of those cases under this plan has about 860 officers and a pending caseload of about 350,000, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/20_0630_cisomb-2020-annual-report-to-congress.pdf\">according to the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So it's a much more flexible system,\" said Doris Meissner, a former commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the Clinton administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan the Biden administration is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/us-asylum-system-crisis-charting-way-forward\">is based largely on the one\u003c/a> authored by Meissner, who is now a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute. Biden endorsed the plan when he was running for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meissner says the majority of Central Americans who arrive at the border are not going to be eligible for asylum, but some percentage will be eligible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And so that means that they would be able to get the protection they need in a prompt fashion, get on with their lives,\" Meissner said. \"And then, of course, it's the responsibility of the government to return those people who are not eligible unless that migrant wants to appeal.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the administration could dramatically reduce the caseload by making a regulatory change to allow cases along the border to be handled by asylum officers in the Department of Homeland Security instead of the immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meissner and her colleagues say problems with the system were exacerbated by the Trump administration, which expanded controversial programs that fast-tracked the return of asylum-seekers at the southern border. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of cases in the immigration courts has exploded over the past decade \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1242166/download\">from more than 262,000 in 2010 to 1.26 million in 2020\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, just over 231,000 cases were completed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, asylum officers for border cases are in charge of making credible-fear decisions, but then refer the cases to immigration courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Meissner points out that asylum officers are already doing fuller reviews, including granting asylum for tens of thousands of people who already are in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Asylum officers do exactly this work for cases that arise in other parts of the country, except at the southern border, because of this way that the statutes were written that didn't anticipate cases across the southern border,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, asylum officers granted asylum to nearly 30,000 applicants from places such as Venezuela, China, Egypt, Turkey and Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This included grants of asylum to more than 3,200 applicants from Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras who were already in the U.S. when they applied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say they welcome a more efficient system, provided changes are not used as a way to expedite removals as the Trump administration did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleanor Acer of Human Rights First says there are a host of reasons to allow asylum officers to conduct the first set of interviews and reduce the numbers, but she says it's important that applicants have a chance to appeal to the court before being removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The massive backlog must be dealt with,\" she said. \"But the answer to that problem is not to deprive asylum-seekers of due process and a fair hearing, or to weaponize the asylum process to try to deter other people from seeking U.S. protection.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has already ended two of the Trump administration's programs, the Prompt Asylum Case Review and the Humanitarian Asylum Review Program, that were designed to quickly return Mexican and Central American asylum-seekers suspected of having invalid claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department of Homeland Security officials declined to discuss plans to shift border cases to the asylum division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an administration official said last week they are now working on a number of policies and regulations to create \"a better functioning asylum system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes establishing refugee processing in the region and strengthening other countries' asylum systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden also resurrected the Central American Minors program that reunited children with parents who are in the United States legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration is now seeking to \"pick up the pieces\" after the Trump administration, with a different set of policies that abide by U.S. law but also international obligations, Meissner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to have access to asylum,\" Meissner said, \"but it needs to be done in a way that can be prompt and fair, not in a way that leads to waits of years and years and court backlogs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Biden+Administration+Considers+Overhaul+Of+Asylum+System+At+Southern+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "US Treatment of Migrant Children Falls Under UN Definition of 'Torture,' Doctors Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new paper, \u003ca href=\"https://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/early/2020/10/23/peds.2020-012930\">published on the website of the medical journal \"Pediatrics\"\u003c/a> on Tuesday, calls the federal government's handling of migrant children at the border \"consistent with torture\" and recommends that pediatricians and child health care professionals take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's been a really active dialogue across the country with child health professionals about the difference between: 'Is this child abuse and neglect that's going on in detention centers and foster homes related to those detention centers, or is it torture?'\" said Coleen Kivlahan, a family medicine doctor at UCSF and the co-chair of the UCSF Health and Human Rights Initiative who co-authored the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conclusion, according to the paper, is that the \"treatment of children at the border constitutes cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment that rises to the level of torture.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cat.aspx\">United Nations Convention against Torture\u003c/a> defines torture as follows:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The paper argues that the government's treatment of migrant children falls under three criteria from this definition, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.icc-cpi.int/resource-library/documents/rs-eng.pdf\">Rome Statute\u003c/a> of the International Criminal Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Coleen Kivlahan, UCSF\"]'I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers argue that actions like family separations caused \"severe pain and suffering\" and were inflicted with a specific purpose and with the consent of government officials — oftentimes by order from the president himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon,\" Kivlahan explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"'Did in fact that occur for a purpose?' Of course it occurred for a purpose. And there are public statements regarding the purpose, and that is to deter people from crossing the border, and especially from [bringing] your children across. And ... it absolutely is done by people working in an official capacity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aappublications.org/news/2019/01/18/immigration011819\">American Academy of Pediatrics reported that family separation can cause toxic stress in children\u003c/a> and can damage their developing brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Zarin Noor, who also co-authored the paper, has seen these impacts firsthand. A pediatrician in Oakland, Noor said toxic stress can cause medical issues in children like speech delay, anxiety, aggressive behavior and depression, as well as long-term health impacts like diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it's not just children who are impacted by these policies. According to Kivlahan, who practices family medicine at UCSF, the impacts can be intergenerational.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This becomes a multigenerational story of loss and trauma ... that impacts entire populations and is completely avoidable and preventable by making sure that we never engage in policies like this that can have this level of long-term impact,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11831289 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/09/child-separations4-1038x576.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A February \u003ca href=\"https://phr.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/PHR-Report-2020-Family-Separation-Full-Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights found that parents who'd been separated from their children at the border often experienced “pervasive symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma,” and most met the conditions for “at least one mental health condition,” like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or major depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Noor also pointed out that the stress families are experiencing didn't necessarily start at the U.S. border – what happens there may be adding to an already stressful situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Families and children who are fleeing their country ... We know that they're leaving traumatic things. They're fleeing from violence or things that are harmful to them and their family ... so that's one part of the trauma,\" she said. \"And then they have the trauma that they are facing during migration, whether it's walking four miles, whatever it is to get to the border. And then they're dealing with another trauma of being separated from their family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the paper, the authors calls on pediatricians and child health professionals to take action to combat this treatment of children, including by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Training in \"forensic assessments to identify, document, and disseminate the effects of severe ill treatment on migrant children\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using the conventions of international law, including the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child and against Torture, to frame advocacy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Collaborating with families and cross-disciplinary groups, like Doctors Without Borders and Human Rights Watch, to develop programs, policies and systems \"related to children on the move at the border and globally\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The paper also calls on the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) to immediately demand worldwide reunification of separated families, issue a policy statement on torture and child rights and initiate or support a case against the United States in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, in collaboration with other organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're just children. And I think that we just need to remember that, that they are children and they need our protection,\" Noor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They need ... pediatricians and child health providers, but also [they need] the public to really look at them and say, 'these are children, these are children just like our children, and they need our protection and they have rights just as we do.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new paper, \u003ca href=\"https://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/early/2020/10/23/peds.2020-012930\">published on the website of the medical journal \"Pediatrics\"\u003c/a> on Tuesday, calls the federal government's handling of migrant children at the border \"consistent with torture\" and recommends that pediatricians and child health care professionals take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's been a really active dialogue across the country with child health professionals about the difference between: 'Is this child abuse and neglect that's going on in detention centers and foster homes related to those detention centers, or is it torture?'\" said Coleen Kivlahan, a family medicine doctor at UCSF and the co-chair of the UCSF Health and Human Rights Initiative who co-authored the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conclusion, according to the paper, is that the \"treatment of children at the border constitutes cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment that rises to the level of torture.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cat.aspx\">United Nations Convention against Torture\u003c/a> defines torture as follows:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The paper argues that the government's treatment of migrant children falls under three criteria from this definition, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.icc-cpi.int/resource-library/documents/rs-eng.pdf\">Rome Statute\u003c/a> of the International Criminal Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers argue that actions like family separations caused \"severe pain and suffering\" and were inflicted with a specific purpose and with the consent of government officials — oftentimes by order from the president himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would describe cages and sleeping on the floor and being forcefully separated from their parents as severe pain or suffering. No different than I would if someone was beaten with a truncheon,\" Kivlahan explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"'Did in fact that occur for a purpose?' Of course it occurred for a purpose. And there are public statements regarding the purpose, and that is to deter people from crossing the border, and especially from [bringing] your children across. And ... it absolutely is done by people working in an official capacity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aappublications.org/news/2019/01/18/immigration011819\">American Academy of Pediatrics reported that family separation can cause toxic stress in children\u003c/a> and can damage their developing brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Zarin Noor, who also co-authored the paper, has seen these impacts firsthand. A pediatrician in Oakland, Noor said toxic stress can cause medical issues in children like speech delay, anxiety, aggressive behavior and depression, as well as long-term health impacts like diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it's not just children who are impacted by these policies. According to Kivlahan, who practices family medicine at UCSF, the impacts can be intergenerational.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This becomes a multigenerational story of loss and trauma ... that impacts entire populations and is completely avoidable and preventable by making sure that we never engage in policies like this that can have this level of long-term impact,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A February \u003ca href=\"https://phr.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/PHR-Report-2020-Family-Separation-Full-Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> from the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights found that parents who'd been separated from their children at the border often experienced “pervasive symptoms and behaviors consistent with trauma,” and most met the conditions for “at least one mental health condition,” like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or major depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Noor also pointed out that the stress families are experiencing didn't necessarily start at the U.S. border – what happens there may be adding to an already stressful situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Families and children who are fleeing their country ... We know that they're leaving traumatic things. They're fleeing from violence or things that are harmful to them and their family ... so that's one part of the trauma,\" she said. \"And then they have the trauma that they are facing during migration, whether it's walking four miles, whatever it is to get to the border. And then they're dealing with another trauma of being separated from their family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the paper, the authors calls on pediatricians and child health professionals to take action to combat this treatment of children, including by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Training in \"forensic assessments to identify, document, and disseminate the effects of severe ill treatment on migrant children\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using the conventions of international law, including the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child and against Torture, to frame advocacy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Collaborating with families and cross-disciplinary groups, like Doctors Without Borders and Human Rights Watch, to develop programs, policies and systems \"related to children on the move at the border and globally\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The paper also calls on the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) to immediately demand worldwide reunification of separated families, issue a policy statement on torture and child rights and initiate or support a case against the United States in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, in collaboration with other organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're just children. And I think that we just need to remember that, that they are children and they need our protection,\" Noor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They need ... pediatricians and child health providers, but also [they need] the public to really look at them and say, 'these are children, these are children just like our children, and they need our protection and they have rights just as we do.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Bay Area Courts Challenged Trump on Immigration. Now the Cases Head to Supreme Court",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two controversial Trump administration immigration policies that were ruled illegal by federal courts in the San Francisco Bay Area will be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in coming months, the high court announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One case deals with President Donald Trump’s approach to funding the border wall, The other deals with the policy known as “Remain in Mexico,” aimed at keeping asylum seekers out of the United States while they await hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the wall and the asylum restrictions have been central to the president’s emphasis on halting immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border, and casting immigrants as a threat. The cases also raise the question of how much power the president has to implement his policies without restriction, legal scholars say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome of the Nov. 3 presidential election could affect the future of these border policies more than the Supreme Court. If Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden wins, he could roll them back, leaving the cases moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking for Funds for a Border Fence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump made building “a big, beautiful wall” a central campaign theme in 2016. But Congress granted less than $1.4 billion for border fencing last year, far short of the $5.7 billion the administration sought. So the president announced a state of emergency, alleging that it enabled him to redirect billions of dollars that Congress had appropriated to the Defense Department for other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Dror Ladin, ACLU senior staff attorney']‘Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and the Southern Border Communities Coalition \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/sierra-club-v-trump-challenge-trumps-national-emergency-declaration-construct-border-wall\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that the move violated the separation of powers spelled out in the U.S. Constitution, which gives Congress the sole right to appropriate funds. And a federal judge in Oakland — U.S. District Judge Haywood Gilliam — ruled in June 2019 that the diversion of funds was illegal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed, but the U.S. Supreme Court allowed construction to proceed while the case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction,” Dror Ladin, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU and lead counsel in the case, said in a statement. “We look forward to making the same case before the Supreme Court and finally putting a stop to the administration’s unconstitutional power grab.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it has built 341 miles so far, but almost all of that is new fencing to replace sections of the existing fence, which covers close to 700 miles of the 2,000 mile border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Policy to Deter Asylum Seekers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The second case the high court agreed to hear deals with the 2018 Remain in Mexico policy, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/01/24/migrant-protection-protocols\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a>. The protocols aim to prevent migrants from “gaming” the asylum system for economic opportunity in the U.S. The policy allows U.S. border authorities, after an initial asylum screening, to turn back non-Mexican adults to wait for an immigration court hearing on the Mexican side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is one of several actions by the administration that have transformed the U.S. asylum system and effectively kept out the increased number of people seeking refuge in this country. Since the start of the coronavirus crisis, federal officials have used emergency pandemic restrictions to expel most migrants at the border without even an asylum screening. [aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 66,000 asylum seekers have fallen under the Remain in Mexico plan since it began in January of last year, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/628/\">25,000 with cases pending\u003c/a> in immigration courts. Most have had to shelter in Mexican border cities where cartel and gang violence is rampant, and where it has proven \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/568/\">nearly impossible\u003c/a> for migrants to find U.S. lawyers to guide their cases through an unfamiliar immigration court system. Only a tiny fraction of them — 260 people in total — \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/mpp/\">have won asylum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/innovation-law-lab-v-wolf\">challenged\u003c/a> by 11 asylum seekers and a group of immigrant legal service providers, including several in the Bay Area. Plaintiffs say the protocols do not provide “protection” to migrants, but rather put them in harm’s way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of families remain stranded in increasingly perilous conditions, where many have faced brutal violence and homelessness,” said Blaine Bookey, legal director for the San Francisco-based Center for Gender and Refugee Studies. “We will continue the fight to stop this cruelty once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco ruled that the policy likely violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, and other legal protections against returning immigrants to “unduly dangerous circumstances.” Again, the 9th Circuit agreed. And, again, the Supreme Court intervened to allow the policy to go forward while the case is litigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legal and Political Changes Could Affect Cases\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Oral arguments in the two cases will be scheduled for February at the earliest, legal analysts say. And by then, the legal and political landscape may have changed significantly. Judge Amy Coney Barrett may have been confirmed to fill the vacancy left by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, likely solidifying a conservative majority on the court. And the presidential election will have been decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more conservative court won’t necessarily rule in Trump’s favor, especially on the border wall funding case, said Kevin R. Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to guess, I’d say it’s more likely the [border wall] appropriations case will be upheld,” Johnson said. The court “may have a conservative bent, but they do respect the constitutional separation of powers framework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, if Biden is elected, he could simply end the border wall construction and the “Remain in Mexico” policy, which were executive actions to begin with, and dismiss the government’s appeals to the Supreme Court, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes all the difference who the president is,” he said. “If you wanted these cases to go away\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> you’d vote for a Biden-Harris ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two controversial Trump administration immigration policies that were ruled illegal by federal courts in the San Francisco Bay Area will be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in coming months, the high court announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One case deals with President Donald Trump’s approach to funding the border wall, The other deals with the policy known as “Remain in Mexico,” aimed at keeping asylum seekers out of the United States while they await hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the wall and the asylum restrictions have been central to the president’s emphasis on halting immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border, and casting immigrants as a threat. The cases also raise the question of how much power the president has to implement his policies without restriction, legal scholars say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome of the Nov. 3 presidential election could affect the future of these border policies more than the Supreme Court. If Democratic nominee and former Vice President Joe Biden wins, he could roll them back, leaving the cases moot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking for Funds for a Border Fence\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Trump made building “a big, beautiful wall” a central campaign theme in 2016. But Congress granted less than $1.4 billion for border fencing last year, far short of the $5.7 billion the administration sought. So the president announced a state of emergency, alleging that it enabled him to redirect billions of dollars that Congress had appropriated to the Defense Department for other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club and the Southern Border Communities Coalition \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/sierra-club-v-trump-challenge-trumps-national-emergency-declaration-construct-border-wall\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that the move violated the separation of powers spelled out in the U.S. Constitution, which gives Congress the sole right to appropriate funds. And a federal judge in Oakland — U.S. District Judge Haywood Gilliam — ruled in June 2019 that the diversion of funds was illegal. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals agreed, but the U.S. Supreme Court allowed construction to proceed while the case is being decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every lower court that has considered the case has found that the President has no authority to waste billions of taxpayer dollars on construction,” Dror Ladin, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU and lead counsel in the case, said in a statement. “We look forward to making the same case before the Supreme Court and finally putting a stop to the administration’s unconstitutional power grab.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says it has built 341 miles so far, but almost all of that is new fencing to replace sections of the existing fence, which covers close to 700 miles of the 2,000 mile border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Policy to Deter Asylum Seekers\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The second case the high court agreed to hear deals with the 2018 Remain in Mexico policy, formally known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2019/01/24/migrant-protection-protocols\">Migrant Protection Protocols\u003c/a>. The protocols aim to prevent migrants from “gaming” the asylum system for economic opportunity in the U.S. The policy allows U.S. border authorities, after an initial asylum screening, to turn back non-Mexican adults to wait for an immigration court hearing on the Mexican side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is one of several actions by the administration that have transformed the U.S. asylum system and effectively kept out the increased number of people seeking refuge in this country. Since the start of the coronavirus crisis, federal officials have used emergency pandemic restrictions to expel most migrants at the border without even an asylum screening. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 66,000 asylum seekers have fallen under the Remain in Mexico plan since it began in January of last year, including more than \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/628/\">25,000 with cases pending\u003c/a> in immigration courts. Most have had to shelter in Mexican border cities where cartel and gang violence is rampant, and where it has proven \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/568/\">nearly impossible\u003c/a> for migrants to find U.S. lawyers to guide their cases through an unfamiliar immigration court system. Only a tiny fraction of them — 260 people in total — \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/mpp/\">have won asylum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/innovation-law-lab-v-wolf\">challenged\u003c/a> by 11 asylum seekers and a group of immigrant legal service providers, including several in the Bay Area. Plaintiffs say the protocols do not provide “protection” to migrants, but rather put them in harm’s way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of families remain stranded in increasingly perilous conditions, where many have faced brutal violence and homelessness,” said Blaine Bookey, legal director for the San Francisco-based Center for Gender and Refugee Studies. “We will continue the fight to stop this cruelty once and for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg in San Francisco ruled that the policy likely violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, and other legal protections against returning immigrants to “unduly dangerous circumstances.” Again, the 9th Circuit agreed. And, again, the Supreme Court intervened to allow the policy to go forward while the case is litigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Legal and Political Changes Could Affect Cases\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Oral arguments in the two cases will be scheduled for February at the earliest, legal analysts say. And by then, the legal and political landscape may have changed significantly. Judge Amy Coney Barrett may have been confirmed to fill the vacancy left by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, likely solidifying a conservative majority on the court. And the presidential election will have been decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more conservative court won’t necessarily rule in Trump’s favor, especially on the border wall funding case, said Kevin R. Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to guess, I’d say it’s more likely the [border wall] appropriations case will be upheld,” Johnson said. The court “may have a conservative bent, but they do respect the constitutional separation of powers framework.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, if Biden is elected, he could simply end the border wall construction and the “Remain in Mexico” policy, which were executive actions to begin with, and dismiss the government’s appeals to the Supreme Court, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes all the difference who the president is,” he said. “If you wanted these cases to go away\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> you’d vote for a Biden-Harris ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump plans to seal off the U.S-Mexico border to migrants under a law intended to protect the country from communicable disease — a move that comes as the U.S. immigration system grinds to a halt in response to the growing coronavirus pandemic. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Wednesday, Trump said the southern border would not close completely. But the move would allow the administration to quickly deport asylum-seekers and other migrants who cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally without due process. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the U.S. and Canada have\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/03/18/817459237/trump-blames-chinese-virus-as-coronavirus-speads-hurting-economy\"> agreed to close their mutual border\u003c/a> to all “non-essential” traffic, following earlier restrictions imposed by the Trump administration on travel from Europe and China. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic developments on the northern and southern borders come as immigration is being curtailed in other ways, too. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Citizenship Services, the agency in charge of processing green card and citizenship applications as well as conducting asylum interviews, is closing its field offices to the public. Immigrants fighting deportation are having their cases postponed as some immigration courts are limiting dockets and others are closing. Refugee resettlement is temporarily suspended as well, according to the United Nations, because of the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are about 100 confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Mexico, and about 600 in Canada, compared to nearly 8,000 cases in the United States. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates accuse the Trump administration of exploiting the pandemic to advance its crackdown on asylum-seekers, and the partial closure of the southern border where thousands have amassed in Mexico is sure to draw legal challenges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has been falsely scapegoating immigrant communities in the name of public safety since he came into office,” said Michelle Brané at the Women’s Refugee Commission. “This rule would unquestionably violate both domestic and international law and is an abdication of our moral responsibility to protect vulnerable people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, immigrant advocates and physicians who study detention facilities are calling on U.S. authorities to release detained immigrants who pose no threat to public safety — starting with detainees who have medical conditions that put them at high risk for severe complications from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In immigration detention, there’s no such thing as social distancing. Detainees often live together, in large rooms with rows of cots. Immigrant advocates say that makes detention centers ideal breeding grounds for the virus. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a disaster that is waiting to happen,” said Eunice Cho, a lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union, which filed a lawsuit this week seeking the release of immigrants with a range of medical conditions who are detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Tacoma, Washington. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Medical [problems] in ICE detention facilities are inadequate in normal times,” Cho said. “These are not normal times, and ICE needs to take stock of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Coronavirus Coverage' tag='coronavirus']ICE is currently holding \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-management\">more than 37,000 immigrants\u003c/a> in its detention centers. Nearly half have been accused of no crime other than civil immigration violations, and many probably would not have been held under previous administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court cases involving ICE detainees will continue, despite \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/attorneys-and-government-workers-call-shutting-down-immigration-courts\">calls to suspend all hearings\u003c/a> from the union representing immigration judges, prosecutors and immigration attorneys. Hearings for immigrants who are not in detention have been postponed until April. Immigration courts in New York, Atlanta, Houston and elsewhere will close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE says it is taking precautions to protect detainees. The agency has temporarily suspended social visits at all of its detention centers. As of Tuesday, ICE says, there were no confirmed cases of COVID-19 in its detention facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in New Jersey, one staffer at the Elizabeth Detention Center has voluntarily self-quarantined after feeling ill, and has been tested for the COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would seem to be only a matter of time before the virus makes its way into these particular settings,” said Anwen Hughes, an attorney with the nonprofit Human Rights First who represents immigrants being held in Elizabeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s the opposite of social distancing” at the facility, Hughes said. “It’s like social piling on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just immigrant advocates who want to see ICE detainees released. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think that, well, these are, you know, controlled locked facilities and you just lock them up and seal them off and the virus isn’t going to get in. Well, it’s not that simple,” said Dr. Josiah Rich, an epidemiologist at Brown University who studies infectious disease in correctional facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the detainees who are at risk if there’s an outbreak, Rich says, because an influx of sick detainees could overwhelm local medical facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you’ll have a whole group of people that are going to be infected because of rapid spread in that correctional and detention facility,” he said. “And then all of sudden, those people will get sick all at once.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Immigration+Grinds+To+A+Halt+As+President+Trump+Shuts+Borders+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>ICE is currently holding \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detention-management\">more than 37,000 immigrants\u003c/a> in its detention centers. Nearly half have been accused of no crime other than civil immigration violations, and many probably would not have been held under previous administrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court cases involving ICE detainees will continue, despite \u003ca href=\"https://gothamist.com/news/attorneys-and-government-workers-call-shutting-down-immigration-courts\">calls to suspend all hearings\u003c/a> from the union representing immigration judges, prosecutors and immigration attorneys. Hearings for immigrants who are not in detention have been postponed until April. Immigration courts in New York, Atlanta, Houston and elsewhere will close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE says it is taking precautions to protect detainees. The agency has temporarily suspended social visits at all of its detention centers. As of Tuesday, ICE says, there were no confirmed cases of COVID-19 in its detention facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in New Jersey, one staffer at the Elizabeth Detention Center has voluntarily self-quarantined after feeling ill, and has been tested for the COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would seem to be only a matter of time before the virus makes its way into these particular settings,” said Anwen Hughes, an attorney with the nonprofit Human Rights First who represents immigrants being held in Elizabeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s the opposite of social distancing” at the facility, Hughes said. “It’s like social piling on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just immigrant advocates who want to see ICE detainees released. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people think that, well, these are, you know, controlled locked facilities and you just lock them up and seal them off and the virus isn’t going to get in. Well, it’s not that simple,” said Dr. Josiah Rich, an epidemiologist at Brown University who studies infectious disease in correctional facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the detainees who are at risk if there’s an outbreak, Rich says, because an influx of sick detainees could overwhelm local medical facilities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you’ll have a whole group of people that are going to be infected because of rapid spread in that correctional and detention facility,” he said. “And then all of sudden, those people will get sick all at once.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2020 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Immigration+Grinds+To+A+Halt+As+President+Trump+Shuts+Borders+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "Zero Tolerance: An Ongoing History of Family Separations at the US-Mexico Border | KQED",
"labelTerm": {
"term": 72,
"site": "news"
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigration enforcement has been one of President Trump’s central issues. Immediately after taking office three years ago, his administration announced a series of policies designed to limit both legal and illegal immigration, and restrict access to asylum in the United States. Among the most controversial is the practice of migrant family separation, in which border agents have forcibly taken thousands of children away from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border, ostensibly to facilitate the prosecution of adults for crossing the border without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"2018 statement from U.N. human rights experts\"]‘We are deeply concerned at the long-term impact and trauma, including irreparable harm that these forcible separations will have on the children.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The practice was widely condemned by human rights activists and community leaders in the U.S. and abroad. “Detention of children is punitive, severely hampers their development, and in some cases may amount to torture,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23245&LangID=E\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Nations human rights experts\u003c/a> said in a 2018 statement. “We are deeply concerned at the long-term impact and trauma, including irreparable harm that these forcible separations will have on the children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a stop to the practice and mandated that the government reunite the separated families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, under the judge’s orders, federal officials have been working to identify all of the separated parents and children. And the advocates who sued to halt the family separations have used that information to locate parents, many of whom were deported to Central America, and to make arrangements to reconnect them with their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family separation story is now seldom in the headlines, but many children still have not been reunited with their parents, and new families continue to be separated at the border, albeit in smaller numbers. A recent inspector general’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2019-11/OIG-20-06-Nov19.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), the agency responsible for unaccompanied migrant children, suggests that it may be impossible to ever know the complete number of families who have been affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the president enters his fourth year in office, KQED looks back at some key moments in the saga of this contentious government initiative and the many legal challenges to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>April 11, 2017: The First Enforcement Memo\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent speaks with Central American migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border fence on Feb. 1, 2019, in El Paso, Texas. The migrants were taken into custody, seeking political asylum in the United States. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Trump took office in 2017, the rate of illegal immigration into the U.S. was at one of its lowest points in the past three decades. However, the number of families with children arriving at the U.S. —Mexico border in search of asylum was rapidly increasing — particularly Central Americans fleeing violent conditions back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to halt the flow of those families, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions in April 2017 issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/956841/download\">memorandum\u003c/a> asking federal prosecutors to prioritize the prosecution of certain immigration offenses, including “improper entry by an alien” to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/reports/GAO-19-163/#TOC_Letter_Findings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal report\u003c/a> later identified that memo, along with a separate enforcement initiative, as the directive that led the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to separate an increasing number of children from their parents along the El Paso, Texas, section of the border starting in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some government officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/immigration-border-crisis/trump-admin-ran-pilot-program-separating-migrant-families-2017-n887616\">have characterized\u003c/a> what happened in \u003ca href=\"https://oig.hhs.gov/oei/reports/oei-BL-18-00511.pdf\">El Paso\u003c/a> as a kind of “pilot program” for the vast increase in family separations that would soon follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Feb. 26, 2018: The Family Separation Lawsuit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798862\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798862 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1160\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg 1160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-800x596.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-1020x760.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1160px) 100vw, 1160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ms. L., a Congolese mother escaping persecution in her homeland, was separated from her daughter after trying to seek refuge in the United States. \u003ccite>(Hope Hall/Courtesy of ACLU)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit against the federal government — \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/ms-l-v-ice-complaint\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. ICE\u003c/a> —\u003c/em> on behalf of a Congolese mother who said she and her daughter had fled their home, “fearing certain death,” and were separated at the San Ysidro Port of Entry in San Diego. One month later, Ms. L.’s case became a class-action lawsuit representing all parents whose children were taken away from them at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>April 6, 2018: ‘Zero Tolerance’ Policy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798864\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions addresses the media during a press conference at Border Field State Park on May 7, 2018 in San Ysidro, California. Sessions was on a visit to the border along with ICE Deputy Director Thomas D. Homan to discuss the immigration enforcement actions of the Trump administration. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Sessions released another \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memo \u003c/a>establishing the Trump administration’s so-called “zero tolerance” policy, with the goal of criminally prosecuting all adults entering the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re smuggling a child, then we’re going to prosecute you, and that child will be separated from you, probably,” Sessions said at a May 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o0OvFlS9rQ0\">law enforcement conference\u003c/a> in Arizona. “If you don’t want your child to be separated, then don’t bring them across the border illegally.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Then-U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions in May 2018\"]‘If you’re smuggling a child, then we’re going to prosecute you, and that child will be separated from you, probably’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hard-line policy gave immigration enforcement officials the green light to place thousands of undocumented parents in federal jails. And because minors aren’t allowed to be jailed with adults, their children were treated as “unaccompanied minors.” Children and infants were turned over to the Office of Refugee Resettlement, part of the HHS, which housed most of them in shelters or with foster families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcry against the policy was swift. Lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680446/faith-leaders-weigh-how-to-address-immigration-with-their-congregations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">religious leaders\u003c/a> and medical professionals condemned it, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678957/from-texas-to-california-older-women-take-to-streets-to-protest-u-s-immigration-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">citizen activists\u003c/a> took to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678414/photos-bay-area-cities-join-nationwide-families-belong-together-marches\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">streets\u003c/a> in protest. And at least 10 states, including California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676317/california-nine-other-states-say-theyll-sue-trump-over-family-separations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">threatened legal action\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2018, the American Academy of Pediatrics \u003ca href=\"https://www.aap.org/en-us/about-the-aap/aap-press-room/Pages/StatementOpposingSeparationofChildrenandParents.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issued a statement\u003c/a> forcefully opposing the practice. “Separating children from their parents contradicts everything we stand for as pediatricians — protecting and promoting children’s health,” wrote Colleen Kraft, the academy’s president at the time. “In fact, highly stressful experiences, like family separation, can cause irreparable harm, disrupting a child’s brain architecture and affecting his or her short- and long-term health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>June 20, 2018: Trump’s Executive Order\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally near a federal building in San Diego on June 23, 2018, demanding the reunification of thousands of children who were separated from their immigrant parents by border officials under the Trump administration’s controversial zero tolerance policy. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to the overwhelming backlash, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/affording-congress-opportunity-address-family-separation/\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> on June 20, 2018, affirming that the government planned to continue prosecuting people for “improper entry,” but added that, “It is also the policy of this Administration to maintain family unity, including by detaining alien families together where appropriate and consistent with law and available resources. It is unfortunate that Congress’s failure to act and court orders have put the Administration in the position of separating alien families to effectively enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>June 26, 2018: Judge Orders Stop to Separations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798871\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798871\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy and father from Honduras are taken into custody by U.S. Border Patrol agents near the U.S.-Mexico Border near Mission, Texas, on June 12, 2018. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Less than a week later, U.S. District Court Judge Dana Sabraw, based in San Diego and presiding over the \u003cem>Ms. L. v. ICE\u003c/em> case, ordered the government to stop the separations and swiftly reunify families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11677196\" label=\"Filomena's Story\"]“The facts set forth before the Court portray reactive governance — responses to address a chaotic circumstance of the Government’s own making,” Sabraw wrote in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Sabraw’s supervision, federal officials began working to identify all the separated children in government custody at the time of the judge’s order. It took months, but eventually they tallied 2,815 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11798996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"420\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776-160x84.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the judge’s blessing, the ACLU formed a committee to track down the parents and find out how they wanted to proceed. Hundreds of parents had given up their asylum claims with the promise of having their children returned, only to be deported without them. Some of these parents decided their kids should stay in the U.S. with a relative to continue seeking asylum on their own. Others asked for their children to be returned to them in their home country. And a smaller number sought permission to return to the U.S. and resume their own petitions for protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>March 8, 2019: Judge Orders Search for More Separated Families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798988\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798988\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"668\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-1020x665.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young child is processed by border patrol agents after crossing into the United States from Mexico on June 02, 2019, in Sunland Park, New Mexico. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early 2019, the inspector general for HHS released a \u003ca href=\"https://oig.hhs.gov/oei/reports/oei-BL-18-00511.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">review\u003c/a> of the agency’s internal data on separated children. The report found that staff members had identified many more children who had been taken from their parents but were no longer in the agency’s custody and so were not covered by “the accounting required by the court.” The report concluded that thousands of additional families had potentially been separated without an order to reunite them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"U.S. District Court Judge Dana Sabraw\"]‘They were not reunited with their children despite the absence of any finding they were unfit parents or presented a danger to their children.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Sabraw \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731845/judge-immigration-must-identify-thousands-more-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in March 2019 expanded the class\u003c/a> of parents covered by the \u003cem>Ms. L.\u003c/em> lawsuit to include those who were separated between July 1, 2017 — when separations reportedly began in El Paso — and June 25, 2018, the day before his original injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like the current class members, they too were separated from their children,” Sabraw wrote in the decision. “They were not reunited with their children despite the absence of any finding they were unfit parents or presented a danger to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of families was particularly difficult to identify because the children were no longer in the custody of the Refugee Resettlement Office, and Homeland Security officials had not told the agency that those children had been taken from their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of investigating, government officials delivered their findings to the court on Oct. 25, 2019 — 1,556 additional children had been separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11798997\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"470\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471-160x94.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s steering committee set out to locate those parents and has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785409/new-search-begins-for-deported-parents-of-separated-migrant-children\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">engaged community groups in Central America\u003c/a> to assist. Some participants in the effort have described spending 12 hours walking around remote villages in search of a single parent. The effort is still being conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>July 30, 2019: ACLU Condemns Ongoing Separations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798875\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798875\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran child plays at the Catholic Charities Humanitarian Respite Center in McAllen, Texas, on June 21, 2018, after recently crossing the U.S.-Mexico border with his father. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Sabraw’s original injunction barring the separation of families at the border, he included an exemption for cases where authorities had deemed the parent unfit or a danger to the child.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt\"]‘It is beyond shocking that the Trump administration continues to take babies from their parents. The administration cannot simply ignore the nationwide injunction over minor infractions.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have said they only rarely take such a step and only for the safety of children. But ACLU lawyers said the government had reported hundreds of ongoing separations after Sabraw halted the practice, including for minor criminal infractions, like petty theft or traffic violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the ACLU asked the judge to \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.casd.564097/gov.uscourts.casd.564097.439.0_3.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">clarify the standard\u003c/a> for when the government is allowed to separate families in order “to ensure that children are not taken away from their parents absent an objective reason to believe that the parent is unfit or a danger to their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the ACLU, government numbers show that, as of Dec. 21, 2019, 1,142 children had been separated due to this exception, bringing the total of all separated families to at least 5,513, with the government reporting a handful of additional separations each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is beyond shocking that the Trump administration continues to take babies from their parents,” ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt said. “The administration cannot simply ignore the nationwide injunction over minor infractions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11799002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"470\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398-160x94.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Jan. 13, 2020: Judge Approves Most Ongoing Family Separations\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798873\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798873\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother holds her 2-year-old daughter while being detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents in McAllen, Texas, near the U.S.-Mexico border. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In January, Sabraw responded to the ACLU’s request for clarification as to when family separations at the border are acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://ecf.casd.uscourts.gov/doc1/037115434524\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ruling\u003c/a>, he largely sided with the federal government, writing that child welfare standards are not the only consideration (as the ACLU had argued) — national security concerns are also a factor. “In this context, the government interests go well beyond just the fitness and danger that a parent may present to his or her own child,” Sabraw wrote. “Rather, the government interests extend to securing the Nation’s borders and enforcing the Nation’s criminal and immigration laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11711704\" label=\"Yvette's Story\"]He added that the government is entitled to separate children from their parents “based on any criminal history, not just criminal history that bears on a parent’s fitness or danger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw also asserted that the court should not “engage in prospective oversight” of family separation decisions, because the executive branch of government has the right to control security at the border. He also pointed out that separations at the border have declined dramatically.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking Ahead\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798987\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"691\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-800x540.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-1020x688.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seven-year-old Andy is reunited with his mother, Arely, at Baltimore-Washington International Airport on July 23, 2018. Originally from El Salvador, the mother and son were separated upon entering the United States on June 13. Arely was detained at the Port Isabel Detention Center in Texas while Andy was detained in New York. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2019, HHS’ inspector general issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2019-11/OIG-20-06-Nov19.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new report\u003c/a> about family separations that was made public in January. It stated that when the government began its zero tolerance policy of prosecuting all adult border crossers, including parents, Homeland Security officials lacked the technology to keep track of the thousands of parents and children they separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January 2020, hundreds — and possibly thousands — of families are still not reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of the first group of 2,815 children identified, 18 separated children are still in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement — more than a year and a half after Sabraw ordered them returned to their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"U.S. District Court Judge Dana Sabraw\"]‘The unfortunate reality will be that we will never be able to accurately identify the number of children’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the the 1,556 additional families who the government determined had been separated under the zero tolerance policy as far back as July 2017, are still in the early stages. The ACLU’s steering committee has so far made contact with just 364 of those parents — by phone or by tracking them down in person on the ground in Central America. But advocates say those parents are so traumatized from losing their children that it’s hard to build enough trust to begin reuniting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be a real struggle to ensure that the families believe that there can still be a path forward where reunification is even an option,” said Nan Schivone, legal director for the advocacy group Justice in Motion, and a member of the steering committee. “Our defenders are reporting that many deported parents are stuck in an emotional limbo, and it’s kind of hard for them to even process that they’ve been contacted and found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are the 1,142 or more children taken from their parents after the judge halted family separations. So far, neither the government nor the ACLU has estimated how many of them have been returned to their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent legal filing, government officials expressed confidence that they’ve identified “substantially all the possible children” separated at the border. But during a December settlement conference, Sabraw voiced concern. “The unfortunate reality,” he said, “will be that we will never be able to accurately identify the number of children.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In 2017, the Trump administration introduced its 'zero tolerance' policy to separate migrant parents seeking asylum from their children, part of an effort to deter the number of immigrants trying to enter the United States. ",
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"title": "Zero Tolerance: An Ongoing History of Family Separations at the US-Mexico Border | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigration enforcement has been one of President Trump’s central issues. Immediately after taking office three years ago, his administration announced a series of policies designed to limit both legal and illegal immigration, and restrict access to asylum in the United States. Among the most controversial is the practice of migrant family separation, in which border agents have forcibly taken thousands of children away from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border, ostensibly to facilitate the prosecution of adults for crossing the border without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We are deeply concerned at the long-term impact and trauma, including irreparable harm that these forcible separations will have on the children.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The practice was widely condemned by human rights activists and community leaders in the U.S. and abroad. “Detention of children is punitive, severely hampers their development, and in some cases may amount to torture,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23245&LangID=E\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Nations human rights experts\u003c/a> said in a 2018 statement. “We are deeply concerned at the long-term impact and trauma, including irreparable harm that these forcible separations will have on the children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2018, a federal judge in San Diego ordered a stop to the practice and mandated that the government reunite the separated families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, under the judge’s orders, federal officials have been working to identify all of the separated parents and children. And the advocates who sued to halt the family separations have used that information to locate parents, many of whom were deported to Central America, and to make arrangements to reconnect them with their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family separation story is now seldom in the headlines, but many children still have not been reunited with their parents, and new families continue to be separated at the border, albeit in smaller numbers. A recent inspector general’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2019-11/OIG-20-06-Nov19.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), the agency responsible for unaccompanied migrant children, suggests that it may be impossible to ever know the complete number of families who have been affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the president enters his fourth year in office, KQED looks back at some key moments in the saga of this contentious government initiative and the many legal challenges to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>April 11, 2017: The First Enforcement Memo\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1126810041-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent speaks with Central American migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border fence on Feb. 1, 2019, in El Paso, Texas. The migrants were taken into custody, seeking political asylum in the United States. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Trump took office in 2017, the rate of illegal immigration into the U.S. was at one of its lowest points in the past three decades. However, the number of families with children arriving at the U.S. —Mexico border in search of asylum was rapidly increasing — particularly Central Americans fleeing violent conditions back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to halt the flow of those families, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions in April 2017 issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/956841/download\">memorandum\u003c/a> asking federal prosecutors to prioritize the prosecution of certain immigration offenses, including “improper entry by an alien” to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/reports/GAO-19-163/#TOC_Letter_Findings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">federal report\u003c/a> later identified that memo, along with a separate enforcement initiative, as the directive that led the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to separate an increasing number of children from their parents along the El Paso, Texas, section of the border starting in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some government officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/immigration-border-crisis/trump-admin-ran-pilot-program-separating-migrant-families-2017-n887616\">have characterized\u003c/a> what happened in \u003ca href=\"https://oig.hhs.gov/oei/reports/oei-BL-18-00511.pdf\">El Paso\u003c/a> as a kind of “pilot program” for the vast increase in family separations that would soon follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Feb. 26, 2018: The Family Separation Lawsuit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798862\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11798862 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1160\" height=\"864\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1.jpg 1160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-800x596.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/aclu-1-1020x760.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1160px) 100vw, 1160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ms. L., a Congolese mother escaping persecution in her homeland, was separated from her daughter after trying to seek refuge in the United States. \u003ccite>(Hope Hall/Courtesy of ACLU)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit against the federal government — \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/ms-l-v-ice-complaint\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. ICE\u003c/a> —\u003c/em> on behalf of a Congolese mother who said she and her daughter had fled their home, “fearing certain death,” and were separated at the San Ysidro Port of Entry in San Diego. One month later, Ms. L.’s case became a class-action lawsuit representing all parents whose children were taken away from them at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>April 6, 2018: ‘Zero Tolerance’ Policy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798864\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798864\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-955742134-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions addresses the media during a press conference at Border Field State Park on May 7, 2018 in San Ysidro, California. Sessions was on a visit to the border along with ICE Deputy Director Thomas D. Homan to discuss the immigration enforcement actions of the Trump administration. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Sessions released another \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1049751/download\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">memo \u003c/a>establishing the Trump administration’s so-called “zero tolerance” policy, with the goal of criminally prosecuting all adults entering the country without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re smuggling a child, then we’re going to prosecute you, and that child will be separated from you, probably,” Sessions said at a May 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o0OvFlS9rQ0\">law enforcement conference\u003c/a> in Arizona. “If you don’t want your child to be separated, then don’t bring them across the border illegally.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you’re smuggling a child, then we’re going to prosecute you, and that child will be separated from you, probably’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hard-line policy gave immigration enforcement officials the green light to place thousands of undocumented parents in federal jails. And because minors aren’t allowed to be jailed with adults, their children were treated as “unaccompanied minors.” Children and infants were turned over to the Office of Refugee Resettlement, part of the HHS, which housed most of them in shelters or with foster families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcry against the policy was swift. Lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11680446/faith-leaders-weigh-how-to-address-immigration-with-their-congregations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">religious leaders\u003c/a> and medical professionals condemned it, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678957/from-texas-to-california-older-women-take-to-streets-to-protest-u-s-immigration-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">citizen activists\u003c/a> took to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678414/photos-bay-area-cities-join-nationwide-families-belong-together-marches\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">streets\u003c/a> in protest. And at least 10 states, including California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676317/california-nine-other-states-say-theyll-sue-trump-over-family-separations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">threatened legal action\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2018, the American Academy of Pediatrics \u003ca href=\"https://www.aap.org/en-us/about-the-aap/aap-press-room/Pages/StatementOpposingSeparationofChildrenandParents.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">issued a statement\u003c/a> forcefully opposing the practice. “Separating children from their parents contradicts everything we stand for as pediatricians — protecting and promoting children’s health,” wrote Colleen Kraft, the academy’s president at the time. “In fact, highly stressful experiences, like family separation, can cause irreparable harm, disrupting a child’s brain architecture and affecting his or her short- and long-term health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>June 20, 2018: Trump’s Executive Order\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798877\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798877\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-982247184-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally near a federal building in San Diego on June 23, 2018, demanding the reunification of thousands of children who were separated from their immigrant parents by border officials under the Trump administration’s controversial zero tolerance policy. \u003ccite>(David McNew/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to the overwhelming backlash, President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/affording-congress-opportunity-address-family-separation/\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> on June 20, 2018, affirming that the government planned to continue prosecuting people for “improper entry,” but added that, “It is also the policy of this Administration to maintain family unity, including by detaining alien families together where appropriate and consistent with law and available resources. It is unfortunate that Congress’s failure to act and court orders have put the Administration in the position of separating alien families to effectively enforce the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>June 26, 2018: Judge Orders Stop to Separations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798871\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798871\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-975078458-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy and father from Honduras are taken into custody by U.S. Border Patrol agents near the U.S.-Mexico Border near Mission, Texas, on June 12, 2018. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Less than a week later, U.S. District Court Judge Dana Sabraw, based in San Diego and presiding over the \u003cem>Ms. L. v. ICE\u003c/em> case, ordered the government to stop the separations and swiftly reunify families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The facts set forth before the Court portray reactive governance — responses to address a chaotic circumstance of the Government’s own making,” Sabraw wrote in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Sabraw’s supervision, federal officials began working to identify all the separated children in government custody at the time of the judge’s order. It took months, but eventually they tallied 2,815 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11798996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"420\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-copy-family-separations-e1580370383776-160x84.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the judge’s blessing, the ACLU formed a committee to track down the parents and find out how they wanted to proceed. Hundreds of parents had given up their asylum claims with the promise of having their children returned, only to be deported without them. Some of these parents decided their kids should stay in the U.S. with a relative to continue seeking asylum on their own. Others asked for their children to be returned to them in their home country. And a smaller number sought permission to return to the U.S. and resume their own petitions for protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>March 8, 2019: Judge Orders Search for More Separated Families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798988\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798988\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"668\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1153241615-1020x665.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young child is processed by border patrol agents after crossing into the United States from Mexico on June 02, 2019, in Sunland Park, New Mexico. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early 2019, the inspector general for HHS released a \u003ca href=\"https://oig.hhs.gov/oei/reports/oei-BL-18-00511.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">review\u003c/a> of the agency’s internal data on separated children. The report found that staff members had identified many more children who had been taken from their parents but were no longer in the agency’s custody and so were not covered by “the accounting required by the court.” The report concluded that thousands of additional families had potentially been separated without an order to reunite them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘They were not reunited with their children despite the absence of any finding they were unfit parents or presented a danger to their children.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Sabraw \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731845/judge-immigration-must-identify-thousands-more-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in March 2019 expanded the class\u003c/a> of parents covered by the \u003cem>Ms. L.\u003c/em> lawsuit to include those who were separated between July 1, 2017 — when separations reportedly began in El Paso — and June 25, 2018, the day before his original injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like the current class members, they too were separated from their children,” Sabraw wrote in the decision. “They were not reunited with their children despite the absence of any finding they were unfit parents or presented a danger to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of families was particularly difficult to identify because the children were no longer in the custody of the Refugee Resettlement Office, and Homeland Security officials had not told the agency that those children had been taken from their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of investigating, government officials delivered their findings to the court on Oct. 25, 2019 — 1,556 additional children had been separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11798997\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"470\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/copy-family-separations-e1580370503471-160x94.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s steering committee set out to locate those parents and has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11785409/new-search-begins-for-deported-parents-of-separated-migrant-children\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">engaged community groups in Central America\u003c/a> to assist. Some participants in the effort have described spending 12 hours walking around remote villages in search of a single parent. The effort is still being conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>July 30, 2019: ACLU Condemns Ongoing Separations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798875\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798875\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-980530210-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran child plays at the Catholic Charities Humanitarian Respite Center in McAllen, Texas, on June 21, 2018, after recently crossing the U.S.-Mexico border with his father. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Sabraw’s original injunction barring the separation of families at the border, he included an exemption for cases where authorities had deemed the parent unfit or a danger to the child.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It is beyond shocking that the Trump administration continues to take babies from their parents. The administration cannot simply ignore the nationwide injunction over minor infractions.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials have said they only rarely take such a step and only for the safety of children. But ACLU lawyers said the government had reported hundreds of ongoing separations after Sabraw halted the practice, including for minor criminal infractions, like petty theft or traffic violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, the ACLU asked the judge to \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.casd.564097/gov.uscourts.casd.564097.439.0_3.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">clarify the standard\u003c/a> for when the government is allowed to separate families in order “to ensure that children are not taken away from their parents absent an objective reason to believe that the parent is unfit or a danger to their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the ACLU, government numbers show that, as of Dec. 21, 2019, 1,142 children had been separated due to this exception, bringing the total of all separated families to at least 5,513, with the government reporting a handful of additional separations each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is beyond shocking that the Trump administration continues to take babies from their parents,” ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt said. “The administration cannot simply ignore the nationwide injunction over minor infractions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11799002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"470\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/family-separations-2-e1580371295398-160x94.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Jan. 13, 2020: Judge Approves Most Ongoing Family Separations\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798873\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798873\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-977061392-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran mother holds her 2-year-old daughter while being detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents in McAllen, Texas, near the U.S.-Mexico border. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In January, Sabraw responded to the ACLU’s request for clarification as to when family separations at the border are acceptable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://ecf.casd.uscourts.gov/doc1/037115434524\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ruling\u003c/a>, he largely sided with the federal government, writing that child welfare standards are not the only consideration (as the ACLU had argued) — national security concerns are also a factor. “In this context, the government interests go well beyond just the fitness and danger that a parent may present to his or her own child,” Sabraw wrote. “Rather, the government interests extend to securing the Nation’s borders and enforcing the Nation’s criminal and immigration laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He added that the government is entitled to separate children from their parents “based on any criminal history, not just criminal history that bears on a parent’s fitness or danger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabraw also asserted that the court should not “engage in prospective oversight” of family separation decisions, because the executive branch of government has the right to control security at the border. He also pointed out that separations at the border have declined dramatically.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Looking Ahead\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11798987\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11798987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"691\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-800x540.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/GettyImages-1004299906-1020x688.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seven-year-old Andy is reunited with his mother, Arely, at Baltimore-Washington International Airport on July 23, 2018. Originally from El Salvador, the mother and son were separated upon entering the United States on June 13. Arely was detained at the Port Isabel Detention Center in Texas while Andy was detained in New York. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2019, HHS’ inspector general issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2019-11/OIG-20-06-Nov19.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">new report\u003c/a> about family separations that was made public in January. It stated that when the government began its zero tolerance policy of prosecuting all adult border crossers, including parents, Homeland Security officials lacked the technology to keep track of the thousands of parents and children they separated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January 2020, hundreds — and possibly thousands — of families are still not reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of the first group of 2,815 children identified, 18 separated children are still in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement — more than a year and a half after Sabraw ordered them returned to their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The unfortunate reality will be that we will never be able to accurately identify the number of children’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the the 1,556 additional families who the government determined had been separated under the zero tolerance policy as far back as July 2017, are still in the early stages. The ACLU’s steering committee has so far made contact with just 364 of those parents — by phone or by tracking them down in person on the ground in Central America. But advocates say those parents are so traumatized from losing their children that it’s hard to build enough trust to begin reuniting them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be a real struggle to ensure that the families believe that there can still be a path forward where reunification is even an option,” said Nan Schivone, legal director for the advocacy group Justice in Motion, and a member of the steering committee. “Our defenders are reporting that many deported parents are stuck in an emotional limbo, and it’s kind of hard for them to even process that they’ve been contacted and found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are the 1,142 or more children taken from their parents after the judge halted family separations. So far, neither the government nor the ACLU has estimated how many of them have been returned to their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent legal filing, government officials expressed confidence that they’ve identified “substantially all the possible children” separated at the border. But during a December settlement conference, Sabraw voiced concern. “The unfortunate reality,” he said, “will be that we will never be able to accurately identify the number of children.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "The California Dream | KPBS | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On most days San Diego High School graduates Rebeca Yanez and Arturo Vasquez are carpooling by 7 a.m. to make it to class on time across the border in Tijuana. As the two English-speaking business majors approach the border, there’s barely a line. That’s how it is on most days, and Yanez usually makes the trip in half an hour — but not always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that hard. It’s sometimes kind of stressful, because of the problems at the border,” Yanez said. “Sometimes I’d get a text saying they’re closing the border. Or, oh, there’s a lot of traffic. And I’d say, ‘Oh! I need to get to school,’ it’s just little moments like that. But it’s been pretty good so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yanez and Vasquez are among a growing number of U.S. students crossing into Mexico to pursue college degrees at CETYS, a private university in Baja California. In addition to Tijuana, it has campuses in Mexicali, across from Calexico and in Ensenada along the Baja coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11788804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11788804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rebecca Yanez, 19, commutes daily to the CETYS campus in Tijuana. She works afternoons back in San Diego as a swim instructor. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the 2008 financial crisis in the U.S., California began cutting support for its state universities. To make up for the financial loss, those universities began to increase tuition. It was during that time that administrators at CETYs began noticing an uptick in their number of U.S. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently 337 students at CETYS who graduated from Southern California high schools. In 2010, that number was only 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically we’ve had, on and off, families with some connections to Mexico,” said CETYS President Fernando León García. “However, as a result of some complications within California regarding choice, cost, accessibility, it all of a sudden became a popular and increasingly frequent incidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"CETYS President Fernando León García\"]'Collaboration with multinational industry, and, therefore, employability are all things that play a part in students’ decision to come here.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, CETYS became the only university outside the United States to get accreditation by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges, the same accreditation held by the California State University system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have accreditation, then you have a certain amount of quality that people look for,” García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At just under $12,000 a year, tuition at CETYS is more expensive than at a state school in California, but there is no requirement that students live on campus their first year. Over the past decade, several state schools in California have phased in that requirement, which makes them less affordable for many students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the university launched a business program that’s taught in English, the first of its kind in Baja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to school administrators, about 20% of CETYS graduates go on to work for nearby companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are closely and inextricably linked to multinationals. You can see around the campus,” García said. “There’s one right across the street and some others a few blocks from here. So collaboration with multinational industry, and, therefore, employability are all things that play a part in students’ decision to come here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"border\" label=\"KQED's border coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasquez and Yanez dealt with some pushback from friends and family when they decided to study in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasquez began at Mesa Community College in San Diego, but transferred to CETYS after being attracted to its business program. His parents didn’t want him to transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their response was like, well, we already live in San Diego, why would you not study here? You already know the system, you’ve been here practically your whole life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yanez’s high school friends were shocked when she told them of her decision. “At first they were like, 'Why? What’s different over there? Is it really better?' And, at first, one of my top things, was that it was cheaper. It’s going to be cheaper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two students plan to work in the border region, where they hope their cross-border experience at CETYS will give them an advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11788805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11788805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lorena Serrano is a fifth-generation resident of Tijuana who teaches business at CETYS. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But getting a degree in Mexico hasn’t always been viewed as a positive in the job market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Serrano is a fifth-generation resident of Tijuana. She teaches business at CETYS and says it used to be much harder for graduates from Mexican schools to find work at U.S. companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were rejected because of the study in Mexico,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Serrano has seen things slowly change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have students that were born in the U.S., study in Mexico, have the opportunity to work in the U.S., only with the degree of CETYS. It’s our main goal,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On most days San Diego High School graduates Rebeca Yanez and Arturo Vasquez are carpooling by 7 a.m. to make it to class on time across the border in Tijuana. As the two English-speaking business majors approach the border, there’s barely a line. That’s how it is on most days, and Yanez usually makes the trip in half an hour — but not always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not that hard. It’s sometimes kind of stressful, because of the problems at the border,” Yanez said. “Sometimes I’d get a text saying they’re closing the border. Or, oh, there’s a lot of traffic. And I’d say, ‘Oh! I need to get to school,’ it’s just little moments like that. But it’s been pretty good so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yanez and Vasquez are among a growing number of U.S. students crossing into Mexico to pursue college degrees at CETYS, a private university in Baja California. In addition to Tijuana, it has campuses in Mexicali, across from Calexico and in Ensenada along the Baja coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11788804\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11788804\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40289_Rebecca-Yanez-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rebecca Yanez, 19, commutes daily to the CETYS campus in Tijuana. She works afternoons back in San Diego as a swim instructor. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the 2008 financial crisis in the U.S., California began cutting support for its state universities. To make up for the financial loss, those universities began to increase tuition. It was during that time that administrators at CETYs began noticing an uptick in their number of U.S. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently 337 students at CETYS who graduated from Southern California high schools. In 2010, that number was only 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically we’ve had, on and off, families with some connections to Mexico,” said CETYS President Fernando León García. “However, as a result of some complications within California regarding choice, cost, accessibility, it all of a sudden became a popular and increasingly frequent incidence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, CETYS became the only university outside the United States to get accreditation by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges, the same accreditation held by the California State University system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have accreditation, then you have a certain amount of quality that people look for,” García said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At just under $12,000 a year, tuition at CETYS is more expensive than at a state school in California, but there is no requirement that students live on campus their first year. Over the past decade, several state schools in California have phased in that requirement, which makes them less affordable for many students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the university launched a business program that’s taught in English, the first of its kind in Baja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to school administrators, about 20% of CETYS graduates go on to work for nearby companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are closely and inextricably linked to multinationals. You can see around the campus,” García said. “There’s one right across the street and some others a few blocks from here. So collaboration with multinational industry, and, therefore, employability are all things that play a part in students’ decision to come here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasquez and Yanez dealt with some pushback from friends and family when they decided to study in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasquez began at Mesa Community College in San Diego, but transferred to CETYS after being attracted to its business program. His parents didn’t want him to transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their response was like, well, we already live in San Diego, why would you not study here? You already know the system, you’ve been here practically your whole life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yanez’s high school friends were shocked when she told them of her decision. “At first they were like, 'Why? What’s different over there? Is it really better?' And, at first, one of my top things, was that it was cheaper. It’s going to be cheaper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two students plan to work in the border region, where they hope their cross-border experience at CETYS will give them an advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11788805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11788805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/11/RS40290_Lorena-Serrano-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lorena Serrano is a fifth-generation resident of Tijuana who teaches business at CETYS. \u003ccite>(Max Rivlin-Nadler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But getting a degree in Mexico hasn’t always been viewed as a positive in the job market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Serrano is a fifth-generation resident of Tijuana. She teaches business at CETYS and says it used to be much harder for graduates from Mexican schools to find work at U.S. companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were rejected because of the study in Mexico,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Serrano has seen things slowly change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have students that were born in the U.S., study in Mexico, have the opportunity to work in the U.S., only with the degree of CETYS. It’s our main goal,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The California Dream series is a statewide media collaboration of CalMatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11768052\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/CADreamBanner-1-800x219-160x44.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New Tally Totals Almost 5,500 Kids Taken From Parents at the Border",
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"headTitle": "New Tally Totals Almost 5,500 Kids Taken From Parents at the Border | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,500 migrant families were forcibly separated at the U.S.-Mexico border in the year before a federal judge ordered a halt to the practice, according to a government tally released Thursday by the American Civil Liberties Union, which sued to end family separations. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new numbers brings the total to almost 5,500 immigrant children who were taken from their parents since July 2017, when the Trump administration began ramping up prosecutions of parents who entered the United States unlawfully. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutions and family separations were part of the administration’s push to deter families — most of them Central American — from seeking refuge in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Lee Gelernt, ACLU attorney\"]‘[The hundreds of kids] we’ve just learned about … are not only very young children, but they’ve been separated for possibly two or more years. We are desperate to find these children and parents.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we launched the lawsuit we thought there were maybe a few hundred families that were separated and we were shocked,” said Lee Gelernt, the lead ACLU attorney on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had no idea that there would be thousands, that there would be babies and toddlers separated, or that we’d be looking all over the world for these families. This has been far worse than I think anybody could have anticipated,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under court order, the federal government released a final list Thursday to the ACLU, naming 1,556 additional migrant parents whose children were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731845/judge-immigration-must-identify-thousands-more-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents\">taken away starting July 1, 2017\u003c/a>, but were no longer in government custody on June 26, 2018, when U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/ms-l-v-ice-order-granting-plaintiffs-motion-classwide-preliminary-injunction\">injunction\u003c/a> ending most separations, and ordering families to be reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelernt said this included more than 200 children under the age of 5 — including 71 babies and toddlers, ages 2 or younger — when border agents took them from their mothers or fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These we’ve just learned about … are not only very young children but they’ve been separated for possibly two or more years,” he said. “We are desperate to find these children and parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A committee of immigrant and child welfare advocates is working to find the parents, and has already made more than 4,000 phone calls to track down them down. Some committee members are in Central America attempting to locate parents in person. That effort is likely to ramp up now that the ACLU has a full list of names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"immigration,migration\" label=\"Related Stories\"]“We think many if not most [of the children] are still without their parents,” said Gelernt. “We suspect, from what we’ve learned so far, that the majority of parents were deported without their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of 1,556 is in addition to 2,814 separated children who were in federal custody at the time of Sabraw’s June 2018 injunction and were previously identified in the ACLU’s class action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of the judge’s order, the majority of those children were reunited with their parents. However, more than 600 were released to other relatives or sponsors. Two dozen children still remain in government-run shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775527/more-than-1000-families-have-been-separated-at-the-border-despite-court-order\">third group of children,\u003c/a> identified earlier this year, had been taken from their parents after Judge Sabraw blocked family separations. His injunction included a provision that allows Homeland Security officials to separate parents from their children if the parents are considered “unfit” or “a danger to child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say they do that only rarely. As of this week, Gelernt said they had removed 1,090 children from their parents for such reasons, and every month the government reports additional separations from “unfit” parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing. They have asked the judge to reassess the original injunction and provide tighter guidelines for when children can be taken away from parents with a criminal history. Sabraw is considering that motion, and has ordered both parties to return to court on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we launched the lawsuit we thought there were maybe a few hundred families that were separated and we were shocked,” said Lee Gelernt, the lead ACLU attorney on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had no idea that there would be thousands, that there would be babies and toddlers separated, or that we’d be looking all over the world for these families. This has been far worse than I think anybody could have anticipated,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under court order, the federal government released a final list Thursday to the ACLU, naming 1,556 additional migrant parents whose children were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11731845/judge-immigration-must-identify-thousands-more-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents\">taken away starting July 1, 2017\u003c/a>, but were no longer in government custody on June 26, 2018, when U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legal-document/ms-l-v-ice-order-granting-plaintiffs-motion-classwide-preliminary-injunction\">injunction\u003c/a> ending most separations, and ordering families to be reunited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelernt said this included more than 200 children under the age of 5 — including 71 babies and toddlers, ages 2 or younger — when border agents took them from their mothers or fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These we’ve just learned about … are not only very young children but they’ve been separated for possibly two or more years,” he said. “We are desperate to find these children and parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A committee of immigrant and child welfare advocates is working to find the parents, and has already made more than 4,000 phone calls to track down them down. Some committee members are in Central America attempting to locate parents in person. That effort is likely to ramp up now that the ACLU has a full list of names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We think many if not most [of the children] are still without their parents,” said Gelernt. “We suspect, from what we’ve learned so far, that the majority of parents were deported without their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group of 1,556 is in addition to 2,814 separated children who were in federal custody at the time of Sabraw’s June 2018 injunction and were previously identified in the ACLU’s class action lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/ms-l-v-ice\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ms. L. v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of the judge’s order, the majority of those children were reunited with their parents. However, more than 600 were released to other relatives or sponsors. Two dozen children still remain in government-run shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11775527/more-than-1000-families-have-been-separated-at-the-border-despite-court-order\">third group of children,\u003c/a> identified earlier this year, had been taken from their parents after Judge Sabraw blocked family separations. His injunction included a provision that allows Homeland Security officials to separate parents from their children if the parents are considered “unfit” or “a danger to child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say they do that only rarely. As of this week, Gelernt said they had removed 1,090 children from their parents for such reasons, and every month the government reports additional separations from “unfit” parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorneys say the government has taken children from their parents based on minor criminal convictions and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing. They have asked the judge to reassess the original injunction and provide tighter guidelines for when children can be taken away from parents with a criminal history. Sabraw is considering that motion, and has ordered both parties to return to court on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Justice Department Announces Plan to Collect DNA From Migrants Crossing the Border",
"title": "Justice Department Announces Plan to Collect DNA From Migrants Crossing the Border",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Justice Department is proposing to begin collecting DNA samples from hundreds of thousands of immigrants crossing the border, creating an enormous database of asylum-seekers and other migrants that federal officials say will be used to help authorities fight crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General William Barr issued \u003ca href=\"https://s3.amazonaws.com/public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2019-22877.pdf\">the rule\u003c/a>, which is set to be published in the Federal Register on Tuesday, with the expectation that federal authorities will gather DNA information on about 748,000 immigrants annually, including asylum-seekers presenting themselves at legal ports of entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Naureen Shah, ACLU\"]'It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone ... And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proposed regulation, Barr describes the DNA sample as a \"genetic fingerprint\" that can uniquely identify a person, \"but they do not disclose the individual's traits, disorders, or dispositions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal permanent residents and those seeking to enter the country legally won't be affected by the new regulation. The rule will now be subject to a 20-day comment period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But already, immigrant advocates have denounced the proposal, arguing that collecting genetic information from those crossing the border could have implications for family members residing in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the most intimate information that you can take from someone. It is information you can use to find their family members, to know their histories,\" Naureen Shah, senior advocacy and policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, told NPR. \"And we're going to be taking it from people against their will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other lawyers who work with immigrants also slammed the proposal, saying it raises alarming privacy concerns and will not deter migrants from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's hard for me to believe that a woman who is on a journey of 1,000 miles in broken flip-flops with a 2-year-old on her hip, doing everything she can and sacrificing everything ... is going to be deterred by DNA collection,\" said Henry Sias, a Philadelphia-based civil rights lawyer who represents asylum-seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration\">say nearly 1 million migrants\u003c/a> were taken into custody after crossing the southern border in the last fiscal year, but the number of migrants taken into custody in recent months has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/10/08/768436273/apprehensions-at-the-u-s-mexico-border-decline-for-the-fourth-consecutive-month\">steadily declining\u003c/a>, which the Trump administration attributes to the crackdown on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collecting DNA information on criminal suspects is permitted under federal law and \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/Documents/cj/ArresteeDNALaws.pdf\">nearly 30 states\u003c/a> allow taking a forensic profile from someone before conviction. The plan to implement mandatory DNA testing for hundreds of thousands of border-crossers was \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/trump-administration-dna-samples-immigrants\">first reported\u003c/a> by BuzzFeed in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Justice Department officials hope to send the DNA information from migrants to an FBI database known as the Combined DNA Index System, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/services/laboratory/biometric-analysis/codis/ndis-statistics\">already contains\u003c/a> nearly 14 million people who have been convicted of a crime and an additional 3.7 million people who have been arrested. Migrants' names and other personal data would not be stored with their DNA information to protect privacy, and the FBI would get the identification only if the sample matched a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials estimate the price of implementing the policy to be around $13 million for three years. That figure includes additional work hours for Customs and Border Protection and the cost of providing DNA sample collection kits to border agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration says a massive database of biometric information on migrants will lead to more crimes being solved. But immigrant advocates counter that the initiative demonizes migrants, and they point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/05/02/607652253/studies-say-illegal-immigration-does-not-increase-violent-crime\">multiple studies\u003c/a> showing that increasing the flow of undocumented immigrants does not create a spike in violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, more than 25,000 migrants were charged with felony illegal re-entry and more than 80,000 were charged with misdemeanor improper entry, the highest number of immigration-related offenses on record since federal authorities began keeping track, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/department-justice-prosecuted-record-breaking-number-immigration-related-cases-fiscal-year\">Justice Department officials say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sias, the Philadelphia immigration lawyer, argues that taking a person's DNA information before they are convicted of crossing the border illegally is a privacy violation that turns the criminal justice system on its head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conflation of immigration status with criminal activity, which is contributing to a guilty until proven innocent atmosphere,\" Sias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Justice+Department+Announces+Plan+To+Collect+DNA+From+Migrants+Crossing+The+Border&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Supreme Court Allows Trump to Ban Most Central American Asylum-Seekers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court is allowing nationwide enforcement of a new Trump administration rule that prevents most Central American immigrants from seeking asylum in the United States.\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=\"news_11771386,news_11770057,news_11763296\" label=\"Trump Administration's Immigration Policy\"]\u003cbr>\nThe justices' order late Wednesday temporarily undoes a lower court ruling that had blocked the new asylum policy in some states along the southern border. The policy is meant to deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country on the way to the U.S. without seeking protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people crossing the southern border are Central Americans fleeing violence and poverty. They are largely ineligible under the new rule, as are asylum-seekers from Africa, Asia and South America who arrive regularly at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift reverses decades of U.S. policy. The administration has said that it wants to close the gap between an initial asylum screening that most people pass and a final decision on asylum that most people do not win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"BIG United States Supreme Court WIN for the Border on Asylum!\" Trump tweeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1171918282905018370?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Sonia Sotomayor dissented from the high court's order. \"Once again, the Executive Branch has issued a rule that seeks to upend longstanding practices regarding refugees who seek shelter from persecution,\" Sotomayor wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge to the new policy has a brief but somewhat convoluted history. U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in San Francisco blocked the new policy from taking effect in late July. A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals narrowed Tigar's order so that it applied only in Arizona and California, states that are within the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left the administration free to enforce the policy on asylum seekers arriving in New Mexico and Texas. Tigar issued a new order on Monday that reimposed a nationwide hold on asylum policy. The 9th Circuit again narrowed his order on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court action allows the administration to impose the new policy everywhere while the court case against it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear how quickly the policy will be rolled out and how exactly it fits in with the other efforts by the administration to restrict border crossings and tighten asylum rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, thousands of people are waiting on lists at border crossings in Mexico to claim asylum in the U.S. And acting U.S. Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Mark Morgan said Thursday that 45,000 people have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">turned back to Mexico\u003c/a> to wait out their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers must pass an initial screening called a \"credible fear\" interview, a hurdle that a vast majority clear. Under the new policy, they would fail the test unless they sought asylum in at least one country they traveled through and were denied. They would be placed in fast-track deportation proceedings and flown to their home countries at U.S. expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union lawyer who is representing immigrant advocacy groups in the case, Lee Gelernt, said: \"This is just a temporary step, and we're hopeful we'll prevail at the end of the day. The lives of thousands of families are at stake.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan said Trump and his administration are \"doing everything that they can\" to address what he described as the crisis on the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants with valid claims \"should be seeking help and asylum from the first country they come in contact with,\" Morgan said Thursday on Fox News Channel's \"Fox and Friends.\" ''They shouldn't be paying the cartels thousands of dollars and risking their lives to take a 1,000-mile journey across several countries to get help. We want them to get help and seek asylum in the first country they get to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Department spokesperson Alexei Woltornist said the agency was \"pleased that the Supreme Court intervened in this case,\" adding, \"This action will assist the Administration in its objectives to bring order to the crisis at the southern border, close loopholes in our immigration system, and discourage frivolous claims.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe justices' order late Wednesday temporarily undoes a lower court ruling that had blocked the new asylum policy in some states along the southern border. The policy is meant to deny asylum to anyone who passes through another country on the way to the U.S. without seeking protection there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most people crossing the southern border are Central Americans fleeing violence and poverty. They are largely ineligible under the new rule, as are asylum-seekers from Africa, Asia and South America who arrive regularly at the southern border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shift reverses decades of U.S. policy. The administration has said that it wants to close the gap between an initial asylum screening that most people pass and a final decision on asylum that most people do not win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"BIG United States Supreme Court WIN for the Border on Asylum!\" Trump tweeted.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Sonia Sotomayor dissented from the high court's order. \"Once again, the Executive Branch has issued a rule that seeks to upend longstanding practices regarding refugees who seek shelter from persecution,\" Sotomayor wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge to the new policy has a brief but somewhat convoluted history. U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in San Francisco blocked the new policy from taking effect in late July. A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals narrowed Tigar's order so that it applied only in Arizona and California, states that are within the 9th Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left the administration free to enforce the policy on asylum seekers arriving in New Mexico and Texas. Tigar issued a new order on Monday that reimposed a nationwide hold on asylum policy. The 9th Circuit again narrowed his order on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court action allows the administration to impose the new policy everywhere while the court case against it continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear how quickly the policy will be rolled out and how exactly it fits in with the other efforts by the administration to restrict border crossings and tighten asylum rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, thousands of people are waiting on lists at border crossings in Mexico to claim asylum in the U.S. And acting U.S. Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Mark Morgan said Thursday that 45,000 people have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11758516/fear-confusion-and-separation-as-trump-administration-sends-migrants-back-to-mexico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">turned back to Mexico\u003c/a> to wait out their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers must pass an initial screening called a \"credible fear\" interview, a hurdle that a vast majority clear. Under the new policy, they would fail the test unless they sought asylum in at least one country they traveled through and were denied. They would be placed in fast-track deportation proceedings and flown to their home countries at U.S. expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union lawyer who is representing immigrant advocacy groups in the case, Lee Gelernt, said: \"This is just a temporary step, and we're hopeful we'll prevail at the end of the day. The lives of thousands of families are at stake.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morgan said Trump and his administration are \"doing everything that they can\" to address what he described as the crisis on the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Migrants with valid claims \"should be seeking help and asylum from the first country they come in contact with,\" Morgan said Thursday on Fox News Channel's \"Fox and Friends.\" ''They shouldn't be paying the cartels thousands of dollars and risking their lives to take a 1,000-mile journey across several countries to get help. We want them to get help and seek asylum in the first country they get to.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Department spokesperson Alexei Woltornist said the agency was \"pleased that the Supreme Court intervened in this case,\" adding, \"This action will assist the Administration in its objectives to bring order to the crisis at the southern border, close loopholes in our immigration system, and discourage frivolous claims.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Investigations of Fatal Shootings on the Border Can Drag on For Years",
"title": "Investigations of Fatal Shootings on the Border Can Drag on For Years",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal agents were patrolling the Rio Grande in an airboat between Laredo, Texas, and Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, in September 2012. They say a group of men in a park on the Mexican side of the river began throwing rocks at them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I just remember the boat. They started to shoot and they hit him in the heart, and he fell to the ground,\" says Priscila Arévalo, the daughter of one of the Mexican men. \"We ran away. When we came back, my papa he was already dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillermo Arévalo lay on the gravel bank beside the sluggish river, bleeding profusely as the Border Patrol airboat roared away. The Arévalo family had been out for a picnic that day, and they insist no one was throwing rocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Priscila Arévalo\"]\"The only thing we want is justice. They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag=\"border\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"border-patrol\" label=\"More on border patrol\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal agents were patrolling the Rio Grande in an airboat between Laredo, Texas, and Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, in September 2012. They say a group of men in a park on the Mexican side of the river began throwing rocks at them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I just remember the boat. They started to shoot and they hit him in the heart, and he fell to the ground,\" says Priscila Arévalo, the daughter of one of the Mexican men. \"We ran away. When we came back, my papa he was already dead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guillermo Arévalo lay on the gravel bank beside the sluggish river, bleeding profusely as the Border Patrol airboat roared away. The Arévalo family had been out for a picnic that day, and they insist no one was throwing rocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooting death led to changes in the Border Patrol's use-of-force policy and to an investigation of the incident. But seven years later, that probe is still incomplete. And the delay is emblematic of a larger problem when the federal government investigates a death on the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.southernborder.org/deaths_by_border_patrol\">35 fatal shootings by on-duty CBP officers since 2010\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Border Communities Coalition, an immigrant rights group. Most of them involve immigrants killed near the U.S.-Mexico border after they allegedly attacked or threatened agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Border Communities Coalition brings together 60 organizations from California to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet CBP has announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force/case-summaries\">results of just eight internal investigations\u003c/a> into these use-of-force incidents. The agency, which had pledged transparency and to publicly release the results of its investigations, found no agent misconduct in each case. The latest completed case is three and a half years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing we want is justice,\" says Priscila Arévalo, weeping. She's 16 now and only recently returned to the spot where her father died. \"They killed him and we haven't gotten a call. We don't even know the face of the killer. They just fled and that was that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an investigation drags on for years, justice is suspended. The community is left wondering if the agent was right or wrong to fire his weapon, and whether the agent is still on the force. And victims' families are denied closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2012 river shooting is an extreme example of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is just beyond absurd at this point,\" says Steve Shadowen, the Austin attorney who's representing the Arévalo family in a lawsuit against the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has clearly gone off the rails,\" he continues. \"People used to get upset if there's not a result in six months or a year, two years at the outside. And here we are at seven years and not a peep.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arévalo shooting was one of several rock-throwing cases that led to sweeping reforms inside CBP in 2014. Under updated rules, agents are trained to move out of the way of flying rocks and speeding vehicles, rather than shoot to kill. CBP training now stresses alternatives to deadly force, such as Tasers and pepper-ball launchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, all shootings — both fatal and non-fatal — fell from a high of 55 in 2012 to 15 in 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/cbp-use-force\">according to the agency's figures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reforms also included the creation of a National Use of Force Review Board, to thoroughly vet shooting incidents and then publish the findings on a timely basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They've made a lot of progress on the suite of reforms,\" says Gil Kerlikowske, commissioner of CBP at the end of the Obama presidency. \"But I think they've let some things go and I think there's certainly more that can be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerlikowske, who was brought in to improve CBP's transparency and accountability, believes the reforms are unfinished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm very concerned about the timeliness of the process. What is the outcome of an investigation into the use of force? Was that use of force justified, and explain it,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP counters that if justice is slow, it's because these things take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there's an agent-involved shooting, first of all, state and federal prosecutors have to decide whether to file charges. Only then does CBP begin its own lengthy investigation. Those results then have to be approved by the agency's lawyer, the chief of the Border Patrol, and, finally, the commissioner. All of this has to happen before the results can be posted publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We do have the charge of making sure that that the investigation is done in a purposeful manner, not being rushed,\" says Joseph Westmoreland, a director with CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He points out there were three interim commissioners in the course of 12 weeks earlier this year, and that slowed things down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Recently, the issue is there's been a change in executive leadership within CBP,\" he says. \"So in that transitional phase some of these cases got held up at the commissioner's level in the review process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westmoreland says the agency should be releasing the results of at least six more shooting investigations in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after seven years, the Guillermo Arévalo shooting hasn't even made it to CBP's internal affairs office. It's been sitting on a desk at the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. Prosecutors there still haven't decided whether to bring charges or decline the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR asked a Justice Department spokeswoman, why the lengthy delay? Her response: \"DOJ declines to comment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Chung used to work at DOJ's Civil Rights Division as a prosecutor; he's now at the Center for American Progress. Chung understands these kinds of cases are complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"But certainly seven years from the time a particular case comes to the attention of an investigating agency to the time where a decision is made is just way too long,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CBP's opaqueness in following up on agent-involved shootings is troubling, says Vicki Gaubeca, president of the Southern Border Communities Coalition, the group that tracks CBP shootings. Gaubeca believes the agency is dragging its feet. She says the urgency for reform under Obama has transitioned into the Trump era of cheerleading for border security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And now that he's president of the United States,\" she says, \"then they feel emboldened to basically just do whatever they want to do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a pattern to these highly controversial border shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First comes the CBP statement, often followed by community outrage. Then the investigation gets under way. And finally, a deafening silence, as the years roll by and people move on and forget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say we shouldn't let that happen. Not with Guillermo Arévalo. And not with the more recent case of Claudia Patricia Gomez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last year, the 20-year-old Guatemalan was shot in the head by a Border Patrol agent on the outskirts of Laredo, Texas, not far from the river she had just crossed illegally. The first CBP press release called the young Maya woman an assailant who was with a group of immigrants wielding \"blunt objects\" and threatening the agent. A second statement corrected that she, in fact, did not wield a weapon, but the group she was with \"rushed\" the officer and ignored orders to get on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents are suing the government for wrongful death. Sixteen months after her death, there's not a word from CBP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't think every agent is bad. There's only one person who did this,\" says her father, Gilberto Gomez, from his house in the Guatemalan highlands. \"We don't want impunity. We want justice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CBP spokesman says their investigation is on hold because the fatal shooting of Claudia Patricia Gomez remains at the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Just like the case of Guillermo Arévalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Investigations+Of+Fatal+Shootings+On+The+Border+Can+Drag+On+For+Years&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "U.S. Moves FEMA, Coast Guard Money to Fund Border Programs",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security is moving $271 million from other agencies such as FEMA and the U.S. Coast Guard to increase the number of beds for detained immigrants and support its policy forcing asylum seekers to wait in Mexico while their cases play out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"House Speaker Nancy Pelosi\"]'Stealing from appropriated funds is always unacceptable, but to pick the pockets of disaster relief funding in order to fund an appalling, inhumane family incarceration plan is staggering — and to do so on the eve of hurricane season is stunningly reckless.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news comes as hurricane season is ramping up and Tropical Storm Dorian became a Category 1 hurricane as it struck the U.S. Virgin Islands on Wednesday, with forecasters saying it could grow to Category 3 status as it nears the U.S. mainland as early as this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Stealing from appropriated funds is always unacceptable, but to pick the pockets of disaster relief funding in order to fund an appalling, inhumane family incarceration plan is staggering — and to do so on the eve of hurricane season is stunningly reckless,\" House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said about the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sprawling 240,000-person Homeland Security Department includes the Federal Emergency Management Agency, the Coast Guard and the new Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency in addition to immigration agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not uncommon for unassigned funds to be transferred between agencies under the same department as the fiscal year ends. Last year around the same time, about $200 million was transferred, including $10 million from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/fde43d6be2a544fab637fdce8573e1db\">FEMA that prompted major criticism\u003c/a> from Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said in a statement Tuesday they would transfer $155 million to create temporary facilities along the U.S.-Mexico border for holding hearings with the aim of moving asylum cases through the system faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has sent more than 30,000 people back to Mexico to wait out their immigration cases in an effort to deter migrants from making a dangerous journey to the U.S. and ease the crush of families from Central America that has vastly strained the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers generally had been released into the U.S. and allowed to work, but many Trump administration officials claim migrants take advantage of the laws and stop showing up to court. Lawyers for migrants waiting in Mexico have reported major problems reaching clients and getting them to the U.S. for their hearings. And some of the locations in Mexico where migrants are sent are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770290/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">violent and unsafe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11770290,news_11730590,news_11726721,news_11758516\" label=\"The 'Remain in Mexico' Policy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money will come out of unobligated money from the base disaster relief fund at FEMA, lawmakers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic House members strongly disagreed and accused DHS of going around their specific appropriations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairwoman of the House Appropriations homeland security subcommittee, Lucille Roybal-Allard of California, said the reprogramming would support \"inhumane\" programs and take away necessary funding for other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am greatly concerned that during the course of this administration, there has been a growing disconnect between the will of Congress ... and the implementation of the Department's immigration enforcement operations,\" she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials will also transfer $116 million to fund detention bed space for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Congress allocated 45,000 beds for detention, but as of Aug. 24, ICE was detaining 54,344 people. Congress specifically did not authorize additional ICE funding for detention beds when it approved an emergency supplemental funding request of about $1.3 billion from Homeland Security to manage the huge increase in migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given the rise of single adults crossing the border, ICE has already had to increase the number of detention beds above what Congress funded,\" according to the DHS statement. Without the funding increase, ICE can't keep up with apprehensions by Border Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This realignment of resources allows DHS to address ongoing border emergency crisis ... while minimizing the risk to overall DHS mission performance,\" according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 860,000 people have been encountered at the Southern border this budget year, a decade-long high. Of that, 432,838 were in families — last year for the whole fiscal year there were only 107,212 in families. The increase has caused \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760738/watch-lawmakers-hold-hearing-on-migrant-detention-conditions-pence-visits-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vast overcrowding in border facilities\u003c/a> and reports of fetid, filthy conditions and children held for weeks in temporary facilities not meant to hold anyone for longer than a few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Tropical Storm Dorian approached the Caribbean and gathered strength, it threatened to turn into a small hurricane that forecasters said could affect the northern Windward Islands and Puerto Rico in upcoming days. Late Tuesday, President Donald Trump declared an emergency in Puerto Rico, ordering federal assistance to the island.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is not uncommon for unassigned funds to be transferred between agencies under the same department as the fiscal year ends. Last year around the same time, about $200 million was transferred, including $10 million from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/fde43d6be2a544fab637fdce8573e1db\">FEMA that prompted major criticism\u003c/a> from Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials said in a statement Tuesday they would transfer $155 million to create temporary facilities along the U.S.-Mexico border for holding hearings with the aim of moving asylum cases through the system faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government has sent more than 30,000 people back to Mexico to wait out their immigration cases in an effort to deter migrants from making a dangerous journey to the U.S. and ease the crush of families from Central America that has vastly strained the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers generally had been released into the U.S. and allowed to work, but many Trump administration officials claim migrants take advantage of the laws and stop showing up to court. Lawyers for migrants waiting in Mexico have reported major problems reaching clients and getting them to the U.S. for their hearings. And some of the locations in Mexico where migrants are sent are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11770290/criminals-target-migrants-in-mexico-seeking-u-s-asylum\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">violent and unsafe\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where the U.S. is sending migrants who have asked for asylum after crossing the Rio Grande near Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money will come out of unobligated money from the base disaster relief fund at FEMA, lawmakers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic House members strongly disagreed and accused DHS of going around their specific appropriations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairwoman of the House Appropriations homeland security subcommittee, Lucille Roybal-Allard of California, said the reprogramming would support \"inhumane\" programs and take away necessary funding for other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am greatly concerned that during the course of this administration, there has been a growing disconnect between the will of Congress ... and the implementation of the Department's immigration enforcement operations,\" she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security officials will also transfer $116 million to fund detention bed space for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Congress allocated 45,000 beds for detention, but as of Aug. 24, ICE was detaining 54,344 people. Congress specifically did not authorize additional ICE funding for detention beds when it approved an emergency supplemental funding request of about $1.3 billion from Homeland Security to manage the huge increase in migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Given the rise of single adults crossing the border, ICE has already had to increase the number of detention beds above what Congress funded,\" according to the DHS statement. Without the funding increase, ICE can't keep up with apprehensions by Border Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This realignment of resources allows DHS to address ongoing border emergency crisis ... while minimizing the risk to overall DHS mission performance,\" according to the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 860,000 people have been encountered at the Southern border this budget year, a decade-long high. Of that, 432,838 were in families — last year for the whole fiscal year there were only 107,212 in families. The increase has caused \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11760738/watch-lawmakers-hold-hearing-on-migrant-detention-conditions-pence-visits-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vast overcrowding in border facilities\u003c/a> and reports of fetid, filthy conditions and children held for weeks in temporary facilities not meant to hold anyone for longer than a few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Tropical Storm Dorian approached the Caribbean and gathered strength, it threatened to turn into a small hurricane that forecasters said could affect the northern Windward Islands and Puerto Rico in upcoming days. Late Tuesday, President Donald Trump declared an emergency in Puerto Rico, ordering federal assistance to the island.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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