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"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Unified School District’s former school bus provider is suing the district for $5.4 million for payments it claims the district failed to make during the 2020–21 school year when students were participating in distance learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest dispute, which is not the first between the private transportation company First Student Inc. and SFUSD, comes as both businesses and school districts across the country are scrambling to recover from losses during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is a corporate shakedown of our public school district by the largest bus company in the United States,” said Nancy Harris, attorney representing SFUSD, during opening statements for the jury trial. “The terms of the contract provide that the school district agreed to pay First Student only when drivers employed by First Student drove students in buses owned by First Student to and from schools and other points.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ohio-based First Student is the country’s largest school bus transportation service provider and worked with San Francisco Unified for 40 years before the two organizations cut ties during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there’s no disagreement that buses weren’t running their usual routes during the 2020–21 school year, representatives for First Student allege that the district owes them money for non-transportation services, such as bus maintenance and vehicle insurance. The company invoiced SFUSD for $5.4 million for those additional costs in the fall of 2021.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nancy Harris, attorney representing SFUSD\"]'This case is a corporate shakedown of our public school district by the largest bus company in the United States.'[/pullquote]In response to First Student's lawsuit, SFUSD filed a cross-complaint for breach of contract, bad faith and violations of the California False Claims Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school district maintains that under the 2020–21 school year contract, they were not obligated to pay for services because buses were not transporting students during the city’s shelter-in-place order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email sent to KQED, the district also alleged that the company “submitted false invoices claiming that hundreds of buses and drivers were deployed on the road in August and September 2020, at a time when students were learning remotely,” according to Laura Dudnick, spokesperson for SFUSD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When that did not work, [First Student] demanded that the school district cover its overhead costs. This strategy was part of its nationwide pressure campaign against school districts to increase its revenue, when school districts like SFUSD struggled with budget deficits and were focused on students,” Dudnick wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court testimony Thursday, Paul Osland, who was president of First Student during the pandemic, denied pressuring any district into payments during the pandemic, and suggested his company was simply upholding its end of a contract that started in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osland asserts that First Student charges for a full program, meaning not only transportation services, but also the operating expenses such as vehicle insurance, bus technology and regular maintenance that is required by California Highway Patrol to keep the buses in operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>COVID “impacted all of us, but it sure as heck impacted our business,” said Osland in court on Thursday. 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The district agrees to notify the contractor, not later than 5:30 a.m., on days of such school closures,” the contract reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osland, however, said he thinks that portion of the contract would only apply to short-term closures like snow days or fire days, not months-long disruptions. No such distinction is made either way in the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First Student works with around 1,000 districts across the U.S. and Canada. 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SFUSD had encumbered funds available, and even issued a purchase order, but it made a choice not to pay. That is not just or fair, and for that reason, we expect to prevail in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 40 years of service, SFUSD cut ties with First Student during the pandemic, and the district in July 2021 awarded school transportation to app-based start-up Zūm in a $150 million five-year contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of the deal, the district estimated the new provider would save the district about $3 million annually, according to \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2021/07/29/zum-wins-150m-from-san-francisco-schools-to-modernize-and-electrify-student-transport/\">a report from TechCrunch\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, First Student sued Zūm, whose consultant had recently left a high position with First Student. First Student alleged the employee downloaded the competing bid from its company while joining Zūm. 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"title": "Judge Delays SF DA's Move to Dismiss Homicide Case Against Officer Who Killed Keita O'Neil",
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"content": "\u003cp>A judge on Wednesday delayed a motion from San Francisco’s district attorney to dismiss the historic prosecution of a city police officer charged with shooting and killing a carjacking suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one-week delay is intended to give California Attorney General Rob Bonta additional time to determine whether to pursue the case against the officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"keita-oneil\"]“My hope is that the attorney general will give this case fresh eyes,” said San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Loretta Giorgi at a hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bonta does not pursue the case or request an extension by March 7, charges against Christopher Samayoa, a former San Francisco police officer, will officially be dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay comes in response to San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ move last month to dismiss charges against Samayoa, who killed Keita O’Neil during a police chase in December 2017, after O’Neil allegedly stole a California Lottery van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samayoa, who was in his fourth day of a field training program, is shown on body camera firing his weapon through the window of his patrol car and hitting O’Neil, a 42-year-old Black man, as he tried to escape on foot. Samayoa was subsequently fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three years after the incident, Chesa Boudin, Jenkins’ predecessor who was recalled from office last summer, charged Samayoa with multiple counts of manslaughter and assault, marking the first homicide prosecution in San Francisco history against a police officer for an on-duty killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Feb. 8 letter to Bonta, Jenkins argued that Boudin wrongly pursued manslaughter charges against Samayoa for “political reasons and not in the interest of justice.” She said her office had also “discovered an internal conflict in the case that impacts our ability to handle the matter,” referring to opposing statements from the attorney in Boudin’s office who initially handled the case and the DA investigator who signed the arrest warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge announced her decision to delay the dismissal after hearing a heartfelt plea from O’Neil’s aunt, April Green, who told reporters she hopes to meet with Bonta during the stay order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942244\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942244 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged woman with light, freckled skin and short dark hair is seated in a wheelchair holding a microphone, next to a photo of a Black man with long black locs. The woman wears a beige leather jacket and a patterned matching blouse, with gold earrings and a necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Green, aunt of Keita O’Neil, speaks at a rally for her nephew outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on March 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My family has been through so much. My sister suffers every day. She lost her child,” Green said, noting that O’Neil’s mother has dementia. “All we need is some time. My nephew’s case is still alive. It’s still breathing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the pending criminal case, the city of San Francisco in 2021 paid O’Neil’s family $2.5 million to settle a civil lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green’s attorney also sent Bonta a letter last month, asking his office to take over the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both letters — from Jenkins and Green — cite Assembly Bill 1506, which puts all officer-involved shootings resulting in the death of an unarmed person within the purview of the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, Jenkins said she respects the court’s decision to give Bonta’s office more time to review the case, noting her staff had already transferred the entire file to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not opposing that decision. We understand the complexity of this case … and welcome their independent review,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A fair prosecution of this case from our office is not possible because the facts and laws do not support prosecution,” Jenkins added. “The prior administration’s desire to make history blinded them; they chose to press on for personal political gain. They went to extraordinary lengths to ‘find a path,’ where there was none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse, dozens of community members gathered to protest the dismissal with signs and chants in support of O’Neil and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the district attorney’s office is going to effectively immunize every San Francisco police officer for anything they do up to and including murder is outrageous, and folks are right to be out here protesting in the street,” said San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston, who joined protesters on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942282\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942282 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\" alt=\"Protesters holding signs march on the street behind an 'SFPD' barricade. It is a sunny day and their shadows are long beside them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march outside San Francisco’s Hall of Justice on March 1, 2023, protesting the district attorney’s effort to dismiss charges against the police officer who killed Keita O’Neil in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At his confirmation hearing in 2021, Bonta pledged to ramp up police accountability and chart a new path for reform, in a shift from his predecessor, Xavier Becerra, who largely avoided prosecuting police officers charged with shooting unarmed civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Black man was murdered. And he’s caught up in a political football,” Green said at Wednesday’s rally outside the courthouse. “This is my nephew, but it’s also about the future of how our Black and Brown men interact with police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a response letter sent this week to Green and Jenkins, Bonta pushed back on the district attorney’s conflict-of-interest assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That some personnel within the District Attorney’s office may have different opinions about the case does not give rise to a recusal conflict mandating the Attorney General assume responsibility for the prosecution,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The court's six-day stay buys California's attorney general more time to decide whether to pursue the historic case, the city's first homicide prosecution of an on-duty officer.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A judge on Wednesday delayed a motion from San Francisco’s district attorney to dismiss the historic prosecution of a city police officer charged with shooting and killing a carjacking suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one-week delay is intended to give California Attorney General Rob Bonta additional time to determine whether to pursue the case against the officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My hope is that the attorney general will give this case fresh eyes,” said San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Loretta Giorgi at a hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bonta does not pursue the case or request an extension by March 7, charges against Christopher Samayoa, a former San Francisco police officer, will officially be dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay comes in response to San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ move last month to dismiss charges against Samayoa, who killed Keita O’Neil during a police chase in December 2017, after O’Neil allegedly stole a California Lottery van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samayoa, who was in his fourth day of a field training program, is shown on body camera firing his weapon through the window of his patrol car and hitting O’Neil, a 42-year-old Black man, as he tried to escape on foot. Samayoa was subsequently fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three years after the incident, Chesa Boudin, Jenkins’ predecessor who was recalled from office last summer, charged Samayoa with multiple counts of manslaughter and assault, marking the first homicide prosecution in San Francisco history against a police officer for an on-duty killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Feb. 8 letter to Bonta, Jenkins argued that Boudin wrongly pursued manslaughter charges against Samayoa for “political reasons and not in the interest of justice.” She said her office had also “discovered an internal conflict in the case that impacts our ability to handle the matter,” referring to opposing statements from the attorney in Boudin’s office who initially handled the case and the DA investigator who signed the arrest warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge announced her decision to delay the dismissal after hearing a heartfelt plea from O’Neil’s aunt, April Green, who told reporters she hopes to meet with Bonta during the stay order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942244\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942244 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged woman with light, freckled skin and short dark hair is seated in a wheelchair holding a microphone, next to a photo of a Black man with long black locs. The woman wears a beige leather jacket and a patterned matching blouse, with gold earrings and a necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/014_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">April Green, aunt of Keita O’Neil, speaks at a rally for her nephew outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on March 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My family has been through so much. My sister suffers every day. She lost her child,” Green said, noting that O’Neil’s mother has dementia. “All we need is some time. My nephew’s case is still alive. It’s still breathing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the pending criminal case, the city of San Francisco in 2021 paid O’Neil’s family $2.5 million to settle a civil lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green’s attorney also sent Bonta a letter last month, asking his office to take over the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both letters — from Jenkins and Green — cite Assembly Bill 1506, which puts all officer-involved shootings resulting in the death of an unarmed person within the purview of the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, Jenkins said she respects the court’s decision to give Bonta’s office more time to review the case, noting her staff had already transferred the entire file to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not opposing that decision. We understand the complexity of this case … and welcome their independent review,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A fair prosecution of this case from our office is not possible because the facts and laws do not support prosecution,” Jenkins added. “The prior administration’s desire to make history blinded them; they chose to press on for personal political gain. They went to extraordinary lengths to ‘find a path,’ where there was none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse, dozens of community members gathered to protest the dismissal with signs and chants in support of O’Neil and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that the district attorney’s office is going to effectively immunize every San Francisco police officer for anything they do up to and including murder is outrageous, and folks are right to be out here protesting in the street,” said San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston, who joined protesters on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942282\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942282 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg\" alt=\"Protesters holding signs march on the street behind an 'SFPD' barricade. It is a sunny day and their shadows are long beside them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/025_KQED_KeitaONeilRallySF_03012023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march outside San Francisco’s Hall of Justice on March 1, 2023, protesting the district attorney’s effort to dismiss charges against the police officer who killed Keita O’Neil in 2017. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At his confirmation hearing in 2021, Bonta pledged to ramp up police accountability and chart a new path for reform, in a shift from his predecessor, Xavier Becerra, who largely avoided prosecuting police officers charged with shooting unarmed civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Black man was murdered. And he’s caught up in a political football,” Green said at Wednesday’s rally outside the courthouse. “This is my nephew, but it’s also about the future of how our Black and Brown men interact with police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a response letter sent this week to Green and Jenkins, Bonta pushed back on the district attorney’s conflict-of-interest assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That some personnel within the District Attorney’s office may have different opinions about the case does not give rise to a recusal conflict mandating the Attorney General assume responsibility for the prosecution,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "as-bay-area-eviction-moratoriums-expire-local-lawmakers-scramble",
"title": "As Bay Area Eviction Moratoriums Expire, Local Lawmakers Scramble",
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"content": "\u003cp>George Wu is willing to die to end Alameda County’s eviction ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Leandro property owner launched a hunger strike Sunday to protest the moratorium, which he blames for $120,000 and counting in unpaid rent. Wu plans to camp out in front of the county administration building day and night, through cold and rain, until lawmakers lift the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need the rent to feed my family,” said Wu, whose triplex is his primary source of income. “I will continue there until the government listens to my story and until they have a new fair policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While COVID eviction protections are long expired in most cities and counties around the state, Alameda County is one of three Bay Area counties holding out — but not for much longer. \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">The county’s local COVID-19 public health emergency expired Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, the same day as the state’s. With it gone, the county’s eviction moratorium will sunset in 60 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants in Solano County, another Bay Area county with a moratorium in place, will lose their pandemic-era protections in 90 days. And in San Francisco, there’s no end date yet, but advocates speculate that will come in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has lawmakers and advocates in the three counties scrambling to put in place new policies to stem a wave of evictions they fear will follow, while property owners who desperately want out from under the bans are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu wants Alameda County to fully reimburse landlords for lost rent and end its moratorium immediately. But local officials there have cautioned against an abrupt end to these pandemic-era protections.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nate Miley, president, Alameda County Board of Supervisors\"]‘We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami. I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who aims to develop a program to support tenants and landlords coming out of the moratorium. He sees it as causing harm to both landlords and tenants who’ve racked up debt. “I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma County, where the local eviction moratorium ended in September of last year, attorney Sunny Noh of Legal Aid of Sonoma County said that surge of evictions never came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expected kind of a tidal wave of cases, and that’s not what we saw,” Noh said. Instead, she said they’ve seen a gradual increase, which they expect will ultimately top pre-pandemic eviction numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium reduced evictions by two-thirds compared to pre-pandemic numbers, said Margaret DeMatteo, housing policy attorney for Legal Aid of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to DeMatteo’s analysis of court data, in 2019, there were 932 unlawful detainers in the county. In 2021, the only full year covered by the moratorium, the figure dropped to 332. In 2022, with the moratorium in effect through September, numbers rebounded to 786. The figures don’t account for illegal evictions or notices that lead people to move before an eviction goes to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s our workforce. Those are vulnerable populations,” she said. “My takeaway is that the county has a lot of power to stabilize the community and improve the ability for our workforce to remain and our seniors and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders in Alameda and San Francisco counties are weighing their options to lessen the blow of losing eviction protections for tenants, but it hasn’t come without pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Celina Reynes’ recent proposal to extend the city’s eviction moratorium was met with a threat, wishing for her to have a miscarriage and get hit by a car, according to a social media post she shared with KQED. But \u003ca href=\"https://sanleandro.legistar.com/MeetingDetail.aspx?ID=1060044&GUID=D7E045C3-8D7C-4AAD-A2D2-8681EE919B4B&Options=info%7C&Search=\">last week city leaders backed her plan\u003c/a>, shielding renters affected by COVID from evictions through February 2024. Tenants must be able to prove that their inability to pay is due to the pandemic to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very narrow ordinance, but what it’s doing is protecting some of our residents who are most vulnerable to displacement and homelessness,” Reynes said, noting the city doesn’t have rent stabilization or just cause eviction protections in place. “It gives us time to work on more permanent solutions for both tenants and housing providers in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11920788,news_11919866 label='Related Coverage']San Leandro isn’t the first city to enact tougher renter protections in the wake of temporary COVID measures lapsing. These solutions have proliferated across the state over the past couple of years as cities adopted or strengthened rent control and just cause eviction laws, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/understanding-evictions-in-oakland\">which limit evictions to those a city deems reasonable\u003c/a>, like failure to pay rent, significantly damaging a unit or violating the lease after receiving a written notice to stop. In the Bay Area, Antioch, Richmond and Oakland all increased protections last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going back to the toolkit of policies that we’ve been advocating for years,” said Shanti Singh, communications and legislative director for Tenants Together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, where Singh is based, there are already strong rules in place to protect tenants. What she hopes to see before the moratorium lifts is a new infusion of funding for city programs that offer \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/renthelp\">emergency rent relief\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://evictiondefense.org/services/right-to-counsel/#:~:text=The%20%E2%80%9CNo%20Eviction%20without%20Representation%20Act%E2%80%9D%20requires%20that%20all%20eligible,to%20Counsel%20program%20(TRC).\">provide attorneys for tenants facing eviction\u003c/a>. As for a policy solution, advocates in the city say they’re just beginning to think about what a phaseout of the eviction moratorium should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the city council adopted \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/city-council-special-eagenda-february-27-2023\">a proposal to stretch the city’s moratorium for an additional 60 days\u003c/a> after the end of the local emergency. The plan would create a transition period through the end of August during which only certain kinds of evictions would be allowed, including some due to an owner moving back into the property, those due to health and safety issues and those for nonpayment, unless a tenant has proof the delay is related to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said, adding that the proposal is meant to prevent people from becoming homeless. “We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also asking for another $300,000 for the city’s COVID rent relief program, which now has a waitlist of six tenants seeking a total of $44,142.86, according to the resolution. He expects demand to grow when the eviction ban lifts.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\"]‘We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan. We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.’[/pullquote]In Oakland, City Council President Nikki Fortunato Bas is working on a plan to phase the city’s moratorium out. She said she’s listening to input from both tenants and small property owners as she drafts the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hopeful that we will craft a proposal that helps provide housing security to tenants and balances the concerns of small property owners,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers consider ways to ease out of the bans, landlords are pushing to take back greater control over their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, “but they’re never, ever going to be able to pay [it] back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association recently surveyed members and found the average respondent had at least two units with tenants who hadn’t been paying rent for an extended period of time. The amount of debt ranged from $1,000 to north of $80,000, with an average of about $30,000 that wasn’t covered by rent relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gulbransen sees it, the best solution is to require cities to cover any remaining debt through its rent relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really is the only thing that’s going to keep tenants housed,” she said. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Krista Gulbransen, executive director, Berkeley Property Owners Association\"]‘These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt.’[/pullquote]Miley, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors president, has asked county staff to look into resources available to support the transition out of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to come up with programs that are going to help work with landlords and tenants to ameliorate and hopefully bring about some type of compromise,” he said, “so that we don’t have the level of evictions that are anticipated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county may not have the money to make landlords whole, Miley said he’d like to see it cover a portion of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute, wants local leaders to think bigger. Housing affordability in California was a crisis before the pandemic. And, she said it’s still a crisis for millions of families in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real question is, what do we do for the folks who can’t pay for their housing on minimum wage, who can’t have three jobs now because there aren’t three jobs to have?” she said. “We’ve now returned to our regularly scheduled housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawmakers in the three Bay Area counties that still have eviction moratoriums want to stem what they fear will be a wave of evictions. Property owners who desperately want out from under the bans are pushing back.",
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"title": "As Bay Area Eviction Moratoriums Expire, Local Lawmakers Scramble | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>George Wu is willing to die to end Alameda County’s eviction ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Leandro property owner launched a hunger strike Sunday to protest the moratorium, which he blames for $120,000 and counting in unpaid rent. Wu plans to camp out in front of the county administration building day and night, through cold and rain, until lawmakers lift the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need the rent to feed my family,” said Wu, whose triplex is his primary source of income. “I will continue there until the government listens to my story and until they have a new fair policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While COVID eviction protections are long expired in most cities and counties around the state, Alameda County is one of three Bay Area counties holding out — but not for much longer. \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2023.02.28.pdf\">The county’s local COVID-19 public health emergency expired Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, the same day as the state’s. With it gone, the county’s eviction moratorium will sunset in 60 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants in Solano County, another Bay Area county with a moratorium in place, will lose their pandemic-era protections in 90 days. And in San Francisco, there’s no end date yet, but advocates speculate that will come in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has lawmakers and advocates in the three counties scrambling to put in place new policies to stem a wave of evictions they fear will follow, while property owners who desperately want out from under the bans are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wu wants Alameda County to fully reimburse landlords for lost rent and end its moratorium immediately. But local officials there have cautioned against an abrupt end to these pandemic-era protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami. I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s going to be an eviction tsunami,” said Alameda County Board of Supervisors President Nate Miley, who aims to develop a program to support tenants and landlords coming out of the moratorium. He sees it as causing harm to both landlords and tenants who’ve racked up debt. “I feel the board, because we’ve put ourselves in this hole, we also have an obligation to help vulnerable populations. We need to figure out how we’re going to mitigate the damage that we’ve caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma County, where the local eviction moratorium ended in September of last year, attorney Sunny Noh of Legal Aid of Sonoma County said that surge of evictions never came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expected kind of a tidal wave of cases, and that’s not what we saw,” Noh said. Instead, she said they’ve seen a gradual increase, which they expect will ultimately top pre-pandemic eviction numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The moratorium reduced evictions by two-thirds compared to pre-pandemic numbers, said Margaret DeMatteo, housing policy attorney for Legal Aid of Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to DeMatteo’s analysis of court data, in 2019, there were 932 unlawful detainers in the county. In 2021, the only full year covered by the moratorium, the figure dropped to 332. In 2022, with the moratorium in effect through September, numbers rebounded to 786. The figures don’t account for illegal evictions or notices that lead people to move before an eviction goes to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s our workforce. Those are vulnerable populations,” she said. “My takeaway is that the county has a lot of power to stabilize the community and improve the ability for our workforce to remain and our seniors and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders in Alameda and San Francisco counties are weighing their options to lessen the blow of losing eviction protections for tenants, but it hasn’t come without pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Leandro City Councilmember Celina Reynes’ recent proposal to extend the city’s eviction moratorium was met with a threat, wishing for her to have a miscarriage and get hit by a car, according to a social media post she shared with KQED. But \u003ca href=\"https://sanleandro.legistar.com/MeetingDetail.aspx?ID=1060044&GUID=D7E045C3-8D7C-4AAD-A2D2-8681EE919B4B&Options=info%7C&Search=\">last week city leaders backed her plan\u003c/a>, shielding renters affected by COVID from evictions through February 2024. Tenants must be able to prove that their inability to pay is due to the pandemic to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very narrow ordinance, but what it’s doing is protecting some of our residents who are most vulnerable to displacement and homelessness,” Reynes said, noting the city doesn’t have rent stabilization or just cause eviction protections in place. “It gives us time to work on more permanent solutions for both tenants and housing providers in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Leandro isn’t the first city to enact tougher renter protections in the wake of temporary COVID measures lapsing. These solutions have proliferated across the state over the past couple of years as cities adopted or strengthened rent control and just cause eviction laws, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/understanding-evictions-in-oakland\">which limit evictions to those a city deems reasonable\u003c/a>, like failure to pay rent, significantly damaging a unit or violating the lease after receiving a written notice to stop. In the Bay Area, Antioch, Richmond and Oakland all increased protections last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are going back to the toolkit of policies that we’ve been advocating for years,” said Shanti Singh, communications and legislative director for Tenants Together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, where Singh is based, there are already strong rules in place to protect tenants. What she hopes to see before the moratorium lifts is a new infusion of funding for city programs that offer \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/renthelp\">emergency rent relief\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://evictiondefense.org/services/right-to-counsel/#:~:text=The%20%E2%80%9CNo%20Eviction%20without%20Representation%20Act%E2%80%9D%20requires%20that%20all%20eligible,to%20Counsel%20program%20(TRC).\">provide attorneys for tenants facing eviction\u003c/a>. As for a policy solution, advocates in the city say they’re just beginning to think about what a phaseout of the eviction moratorium should look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the city council adopted \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/city-council-special-eagenda-february-27-2023\">a proposal to stretch the city’s moratorium for an additional 60 days\u003c/a> after the end of the local emergency. The plan would create a transition period through the end of August during which only certain kinds of evictions would be allowed, including some due to an owner moving back into the property, those due to health and safety issues and those for nonpayment, unless a tenant has proof the delay is related to the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just can’t end this right now. We have to have a plan,” Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín said, adding that the proposal is meant to prevent people from becoming homeless. “We don’t need thousands more people on the streets just because we didn’t give them the time and the space and the resources to be able to pay back the rent that they owe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also asking for another $300,000 for the city’s COVID rent relief program, which now has a waitlist of six tenants seeking a total of $44,142.86, according to the resolution. He expects demand to grow when the eviction ban lifts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Oakland, City Council President Nikki Fortunato Bas is working on a plan to phase the city’s moratorium out. She said she’s listening to input from both tenants and small property owners as she drafts the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hopeful that we will craft a proposal that helps provide housing security to tenants and balances the concerns of small property owners,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers consider ways to ease out of the bans, landlords are pushing to take back greater control over their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These elected officials set these tenants up for failure by allowing them to continue to accumulate debt,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, “but they’re never, ever going to be able to pay [it] back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association recently surveyed members and found the average respondent had at least two units with tenants who hadn’t been paying rent for an extended period of time. The amount of debt ranged from $1,000 to north of $80,000, with an average of about $30,000 that wasn’t covered by rent relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gulbransen sees it, the best solution is to require cities to cover any remaining debt through its rent relief program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really is the only thing that’s going to keep tenants housed,” she said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Miley, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors president, has asked county staff to look into resources available to support the transition out of the moratorium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to come up with programs that are going to help work with landlords and tenants to ameliorate and hopefully bring about some type of compromise,” he said, “so that we don’t have the level of evictions that are anticipated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county may not have the money to make landlords whole, Miley said he’d like to see it cover a portion of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Institute, wants local leaders to think bigger. Housing affordability in California was a crisis before the pandemic. And, she said it’s still a crisis for millions of families in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real question is, what do we do for the folks who can’t pay for their housing on minimum wage, who can’t have three jobs now because there aren’t three jobs to have?” she said. “We’ve now returned to our regularly scheduled housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The Night That Changed San Francisco Cycling Forever",
"headTitle": "The Night That Changed San Francisco Cycling Forever | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3xMsmE9\">\u003cem>Read a transcript of this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look around San Francisco’s streets today, and you’ll see all sorts of infrastructure designed to make bicycling in the city safer. Lime-green bike lanes crisscross the city’s roads, barriers discourage drivers from entering bike lanes, and designated routes and slow streets let riders get away from cars more easily. In 2021, San Franciscans made 4.7 million trips on bicycles, and the city boasts more than 463 miles of bike lanes, paths and trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just 30 years ago, none of this existed. There were just a few bike lanes, no slow streets and not nearly as many people on bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was literally no place where the bicycle was accepted to be on the road. Every square inch of the width of Market Street was full with motorized vehicles, buses or streetcars,” said Chris Carlsson, author and historian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late ’80s and early ’90s, Carlsson would commute down Market Street to an office on Rincon Hill, right by the Bay Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of abuse hurled at you, verbally mostly. But there would also occasionally be the aggressive motorist who would actually try to cut you off or bump you off the road,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cyclists who rode during that time remember the situation similarly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You weren’t allowed to bicycle in San Francisco in the early ’90s,” said Hugh D’Andrade, a friend and collaborator of Carlsson’s. “I mean, you certainly could do it, it was legal, but you were taking your life into your own hands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One night, on the last Friday of the month in September of 1992, Carlsson and a group of friends decided to take action. They planned to gather at Embarcadero Plaza, right by the Ferry Building in downtown San Francisco, and ride home together. They called the ride “The Commute Clot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were asserting our right to the streets, essentially. One of the slogans that came out that period was that we’re not blocking traffic, we are traffic. So if you’re sick of being treated like crap on the streets of the city, show up for this thing and ride home in a group. About 50 people showed up,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They ended up riding southwest along Market Street to Zeitgeist, a bar in the mission. Carlsson said the experience was euphoric. The group made plans to do another Commute Clot the next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the beginning of what became known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcriticalmass.org/\">Critical Mass\u003c/a> — a group bicycling event that is often referred to as an “organized coincidence” or a “leaderless phenomenon.” That’s because for the last 30 years the ride has met at Embarcadero Plaza on the last Friday of every month and flooded the city with hundreds, sometimes thousands, of cyclists riding together in one or sometimes multiple dense packs, despite the fact that it has no leadership, no formal organization and no planned route. It’s also spread outside of San Francisco. Chris Carlsson estimates more than 350 cities across the world hold Critical Mass rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ride also played a pivotal role in the evolution of the city’s robust bicycle network. But Critical Mass didn’t do it alone. In the early ’90s, right when Critical Mass was getting its start, the \u003ca href=\"https://sfbike.org/\">San Francisco Bicycle Coalition\u003c/a> also was forming.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working together, separately\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today the bicycle coalition is a political organizing powerhouse that advocates for safer cycling and alternative transportation policy in San Francisco. But back then, it was a nascent nonprofit meeting in the back of a Chinese restaurant called The Pot and Pan in the Inner Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who made decisions were whoever showed up,” said Dave Snyder, who was elected as the coalition’s first executive director in 1991. “They elected me executive director with a salary of $0 to help get the organization started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass and the bicycle coalition have similar goals: raising awareness and making the streets safer for people on bicycles. But they couldn’t be more different in how they work toward that. While Critical Mass is simply an event — a raw, unmediated expression of the frustration cyclists feel at being second-class citizens on the city’s streets — the bicycle coalition is a more policy-focused group with its eyes set on changing things from within City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the bicycle coalition has always been a mainstream group representing the average person who would like to ride a bike on the streets but can’t because they’re not safe enough,” said Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Carlsson went to one of the early bicycle coalition meetings in August 1992, and tried to get them to endorse his idea for the Commute Clot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided that we would not endorse it, but we would tell people about it. That it wasn’t something that we [could] control, but that it was an important cultural event. So we would make sure everybody knew about it, but that would be the extent of our involvement,” said Snyder. “When you’re a nonprofit that has a legal responsibility, you don’t want to take any responsibility for a ride that you can’t control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941590\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-800x479.jpg\" alt=\"A group of cyclists happily riding through San Francisco streets together. \" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-800x479.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1020x610.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1536x919.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-2048x1225.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1920x1149.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Critical Mass participants bike from Justin Herman Plaza to Candlestick Park in one of the earliest bicycle rides on the city’s streets, May 27, 1994. \u003ccite>(Photo By Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even though the coalition said no, Critical Mass began picking up steam. By the mid-’90s, thousands of people would participate in Critical Mass rides every month. Carlsson says one reason for the growth of the ride was that anyone could make the ride what they wanted it to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you didn’t have to adopt a dogma, either political or religious. You could just come and you really only needed to be interested in riding your bike,” said Carlsson. “Then you have the actual euphoric experience of riding through the streets in a group of bicycles. It changes the auditory environment, it changes the olfactory environment, everything is different. It’s really a surprise the first time you do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tension grows\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But the cold reality of being stopped by those bikes in Friday rush-hour traffic as Critical Mass passed by was not as serene an experience for people in cars and buses. Imagine trying to drive home on a Friday night, and in addition to the normal traffic, thousands of bicyclists are streaming in front of you. You’re stopped at an intersection and watching as the traffic light goes from green to red to green again, and you don’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass rides sometimes involve a practice called “corking,” where a group of riders stand at an intersection and block traffic while the rest of the ride passes. Depending on the size of the ride, drivers can be held up for around 15 or 20 minutes. In the early days of Critical Mass, the San Francisco Police Department would actually assist the ride in blocking traffic while the bicyclists passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Critical Mass grew in size through the years, so did the amount of time drivers were obligated to wait for the mass. People got frustrated. Drivers would try to push through the mass, screaming at cyclists while they attempted to inch their car through the intersections. Cyclists would respond by yelling back, or pounding on a car hood. Sometimes these interactions became physically violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass soon gained a reputation for being aggressive and antagonistic. Carlsson says he thinks the ride was often portrayed unfairly in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that we went out attacking cars … that never happens in Critical Mass. People might respond to a car that is trying to run them over by hitting them, or smashing windows on some occasions. That’s happened. But not unprovoked. It’s always been because a motorist loses it and decides they can just ram through the bikes with their car,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cyclists thought of themselves as part of traffic, not causing it. The thinking: When traffic is caused by cars, it’s normal. When it’s caused by bicycles, it’s treated as something to be stopped. “I’m sorry for the inconvenience, but what about all the other times you’re inconvenienced and you just think that’s normal?” said Carlsson. [baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlsson pushes back against the idea that Critical Mass was about a sort of class war between people on bikes and people in cars. Rather, he says, it was intended to be celebratory and invitational. They wanted people in the cars to join them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People in their cars are just like us. We’re just like them. We’re in a car on another day, we just don’t want to admit it,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting a deal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things took a turn when Willie Brown was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I became mayor, and I said, ‘That is not subject to acceptance, period. You violate the law by running red lights, disrupting the streets. You are subject to be prosecuted,'” said Brown in an interview with KQED in January 2023. “So I went to war with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown wanted Critical Mass to leave at a later time and follow a police-approved route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They disrupted the whole goddamn town,” Brown recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tasked City Supervisor Michael Yaki with trying to bring Critical Mass to heel. The bicycle coalition took notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Snyder, then executive director of the bicycle coalition, got a call from a friend who worked in public relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘Hey, Dave, they’re talking about Critical Mass and bicyclists in the paper every day, and they never mentioned the Bicycle Coalition.’ And I said, ‘Yeah, isn’t that great?’ And there was silence on the other end. He goes, ‘No, no, that’s not great. You need help.’ And he worked with us to talk about how we could take advantage of all this attention to promote our agenda,” recalled Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Critical Mass didn’t have any formal leadership, Supervisor Yaki reached out to the next logical choice: the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the coalition had been pressing for bike lanes on some of the city’s biggest thoroughfares, but Snyder said the plan was just gathering dust. All of a sudden, they had leverage, and hearings on those bike lanes were on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for holding hearings on building some of the first bike lanes in the city, Supervisor Yaki asked the bicycle coalition to make sure Critical Mass would leave later and follow a police-approved route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bicycle coalition people said, ‘Well, yeah, we can tell them that, but they’re not gonna listen,’” said Snyder. “And I think they thought we were being coy, that we were telling him that because we wanted to keep an official arm’s-length distance. But we weren’t being coy. They did not listen to us, and we knew that would be the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941591\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-800x514.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-800x514.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-160x103.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM.png 987w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cyclists ride through the streets as part of a Critical Mass event on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city didn’t realize that nobody, not even the bike coalition, had power over the mass. But the coalition did get their meetings, and those bike lanes eventually did get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snyder was surprised. “One of the aides to Willie Brown was talking with me about the hearings that they were holding, and I asked her, ‘So what’s changed? Two years ago, I couldn’t get a hearing on any of this stuff,’” said Snyder. “And she just laughed and she said, ‘5,000 people in the streets, Dave. That’s what changed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlsson remembers when Yaki announced that the city had reached a deal with the Bicycle Coalition. “It just meant nothing to us. We knew you’re gonna have no effect on anything other than potentially producing some serious chaos. And there was major chaos that night,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It set the stage for the most chaotic and violent night in San Francisco Critical Mass history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>July ’97\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 25, 1997, it’s estimated that 5,000 cyclists showed up at Embarcadero Plaza for the ride. Besides the unusually large number of riders, something else was different that night: The police had set up a public-address system. Police Capt. Dennis Martel spoke to the crowd, trying to project his voice above a chorus of boos from the cyclists, imploring them to follow the police-approved route, which was published in newspapers days before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Mayor Willie Brown also addressed the crowd. He, too, was met with jeers. Suffice to say, nobody followed the police-approved route that night. The cyclists felt indignant that the police were trying to co-opt their ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11941594 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-800x510.png\" alt=\"An African American man wearing a suit and black fedora makes an announcement into a microphone. \" width=\"800\" height=\"510\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-800x510.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-160x102.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM.png 985w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s then-mayor, Willie Brown, addresses a a crowd of thousands of cyclists on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All the bicyclists are booing [Brown] and he is really pissed. You could tell he’s really pissed. And he walks off the little stage they have and apparently he tells the cops, ‘Shut it down.’ And so they tried and they couldn’t because there was just too many cyclists and everybody just went in every direction,” remembered Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Snyder recalls the night as being utterly wild.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five thousand people divided into 10 groups of 500 on average. Massive clogs of bicycles were all over downtown. It completely messed with traffic in downtown San Francisco for a couple of hours on that Friday,” recalled Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of the night from the bicycle documentary \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lpsdy24xbLY&t=2394s\">We Are Traffic\u003c/a>\u003c/em> shows police mounted on motorcycles declaring the event an unlawful assembly and threatening to ticket and arrest cyclists and impound their bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> article describing the night of July 25, 1997, reads sort of like a war report:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">\u003cem>At 8:35 p.m. at Sacramento and Montgomery streets, police formed a skirmish line of a dozen officers with a backup of several dozen more. As the first of the cyclists were put into arrest wagons, a crowd of more than 150 bikers chanted, ‘Let them go.’\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>At Fifth and Howard, a rider said that a motorist deliberately swerved into him, flattening the rear wheel of his bike. At the same corner, police said a cyclist reached into the driver’s side of a stopped vehicle and socked the man behind the wheel.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Near Civic Center, an officer ticketed cyclist John Bruno for running a red light — and then warned him, ‘If I were you, I’d get out of here. It’s out of control.’\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11941595 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM.png 983w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco police officer kneels on the neck of a cyclist while making an arrest during a Critical Mass event on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One scene from that night includes a police officer kneeling on the neck of a woman, as the crowd shouts for them to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At another intersection, the police encircled about 100 cyclists and conducted a mass arrest. People were booked on charges of failure to disperse, unlawful assembly and blocking traffic, but none of them were convicted. One cyclist who was arrested that night later sued and won against the city for illegally declaring an unlawful assembly and arbitrarily arresting the cyclists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the dust settled, it was clear that San Francisco’s cycling community was demanding change — and they would not be ignored or suppressed any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reimagining San Francisco’s streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though the bicycle coalition worked hard to distance itself from Critical Mass, it ended up being one of the greatest beneficiaries from the chaos of July 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few months after the July 1997 ride, I was in the elevator with Willie Brown in City Hall and I said, ‘Mr. Mayor, our membership has grown 50% since you cracked down on Critical Mass. I haven’t had a chance to thank you for that! Thank you, Mr. Mayor.’ And he laughed and said, ‘You’re welcome.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The events of July 25, 1997, drew attention to the issues the coalition had been fighting for for years, and showed there was a large, passionate electorate that wanted safer streets in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just drew attention to the issue like nothing else could,” said Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the start of the reimagining of San Francisco’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941586\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941586\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Bicyclists zoom by in bikes lanes going both directions along San Francisco's Embarcadero at sunset.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s Critical Mass, a mass bicycle ride that takes place on the last Friday of each month, celebrates its 30th anniversary on Sept. 30, 2022, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Valencia Street was the first example where the city traffic engineers took out a traffic lane to put in a bike lane and traffic wasn’t completely messed up. They called it the ‘Valencia epiphany.’ Truly, within the [San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency], that’s what they called it. With the support of the bicycle coalition and some key members of the Board of Supervisors, they started doing it all over the city,” said Snyder.[aside postID=news_11927460 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS58902_DSC07979-qut-1020x680.jpg']Paradoxically, the decentralized, brash and confrontational Critical Mass gave rise to the political organizing machine that is the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition we know today, and the maze of bike lanes that snake their way around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That wouldn’t have been possible if you hadn’t had a mass seizure in the streets by bicyclists for years and years on end every last Friday of the month. And it started in San Francisco and it’s grown throughout the world,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Critical Mass in San Francisco is far less well-attended, even for the 30th anniversary ride, where hundreds, not thousands, of people showed up. It still has no leaders, and many of the original riders stopped going years ago. Carlsson calls it a zombie ride — it just exists on its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941596\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a wide-brimmed hat, sunglasses, and a suit sits astride his custom bicycle constructed of a playground-style spring horse mounted to a BMX bike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cyclist Slim Buick sits astride his custom bike on the 30th anniversary of Critical Mass on Sept. 30, 2022, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Group rides today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since Carlsson and his friends rode home together in 1992, there has been an explosion of group rides in the Bay Area. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ebbikeparty\">East Bay Bike Party\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sjbikeparty.org/\">San José Bike Party\u003c/a> are similar to Critical Mass, only with more rules. The bike party stops at red lights, posts their route beforehand, and have designated stopping and regrouping areas so people can meet back up with the ride if they get separated. These regrouping areas are also often sites for dance parties among the thumping sound systems and flashing lights people adorn their bikes with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, \u003ca href=\"https://www.richcityrides.org/\">Rich City Rides\u003c/a> is focused on promoting healthy and active lifestyles in the city through cycling. They’re also working to bring everyone to an activity that is often seen as being overwhelmingly white and male.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people pose with their bicycles, one person holds theirs aloft. \" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-800x722.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1020x920.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-160x144.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1536x1386.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-2048x1848.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1920x1732.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riders gather at the Richmond BART Plaza for a ride commemorating the third anniversary of a bike lane pilot on the Richmond-San Rafael bridge, organized by Rich City Rides. \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We focus intentionally on making sure that minorities are welcome and feel comfortable when they are at our space or at our activities in general,” said Dani Lanis, project manager with Rich City Rides. “There’s no aggression whatsoever. In fact, it’s all about inclusion, inclusivity and making sure that everybody feels comfortable, including kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich City Rides also hosts a Black wellness hub, which has talking circles for the community, like Black Men Tea Talk Tuesday and Black Women Wellness Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanis says that Rich City Rides will tailor their route according to the needs of the slowest or least experienced person on the ride. “We have little ones with us often, and so we could have a whole plan for where to ride on a day, and five minutes before we take off, if a bunch of 7-year-olds show up, we will totally change the route because all of our routes are dictated on who is the slowest person in the ride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent ride celebrating the third anniversary of a bike-lane pilot program on the Richmond-San Rafael bridge, Candace Peters of Oakland said it’s exactly that type of atmosphere that brought her out for her first ride across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This group doing it brought me out and motivated me to do it, so I probably wouldn’t do it by myself. I feel like I won’t get lost, I feel like I won’t get confused, I feel like if anything goes wrong, I can have help. I can kind of see what it’s like, and so when I want to do it by myself, I’m already aware of what I’m getting into and what I need to do and how to get there and how to get back,” said Peters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gesturing toward a bubble machine mounted onto the rack of a nearby bicycle, she added, “Bubbles make bike rides more fun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cycling in the Bay Area today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent events thrust the issues Critical Mass originally organized around back into the spotlight. Earlier this month, people in cars intentionally attacked cyclists in a string of incidents over a single weekend. People in cars would open their doors into cyclists while they were riding, causing them to crash. Two people were seriously injured. Many of these people were on their way to or leaving the East Bay Bike Party. The \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/02/22/bay-area-cyclists-attacked-solidarity-ride-roll-out-crew/\">Oaklandside\u003c/a> reported there were 16 incidents of people being attacked that weekend, and that over 800 people turned out for a solidarity ride the following weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has led people in the Bay Area cycling community to renew calls for more protections for cyclists — like protected bike lanes — continuing the work that Critical Mass and the bicycle coalition started 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco wasn't always such a bike-friendly city. At least, not until the '90s, when two groups working without coordination made cyclists hard for the city to ignore. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3xMsmE9\">\u003cem>Read a transcript of this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look around San Francisco’s streets today, and you’ll see all sorts of infrastructure designed to make bicycling in the city safer. Lime-green bike lanes crisscross the city’s roads, barriers discourage drivers from entering bike lanes, and designated routes and slow streets let riders get away from cars more easily. In 2021, San Franciscans made 4.7 million trips on bicycles, and the city boasts more than 463 miles of bike lanes, paths and trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just 30 years ago, none of this existed. There were just a few bike lanes, no slow streets and not nearly as many people on bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was literally no place where the bicycle was accepted to be on the road. Every square inch of the width of Market Street was full with motorized vehicles, buses or streetcars,” said Chris Carlsson, author and historian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late ’80s and early ’90s, Carlsson would commute down Market Street to an office on Rincon Hill, right by the Bay Bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of abuse hurled at you, verbally mostly. But there would also occasionally be the aggressive motorist who would actually try to cut you off or bump you off the road,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cyclists who rode during that time remember the situation similarly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You weren’t allowed to bicycle in San Francisco in the early ’90s,” said Hugh D’Andrade, a friend and collaborator of Carlsson’s. “I mean, you certainly could do it, it was legal, but you were taking your life into your own hands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One night, on the last Friday of the month in September of 1992, Carlsson and a group of friends decided to take action. They planned to gather at Embarcadero Plaza, right by the Ferry Building in downtown San Francisco, and ride home together. They called the ride “The Commute Clot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were asserting our right to the streets, essentially. One of the slogans that came out that period was that we’re not blocking traffic, we are traffic. So if you’re sick of being treated like crap on the streets of the city, show up for this thing and ride home in a group. About 50 people showed up,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They ended up riding southwest along Market Street to Zeitgeist, a bar in the mission. Carlsson said the experience was euphoric. The group made plans to do another Commute Clot the next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the beginning of what became known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcriticalmass.org/\">Critical Mass\u003c/a> — a group bicycling event that is often referred to as an “organized coincidence” or a “leaderless phenomenon.” That’s because for the last 30 years the ride has met at Embarcadero Plaza on the last Friday of every month and flooded the city with hundreds, sometimes thousands, of cyclists riding together in one or sometimes multiple dense packs, despite the fact that it has no leadership, no formal organization and no planned route. It’s also spread outside of San Francisco. Chris Carlsson estimates more than 350 cities across the world hold Critical Mass rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ride also played a pivotal role in the evolution of the city’s robust bicycle network. But Critical Mass didn’t do it alone. In the early ’90s, right when Critical Mass was getting its start, the \u003ca href=\"https://sfbike.org/\">San Francisco Bicycle Coalition\u003c/a> also was forming.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working together, separately\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today the bicycle coalition is a political organizing powerhouse that advocates for safer cycling and alternative transportation policy in San Francisco. But back then, it was a nascent nonprofit meeting in the back of a Chinese restaurant called The Pot and Pan in the Inner Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who made decisions were whoever showed up,” said Dave Snyder, who was elected as the coalition’s first executive director in 1991. “They elected me executive director with a salary of $0 to help get the organization started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass and the bicycle coalition have similar goals: raising awareness and making the streets safer for people on bicycles. But they couldn’t be more different in how they work toward that. While Critical Mass is simply an event — a raw, unmediated expression of the frustration cyclists feel at being second-class citizens on the city’s streets — the bicycle coalition is a more policy-focused group with its eyes set on changing things from within City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the bicycle coalition has always been a mainstream group representing the average person who would like to ride a bike on the streets but can’t because they’re not safe enough,” said Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Carlsson went to one of the early bicycle coalition meetings in August 1992, and tried to get them to endorse his idea for the Commute Clot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided that we would not endorse it, but we would tell people about it. That it wasn’t something that we [could] control, but that it was an important cultural event. So we would make sure everybody knew about it, but that would be the extent of our involvement,” said Snyder. “When you’re a nonprofit that has a legal responsibility, you don’t want to take any responsibility for a ride that you can’t control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941590\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-800x479.jpg\" alt=\"A group of cyclists happily riding through San Francisco streets together. \" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-800x479.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1020x610.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1536x919.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-2048x1225.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1321312454-1920x1149.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Critical Mass participants bike from Justin Herman Plaza to Candlestick Park in one of the earliest bicycle rides on the city’s streets, May 27, 1994. \u003ccite>(Photo By Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even though the coalition said no, Critical Mass began picking up steam. By the mid-’90s, thousands of people would participate in Critical Mass rides every month. Carlsson says one reason for the growth of the ride was that anyone could make the ride what they wanted it to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you didn’t have to adopt a dogma, either political or religious. You could just come and you really only needed to be interested in riding your bike,” said Carlsson. “Then you have the actual euphoric experience of riding through the streets in a group of bicycles. It changes the auditory environment, it changes the olfactory environment, everything is different. It’s really a surprise the first time you do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tension grows\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But the cold reality of being stopped by those bikes in Friday rush-hour traffic as Critical Mass passed by was not as serene an experience for people in cars and buses. Imagine trying to drive home on a Friday night, and in addition to the normal traffic, thousands of bicyclists are streaming in front of you. You’re stopped at an intersection and watching as the traffic light goes from green to red to green again, and you don’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass rides sometimes involve a practice called “corking,” where a group of riders stand at an intersection and block traffic while the rest of the ride passes. Depending on the size of the ride, drivers can be held up for around 15 or 20 minutes. In the early days of Critical Mass, the San Francisco Police Department would actually assist the ride in blocking traffic while the bicyclists passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Critical Mass grew in size through the years, so did the amount of time drivers were obligated to wait for the mass. People got frustrated. Drivers would try to push through the mass, screaming at cyclists while they attempted to inch their car through the intersections. Cyclists would respond by yelling back, or pounding on a car hood. Sometimes these interactions became physically violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critical Mass soon gained a reputation for being aggressive and antagonistic. Carlsson says he thinks the ride was often portrayed unfairly in the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that we went out attacking cars … that never happens in Critical Mass. People might respond to a car that is trying to run them over by hitting them, or smashing windows on some occasions. That’s happened. But not unprovoked. It’s always been because a motorist loses it and decides they can just ram through the bikes with their car,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cyclists thought of themselves as part of traffic, not causing it. The thinking: When traffic is caused by cars, it’s normal. When it’s caused by bicycles, it’s treated as something to be stopped. “I’m sorry for the inconvenience, but what about all the other times you’re inconvenienced and you just think that’s normal?” said Carlsson. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlsson pushes back against the idea that Critical Mass was about a sort of class war between people on bikes and people in cars. Rather, he says, it was intended to be celebratory and invitational. They wanted people in the cars to join them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People in their cars are just like us. We’re just like them. We’re in a car on another day, we just don’t want to admit it,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cutting a deal\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things took a turn when Willie Brown was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I became mayor, and I said, ‘That is not subject to acceptance, period. You violate the law by running red lights, disrupting the streets. You are subject to be prosecuted,'” said Brown in an interview with KQED in January 2023. “So I went to war with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown wanted Critical Mass to leave at a later time and follow a police-approved route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They disrupted the whole goddamn town,” Brown recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tasked City Supervisor Michael Yaki with trying to bring Critical Mass to heel. The bicycle coalition took notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Snyder, then executive director of the bicycle coalition, got a call from a friend who worked in public relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘Hey, Dave, they’re talking about Critical Mass and bicyclists in the paper every day, and they never mentioned the Bicycle Coalition.’ And I said, ‘Yeah, isn’t that great?’ And there was silence on the other end. He goes, ‘No, no, that’s not great. You need help.’ And he worked with us to talk about how we could take advantage of all this attention to promote our agenda,” recalled Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Critical Mass didn’t have any formal leadership, Supervisor Yaki reached out to the next logical choice: the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the coalition had been pressing for bike lanes on some of the city’s biggest thoroughfares, but Snyder said the plan was just gathering dust. All of a sudden, they had leverage, and hearings on those bike lanes were on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for holding hearings on building some of the first bike lanes in the city, Supervisor Yaki asked the bicycle coalition to make sure Critical Mass would leave later and follow a police-approved route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bicycle coalition people said, ‘Well, yeah, we can tell them that, but they’re not gonna listen,’” said Snyder. “And I think they thought we were being coy, that we were telling him that because we wanted to keep an official arm’s-length distance. But we weren’t being coy. They did not listen to us, and we knew that would be the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941591\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-800x514.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-800x514.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM-160x103.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.21.46-PM.png 987w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cyclists ride through the streets as part of a Critical Mass event on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city didn’t realize that nobody, not even the bike coalition, had power over the mass. But the coalition did get their meetings, and those bike lanes eventually did get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snyder was surprised. “One of the aides to Willie Brown was talking with me about the hearings that they were holding, and I asked her, ‘So what’s changed? Two years ago, I couldn’t get a hearing on any of this stuff,’” said Snyder. “And she just laughed and she said, ‘5,000 people in the streets, Dave. That’s what changed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlsson remembers when Yaki announced that the city had reached a deal with the Bicycle Coalition. “It just meant nothing to us. We knew you’re gonna have no effect on anything other than potentially producing some serious chaos. And there was major chaos that night,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It set the stage for the most chaotic and violent night in San Francisco Critical Mass history.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>July ’97\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 25, 1997, it’s estimated that 5,000 cyclists showed up at Embarcadero Plaza for the ride. Besides the unusually large number of riders, something else was different that night: The police had set up a public-address system. Police Capt. Dennis Martel spoke to the crowd, trying to project his voice above a chorus of boos from the cyclists, imploring them to follow the police-approved route, which was published in newspapers days before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Mayor Willie Brown also addressed the crowd. He, too, was met with jeers. Suffice to say, nobody followed the police-approved route that night. The cyclists felt indignant that the police were trying to co-opt their ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11941594 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-800x510.png\" alt=\"An African American man wearing a suit and black fedora makes an announcement into a microphone. \" width=\"800\" height=\"510\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-800x510.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM-160x102.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.20.23-PM.png 985w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s then-mayor, Willie Brown, addresses a a crowd of thousands of cyclists on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All the bicyclists are booing [Brown] and he is really pissed. You could tell he’s really pissed. And he walks off the little stage they have and apparently he tells the cops, ‘Shut it down.’ And so they tried and they couldn’t because there was just too many cyclists and everybody just went in every direction,” remembered Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dave Snyder recalls the night as being utterly wild.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five thousand people divided into 10 groups of 500 on average. Massive clogs of bicycles were all over downtown. It completely messed with traffic in downtown San Francisco for a couple of hours on that Friday,” recalled Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of the night from the bicycle documentary \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lpsdy24xbLY&t=2394s\">We Are Traffic\u003c/a>\u003c/em> shows police mounted on motorcycles declaring the event an unlawful assembly and threatening to ticket and arrest cyclists and impound their bikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> article describing the night of July 25, 1997, reads sort of like a war report:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">\u003cem>At 8:35 p.m. at Sacramento and Montgomery streets, police formed a skirmish line of a dozen officers with a backup of several dozen more. As the first of the cyclists were put into arrest wagons, a crowd of more than 150 bikers chanted, ‘Let them go.’\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>At Fifth and Howard, a rider said that a motorist deliberately swerved into him, flattening the rear wheel of his bike. At the same corner, police said a cyclist reached into the driver’s side of a stopped vehicle and socked the man behind the wheel.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Near Civic Center, an officer ticketed cyclist John Bruno for running a red light — and then warned him, ‘If I were you, I’d get out of here. It’s out of control.’\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11941595 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-800x533.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-800x533.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM-160x107.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Screen-Shot-2023-02-22-at-1.25.40-PM.png 983w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco police officer kneels on the neck of a cyclist while making an arrest during a Critical Mass event on July 25, 1997. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ted White)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One scene from that night includes a police officer kneeling on the neck of a woman, as the crowd shouts for them to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At another intersection, the police encircled about 100 cyclists and conducted a mass arrest. People were booked on charges of failure to disperse, unlawful assembly and blocking traffic, but none of them were convicted. One cyclist who was arrested that night later sued and won against the city for illegally declaring an unlawful assembly and arbitrarily arresting the cyclists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the dust settled, it was clear that San Francisco’s cycling community was demanding change — and they would not be ignored or suppressed any longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reimagining San Francisco’s streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though the bicycle coalition worked hard to distance itself from Critical Mass, it ended up being one of the greatest beneficiaries from the chaos of July 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few months after the July 1997 ride, I was in the elevator with Willie Brown in City Hall and I said, ‘Mr. Mayor, our membership has grown 50% since you cracked down on Critical Mass. I haven’t had a chance to thank you for that! Thank you, Mr. Mayor.’ And he laughed and said, ‘You’re welcome.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The events of July 25, 1997, drew attention to the issues the coalition had been fighting for for years, and showed there was a large, passionate electorate that wanted safer streets in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just drew attention to the issue like nothing else could,” said Snyder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the start of the reimagining of San Francisco’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941586\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941586\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Bicyclists zoom by in bikes lanes going both directions along San Francisco's Embarcadero at sunset.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58943_R0005712-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco’s Critical Mass, a mass bicycle ride that takes place on the last Friday of each month, celebrates its 30th anniversary on Sept. 30, 2022, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Valencia Street was the first example where the city traffic engineers took out a traffic lane to put in a bike lane and traffic wasn’t completely messed up. They called it the ‘Valencia epiphany.’ Truly, within the [San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency], that’s what they called it. With the support of the bicycle coalition and some key members of the Board of Supervisors, they started doing it all over the city,” said Snyder.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Paradoxically, the decentralized, brash and confrontational Critical Mass gave rise to the political organizing machine that is the San Francisco Bicycle Coalition we know today, and the maze of bike lanes that snake their way around the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That wouldn’t have been possible if you hadn’t had a mass seizure in the streets by bicyclists for years and years on end every last Friday of the month. And it started in San Francisco and it’s grown throughout the world,” said Carlsson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Critical Mass in San Francisco is far less well-attended, even for the 30th anniversary ride, where hundreds, not thousands, of people showed up. It still has no leaders, and many of the original riders stopped going years ago. Carlsson calls it a zombie ride — it just exists on its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941596\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a wide-brimmed hat, sunglasses, and a suit sits astride his custom bicycle constructed of a playground-style spring horse mounted to a BMX bike.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS58897_DSC07955-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cyclist Slim Buick sits astride his custom bike on the 30th anniversary of Critical Mass on Sept. 30, 2022, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Group rides today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since Carlsson and his friends rode home together in 1992, there has been an explosion of group rides in the Bay Area. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ebbikeparty\">East Bay Bike Party\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sjbikeparty.org/\">San José Bike Party\u003c/a> are similar to Critical Mass, only with more rules. The bike party stops at red lights, posts their route beforehand, and have designated stopping and regrouping areas so people can meet back up with the ride if they get separated. These regrouping areas are also often sites for dance parties among the thumping sound systems and flashing lights people adorn their bikes with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, \u003ca href=\"https://www.richcityrides.org/\">Rich City Rides\u003c/a> is focused on promoting healthy and active lifestyles in the city through cycling. They’re also working to bring everyone to an activity that is often seen as being overwhelmingly white and male.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11941600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11941600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-800x722.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people pose with their bicycles, one person holds theirs aloft. \" width=\"800\" height=\"722\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-800x722.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1020x920.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-160x144.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1536x1386.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-2048x1848.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_2152-1920x1732.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riders gather at the Richmond BART Plaza for a ride commemorating the third anniversary of a bike lane pilot on the Richmond-San Rafael bridge, organized by Rich City Rides. \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We focus intentionally on making sure that minorities are welcome and feel comfortable when they are at our space or at our activities in general,” said Dani Lanis, project manager with Rich City Rides. “There’s no aggression whatsoever. In fact, it’s all about inclusion, inclusivity and making sure that everybody feels comfortable, including kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich City Rides also hosts a Black wellness hub, which has talking circles for the community, like Black Men Tea Talk Tuesday and Black Women Wellness Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanis says that Rich City Rides will tailor their route according to the needs of the slowest or least experienced person on the ride. “We have little ones with us often, and so we could have a whole plan for where to ride on a day, and five minutes before we take off, if a bunch of 7-year-olds show up, we will totally change the route because all of our routes are dictated on who is the slowest person in the ride.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent ride celebrating the third anniversary of a bike-lane pilot program on the Richmond-San Rafael bridge, Candace Peters of Oakland said it’s exactly that type of atmosphere that brought her out for her first ride across the bridge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This group doing it brought me out and motivated me to do it, so I probably wouldn’t do it by myself. I feel like I won’t get lost, I feel like I won’t get confused, I feel like if anything goes wrong, I can have help. I can kind of see what it’s like, and so when I want to do it by myself, I’m already aware of what I’m getting into and what I need to do and how to get there and how to get back,” said Peters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gesturing toward a bubble machine mounted onto the rack of a nearby bicycle, she added, “Bubbles make bike rides more fun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cycling in the Bay Area today\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent events thrust the issues Critical Mass originally organized around back into the spotlight. Earlier this month, people in cars intentionally attacked cyclists in a string of incidents over a single weekend. People in cars would open their doors into cyclists while they were riding, causing them to crash. Two people were seriously injured. Many of these people were on their way to or leaving the East Bay Bike Party. The \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/02/22/bay-area-cyclists-attacked-solidarity-ride-roll-out-crew/\">Oaklandside\u003c/a> reported there were 16 incidents of people being attacked that weekend, and that over 800 people turned out for a solidarity ride the following weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has led people in the Bay Area cycling community to renew calls for more protections for cyclists — like protected bike lanes — continuing the work that Critical Mass and the bicycle coalition started 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Low levels of a dangerous animal tranquilizer were found in the bodies of four people in San Francisco who died of drug overdoses in December and January, health officials announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks the first time that xylazine, commonly known as “Tranq,” has been detected in San Francisco’s street drug supply, further complicating efforts to tackle the Bay Area’s mounting opioid crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a concern because we have seen that xylazine, which has been present in the East Coast drug supply now for several years, can cause significant illness and disability among people who have used the drug repeatedly,” said Dr. Jeffrey Hom, a drug treatment expert at the San Francisco Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequent xylazine use can lead to physiologic dependence and withdrawal symptoms, Hom said. Chronic injection of the drug has also been associated with severe, necrotic skin lesions, often requiring advanced wound care and, in extreme cases, amputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although not FDA-approved for use in humans, the veterinary sedative is sometimes mixed with fentanyl, heroin and other street opioids to heighten or prolong their effects. It can be smoked, snorted or injected. And unlike with fentanyl, there are no testing strips available for users to identify it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point in time, we don’t believe that it’s widely prevalent. We have not heard the same extent of reports of wounds or xylazine intoxication,” Hom said. “But we are concerned about it and working to increase our surveillance for it.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"opioid-crisis\"]San Francisco, however, has only recently started to test for xylazine, and health officials called the recent identification “concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These facts suggest that the drug may not yet be widespread, but SFDPH and its City and community partners are working to learn more, share information and prepare street response teams to recognize the impacts of xylazine and respond appropriately,” officials said in a press release on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In each of the four overdose cases in which xylazine was found, fentanyl was also present. Preliminary data from San Francisco’s Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, which tested the four bodies, indicates that fentanyl, the primary driver of the overdose crisis in the city, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">accounted for 72% of all overdose deaths last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tranquilizer has been found for years in other cities hit hard by the opioid crisis, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/07/health/fentanyl-xylazine-drug.html\">including Philadelphia\u003c/a>, its “epicenter nationally,” according to Hom, who previously led a substance-use prevention unit in that city’s public health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia health officials first detected xylazine around 2014, following the arrival of fentanyl, Hom said. Fentanyl, by contrast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11766169/san-francisco-fentanyl-deaths-up-almost-150\">began dominating San Francisco’s drug supply\u003c/a> around 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Coast saw the arrival of fentanyl a few years before we did here in San Francisco, and they saw xylazine a few years after fentanyl,” Hom said. “Given we are now seeing large amounts of fentanyl in our drug supply, this is about the time that we might see xylazine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xylazine intoxication may resemble an opioid overdose, such as slowed breathing and reduced heart rate. But xylazine is not an opioid, so naloxone — the medication used to reverse opioid overdoses — is largely ineffective as an emergency treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, medical experts say naloxone should still be administered during a suspected xylazine overdose because of the high likelihood that fentanyl is also present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who are trained in naloxone should be reminded that the goal of an overdose reversal is to restore breathing, not to necessarily restore full consciousness,” health officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "This marks the first time that xylazine, also known as 'Tranq,' has been detected in San Francisco's illicit drug supply, further complicating efforts to tackle the Bay Area's mounting opioid crisis.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Low levels of a dangerous animal tranquilizer were found in the bodies of four people in San Francisco who died of drug overdoses in December and January, health officials announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks the first time that xylazine, commonly known as “Tranq,” has been detected in San Francisco’s street drug supply, further complicating efforts to tackle the Bay Area’s mounting opioid crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a concern because we have seen that xylazine, which has been present in the East Coast drug supply now for several years, can cause significant illness and disability among people who have used the drug repeatedly,” said Dr. Jeffrey Hom, a drug treatment expert at the San Francisco Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequent xylazine use can lead to physiologic dependence and withdrawal symptoms, Hom said. Chronic injection of the drug has also been associated with severe, necrotic skin lesions, often requiring advanced wound care and, in extreme cases, amputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although not FDA-approved for use in humans, the veterinary sedative is sometimes mixed with fentanyl, heroin and other street opioids to heighten or prolong their effects. It can be smoked, snorted or injected. And unlike with fentanyl, there are no testing strips available for users to identify it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point in time, we don’t believe that it’s widely prevalent. We have not heard the same extent of reports of wounds or xylazine intoxication,” Hom said. “But we are concerned about it and working to increase our surveillance for it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Francisco, however, has only recently started to test for xylazine, and health officials called the recent identification “concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These facts suggest that the drug may not yet be widespread, but SFDPH and its City and community partners are working to learn more, share information and prepare street response teams to recognize the impacts of xylazine and respond appropriately,” officials said in a press release on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In each of the four overdose cases in which xylazine was found, fentanyl was also present. Preliminary data from San Francisco’s Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, which tested the four bodies, indicates that fentanyl, the primary driver of the overdose crisis in the city, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/resource/2020/ocme-accidental-overdose-reports\">accounted for 72% of all overdose deaths last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tranquilizer has been found for years in other cities hit hard by the opioid crisis, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/07/health/fentanyl-xylazine-drug.html\">including Philadelphia\u003c/a>, its “epicenter nationally,” according to Hom, who previously led a substance-use prevention unit in that city’s public health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia health officials first detected xylazine around 2014, following the arrival of fentanyl, Hom said. Fentanyl, by contrast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11766169/san-francisco-fentanyl-deaths-up-almost-150\">began dominating San Francisco’s drug supply\u003c/a> around 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The East Coast saw the arrival of fentanyl a few years before we did here in San Francisco, and they saw xylazine a few years after fentanyl,” Hom said. “Given we are now seeing large amounts of fentanyl in our drug supply, this is about the time that we might see xylazine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xylazine intoxication may resemble an opioid overdose, such as slowed breathing and reduced heart rate. But xylazine is not an opioid, so naloxone — the medication used to reverse opioid overdoses — is largely ineffective as an emergency treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, medical experts say naloxone should still be administered during a suspected xylazine overdose because of the high likelihood that fentanyl is also present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who are trained in naloxone should be reminded that the goal of an overdose reversal is to restore breathing, not to necessarily restore full consciousness,” health officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Blaming Boudin, SF DA Brooke Jenkins Wants to Dismiss Historic Case Against SFPD Officer Who Killed Keita O'Neil",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins wants to dismiss a historic first-ever case against a city police officer for shooting and killing a carjacking suspect unless California Attorney General Rob Bonta agrees to take it over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606025-2328-letter-from-jenkins-to-ag?responsive=1&title=1\">In a letter to Bonta\u003c/a> sent Wednesday, and obtained by KQED, Jenkins outlined an investigation into Boudin’s handling of the case, and claims her ousted predecessor sought manslaughter charges against former officer Christopher Samayoa for “political reasons and not in the interests of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot pursue this case out of political convenience. Given\u003cbr>\nthe conflicts that have arisen, the evidentiary problems, and the complete lack of good faith surrounding the filing of this matter, we cannot ethically proceed with this prosecution,” Jenkins wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Attorney General’s Office told KQED, in a statement, “We can confirm that we’ve received the requests and we are reviewing them.”\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=\"news_11926200\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Boudin’s office charged Samayoa with multiple charges, including manslaughter, for shooting and killing 42-year-old Keita O’Neil after he allegedly stole a California Lottery van in 2017. Samayoa, a rookie cop on his fourth day on the force, shot through his vehicle window at O’Neil, killing him. O’Neil was unarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Boudin aimed to prosecute Samayoa as a means to force change in the culture of the San Francisco Police Department, Jenkins claims in the letter, citing statements made by attorneys in the District Attorney’s Office who worked on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When speaking to another DA staffer, one assistant district attorney on the Samayoa case said he was “not looking for jail time, but rather ‘to change the way SFPD does things or policy or procedures,'” Jenkins wrote to Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to April Green, aunt of Keita O’Neil, and to her attorney, Brian Ford, Jenkins’ letter to Bonta demonstrates something they’ve suspected all along — Jenkins put more resources into investigating Boudin than into prosecuting Samayoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also asked Bonta to take over the case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606024-2328-ltr-to-ag-req-ag-assume-prosecution?responsive=1&title=1\">in a letter sent at roughly the same time\u003c/a> as Jenkins’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what’s written in her letter confirms the conflict we’re complaining about,” Ford told KQED. “That she’s more interested in investigating Chesa Boudin than pursuing a prosecution, and is mishandling the prosecution, against the officer who murdered [Green’s] nephew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606024-2328-ltr-to-ag-req-ag-assume-prosecution?responsive=1&title=1\">In Ford’s letter to Bonta\u003c/a>, the attorney claimed Jenkins admitted to Ford that her office “may be conflicted” in its investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for the statements made by assistant district attorneys about their reasons for pursuing a case, Ford wrote, “The opinions of the D.A. Inspectors are not ‘evidence,’ and they are not relevant, nor are they exculpatory,” meaning they do not prove innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the criminal case, O’Neil’s family settled a civil lawsuit against the city for $2.5 million. Boudin’s charges against Samayoa include voluntary manslaughter, involuntary manslaughter, assault by an executive officer, assault with a semi-automatic firearm and negligent discharge of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green and Jenkins have had a rocky relationship. Green campaigned against Boudin’s recall as a show of gratitude for him taking up the case against the officer who killed her nephew. And when Jenkins took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926200/the-doors-been-shut-aunt-of-man-killed-by-sfpd-says-first-meeting-with-da-jenkins-hints-at-lighter-touch-to-prosecuting-police\">Green was quick to sound the alarm\u003c/a> when she sensed — from meetings with Jenkins — that the case against Samayoa would be dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During those meetings, Ford wrote in his letter to Bonta, Jenkins and her staffer Darby Williams had no patience for Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In almost every meeting Ms. Green has had with Ms. Jenkins and Ms. Williams, she is interrupted, spoken and shouted over, spoken down to, and lied to,” Ford wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both letters to Bonta — from Jenkins and from Green — were dated Feb. 8, and were provided to KQED by Ford. Both letters also cite Assembly Bill 1506, which went into effect in July 2021, placing all incidents of an officer-involved shooting resulting in the death of an unarmed person within the purview of the California Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green learned of Jenkins’ decision to dismiss the case against the officer who killed her nephew Thursday, in a Zoom call with Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green said that, during the call, “I got tired of her running her lip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told her, ‘The God I serve is real. And I pray you’re doing this spiritually. Because I’m going to fight you. And don’t you ever forget it. And he’s going to hold you accountable. Because all that blood from killing and murders you’re justifying from police are going to be on your head,'” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing in the case against Samayoa is March 1.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins wants to dismiss a historic first-ever case against a city police officer for shooting and killing a carjacking suspect unless California Attorney General Rob Bonta agrees to take it over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606025-2328-letter-from-jenkins-to-ag?responsive=1&title=1\">In a letter to Bonta\u003c/a> sent Wednesday, and obtained by KQED, Jenkins outlined an investigation into Boudin’s handling of the case, and claims her ousted predecessor sought manslaughter charges against former officer Christopher Samayoa for “political reasons and not in the interests of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cannot pursue this case out of political convenience. Given\u003cbr>\nthe conflicts that have arisen, the evidentiary problems, and the complete lack of good faith surrounding the filing of this matter, we cannot ethically proceed with this prosecution,” Jenkins wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Attorney General’s Office told KQED, in a statement, “We can confirm that we’ve received the requests and we are reviewing them.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Boudin’s office charged Samayoa with multiple charges, including manslaughter, for shooting and killing 42-year-old Keita O’Neil after he allegedly stole a California Lottery van in 2017. Samayoa, a rookie cop on his fourth day on the force, shot through his vehicle window at O’Neil, killing him. O’Neil was unarmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Boudin aimed to prosecute Samayoa as a means to force change in the culture of the San Francisco Police Department, Jenkins claims in the letter, citing statements made by attorneys in the District Attorney’s Office who worked on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When speaking to another DA staffer, one assistant district attorney on the Samayoa case said he was “not looking for jail time, but rather ‘to change the way SFPD does things or policy or procedures,'” Jenkins wrote to Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to April Green, aunt of Keita O’Neil, and to her attorney, Brian Ford, Jenkins’ letter to Bonta demonstrates something they’ve suspected all along — Jenkins put more resources into investigating Boudin than into prosecuting Samayoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also asked Bonta to take over the case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606024-2328-ltr-to-ag-req-ag-assume-prosecution?responsive=1&title=1\">in a letter sent at roughly the same time\u003c/a> as Jenkins’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what’s written in her letter confirms the conflict we’re complaining about,” Ford told KQED. “That she’s more interested in investigating Chesa Boudin than pursuing a prosecution, and is mishandling the prosecution, against the officer who murdered [Green’s] nephew.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23606024-2328-ltr-to-ag-req-ag-assume-prosecution?responsive=1&title=1\">In Ford’s letter to Bonta\u003c/a>, the attorney claimed Jenkins admitted to Ford that her office “may be conflicted” in its investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for the statements made by assistant district attorneys about their reasons for pursuing a case, Ford wrote, “The opinions of the D.A. Inspectors are not ‘evidence,’ and they are not relevant, nor are they exculpatory,” meaning they do not prove innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separate from the criminal case, O’Neil’s family settled a civil lawsuit against the city for $2.5 million. Boudin’s charges against Samayoa include voluntary manslaughter, involuntary manslaughter, assault by an executive officer, assault with a semi-automatic firearm and negligent discharge of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green and Jenkins have had a rocky relationship. Green campaigned against Boudin’s recall as a show of gratitude for him taking up the case against the officer who killed her nephew. And when Jenkins took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926200/the-doors-been-shut-aunt-of-man-killed-by-sfpd-says-first-meeting-with-da-jenkins-hints-at-lighter-touch-to-prosecuting-police\">Green was quick to sound the alarm\u003c/a> when she sensed — from meetings with Jenkins — that the case against Samayoa would be dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During those meetings, Ford wrote in his letter to Bonta, Jenkins and her staffer Darby Williams had no patience for Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In almost every meeting Ms. Green has had with Ms. Jenkins and Ms. Williams, she is interrupted, spoken and shouted over, spoken down to, and lied to,” Ford wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both letters to Bonta — from Jenkins and from Green — were dated Feb. 8, and were provided to KQED by Ford. Both letters also cite Assembly Bill 1506, which went into effect in July 2021, placing all incidents of an officer-involved shooting resulting in the death of an unarmed person within the purview of the California Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green learned of Jenkins’ decision to dismiss the case against the officer who killed her nephew Thursday, in a Zoom call with Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green said that, during the call, “I got tired of her running her lip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told her, ‘The God I serve is real. And I pray you’re doing this spiritually. Because I’m going to fight you. And don’t you ever forget it. And he’s going to hold you accountable. Because all that blood from killing and murders you’re justifying from police are going to be on your head,'” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing in the case against Samayoa is March 1.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Rodents, Rivers and Runoff: Why Parts of the Bay Area Flood, Where the Water Goes and How Animals Adapt",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3YiEvfS\">\u003cem>Read a transcript of this episode here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rain — California has seen a lot of it so far this year in the form of multiple atmospheric river storms that have hammered the Bay Area. That got the Bay Curious team wondering about some of the questions we’ve received over the years about water — where it flows and how we’re affected by it. This week we have a three-question lightning round.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. When it rains in the Bay Area, and the water runs to the gutter, does it go directly into the bay?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This question came to us from listener Eric Bauer. For most cities in the Bay Area, the answer is yes. Depending on where you live, gutters in your street will take stormwater or other runoff to creeks that lead out to the bay without any kind of treatment. Instead, many cities put signs on the curb urging residents not to put pollutants in the drain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one exception to that is San Francisco. The city has what’s called a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfpuc.org/about-us/our-systems/sewer-system/our-combined-sewer\">combined sewer system\u003c/a>, and other than a section of Old Sacramento, it’s the only one in California. This means rainwater and runoff go into the sewer system, along with whatever is coming from the pipes in our homes, and is subject to the same level of water treatment before it is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the time, this system works great, and the environment is spared from the chemicals, oil and other unsavory substances that get washed from San Francisco streets. During normal conditions, the system can handle a lot of water — up to 500 million gallons of sewage plus runoff, with an additional 200 million gallons of storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940547 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Close up image of a storm drain on a street corner. Someone is sweeping debris away from it.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stormwater drains are part of San Francisco’s combined sewer system, which treats both sewage and storm runoff. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But every system has its limits. On the most recent New Year’s Eve, a storm dropped 5.46 inches of rain on San Francisco in one day, equivalent to over 4 billion gallons of water. That led to some sewage being discharged without full treatment — not just in San Francisco, but throughout the Bay Area. Collectively, the nine counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938273/our-worst-nightmare-as-storms-raged-millions-of-gallons-of-sewage-spilled-into-bay-area-waterways-streets-and-yards\">discharged some 62 million gallons\u003c/a> of raw or partially treated sewage into waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How do we keep that from happening again, as storms like these become more common as the climate changes? One idea is creating more “green infrastructure” by capturing or diverting some of that water before it gets into the sewer system. That could be in the form of cisterns to collect water for use in drier times, opening up more green space or creating permeable asphalt to allow water to soak into the soil below.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Are there really underground rivers in San Francisco?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A listener named Norm wrote to us asking about an oft-repeated story about San Francisco’s secret, underground rivers. He mentioned \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/09/29/central-subway-construction-is-98-done-but-you-wont-be-allowed-in-until-next-spring-or-summer/#:~:text=%22We%20did%20not%20know%20that%20we%20would%20hit%20an%20underground%20river%20that%20we%20would%20have%20to%20contend%20with.\">a 2021 quote from the director of the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency citing an “underground river”\u003c/a> as part of the reason the city’s Central Subway completion was delayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By definition, a creek or river is free-flowing water that follows a channel, like a creek bed, either on the surface or in an underground cave. So are rivers really down there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time to do some myth-busting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have caves underground for creeks to flow through, other than the sewer,” says writer and natural history educator \u003ca href=\"https://www.joelpomerantz.com/\">Joel Pomerantz\u003c/a>. “So really, the misimpression that there’s an old creek here and it’s still down there somewhere is not accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940515 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-800x608.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing blue jeans, a sweater and a knitted cap leans forward on a railing, with a colorful mural on the wall behind him.\" width=\"800\" height=\"608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-800x608.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-1020x775.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-1536x1166.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joel Pomerantz stands near Mission Playground. In the early days of the city, this area held a large freshwater marsh and estuary. \u003ccite>(Amanda Font/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there is a connection between areas that are prone to flooding and where creeks \u003cem>used to\u003c/em> flow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s no secret that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799297/large-parts-of-the-bay-area-are-built-on-fill-why-and-where\">much of San Francisco is built on fill\u003c/a>, and the most visible of those areas are along the edges of the city. But inland waterways have been covered up over time, too. A few years ago, Pomerantz created the “\u003ca href=\"http://seepcity.org/index.html\">Seep City\u003c/a>” map, which traces waterways that existed when San Francisco first became a city. That includes the bays, but also numerous creeks and large areas of marshland and estuaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one time, much of the Mission District was marshland fed by the Arroyo Dolores, a waterway that ran from Twin Peaks down the center of 18th Street and through the northern corner of modern-day Dolores Park. That led to a larger saltwater marsh and slough that fed into Mission Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those waterways have since been filled, but the topography of the land hasn’t changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, if you think of the shape of the land,” says Pomerantz, “and if you’re a bicyclist, especially, like I am, you notice the shape of the land because you’re avoiding the hills. That’s what the water does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug] In addition to gravity leading rainwater down to those lower-lying sections of the city in the form of storm runoff, groundwater is also seeping through the soil to pool in those areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when it’s raining really hard, says Pomerantz, the combination causes flooding. San Francisco’s large concentration of groundwater, coupled with increasing atmospheric river storms and the potential for sea level rise, could pose a big problem for the city. A new study finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938215/new-study-finds-rising-groundwater-is-a-major-bay-area-flooding-risk\">rising groundwater has huge implications for future flooding events\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. What happens to the ground squirrels when it floods? Do they drown?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Our final question comes from listener Emily Robertson. In light of the massive flooding many cities have dealt with recently, Emily was worried that California ground squirrels might be getting flooded out of their burrows — or worse, drowning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the answer to this question, we turned to \u003ca href=\"https://www.jenniferelainesmith.com/\">Jennifer Smith\u003c/a>, a behavioral ecologist who studies social mammals, and specializes in squirrel behavior. For nearly a decade, Smith has been leading a research team in a long-term study of California ground squirrels in Briones Regional Park in Martinez. The team safely traps and marks the fur of individual animals so they can study their behavior and social patterns over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940549 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A small, fuzzy, and very cute juvenile ground squirrel pops out of a burrow. Another squirrel is partially visible behind it.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young California ground squirrel peers out of its burrow in Briones Regional Park. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenn Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They’ve also been able to map what the ground squirrel’s burrows look like. It turns out they’re well-prepared for the possibility of flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may look like that burrow entrance will go directly down, and it might go a foot down or something, but it actually spreads out underground,” says Smith. “And part of the design is to have horizontal rather than vertical burrows. The horizontal nature of the underground structure is quite resistant to rainfall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burrows branch out into numerous sections that can be extended if they become wet. So when the rains are thundering above, the ground squirrels stay nice and dry in their complex, multilevel burrows. They’re even good at withstanding intentional flooding: People who consider ground squirrels pests may stick a hose in the burrow to attempt to drive the squirrels from their home. But observations show that doesn’t really work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The squirrels are very, very faithful to their home,” says Smith. “They’ve invested a lot. They’ve constructed it, and they’ll usually stay. So we know from those types of studies that’s not a very effective method.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, because ground squirrels typically live in family groups, a family may stay in the same burrow for many generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: In researching this story, we asked if you had any questions about squirrels in the Bay Area. So many of you did that we’re working on an episode all about squirrels! It’s not too late to get your squirrel questions in. Submit them in the Bay Curious question box below. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Rodents, Rivers and Runoff: Why Parts of the Bay Area Flood, Where the Water Goes and How Animals Adapt | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/3YiEvfS\">\u003cem>Read a transcript of this episode here.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rain — California has seen a lot of it so far this year in the form of multiple atmospheric river storms that have hammered the Bay Area. That got the Bay Curious team wondering about some of the questions we’ve received over the years about water — where it flows and how we’re affected by it. This week we have a three-question lightning round.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. When it rains in the Bay Area, and the water runs to the gutter, does it go directly into the bay?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This question came to us from listener Eric Bauer. For most cities in the Bay Area, the answer is yes. Depending on where you live, gutters in your street will take stormwater or other runoff to creeks that lead out to the bay without any kind of treatment. Instead, many cities put signs on the curb urging residents not to put pollutants in the drain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The one exception to that is San Francisco. The city has what’s called a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfpuc.org/about-us/our-systems/sewer-system/our-combined-sewer\">combined sewer system\u003c/a>, and other than a section of Old Sacramento, it’s the only one in California. This means rainwater and runoff go into the sewer system, along with whatever is coming from the pipes in our homes, and is subject to the same level of water treatment before it is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the time, this system works great, and the environment is spared from the chemicals, oil and other unsavory substances that get washed from San Francisco streets. During normal conditions, the system can handle a lot of water — up to 500 million gallons of sewage plus runoff, with an additional 200 million gallons of storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940547 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Close up image of a storm drain on a street corner. Someone is sweeping debris away from it.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS61878_010_KQED_BombCyloneStorm_01052023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stormwater drains are part of San Francisco’s combined sewer system, which treats both sewage and storm runoff. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But every system has its limits. On the most recent New Year’s Eve, a storm dropped 5.46 inches of rain on San Francisco in one day, equivalent to over 4 billion gallons of water. That led to some sewage being discharged without full treatment — not just in San Francisco, but throughout the Bay Area. Collectively, the nine counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938273/our-worst-nightmare-as-storms-raged-millions-of-gallons-of-sewage-spilled-into-bay-area-waterways-streets-and-yards\">discharged some 62 million gallons\u003c/a> of raw or partially treated sewage into waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How do we keep that from happening again, as storms like these become more common as the climate changes? One idea is creating more “green infrastructure” by capturing or diverting some of that water before it gets into the sewer system. That could be in the form of cisterns to collect water for use in drier times, opening up more green space or creating permeable asphalt to allow water to soak into the soil below.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Are there really underground rivers in San Francisco?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A listener named Norm wrote to us asking about an oft-repeated story about San Francisco’s secret, underground rivers. He mentioned \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/09/29/central-subway-construction-is-98-done-but-you-wont-be-allowed-in-until-next-spring-or-summer/#:~:text=%22We%20did%20not%20know%20that%20we%20would%20hit%20an%20underground%20river%20that%20we%20would%20have%20to%20contend%20with.\">a 2021 quote from the director of the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency citing an “underground river”\u003c/a> as part of the reason the city’s Central Subway completion was delayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By definition, a creek or river is free-flowing water that follows a channel, like a creek bed, either on the surface or in an underground cave. So are rivers really down there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Time to do some myth-busting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have caves underground for creeks to flow through, other than the sewer,” says writer and natural history educator \u003ca href=\"https://www.joelpomerantz.com/\">Joel Pomerantz\u003c/a>. “So really, the misimpression that there’s an old creek here and it’s still down there somewhere is not accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940515\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940515 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-800x608.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing blue jeans, a sweater and a knitted cap leans forward on a railing, with a colorful mural on the wall behind him.\" width=\"800\" height=\"608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-800x608.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-1020x775.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz-1536x1166.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Joel-Pomerantz.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joel Pomerantz stands near Mission Playground. In the early days of the city, this area held a large freshwater marsh and estuary. \u003ccite>(Amanda Font/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there is a connection between areas that are prone to flooding and where creeks \u003cem>used to\u003c/em> flow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s no secret that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11799297/large-parts-of-the-bay-area-are-built-on-fill-why-and-where\">much of San Francisco is built on fill\u003c/a>, and the most visible of those areas are along the edges of the city. But inland waterways have been covered up over time, too. A few years ago, Pomerantz created the “\u003ca href=\"http://seepcity.org/index.html\">Seep City\u003c/a>” map, which traces waterways that existed when San Francisco first became a city. That includes the bays, but also numerous creeks and large areas of marshland and estuaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one time, much of the Mission District was marshland fed by the Arroyo Dolores, a waterway that ran from Twin Peaks down the center of 18th Street and through the northern corner of modern-day Dolores Park. That led to a larger saltwater marsh and slough that fed into Mission Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those waterways have since been filled, but the topography of the land hasn’t changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, if you think of the shape of the land,” says Pomerantz, “and if you’re a bicyclist, especially, like I am, you notice the shape of the land because you’re avoiding the hills. That’s what the water does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp> In addition to gravity leading rainwater down to those lower-lying sections of the city in the form of storm runoff, groundwater is also seeping through the soil to pool in those areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when it’s raining really hard, says Pomerantz, the combination causes flooding. San Francisco’s large concentration of groundwater, coupled with increasing atmospheric river storms and the potential for sea level rise, could pose a big problem for the city. A new study finds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938215/new-study-finds-rising-groundwater-is-a-major-bay-area-flooding-risk\">rising groundwater has huge implications for future flooding events\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. What happens to the ground squirrels when it floods? Do they drown?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Our final question comes from listener Emily Robertson. In light of the massive flooding many cities have dealt with recently, Emily was worried that California ground squirrels might be getting flooded out of their burrows — or worse, drowning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the answer to this question, we turned to \u003ca href=\"https://www.jenniferelainesmith.com/\">Jennifer Smith\u003c/a>, a behavioral ecologist who studies social mammals, and specializes in squirrel behavior. For nearly a decade, Smith has been leading a research team in a long-term study of California ground squirrels in Briones Regional Park in Martinez. The team safely traps and marks the fur of individual animals so they can study their behavior and social patterns over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940549 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A small, fuzzy, and very cute juvenile ground squirrel pops out of a burrow. Another squirrel is partially visible behind it.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/IMG_8118-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young California ground squirrel peers out of its burrow in Briones Regional Park. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenn Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They’ve also been able to map what the ground squirrel’s burrows look like. It turns out they’re well-prepared for the possibility of flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may look like that burrow entrance will go directly down, and it might go a foot down or something, but it actually spreads out underground,” says Smith. “And part of the design is to have horizontal rather than vertical burrows. The horizontal nature of the underground structure is quite resistant to rainfall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burrows branch out into numerous sections that can be extended if they become wet. So when the rains are thundering above, the ground squirrels stay nice and dry in their complex, multilevel burrows. They’re even good at withstanding intentional flooding: People who consider ground squirrels pests may stick a hose in the burrow to attempt to drive the squirrels from their home. But observations show that doesn’t really work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The squirrels are very, very faithful to their home,” says Smith. “They’ve invested a lot. They’ve constructed it, and they’ll usually stay. So we know from those types of studies that’s not a very effective method.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, because ground squirrels typically live in family groups, a family may stay in the same burrow for many generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: In researching this story, we asked if you had any questions about squirrels in the Bay Area. So many of you did that we’re working on an episode all about squirrels! It’s not too late to get your squirrel questions in. Submit them in the Bay Curious question box below. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal regulators have agreed to continue to hold off on patient discharges and transfers out of Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center until at least May 19, 2023, San Francisco officials confirmed on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reprieve comes just one day ahead of when the pause on patient transfers was set to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transfers and discharge of residents has been arduous as many have complex healthcare needs, and Laguna Honda and City leadership have strongly advocated against the involuntary transfers,” a statement released Wednesday from Laguna Honda officials reads. “The vast majority of residents and their families are fighting to remain at Laguna Honda and this continued reprieve of involuntary transfers provides stability, continuity of care, and short-term relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders, residents and their loved ones celebrated the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is a critical part of San Francisco’s ability to care for our most vulnerable residents and is essential to the future of our city,” said Mayor London Breed, whose grandmother lived the final years of her life at Laguna Honda. “We appreciate that CMS has agreed to continue this pause of transfers from Laguna Honda while we work collaboratively towards recertification,” she said, referring to the regulatory body, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Urban, whose mother-in-law was a resident at Laguna Honda, said CMS “did the right thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Restarting the discharges would have killed a lot of San Franciscans,” Urban said. “There’s no need to do it if Laguna Honda is making progress towards recertification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But relief may be temporary. The hospital is still working to regain certification with CMS to participate in government-subsidized health care plans like Medicare and Medi-Cal, which cover the majority of patients at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried that May will be here before you know it and we will go through this again,” said Tony Chicotel, staff attorney with California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform. “With each extension, [another extension] become increasingly unlikely, and at some point I think it will stop happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='laguna-honda-hospital']In April 2022, CMS decertified Laguna Honda after a series of inspections found the hospital out of compliance with safety measures for a skilled nursing facility. The hospital was then required to create and implement a closure plan, which included transferring or discharging all of its residents by September 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital, city leaders and senior advocates pushed hard against the transfers, citing how it can be physically and emotionally traumatic for older people and people with disabilities to be uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laguna Honda transferred 41 residents to other skilled nursing facilities and discharged an additional 16 residents. Of those, 12 people died — eight of them within weeks, and four within months, of leaving Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reports came in that some residents had died after being transferred, San Francisco sued the federal government for failing to provide adequate time to repeal the original citations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and CMS came to an agreement in July 2022 to pause transfers until Feb. 2, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital maintains that it is working to prepare for recertification in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the humane and compassionate thing to do for the residents of Laguna Honda, their families and staff,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu. “We certainly hope we don’t cut things as close next time. I know that the staff at Laguna Honda will work and do everything they can to address the issues and get us to that recertification. Our hope is we aren’t in this place again.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco officials had raised alarm bells about having to resume relocating the hospital's more than 550 remaining patients, many of whom are elderly and lower-income, to other facilities as early as Friday.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal regulators have agreed to continue to hold off on patient discharges and transfers out of Laguna Honda Hospital and Rehabilitation Center until at least May 19, 2023, San Francisco officials confirmed on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reprieve comes just one day ahead of when the pause on patient transfers was set to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transfers and discharge of residents has been arduous as many have complex healthcare needs, and Laguna Honda and City leadership have strongly advocated against the involuntary transfers,” a statement released Wednesday from Laguna Honda officials reads. “The vast majority of residents and their families are fighting to remain at Laguna Honda and this continued reprieve of involuntary transfers provides stability, continuity of care, and short-term relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders, residents and their loved ones celebrated the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Laguna Honda is a critical part of San Francisco’s ability to care for our most vulnerable residents and is essential to the future of our city,” said Mayor London Breed, whose grandmother lived the final years of her life at Laguna Honda. “We appreciate that CMS has agreed to continue this pause of transfers from Laguna Honda while we work collaboratively towards recertification,” she said, referring to the regulatory body, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Urban, whose mother-in-law was a resident at Laguna Honda, said CMS “did the right thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Restarting the discharges would have killed a lot of San Franciscans,” Urban said. “There’s no need to do it if Laguna Honda is making progress towards recertification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But relief may be temporary. The hospital is still working to regain certification with CMS to participate in government-subsidized health care plans like Medicare and Medi-Cal, which cover the majority of patients at Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m worried that May will be here before you know it and we will go through this again,” said Tony Chicotel, staff attorney with California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform. “With each extension, [another extension] become increasingly unlikely, and at some point I think it will stop happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In April 2022, CMS decertified Laguna Honda after a series of inspections found the hospital out of compliance with safety measures for a skilled nursing facility. The hospital was then required to create and implement a closure plan, which included transferring or discharging all of its residents by September 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital, city leaders and senior advocates pushed hard against the transfers, citing how it can be physically and emotionally traumatic for older people and people with disabilities to be uprooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laguna Honda transferred 41 residents to other skilled nursing facilities and discharged an additional 16 residents. Of those, 12 people died — eight of them within weeks, and four within months, of leaving Laguna Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After reports came in that some residents had died after being transferred, San Francisco sued the federal government for failing to provide adequate time to repeal the original citations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and CMS came to an agreement in July 2022 to pause transfers until Feb. 2, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital maintains that it is working to prepare for recertification in the meantime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the humane and compassionate thing to do for the residents of Laguna Honda, their families and staff,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu. “We certainly hope we don’t cut things as close next time. I know that the staff at Laguna Honda will work and do everything they can to address the issues and get us to that recertification. Our hope is we aren’t in this place again.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How Effective Are California's 'Red Flag' Gun Laws? San Francisco and San Diego Are Trying to Find Out",
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"headTitle": "How Effective Are California’s ‘Red Flag’ Gun Laws? San Francisco and San Diego Are Trying to Find Out | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Three mass shootings in California this month have brought renewed attention to the state’s gun violence prevention laws, known as red flag laws, that allow courts to remove firearms from someone deemed a danger to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many California residents don’t know about the laws, according to researchers at UC Davis, limiting their potential. And it’s been a slow rollout training and staffing law enforcement agencies to enforce gun violence restraining orders, which temporarily prohibit someone from having a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Often in the aftermath of tragedies such as mass shootings, we hear about red flags displayed by the perpetrator that could have signaled an impending crisis or trauma,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a public statement this week. “Criminal and civil orders that result in the removal of firearms are critical tools that can help save lives, but they are severely underutilized. When you have concerns that someone may pose a threat, we encourage you to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Chiu, San Francisco city attorney\"]‘We are not talking about trivial situations. These are incredibly volatile situations and any could lead to horrific and tragic results.’[/pullquote]San Francisco and San Diego are two cities trying to boost utilization of red flag laws to help get guns out of potentially dangerous situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Red flag laws are an incredibly important tool,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office processes requests for gun violence restraining orders. “In our first few years, we have removed firearms in several dozen highly dangerous circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, California became one of the first states to enact a red flag law, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/137287/can-legislation-prevent-mass-shootings\">the 2014 mass shooting in Isla Vista that killed seven people\u003c/a>. California is now among the 19 states and the District of Columbia with such laws, also often called “extreme risk protection orders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allows law enforcement, household members, family, teachers, employers and co-workers to request that a judge temporarily remove access to another person’s firearm if they pose a significant threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The request is typically made to local law enforcement, who, along with attorneys, investigate and build a case for whether the individual should be brought to court for a hearing before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, San Francisco has recovered more than 50 firearms, both registered and unregistered, through gun violence restraining orders, according to Chiu, as well as thousands of rounds of ammunition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama-health-forum/fullarticle/2780806\">two-thirds of Californians surveyed have still never heard of gun violence restraining orders\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 study from UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the same study found that once surveyors were given a description of the policy, they supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So what we see there is really this willingness of individuals to take action once they know something is in place. But, a lot of people don’t know this exists or even the process of going about that,” said Nicole Kravitz-Wirtz, who studies gun violence at UC Davis and is the lead author of the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RdRrQNemFoQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the red flag law has been utilized in situations such as when a man strangled his mother and threatened to kill her, according to Chiu. In another case, San Francisco authorities confiscated firearms and six rounds of ammunition from someone who was experiencing hallucinations and began firing a pistol inside his house, believing someone was coming out of the fridge to take his wife and kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not talking about trivial situations,” Chiu said. “These are incredibly volatile situations and any could lead to horrific and tragic results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu believes San Francisco is just getting started. Last year, the City Attorney’s Office received city funding to hire a full-time staff member to oversee gun removal requests and help increase awareness and capacity for follow-through on requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego has started down that path already. There, a team of around eight attorneys and investigators are assigned to gun violence restraining orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This is a crisis intervention tool’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The idea is to give a cooling-off period to the individual. Usually, the person for whom guns and access to guns is an issue is going through some kind of a traumatic event. And it could be a breakup of a relationship, maybe they got out of the military and they have post-traumatic stress disorder,” San Diego City Attorney Mara Elliott told KQED. “We work closely with Alzheimer’s here in San Diego because once-responsible gun owners could become irresponsible because their health deteriorated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, San Diego accounted for about 31% (435 out of 1,384) of all gun violence restraining orders issued across the state, according to the state Attorney General’s Office. The city has issued more than 1,000 gun violence restraining orders since the law was enacted in California in 2016, according to Elliott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She estimates that roughly a third of those confiscations were in situations where the individual had shown signs or expressed thoughts of self-harm, and another third has been related to domestic violence and intimate partner trauma. Other situations where the restraining orders have been approved include workplace and school threats, Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis intervention tool. If someone is going through a really hard time, let’s get the guns out of their home and help them get better,” Elliott said. “We don’t have any interest in [removing guns from] responsible gun owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='mass-shootings']Part of the work that San Diego’s gun violence prevention office does is assess whether a gun violence restraining order is the best intervention. In some cases, anger management or mental health treatment might be more appropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are only dealing with the threat and not what led to it, we could miss something really important,” Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials in San Francisco said the request alone can provide a useful heads-up about behaviors before a violent incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who purchased guns legally but may be in crisis or experiencing a mental health issue that may not have come up in the background process. So it’s literally a red flag to us to take that firearm out of their possession,” said San Francisco Sheriff Paul Miyamoto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Dudley, a former deputy chief with the San Francisco Police Department, now teaches criminal justice at San Francisco State University. He thinks California could be doing more to utilize its red flag law and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember during my own time as a law enforcement officer, we would get stuck and had to tell victims we didn’t have enough evidence to get a court order to seize guns. There were so many different cases where if we could have got ahead of the game, we could have prevented some violence,” Dudley told KQED. “Shootings can often be repeat offenders and we don’t do nearly enough for people with the highest propensity for firearms violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do you know someone with access to a firearm who may be a risk to themselves or others?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://speakforsafety.org/\">SpeakforSafety.org\u003c/a>, a campaign to raise awareness of gun violence restraining orders, has resources to walk you through the necessary steps of how to obtain an order. The site includes support for employees, family or household members, teachers and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More information can also be found through the California Courts website in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/33961.htm?rdeLocaleAttr=en\">English\u003c/a> and in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/33961.htm?rdeLocaleAttr=es\">Spanish\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Three mass shootings in California this month have brought renewed attention to the state’s gun violence prevention laws, known as red flag laws, that allow courts to remove firearms from someone deemed a danger to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many California residents don’t know about the laws, according to researchers at UC Davis, limiting their potential. And it’s been a slow rollout training and staffing law enforcement agencies to enforce gun violence restraining orders, which temporarily prohibit someone from having a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Often in the aftermath of tragedies such as mass shootings, we hear about red flags displayed by the perpetrator that could have signaled an impending crisis or trauma,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a public statement this week. “Criminal and civil orders that result in the removal of firearms are critical tools that can help save lives, but they are severely underutilized. When you have concerns that someone may pose a threat, we encourage you to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Francisco and San Diego are two cities trying to boost utilization of red flag laws to help get guns out of potentially dangerous situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Red flag laws are an incredibly important tool,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office processes requests for gun violence restraining orders. “In our first few years, we have removed firearms in several dozen highly dangerous circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, California became one of the first states to enact a red flag law, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/137287/can-legislation-prevent-mass-shootings\">the 2014 mass shooting in Isla Vista that killed seven people\u003c/a>. California is now among the 19 states and the District of Columbia with such laws, also often called “extreme risk protection orders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allows law enforcement, household members, family, teachers, employers and co-workers to request that a judge temporarily remove access to another person’s firearm if they pose a significant threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The request is typically made to local law enforcement, who, along with attorneys, investigate and build a case for whether the individual should be brought to court for a hearing before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2016, San Francisco has recovered more than 50 firearms, both registered and unregistered, through gun violence restraining orders, according to Chiu, as well as thousands of rounds of ammunition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama-health-forum/fullarticle/2780806\">two-thirds of Californians surveyed have still never heard of gun violence restraining orders\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 study from UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the same study found that once surveyors were given a description of the policy, they supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So what we see there is really this willingness of individuals to take action once they know something is in place. But, a lot of people don’t know this exists or even the process of going about that,” said Nicole Kravitz-Wirtz, who studies gun violence at UC Davis and is the lead author of the study.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RdRrQNemFoQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RdRrQNemFoQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, the red flag law has been utilized in situations such as when a man strangled his mother and threatened to kill her, according to Chiu. In another case, San Francisco authorities confiscated firearms and six rounds of ammunition from someone who was experiencing hallucinations and began firing a pistol inside his house, believing someone was coming out of the fridge to take his wife and kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not talking about trivial situations,” Chiu said. “These are incredibly volatile situations and any could lead to horrific and tragic results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu believes San Francisco is just getting started. Last year, the City Attorney’s Office received city funding to hire a full-time staff member to oversee gun removal requests and help increase awareness and capacity for follow-through on requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego has started down that path already. There, a team of around eight attorneys and investigators are assigned to gun violence restraining orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This is a crisis intervention tool’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The idea is to give a cooling-off period to the individual. Usually, the person for whom guns and access to guns is an issue is going through some kind of a traumatic event. And it could be a breakup of a relationship, maybe they got out of the military and they have post-traumatic stress disorder,” San Diego City Attorney Mara Elliott told KQED. “We work closely with Alzheimer’s here in San Diego because once-responsible gun owners could become irresponsible because their health deteriorated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, San Diego accounted for about 31% (435 out of 1,384) of all gun violence restraining orders issued across the state, according to the state Attorney General’s Office. The city has issued more than 1,000 gun violence restraining orders since the law was enacted in California in 2016, according to Elliott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She estimates that roughly a third of those confiscations were in situations where the individual had shown signs or expressed thoughts of self-harm, and another third has been related to domestic violence and intimate partner trauma. Other situations where the restraining orders have been approved include workplace and school threats, Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis intervention tool. If someone is going through a really hard time, let’s get the guns out of their home and help them get better,” Elliott said. “We don’t have any interest in [removing guns from] responsible gun owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Part of the work that San Diego’s gun violence prevention office does is assess whether a gun violence restraining order is the best intervention. In some cases, anger management or mental health treatment might be more appropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are only dealing with the threat and not what led to it, we could miss something really important,” Elliott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement officials in San Francisco said the request alone can provide a useful heads-up about behaviors before a violent incident occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who purchased guns legally but may be in crisis or experiencing a mental health issue that may not have come up in the background process. So it’s literally a red flag to us to take that firearm out of their possession,” said San Francisco Sheriff Paul Miyamoto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Dudley, a former deputy chief with the San Francisco Police Department, now teaches criminal justice at San Francisco State University. He thinks California could be doing more to utilize its red flag law and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember during my own time as a law enforcement officer, we would get stuck and had to tell victims we didn’t have enough evidence to get a court order to seize guns. There were so many different cases where if we could have got ahead of the game, we could have prevented some violence,” Dudley told KQED. “Shootings can often be repeat offenders and we don’t do nearly enough for people with the highest propensity for firearms violation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do you know someone with access to a firearm who may be a risk to themselves or others?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://speakforsafety.org/\">SpeakforSafety.org\u003c/a>, a campaign to raise awareness of gun violence restraining orders, has resources to walk you through the necessary steps of how to obtain an order. The site includes support for employees, family or household members, teachers and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More information can also be found through the California Courts website in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/33961.htm?rdeLocaleAttr=en\">English\u003c/a> and in \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/33961.htm?rdeLocaleAttr=es\">Spanish\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A court on Friday released graphic video and audio recordings from the night Paul Pelosi, the husband of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, was attacked with a hammer in the family's San Francisco home last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The release, which includes police body camera video and a recording of Pelosi’s 911 call, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-25/paul-nancy-pelosi-depape-attack-san-francisco-records-released\">was ordered earlier this week\u003c/a> by a San Francisco Superior Court judge in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23588967-20230111-people-v-depape-media-coalition-access-brief-conformed\">a legal motion from a coalition of media organizations\u003c/a>, including KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David DePape, who is being charged with attempted murder in the attack, broke into Pelosi's home in Pacific Heights in the early morning of Oct. 28, and demanded to see Nancy Pelosi, who was not home at the time. DePape reportedly told Paul Pelosi he would wait for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recording of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/911-tape.mp3\">Pelosi's call to 911\u003c/a>, made just after 2:20 a.m., lasts less than three minutes. \"There's a gentleman here waiting for my wife to come back, Nancy Pelosi,\" he calmly tells the dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003caudio controls=\"controls\">\u003csource src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/911-tape.mp3\">\u003c/source>\u003c/audio>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Is the Capitol Police around? They're usually here protecting my wife,\" Pelosi asks, in an apparent effort to subtly hint at the urgency of the situation, without setting off DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the operator asks Pelosi if he needs the police or fire department to come, Pelosi directs the question to DePape, asking, \"What do you think?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi then tells the dispatcher, \"He thinks everything's good. I've got a problem. ... He's telling me to put the phone down.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within minutes, at least two San Francisco police officers knocked on Pelosi's door, which, in the video, either Pelosi or DePape slowly opens. The officers encounter the two men standing next to each other, each with a hand on a single hammer, police body camera footage shows. Pelosi appears to be in his boxer shorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Warning: This police bodycam video includes scenes of graphic violence.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/REG9RG-XeGI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the police order DePape to \"drop the hammer,\" he says, \"No,\" yanks the hammer away from Pelosi and, after a brief scuffle, lunges at him, hitting Pelosi in the head with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the officers yells, \"Oh, shit!,\" before at least two of them rush through the door and tackle DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the footage, Pelosi is seen lying facedown on the floor, with DePape's legs and feet on top of his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Give me your fucking hand,\" an officer yells twice to DePape as he tries to handcuff him. The police then call for emergency medical assistance for Pelosi. The tape ends after less than two minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"paul-pelosi\"]Pelosi, 82, was taken to San Francisco General Hospital, where he underwent surgery for a skull fracture. He remained there for almost a week, before being released. He is still recovering from the attack but has recently been seen at several events with his wife, including a visit to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the release of the footage, Nancy Pelosi said she had not watched any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have absolutely no intention of seeing the deadly assault on my husband’s life,\" she said, adding that she would not comment any further on the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Interview-with-DePape-clip.mp3\">released an audio recording\u003c/a> of a female police officer interrogating DePape after the incident. DePape acknowledges that he broke the glass on Pelosi's downstairs door to enter the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was not easy,\" DePape says, adding that he likely cut his hand in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer, whose tone is calm and empathetic, elicits a full confession from DePape, who describes what he did and why. His explanation begins with a conspiracy-laden political analysis of U.S. politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer asks DePape if he thinks Nancy Pelosi had done anything to him. He responds, \"Not me personally. But to the American people,\" and refers to \"all the fucking lies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack on Pelosi is among a growing number of violent and sometimes deadly incidents targeting political figures that have been at least partly fueled by unfounded online conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the interview with the officer, DePape describes the encounter with Pelosi as \"mostly amiable ... except for that,\" referring to the hammer attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who is being represented by a San Francisco public defender, has pleaded not guilty to the charges. His next court appearance is scheduled for Feb. 23, when a trial date is expected to be set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In asking the court to release the audio and video footage shown earlier in open court, attorneys for the media coalition cited the First Amendment and the right to public access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing the motion, the San Francisco Public Defender's Office said graphic footage of the attack would be \"used, manipulated and altered\" in ways that would \"irreparably harm\" DePape's right to a fair trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco District Attorney’s Office also opposed the release of the recordings, warning they would only fuel more unfounded theories about the brutal assault on Pelosi. And they were not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Lewis, a research fellow with the Program on Extremism at George Washington University, said he shares those concerns. While acknowledging the compelling reasons for the news media and researchers to have access to this footage, Lewis said he remains apprehensive that the widespread dissemination of the video and recordings could stoke violence and be used as propaganda by right-wing extremists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think one of the biggest concerns when we talk about the release of full, unedited video of political violence … is that this is not going to dispel the existing conspiracy theories that are already out there about this attack,\" he said. \"There is no one who was on the fence over whether or not this was an act of political violence, over the seriousness or significance of this, that is going to go watch that video and suddenly have their mind changed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis noted that many domestic terrorists — in the United States and abroad — have increasingly taken to using body cameras to livestream their horrific attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They wanted to livestream and broadcast their violence in the hopes that it would inspire others to do the same,\" Lewis said. \"And obviously, here in this case, there’s no evidence that the alleged attacker did. But now you basically get a not too dissimilar result from the public dissemination of the video.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"right-wing extremist ecosystem,” he added, regularly takes recorded acts of violence and builds them into their propaganda as a way to incite more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis tied Pelosi’s attack to broader assaults on democracy, including the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, when supporters of President Donald Trump tried to overturn the results of a democratic election. Those efforts have become less focused since then, he said, but have not lost steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Marisa Lagos contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A court on Friday released graphic video and audio recordings from the night Paul Pelosi, the husband of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, was attacked with a hammer in the family's San Francisco home last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The release, which includes police body camera video and a recording of Pelosi’s 911 call, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-25/paul-nancy-pelosi-depape-attack-san-francisco-records-released\">was ordered earlier this week\u003c/a> by a San Francisco Superior Court judge in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23588967-20230111-people-v-depape-media-coalition-access-brief-conformed\">a legal motion from a coalition of media organizations\u003c/a>, including KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David DePape, who is being charged with attempted murder in the attack, broke into Pelosi's home in Pacific Heights in the early morning of Oct. 28, and demanded to see Nancy Pelosi, who was not home at the time. DePape reportedly told Paul Pelosi he would wait for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recording of \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/911-tape.mp3\">Pelosi's call to 911\u003c/a>, made just after 2:20 a.m., lasts less than three minutes. \"There's a gentleman here waiting for my wife to come back, Nancy Pelosi,\" he calmly tells the dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003caudio controls=\"controls\">\u003csource src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/911-tape.mp3\">\u003c/source>\u003c/audio>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Is the Capitol Police around? They're usually here protecting my wife,\" Pelosi asks, in an apparent effort to subtly hint at the urgency of the situation, without setting off DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the operator asks Pelosi if he needs the police or fire department to come, Pelosi directs the question to DePape, asking, \"What do you think?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi then tells the dispatcher, \"He thinks everything's good. I've got a problem. ... He's telling me to put the phone down.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within minutes, at least two San Francisco police officers knocked on Pelosi's door, which, in the video, either Pelosi or DePape slowly opens. The officers encounter the two men standing next to each other, each with a hand on a single hammer, police body camera footage shows. Pelosi appears to be in his boxer shorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Warning: This police bodycam video includes scenes of graphic violence.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/REG9RG-XeGI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/REG9RG-XeGI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>When the police order DePape to \"drop the hammer,\" he says, \"No,\" yanks the hammer away from Pelosi and, after a brief scuffle, lunges at him, hitting Pelosi in the head with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the officers yells, \"Oh, shit!,\" before at least two of them rush through the door and tackle DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the footage, Pelosi is seen lying facedown on the floor, with DePape's legs and feet on top of his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Give me your fucking hand,\" an officer yells twice to DePape as he tries to handcuff him. The police then call for emergency medical assistance for Pelosi. The tape ends after less than two minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pelosi, 82, was taken to San Francisco General Hospital, where he underwent surgery for a skull fracture. He remained there for almost a week, before being released. He is still recovering from the attack but has recently been seen at several events with his wife, including a visit to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours after the release of the footage, Nancy Pelosi said she had not watched any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have absolutely no intention of seeing the deadly assault on my husband’s life,\" she said, adding that she would not comment any further on the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/Interview-with-DePape-clip.mp3\">released an audio recording\u003c/a> of a female police officer interrogating DePape after the incident. DePape acknowledges that he broke the glass on Pelosi's downstairs door to enter the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was not easy,\" DePape says, adding that he likely cut his hand in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer, whose tone is calm and empathetic, elicits a full confession from DePape, who describes what he did and why. His explanation begins with a conspiracy-laden political analysis of U.S. politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officer asks DePape if he thinks Nancy Pelosi had done anything to him. He responds, \"Not me personally. But to the American people,\" and refers to \"all the fucking lies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack on Pelosi is among a growing number of violent and sometimes deadly incidents targeting political figures that have been at least partly fueled by unfounded online conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the interview with the officer, DePape describes the encounter with Pelosi as \"mostly amiable ... except for that,\" referring to the hammer attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who is being represented by a San Francisco public defender, has pleaded not guilty to the charges. His next court appearance is scheduled for Feb. 23, when a trial date is expected to be set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In asking the court to release the audio and video footage shown earlier in open court, attorneys for the media coalition cited the First Amendment and the right to public access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In opposing the motion, the San Francisco Public Defender's Office said graphic footage of the attack would be \"used, manipulated and altered\" in ways that would \"irreparably harm\" DePape's right to a fair trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco District Attorney’s Office also opposed the release of the recordings, warning they would only fuel more unfounded theories about the brutal assault on Pelosi. And they were not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Lewis, a research fellow with the Program on Extremism at George Washington University, said he shares those concerns. While acknowledging the compelling reasons for the news media and researchers to have access to this footage, Lewis said he remains apprehensive that the widespread dissemination of the video and recordings could stoke violence and be used as propaganda by right-wing extremists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think one of the biggest concerns when we talk about the release of full, unedited video of political violence … is that this is not going to dispel the existing conspiracy theories that are already out there about this attack,\" he said. \"There is no one who was on the fence over whether or not this was an act of political violence, over the seriousness or significance of this, that is going to go watch that video and suddenly have their mind changed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis noted that many domestic terrorists — in the United States and abroad — have increasingly taken to using body cameras to livestream their horrific attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They wanted to livestream and broadcast their violence in the hopes that it would inspire others to do the same,\" Lewis said. \"And obviously, here in this case, there’s no evidence that the alleged attacker did. But now you basically get a not too dissimilar result from the public dissemination of the video.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"right-wing extremist ecosystem,” he added, regularly takes recorded acts of violence and builds them into their propaganda as a way to incite more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis tied Pelosi’s attack to broader assaults on democracy, including the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, when supporters of President Donald Trump tried to overturn the results of a democratic election. Those efforts have become less focused since then, he said, but have not lost steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Marisa Lagos contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "gift-el-programa-de-san-francisco-que-otorgara-1200-al-mes-a-personas-transgenero",
"title": "'GIFT', el programa de San Francisco que otorgará $1,200 al mes a personas transgénero",
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"headTitle": "‘GIFT’, el programa de San Francisco que otorgará $1,200 al mes a personas transgénero | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes\u003c/a> durante un máximo de 18 meses, y la fecha límite para solicitarlo se acerca rápidamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GIFT (por sus siglas en inglés), que significa Ingresos Garantizados para Personas Transgénero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">es el primer programa de ingresos garantizados del Área de la Bahía que se centra exclusivamente en atender a las personas trans\u003c/a>. Este fue creado por la ciudad en colaboración con el centro comunitario de salud Lyon-Martin, el cual proporciona atención médica a las personas trans, no binarias e intersexuales, junto con las mujeres cisgénero que forman parte de la comunidad LGBTQA+, y el Distrito Transgénero de San Francisco, que trabaja para empoderar y visibilizar a las personas trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fecha límite para \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">solicitar GIFT\u003c/a> es el jueves 15 de diciembre. La aplicación de GIFT \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/apply\">ya está disponible en línea\u003c/a> y en la misma página, puedes subir todos los documentos requeridos. \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">El sitio de GIFT también está disponible en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">El sitio de GIFT incluye una sección de preguntas frecuentes\u003c/a>, y también hemos creado esta guía para responder a preguntas adicionales que el público ha hecho a KQED sobre el programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#GIFT\">\u003cstrong>¿Quién puede solicitar la ayuda GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impuestos\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo funciona GIFT con mis impuestos o con otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#vivienda\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco si mi situación de vivienda es complicada?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#encuestas\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las encuestas que los participantes tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#puedo\">\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo hablar con alguien que me ayude a solicitar GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>¿Qué es GIFT y para qué sirve el programa?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa GIFT ofrecerá a 55 personas trans de San Francisco $1,200 dólares al mes durante 18 meses, desde enero de 2023 hasta junio de 2024. Los fondos se entregarán a los participantes a través de una tarjeta Visa de débito que el programa recargará con la misma cantidad cada mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, señala que muchas personas trans de San Francisco siguen teniendo dificultades para hacer alcanzar el dinero debido a la situación económica, pero también a causa de la intolerancia y discriminación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dice que algunas personas trans también se enfrentan a la falta de hogar y a la inseguridad de la vivienda después de haber sido expulsadas por la familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este programa propone mejorar este tipo de situación, hacer posible que las personas puedan mantenerse a sí mismas, que tengan un poco más de tranquilidad con sus finanzas”, dijo Davis. Añadió que no es fácil vivir en una de las ciudades más caras del país y la ayuda económica que ofrecería GIFT sería como una especie de salvavidas para cubrir algunos gastos esenciales.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"GIFT\">\u003c/a>¿Quién puede aplicar a GIFT?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Para poder solicitar GIFT, debe:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tener 18 años o más\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No percibir ingresos superiores a $600 dólares al mes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vivir en la ciudad de San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar con los organizadores de GIFT cada tres meses durante el programa para llenar una encuesta\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Debe de completar y entregar su solicitud \u003cstrong>antes de la fecha límite del 15 de diciembre\u003c/strong>. Recuerde que sólo se seleccionarán 55 beneficiarios para este programa piloto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dado que la financiación procede de la ciudad de San Francisco, sólo los residentes de San Francisco podrán participar en el programa, y aquellos participantes inscritos si abandonan la ciudad también tendrán que abandonar el programa GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"impuestos\">\u003c/a>¿Cómo incluyo GIFT en mis impuestos o en otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tendrá que declarar a la Oficina de Impuestos sobre la Renta (IRS, por sus siglas en inglés) lo que ha recibido de GIFT cuando presente sus impuestos del 2023 en el 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros organismos públicos, como la Administración del Seguro Social, también considerarán el GIFT como un ingreso, lo que podría afectar a otras prestaciones, como la Seguridad de Ingreso Suplementario (SSI por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces se tarda décadas en conseguir la SSI y cuando por fin se recibe, sólo se puede ganar hasta cierto punto”, dijo Samuel Favela, asociado del programa en el Distrito Transgénero. El SSI y otros programas de ayuda del gobierno, como CalFresh, tienen estrictos límites de ingresos. Favela señala la posibilidad de que alguien pueda perder estas prestaciones si supera el límite de ingresos al recibir los fondos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si es elegido para participar en GIFT y también recibe prestaciones estatales como CalFresh o CalWorks, Favela recomienda notificar a ese organismo de la existencia de GIFT antes de empezar a recibir dinero. “Si no lo comunica, le pasarán factura al final del programa”, dice Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, Favela afirma que el equipo del Distrito Transexual se compromete a ayudar a la gente en estas situaciones delicadas, ya que la organización cree que alguien no debería tener que elegir entre dos salvavidas cuando se trata de sobrevivir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay exenciones a las que pueden acogerse y vamos a trabajar con ellos en eso también”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero lo más importante que puede hacer si recibe prestaciones del gobierno y está avanzando en el proceso de solicitud de GIFT es ser lo más transparente posible, tanto con los organizadores de GIFT, como con los organismos gubernamentales. “Su trabajador social es probablemente la mejor persona con la que debe ponerse en contacto, y quien también puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros”, añadió Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trabajo de manera informal. ¿Qué puedo hacer para demostrar mis ingresos?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En la página web de GIFT puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">cargar diversos documentos para acompañar su solicitud\u003c/a> y comprobar sus ingresos. Puede incluir formularios W-2, talones de pago o incluso extractos bancarios. Las personas que sólo reciben ingresos del SSI o del SSDI pueden compartir las cartas que reciben de la Administración del Seguro Social confirmando que reciben estas prestaciones. También se aceptan las cartas de ayuda financiera de universidades o escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si trabaja de manera informal y no dispone de documentación que acredite sus ingresos, puede presentar una carta de autocertificación. Este \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_33ab30018f9c4a53bc75aee82f583dcb.pdf\">formulario de declaración de ingresos está disponible en PDF\u003c/a> en el sitio web de GIFT, junto con otros documentos para descargar y utilizar, y le permite compartir cuántos ingresos tiene al mes, cuántas personas viven con usted y por qué no puede aportar pruebas de sus ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confiamos en que la gente nos facilite la información correcta y tenga buenas intenciones”, explica Favela, quien añade que son muy comprensivos con el hecho de que la gente tenga muchas formas distintas de ganarse la visa. “Así que si quieren hacernos saber que son trabajadores sexuales, y esto es lo que ganan al mes, sólo tienen que escribir un correo electrónico y llenar esa sección de esa manera”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934956\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">En el sitio web de GIFT, puede subir una serie de documentos para acompañar su solicitud y comprobar cuánto gana. \u003ccite>(Cottonbro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"vivienda\">\u003c/a>Mi situación de vivienda es complicada, o estoy entre dos alojamientos en este momento. ¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al igual que para verificar sus ingresos, hay muchas formas de confirmar que vive actualmente en San Francisco. Si no tiene ningún recibo de PG&E o de una compañía telefónica que incluya su nombre y dirección actual, puede pedir a un trabajador social o proveedor de atención sanitaria o agencia con la que esté trabajando, que escriba una carta que confirme que vive en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se aloja en un albergue, puede solicitar una carta de verificación a la gerencia del albergue. Pero si eso tampoco es una opción, puede llenar otro \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_e495477cb1df47319fab57e3b20f314e.pdf\">formulario de autocertificación de residencia (PDF) disponible en el sitio web de GIFT\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el formulario de declaración de residencia, tendrá que confirmar que actualmente no tiene vivienda y que no hay ningún organismo u organización que pueda facilitarle una carta que confirme su situación de alojamiento. Una vez completado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">puede subirlo al portal en línea con el resto de sus documentos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"encuestas\">\u003c/a>¿Qué hay de esas encuestas de seguimiento que los participantes en GIFT tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, confirma que el objetivo de estos controles es saber cómo les va a la gente desde que inició el programa. “No estamos vigilando cómo gastan el dinero”, afirma Davis. “Pero nos gustaría saber cómo está mejorando su vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La clínica Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero participarán en estos seguimientos, los cuales también verán si han cambiado las rutinas diarias y las responsabilidades de los participantes. Por ejemplo, explica Davis, “¿Están recibiendo la atención de salud mental que necesitan? ¿Pueden pagar la comida? ¿Pueden pagar el seguro? ¿Pueden acudir a las citas con el médico o conseguir recetas médicas?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En estas conversaciones, si un participante dice que necesita servicios de atención de salud, se le puede poner en contacto con los Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin para que reciba tratamiento. Algunos de estos datos también se compartirán con la Oficina de Iniciativas Transgénero del Ayuntamiento. Sin embargo, el equipo del Distrito Transgénero aclaró que estos datos se utilizarán para comprender mejor el impacto del programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También es importante mencionar que las agencias de la ciudad no comparten información sobre el estatus migratorio de nadie con las agencias federales.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Puedo participar en este programa si estoy indocumentado?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí, y no necesita un número del Seguro Social para recibir los ingresos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los organizadores dicen que las personas hispanohablantes monolingües, y los inmigrantes indocumentados tienen prioridad de inscripción.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Cómo se elegirá exactamente a los participantes?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero seleccionarán a los participantes al azar. Y en cuanto al público trans de San Francisco al que se quiere llegar, el programa todavía tiene “datos demográficos que estamos tratando de concretar”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“El 60% de las personas que vamos a intentar que participen en el programa son personas trans negras”, explicaron.\u003c/strong> “Así que en esa selección al azar, al menos el 60% van a ser [personas trans negras]”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los clasificaremos según la categoría en la que se encuentren y luego simplemente haremos una selección al azar dentro de cada categoría”, añadió Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"puedo\">\u003c/a>¿Dónde puedo dirigirme?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">Dado que la solicitud GIFT sólo está disponible en línea\u003c/a>, puede resultar difícil presentarla para las personas que no tienen acceso regular a una computadora o una conexión estable a Internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para ofrecer un asesoramiento más personalizado, el equipo del centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin está aceptando ayudar a personas interesadas sin cita previa a presentar su solicitud, o que tengan preguntas al respecto. Puede hablar en persona con el equipo en la clínica ubicada en el 1735 de la calle Mission, cerca de las líneas 14 y 49 de Muni. También puede llamarles al (415) 565-7667.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis, del Distrito Transgénero, también recomienda que acuda a su trabajador social si lo tiene. Si usted o alguien que usted conoce necesita más ayuda en español, Davis recomienda contactar a \u003ca href=\"https://ellaparatranslatinas.org/es/home\">El/La Para TransLatinas\u003c/a>, una organización que se centra en servir y abogar por las personas trans Latinx en el Área de la Bahía. Puede ponerse en contacto llamando al (415) 864-7278.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>¿Quiere solicitar GIFT pero se siente inseguro o incluso nervioso por hacerlo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenga dudas”, exhorta Davis, añadiendo que, al tratarse de un programa piloto, este puede influir en lo que se pueda hacer en San Francisco, y potencialmente otras ciudades más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Por el momento, es una oportunidad única en la vida, y esto ayudará a muchas más personas trans, jóvenes trans y personas mayores trans en el futuro”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El programa \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">GIFT de San Francisco proporcionará a 55 personas trans que viven en la ciudad $1,200 dólares al mes\u003c/a> durante un máximo de 18 meses, y la fecha límite para solicitarlo se acerca rápidamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GIFT (por sus siglas en inglés), que significa Ingresos Garantizados para Personas Transgénero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">es el primer programa de ingresos garantizados del Área de la Bahía que se centra exclusivamente en atender a las personas trans\u003c/a>. Este fue creado por la ciudad en colaboración con el centro comunitario de salud Lyon-Martin, el cual proporciona atención médica a las personas trans, no binarias e intersexuales, junto con las mujeres cisgénero que forman parte de la comunidad LGBTQA+, y el Distrito Transgénero de San Francisco, que trabaja para empoderar y visibilizar a las personas trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fecha límite para \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">solicitar GIFT\u003c/a> es el jueves 15 de diciembre. La aplicación de GIFT \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/apply\">ya está disponible en línea\u003c/a> y en la misma página, puedes subir todos los documentos requeridos. \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">El sitio de GIFT también está disponible en español\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/faq\">El sitio de GIFT incluye una sección de preguntas frecuentes\u003c/a>, y también hemos creado esta guía para responder a preguntas adicionales que el público ha hecho a KQED sobre el programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#GIFT\">\u003cstrong>¿Quién puede solicitar la ayuda GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impuestos\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo funciona GIFT con mis impuestos o con otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#vivienda\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco si mi situación de vivienda es complicada?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#encuestas\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las encuestas que los participantes tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#puedo\">\u003cstrong>¿Dónde puedo hablar con alguien que me ayude a solicitar GIFT?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>¿Qué es GIFT y para qué sirve el programa?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa GIFT ofrecerá a 55 personas trans de San Francisco $1,200 dólares al mes durante 18 meses, desde enero de 2023 hasta junio de 2024. Los fondos se entregarán a los participantes a través de una tarjeta Visa de débito que el programa recargará con la misma cantidad cada mes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, señala que muchas personas trans de San Francisco siguen teniendo dificultades para hacer alcanzar el dinero debido a la situación económica, pero también a causa de la intolerancia y discriminación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dice que algunas personas trans también se enfrentan a la falta de hogar y a la inseguridad de la vivienda después de haber sido expulsadas por la familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este programa propone mejorar este tipo de situación, hacer posible que las personas puedan mantenerse a sí mismas, que tengan un poco más de tranquilidad con sus finanzas”, dijo Davis. Añadió que no es fácil vivir en una de las ciudades más caras del país y la ayuda económica que ofrecería GIFT sería como una especie de salvavidas para cubrir algunos gastos esenciales.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"GIFT\">\u003c/a>¿Quién puede aplicar a GIFT?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Para poder solicitar GIFT, debe:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tener 18 años o más\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>No percibir ingresos superiores a $600 dólares al mes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vivir en la ciudad de San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar con los organizadores de GIFT cada tres meses durante el programa para llenar una encuesta\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Debe de completar y entregar su solicitud \u003cstrong>antes de la fecha límite del 15 de diciembre\u003c/strong>. Recuerde que sólo se seleccionarán 55 beneficiarios para este programa piloto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dado que la financiación procede de la ciudad de San Francisco, sólo los residentes de San Francisco podrán participar en el programa, y aquellos participantes inscritos si abandonan la ciudad también tendrán que abandonar el programa GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"impuestos\">\u003c/a>¿Cómo incluyo GIFT en mis impuestos o en otras prestaciones que esté recibiendo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tendrá que declarar a la Oficina de Impuestos sobre la Renta (IRS, por sus siglas en inglés) lo que ha recibido de GIFT cuando presente sus impuestos del 2023 en el 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros organismos públicos, como la Administración del Seguro Social, también considerarán el GIFT como un ingreso, lo que podría afectar a otras prestaciones, como la Seguridad de Ingreso Suplementario (SSI por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces se tarda décadas en conseguir la SSI y cuando por fin se recibe, sólo se puede ganar hasta cierto punto”, dijo Samuel Favela, asociado del programa en el Distrito Transgénero. El SSI y otros programas de ayuda del gobierno, como CalFresh, tienen estrictos límites de ingresos. Favela señala la posibilidad de que alguien pueda perder estas prestaciones si supera el límite de ingresos al recibir los fondos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si es elegido para participar en GIFT y también recibe prestaciones estatales como CalFresh o CalWorks, Favela recomienda notificar a ese organismo de la existencia de GIFT antes de empezar a recibir dinero. “Si no lo comunica, le pasarán factura al final del programa”, dice Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, Favela afirma que el equipo del Distrito Transexual se compromete a ayudar a la gente en estas situaciones delicadas, ya que la organización cree que alguien no debería tener que elegir entre dos salvavidas cuando se trata de sobrevivir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay exenciones a las que pueden acogerse y vamos a trabajar con ellos en eso también”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero lo más importante que puede hacer si recibe prestaciones del gobierno y está avanzando en el proceso de solicitud de GIFT es ser lo más transparente posible, tanto con los organizadores de GIFT, como con los organismos gubernamentales. “Su trabajador social es probablemente la mejor persona con la que debe ponerse en contacto, y quien también puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros”, añadió Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Trabajo de manera informal. ¿Qué puedo hacer para demostrar mis ingresos?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En la página web de GIFT puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">cargar diversos documentos para acompañar su solicitud\u003c/a> y comprobar sus ingresos. Puede incluir formularios W-2, talones de pago o incluso extractos bancarios. Las personas que sólo reciben ingresos del SSI o del SSDI pueden compartir las cartas que reciben de la Administración del Seguro Social confirmando que reciben estas prestaciones. También se aceptan las cartas de ayuda financiera de universidades o escuelas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si trabaja de manera informal y no dispone de documentación que acredite sus ingresos, puede presentar una carta de autocertificación. Este \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_33ab30018f9c4a53bc75aee82f583dcb.pdf\">formulario de declaración de ingresos está disponible en PDF\u003c/a> en el sitio web de GIFT, junto con otros documentos para descargar y utilizar, y le permite compartir cuántos ingresos tiene al mes, cuántas personas viven con usted y por qué no puede aportar pruebas de sus ingresos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Confiamos en que la gente nos facilite la información correcta y tenga buenas intenciones”, explica Favela, quien añade que son muy comprensivos con el hecho de que la gente tenga muchas formas distintas de ganarse la visa. “Así que si quieren hacernos saber que son trabajadores sexuales, y esto es lo que ganan al mes, sólo tienen que escribir un correo electrónico y llenar esa sección de esa manera”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11934956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11934956\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/HAND-ON-LAPTOP-ON-DESK-NEXT-TO-WINDOW-HERE-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">En el sitio web de GIFT, puede subir una serie de documentos para acompañar su solicitud y comprobar cuánto gana. \u003ccite>(Cottonbro/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"vivienda\">\u003c/a>Mi situación de vivienda es complicada, o estoy entre dos alojamientos en este momento. ¿Cómo puedo demostrar que vivo en San Francisco?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al igual que para verificar sus ingresos, hay muchas formas de confirmar que vive actualmente en San Francisco. Si no tiene ningún recibo de PG&E o de una compañía telefónica que incluya su nombre y dirección actual, puede pedir a un trabajador social o proveedor de atención sanitaria o agencia con la que esté trabajando, que escriba una carta que confirme que vive en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se aloja en un albergue, puede solicitar una carta de verificación a la gerencia del albergue. Pero si eso tampoco es una opción, puede llenar otro \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/_files/ugd/40a234_e495477cb1df47319fab57e3b20f314e.pdf\">formulario de autocertificación de residencia (PDF) disponible en el sitio web de GIFT\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el formulario de declaración de residencia, tendrá que confirmar que actualmente no tiene vivienda y que no hay ningún organismo u organización que pueda facilitarle una carta que confirme su situación de alojamiento. Una vez completado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">puede subirlo al portal en línea con el resto de sus documentos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"encuestas\">\u003c/a>¿Qué hay de esas encuestas de seguimiento que los participantes en GIFT tienen que hacer cada tres meses?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Aubrey Davis, asociada ejecutiva del Distrito Transgénero, confirma que el objetivo de estos controles es saber cómo les va a la gente desde que inició el programa. “No estamos vigilando cómo gastan el dinero”, afirma Davis. “Pero nos gustaría saber cómo está mejorando su vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La clínica Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero participarán en estos seguimientos, los cuales también verán si han cambiado las rutinas diarias y las responsabilidades de los participantes. Por ejemplo, explica Davis, “¿Están recibiendo la atención de salud mental que necesitan? ¿Pueden pagar la comida? ¿Pueden pagar el seguro? ¿Pueden acudir a las citas con el médico o conseguir recetas médicas?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En estas conversaciones, si un participante dice que necesita servicios de atención de salud, se le puede poner en contacto con los Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin para que reciba tratamiento. Algunos de estos datos también se compartirán con la Oficina de Iniciativas Transgénero del Ayuntamiento. Sin embargo, el equipo del Distrito Transgénero aclaró que estos datos se utilizarán para comprender mejor el impacto del programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>También es importante mencionar que las agencias de la ciudad no comparten información sobre el estatus migratorio de nadie con las agencias federales.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Puedo participar en este programa si estoy indocumentado?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí, y no necesita un número del Seguro Social para recibir los ingresos de GIFT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Los organizadores dicen que las personas hispanohablantes monolingües, y los inmigrantes indocumentados tienen prioridad de inscripción.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Cómo se elegirá exactamente a los participantes?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin y el Distrito Transgénero seleccionarán a los participantes al azar. Y en cuanto al público trans de San Francisco al que se quiere llegar, el programa todavía tiene “datos demográficos que estamos tratando de concretar”, dijo Favela.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“El 60% de las personas que vamos a intentar que participen en el programa son personas trans negras”, explicaron.\u003c/strong> “Así que en esa selección al azar, al menos el 60% van a ser [personas trans negras]”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los clasificaremos según la categoría en la que se encuentren y luego simplemente haremos una selección al azar dentro de cada categoría”, añadió Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"puedo\">\u003c/a>¿Dónde puedo dirigirme?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.giftincome.org/es/apply\">Dado que la solicitud GIFT sólo está disponible en línea\u003c/a>, puede resultar difícil presentarla para las personas que no tienen acceso regular a una computadora o una conexión estable a Internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para ofrecer un asesoramiento más personalizado, el equipo del centro de Servicios Comunitarios de Salud Lyon-Martin está aceptando ayudar a personas interesadas sin cita previa a presentar su solicitud, o que tengan preguntas al respecto. Puede hablar en persona con el equipo en la clínica ubicada en el 1735 de la calle Mission, cerca de las líneas 14 y 49 de Muni. También puede llamarles al (415) 565-7667.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis, del Distrito Transgénero, también recomienda que acuda a su trabajador social si lo tiene. Si usted o alguien que usted conoce necesita más ayuda en español, Davis recomienda contactar a \u003ca href=\"https://ellaparatranslatinas.org/es/home\">El/La Para TransLatinas\u003c/a>, una organización que se centra en servir y abogar por las personas trans Latinx en el Área de la Bahía. Puede ponerse en contacto llamando al (415) 864-7278.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>¿Quiere solicitar GIFT pero se siente inseguro o incluso nervioso por hacerlo?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenga dudas”, exhorta Davis, añadiendo que, al tratarse de un programa piloto, este puede influir en lo que se pueda hacer en San Francisco, y potencialmente otras ciudades más.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Por el momento, es una oportunidad única en la vida, y esto ayudará a muchas más personas trans, jóvenes trans y personas mayores trans en el futuro”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Mayor London Breed\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco \u003c/span>\u003cb>Mayor London Breed\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> has been in charge of the city for almost five years now. Like many leaders across the state, her tenure has been marked by homelessness and crime. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She has called for a more conservative approach to addressing these problems while continuing to encourage compassion. With many of our urgent social problems remaining, and some getting worse, she joins us to discuss her plans for the year ahead.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Rep. Jackie Speier\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Franciscan and \u003c/span>\u003cb>U.S. Rep. Jackie Speier\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> (D-California) entered the limelight at just 28 years old as one of a handful of survivors of the Jonestown Massacre. Following the ordeal, she went on to a long career in politics, serving on the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors, in the California State Assembly and Senate, and later in the U.S. House of Representatives. Just last year, she announced her retirement from politics. So what’s next for the Congress member, and what is her political legacy?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: San Francisco Civic Center Tree Lighting\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As holiday lights begin to pop up across our Bay Area neighborhoods, the city of San Francisco joined the festivities on Wednesday. This week’s Something Beautiful is the Civic Center tree-lighting event complete with carols, a dancing Christmas tree, a toy drive and even a few snowflakes! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"soldout": {
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