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"content": "\u003cp>Ahead of California’s Super Tuesday election on March 3, the residents of Mountain View are debating over a popular topic in the Bay Area: rent control. Proponents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/clerk/election/default.asp\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure D\u003c/a> say it will protect renters, but not all renters agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Measure D’s Rent Cap\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For now, rent hikes in Mountain View are directly tied to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), also known as the rate of inflation. It typically fluctuates between 2 to 5%, but for now, it’s at 3.5%. One of Measure D’s main features is that it would cap annual rent increases at 4%. Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga supports this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s more predictability on both sides, frankly — from the landlords’ side and the tenants’ side,” Abe-Koga said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called it “reasonable rent control.” She argues that, even if landlords increase rents by 0.5% to 4%, a Google employee making over $100,000 a year should be able to afford that compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel doesn’t agree. As an outspoken advocate for affordable housing, Siegel said a 0.5% increase to the rent cap could price out people already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of software engineers who moved here to work for Google and other places. Well, they have cafeteria workers to feed them. If there’s no place for the cafeteria workers [to live], who’s going to feed the Google employees?” Siegel said. “If teachers can’t afford to live here, how’re the kids of the more affluent residents — how’re they going to be taught?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803168\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803168\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut.jpg\" alt=\"mountain view housing\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing being built in Mountain View, California on Feb. 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The Price of Upgrading an Apartment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You can be an affluent renter and still feel that high rents can make living in Mountain View tenuous. Sabah Munawar moved to Mountain View about three years ago when her husband got a job at Nokia. They landed in a cozy, sunlit one bedroom apartment downtown they pay about $3,100 each month for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munawar’s apartment is across from City Hall, downtown and the public library, which was a big selling point for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of my apartments or my parents’ house has been walking distance from the library. That’s how it’s supposed to be,” Munawar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munawar has been politically active since high school, but for the first time, she’s been knocking on doors campaigning against Measure D. The rent cap isn’t her main concern — she is more nervous about another part of the measure which allows landlords to pass along the cost of improving a unit up to a 10% hike on the annual rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be displaced,” Munawar said. “We’d have to actually think about either moving or looking for other jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite\u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/Eg2VCn5zDjCGyrwzh9UTXd?domain=jointventure.org\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> historically high rents\u003c/a> in Silicon Valley, many landlords have dragged their feet upgrading the properties they own. For example, hundreds of soft-story apartment buildings remain \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=15284\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">seismically unfit\u003c/a> to withstand an earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard from tenants who want upgrades who have been told ‘no’ because property owners don’t have a guarantee of cost recovery,” Mayor Abe-Koga said. She believes this provision in Measure D might encourage landlords to make these adjustments if they know they can pass along some of the cost to the renter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803169\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Measure D would exclude mobile home renters from the proposed rent cap. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Mobile Home Protections, or Lack Thereof\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Then there’s one group that is caught in the middle of this battle: mobile home renters. Right now, rent hikes for mobile homes aren’t covered under rent control and remain unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bee Hanson moved to Santiago Villa, a large mobile home community near Google’s campus, more than 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"affordable-housing\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people in this park are seniors or disabled people that came in years and years ago in the ’60s when it was just a really low-cost place to live,” Hanson said. “And they’re kind of stuck now because they’re on fixed incomes and once they get a raise on rent, Social Security is not keeping up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure D specifically excludes mobile home renters from the rent cap. Abe-Koga plans to create a separate ordinance that would regulate rent hikes on mobile homes, but Alex Brown, another renter in Santiago Villa, is nervous that the eventual ordinance will offer weak protections against mobile home park owners. Brown wants mobile home parks to be included in the rent cap Measure D provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would close off an opportunity to get the protections offered to apartment residents in units built before 1995 in all of Mountain View,” Brown said. “And that’s tough because we have no other protections that are guaranteed or that look likely yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Campaign Spending: A David vs. Goliath Fight\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The optics on who supports Measure D versus who doesn’t might look skewed as many local tenants rights groups have come out against the measure, compared to the California Apartment Association (CAA) and other landlord-backed organizations that support it. The CAA has raised \u003ca href=\"https://public.netfile.com/pub2/RequestPDF.aspx?id=187077226\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$193,000\u003c/a> since the start of the year to back to “Yes On Measure D” campaign, while the opposition had been largely funded by Mountain View residents, totaling about $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was until \u003ca href=\"https://mv-voice.com/news/2020/02/20/mobile-home-park-owner-raises-94k-to-fight-measure-d\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Feb.\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://mv-voice.com/news/2020/02/20/mobile-home-park-owner-raises-94k-to-fight-measure-d\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> 20\u003c/a> when the “No on Measure D” campaign got a $94,000 contribution. John Vidovich, owner of Santiago Villa, where Bee Hanson and Alex Brown live, is listed as a partner in VG Investments and VO Limited Partners, the two companies from which the contribution came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Brown is still suspicious of the mobile home park owner, despite the contribution. He has many theories but believes that, if Measure D passes and the city council creates a separate ordinance regulating mobile home rents, Vidovich and other mobile home park owners won’t be able to charge whatever they want in rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ahead of California’s Super Tuesday election on March 3, the residents of Mountain View are debating over a popular topic in the Bay Area: rent control. Proponents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/depts/clerk/election/default.asp\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Measure D\u003c/a> say it will protect renters, but not all renters agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Measure D’s Rent Cap\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For now, rent hikes in Mountain View are directly tied to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), also known as the rate of inflation. It typically fluctuates between 2 to 5%, but for now, it’s at 3.5%. One of Measure D’s main features is that it would cap annual rent increases at 4%. Mountain View Mayor Margaret Abe-Koga supports this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s more predictability on both sides, frankly — from the landlords’ side and the tenants’ side,” Abe-Koga said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called it “reasonable rent control.” She argues that, even if landlords increase rents by 0.5% to 4%, a Google employee making over $100,000 a year should be able to afford that compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel doesn’t agree. As an outspoken advocate for affordable housing, Siegel said a 0.5% increase to the rent cap could price out people already living paycheck to paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of software engineers who moved here to work for Google and other places. Well, they have cafeteria workers to feed them. If there’s no place for the cafeteria workers [to live], who’s going to feed the Google employees?” Siegel said. “If teachers can’t afford to live here, how’re the kids of the more affluent residents — how’re they going to be taught?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803168\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803168\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut.jpg\" alt=\"mountain view housing\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41395_002_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3308-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Housing being built in Mountain View, California on Feb. 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The Price of Upgrading an Apartment\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You can be an affluent renter and still feel that high rents can make living in Mountain View tenuous. Sabah Munawar moved to Mountain View about three years ago when her husband got a job at Nokia. They landed in a cozy, sunlit one bedroom apartment downtown they pay about $3,100 each month for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munawar’s apartment is across from City Hall, downtown and the public library, which was a big selling point for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of my apartments or my parents’ house has been walking distance from the library. That’s how it’s supposed to be,” Munawar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munawar has been politically active since high school, but for the first time, she’s been knocking on doors campaigning against Measure D. The rent cap isn’t her main concern — she is more nervous about another part of the measure which allows landlords to pass along the cost of improving a unit up to a 10% hike on the annual rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be displaced,” Munawar said. “We’d have to actually think about either moving or looking for other jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite\u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/Eg2VCn5zDjCGyrwzh9UTXd?domain=jointventure.org\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> historically high rents\u003c/a> in Silicon Valley, many landlords have dragged their feet upgrading the properties they own. For example, hundreds of soft-story apartment buildings remain \u003ca href=\"https://www.mountainview.gov/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=15284\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">seismically unfit\u003c/a> to withstand an earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard from tenants who want upgrades who have been told ‘no’ because property owners don’t have a guarantee of cost recovery,” Mayor Abe-Koga said. She believes this provision in Measure D might encourage landlords to make these adjustments if they know they can pass along some of the cost to the renter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803169\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803169\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS41398_005_KQED_Housing_MountainView_02192020_3321-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Measure D would exclude mobile home renters from the proposed rent cap. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Mobile Home Protections, or Lack Thereof\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Then there’s one group that is caught in the middle of this battle: mobile home renters. Right now, rent hikes for mobile homes aren’t covered under rent control and remain unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bee Hanson moved to Santiago Villa, a large mobile home community near Google’s campus, more than 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people in this park are seniors or disabled people that came in years and years ago in the ’60s when it was just a really low-cost place to live,” Hanson said. “And they’re kind of stuck now because they’re on fixed incomes and once they get a raise on rent, Social Security is not keeping up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure D specifically excludes mobile home renters from the rent cap. Abe-Koga plans to create a separate ordinance that would regulate rent hikes on mobile homes, but Alex Brown, another renter in Santiago Villa, is nervous that the eventual ordinance will offer weak protections against mobile home park owners. Brown wants mobile home parks to be included in the rent cap Measure D provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would close off an opportunity to get the protections offered to apartment residents in units built before 1995 in all of Mountain View,” Brown said. “And that’s tough because we have no other protections that are guaranteed or that look likely yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Campaign Spending: A David vs. Goliath Fight\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The optics on who supports Measure D versus who doesn’t might look skewed as many local tenants rights groups have come out against the measure, compared to the California Apartment Association (CAA) and other landlord-backed organizations that support it. The CAA has raised \u003ca href=\"https://public.netfile.com/pub2/RequestPDF.aspx?id=187077226\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$193,000\u003c/a> since the start of the year to back to “Yes On Measure D” campaign, while the opposition had been largely funded by Mountain View residents, totaling about $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was until \u003ca href=\"https://mv-voice.com/news/2020/02/20/mobile-home-park-owner-raises-94k-to-fight-measure-d\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Feb.\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://mv-voice.com/news/2020/02/20/mobile-home-park-owner-raises-94k-to-fight-measure-d\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> 20\u003c/a> when the “No on Measure D” campaign got a $94,000 contribution. John Vidovich, owner of Santiago Villa, where Bee Hanson and Alex Brown live, is listed as a partner in VG Investments and VO Limited Partners, the two companies from which the contribution came.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Brown is still suspicious of the mobile home park owner, despite the contribution. He has many theories but believes that, if Measure D passes and the city council creates a separate ordinance regulating mobile home rents, Vidovich and other mobile home park owners won’t be able to charge whatever they want in rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>TELL US BELOW: How can our property tax system be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED wants to hear your views on California’s state property tax system that was set by Proposition 13 back in 1978. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote on your peers’ statements about how they would make the law more fair, or submit your own idea. The more you speak, the better we can understand where we find agreement. Give it a try. Join the conversation. Need more background on Proposition 13? Keep scrolling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[polis id=”2r5dcbp4ky”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much people pay in property taxes is a question some in California might consider taboo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">KQED gathered neighbors from a single block in Oakland\u003c/a> to ask them just that, and the answers were striking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one man who bought his house in 1976, the answer was $1,800. For a woman who bought her house in 2016? It was $13,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason for this variance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792662/walking-tour-attempts-to-explain-proposed-changes-to-prop-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>. That’s the voter-led initiative passed in 1978, which tied property tax rates to the purchase price of a home or business, and limited how much tax bills could grow. It substantially changed California by slashing revenue that cities, counties and school districts use to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is all timely, because in November, you and other California voters will decide whether the tax cap should be lifted for certain commercial properties. This is called the “split roll” initiative and, if approved, it would deliver revenue for cities, counties and school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many believe Proposition 13 would continue to create unequal tax burdens, even if the split roll initiative passes. Others say it protects people on fixed incomes who bought their homes decades ago, and who would be financially incapable of paying current property tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So… how do you think our property tax system could be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED journalists will moderate the submissions. They will read each statement submitted and use journalistic ethical standards to offer quality control and civility for the experiment. Offensive and racist language will not be tolerated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>TELL US BELOW: How can our property tax system be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED wants to hear your views on California’s state property tax system that was set by Proposition 13 back in 1978. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote on your peers’ statements about how they would make the law more fair, or submit your own idea. The more you speak, the better we can understand where we find agreement. Give it a try. Join the conversation. Need more background on Proposition 13? Keep scrolling. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much people pay in property taxes is a question some in California might consider taboo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">KQED gathered neighbors from a single block in Oakland\u003c/a> to ask them just that, and the answers were striking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one man who bought his house in 1976, the answer was $1,800. For a woman who bought her house in 2016? It was $13,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason for this variance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792662/walking-tour-attempts-to-explain-proposed-changes-to-prop-13\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>. That’s the voter-led initiative passed in 1978, which tied property tax rates to the purchase price of a home or business, and limited how much tax bills could grow. It substantially changed California by slashing revenue that cities, counties and school districts use to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is all timely, because in November, you and other California voters will decide whether the tax cap should be lifted for certain commercial properties. This is called the “split roll” initiative and, if approved, it would deliver revenue for cities, counties and school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many believe Proposition 13 would continue to create unequal tax burdens, even if the split roll initiative passes. Others say it protects people on fixed incomes who bought their homes decades ago, and who would be financially incapable of paying current property tax rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So… how do you think our property tax system could be more fair to all Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED journalists will moderate the submissions. They will read each statement submitted and use journalistic ethical standards to offer quality control and civility for the experiment. Offensive and racist language will not be tolerated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "gov-newsom-once-again-takes-on-homelessness-this-time-statewide",
"title": "Gov. Newsom, Once Again, Takes on Homelessness — This Time Statewide",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.[aside label='Related Coverage' postID=news_11801313,news_11796428,news_11795888 ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom made homelessness the focus of his State of the State address Wednesday, reflecting not only \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/press-release/sanders-biden-and-warren-lead-in-californias-primary/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians’ top concern\u003c/a> but also nearly 20 years of wrangling on an issue that’s followed him from San Francisco City Hall to the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No amount of progress can camouflage the most pernicious crisis in our midst,” Newsom said, “the ultimate manifestation of poverty: homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://priceschool.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Press-Release-USC-Price-USC-Schwarzenegger-Institute-Homelessness-Poll.pdf\">recent statewide poll\u003c/a> showed homelessness and housing are top of mind for likely California voters ahead of the state’s March 3 primary election. About 42% of those surveyed said they see many tents and encampments in the public places and streets where they live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Newsom called for new and ongoing revenue sources to pay for homeless services and new housing. He warned that cities and counties would be held accountable to ensure they spend state health care dollars on homeless people suffering from mental illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social services advocate Jennifer Friedenbach with the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness said she’s thrilled Newsom is taking the issue seriously, but that the state must focus deeply on investment or else these will only be temporary fixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks with severe mental health issues that are out on the streets are victims of a system,” she said. “They feel that the system is resistant to helping them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a San Francisco supervisor in 2002, Newsom drew national attention with his “Care Not Cash” ballot initiative that diverted public assistance from homeless residents to pay landlords for shelter, instead. The program rankled advocates and challenged the city’s status as a progressive stronghold. It also helped get him elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seventeen years later, Newsom has again made homelessness one of his top priorities as the number of people experiencing homelessness in California \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/2019-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">grew to more than 151,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some people who followed Newsom’s early career are optimistic about his willingness to attach his name to such a thorny issue — going so far as to say he’ll “own homelessness” in California, a state with more than a quarter of the nation’s unhoused people — others aren’t sure he’ll focus on the kind of solutions needed to right this societal wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Care Not Cash\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When Care Not Cash went to the ballot in 2002, homelessness had reached peak levels. There were 8,640 residents without homes on a given night in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a biennial survey\u003c/a> for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s about 8 percent more than the 8,011 homeless residents counted during the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/safety-net/homeless-population\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">same survey in 2019\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the decade, Dot-Com companies were swarming San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, while elsewhere in the city, rents rose and evictions spiked. The average two-bedroom apartment in 2001 was going for about $3,500 in today’s dollars, \u003ca href=\"https://sfrb.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1862-sfhousingdatabook.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a 2002 report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority of progressive politicians, many without prior political experience, had swept the Board of Supervisors in 2000 — a citizen revolt to the pro-development Mayor Willie Brown, said Richard DeLeon, professor emeritus of political science at San Francisco State University. Newsom was seen then as somewhat of a pariah, DeLeon said, a centrist who had been hand-picked by Brown to fill a mid-term vacancy on the board in 1997.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Dot Com bubble burst and office spaces in the city’s South of Market neighborhood started becoming vacant. Care Not Cash, Newsom’s signature issue, became a test of the city’s values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other city officials claimed out-of-towners were coming into San Francisco to get public assistance checks. And those that were here were \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FM-ewEmPwhY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">likely using that money for drugs and alcohol\u003c/a>. In one \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Usyn5yg6ejk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">television ad\u003c/a> for Care Not Cash, a series of disheveled men speak directly into the camera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take your cash, and I buy drugs,” the commercial begins, “crack, heroin, alcohol.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Usyn5yg6ejk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“That was pretty harmful to public sentiment around supporting real solutions,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters sided with Newsom, and the measure won with \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2002/11/05/ca/sf/meas/N/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">60 percent\u003c/a> approval. It was the boost Newsom needed to launch his mayoral campaign a few months later, De Leon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It put him on the map, politically,” DeLeon said. “It certainly put a spotlight on him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trent Rhorer, who has served as the executive director of San Francisco’s Human Services Agency since 2000 and oversaw the implementation of Care Not Cash, remembers a young supervisor and later mayor who seemed to genuinely care about the plight of homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhorer received so many requests for information from Supervisor Newsom that he set up weekly meetings. Reports that Rhorer gave him would return dog-eared and highlighted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have these two-hour sessions … and the meetings would just go on and on and on,” Rhorer recalled. “When he left the office, [Newsom] knew more about homelessness than I did, honestly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11802395\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11802395\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony's Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002-1020x673.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/SF-Homeless-2002.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of homeless people line up for a meal at St. Anthony’s Church on Dec. 6, 2002 in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Care Not Cash officially launched in May 2004, reducing the amount of money homeless residents received from a maximum of $410 per month to $59. In exchange, program enrollees got food and a guaranteed bed at a shelter or in a single-room occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the city updated its homeless survey in 2005, it saw a 2\u003ca href=\"http://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/San_Francisco_Homeless_Count_2005_Final_Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">8 percent reduction\u003c/a> in the number of homeless people compared to 2002. Friedenbach believes it’s unlikely Care Not Cash contributed to that reduction since the program didn’t create any new housing. Newsom’s predecessor, Mayor Brown, approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11765010/timeline-the-frustrating-political-history-of-homelessness-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">thousands of new affordable housing units\u003c/a>, which Friedenbach said had just finished construction around that time and probably made more of a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rhorer says ending homelessness was never the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about welfare reform,” Rhorer said. And in that way, it worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once Care Not Cash began in the spring of 2004, the city immediately saw a reduction in the number of homeless people claiming benefits. In December 2003, there were 2,632 people who received assistance, which dropped to 642 in December 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>In Newsom’s Wake\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The number of people experiencing homelessness then remained relatively stable during Newsom’s tenure until it began to increase again in 2011, right around the time he left to become lieutenant governor, growing from nearly 5,700 people to more than 8,000 in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Newsom’s leadership would have helped stem the increase is impossible to know, but Bevan Dufty thinks it would have helped. Dufty, now a BART board director, served on San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors with Newsom. He later served as Mayor Ed Lee’s head of homeless policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin was mayor during a lot of years when the cupboard was dry,” when the Great Recession hit, Dufty said. “I think San Francisco’s homeless problem would seem very different because he wouldn’t be afraid, if he had had the resources, to put them to use to house people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much has changed about Care Not Cash since its inception, Rhorer said, except that now, the city uses a more sophisticated screening matrix to prioritize people who are disabled, chronically homeless or have other special needs — and the amount of public assistance has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Newsom had also launched an ambitious 10-year plan in 2004 to end chronic homelessness and pledged to build 3,000 new units of supportive housing. By 2014, San Francisco built 2,669 of the units that Newsom pledged as mayor but homelessness still rose — climbing to 6,775 people by 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it continues to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade after Newsom left the mayor’s office, homelessness is a bigger issue than ever, with solutions seeming more out of reach than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He kicked off the year with a proposal to direct \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/01/08/794687084/california-governor-pushes-1-4-billion-plan-to-tackle-homelessness\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$1.4 billion of the state budget\u003c/a> to pay for rent subsidies, board and care homes, health services and affordable housing, and then went on a statewide tour of emergency shelters and mental health care centers. And he started distributing the first two dozen of 100 former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11796428/newsom-to-unveil-travel-trailers-for-homeless-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">FEMA trailers and tents\u003c/a> to provide immediate housing for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom said the state would make available 286 state-owed properties such as vacant lots, fairgrounds, armories and other state buildings for potential shelter options that local governments can use for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up construction of affordable housing and shelters, Newsom said he would like to bypass state environmental reviews, which are sometimes used to block and delay projects. He also urged the Legislature to reform land use laws to eliminate delays on affordable housing projects around transit hubs and downtown areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I respect local control, but not at the cost of creating a two-class California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach, a staunch critic of Newsom’s tenure in San Francisco, is hopeful. She was pleased to see Newsom’s executive order to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801313/newsom-offers-vacant-land-for-homeless-shelters-but-local-officials-worry-who-will-pay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">use surplus state land for emergency shelters\u003c/a> and his push to provide significant one-time funds to address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a big believer in redemption,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With yellow vests and flashlights, over 200 volunteers fanned out across Fresno to count homeless people this past Tuesday night. Along the railway, one group walked by a freight container with a mattress and shoes inside, and past a dirt cot enclosed in a tarp pegged to a bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who likely slept there the night before were no longer present, and thus not counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continuing on, BNSF Railway agent Adam Garza led volunteers to where he last week spotted at least a half-dozen people living. Now there were none. “It’s kind of funny,” he said. “CHP cleared out everybody in the areas that we have problems with in these last few weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"homelessness\" label=\"more coverage\"]The Fresno area, by last year’s count, had the highest percentage of unsheltered people anywhere in the country. This year, volunteers are counting again — joining Los Angeles, San Diego and hundreds of cities and counties nationwide that will report their homeless counts to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. These “one night count” numbers will translate to state and federal dollars aimed at alleviating the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s cities and counties tallied more than 150,000 people living on the streets or in emergency shelters — a 17% uptick from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as important as that 150,000 figure is, nearly everyone involved in one-night counts acknowledges that the volunteer-led process significantly underestimates the actual number of people without a safe place to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t use the right numbers for the homeless population, the political class are placing themselves in a situation where they are most likely going to fail,” said Christopher Weare, a UC Berkeley lecturer who researches homelessness. “They can spend billions of dollars, have very effective programs, get a lot of people housed, and we’re still going to have this very large [homeless] population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates complain that the federal definition of homelessness is far too narrow — it excludes people who are doubled-up or couch surfing with relatives or friends, or paying for a cheap motel room. Even those living outdoors can be easily missed, especially if law enforcement has recently cleared encampments. Weare, who’s refining a more comprehensive point-in-time counting method, produced a Sacramento number nearly six times greater than the number of homeless people in the federal count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid all the uncertainties about the accuracy of the count, one thing seems certain: California’s numbers will be big — and weaponized, politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration used the 2019 count to assail the state’s Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom for what the president described as a tremendous failure. Last month, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson singled out California no fewer than \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nine times\u003c/a> in his press release announcing national homelessness figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it wasn’t for California and Oregon, the administration noted, the country could boast a nationwide decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every community in California is required by HUD to conduct a one-night count every other year, but some places such as Fresno and Los Angeles County opt to conduct theirs every year. The tabulations made this month will form the basis for the certified annual U.S. count that HUD will release next December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other California mayors and legislators will be on the hook to show improvement — but that time lag is likely to work against them, and could spell real political problems for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $650 million in emergency homelessness funding he approved last year won’t materialize in shelters or emergency rental assistance until well after the one-night counts are concluded. The earliest this year’s $750 million proposal could be accessed by homeless service providers would be July, and that would require a two-thirds vote of state lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, statewide homeless counts should only be compared every other year, as communities are required to conduct one night counts only in odd years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why the count will fall short\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of cities and counties across California actually try to send volunteers to every corner of their jurisdiction. Most send counters only to homeless “hot spots” — places known to service providers to have lots of unhoused residents sleeping outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also difficult for volunteers to identify on sight who is homeless and who isn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go,” said Weare, the UC Berkeley lecturer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And encampment cleanups pose “a huge challenge,” said Jody Ketcheside, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care, who coordinates the Fresno count. “Sometimes those will happen the day before, or the day of, and people are displaced and we can’t find them again, because we do our outreach during [the week prior] to determine where the encampments are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another limitation of the one-night-count: timing. The snapshots don’t capture the much larger number of Californians who fall into homelessness over the course of an entire year. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Christopher Weare, UC Berkeley']‘If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Ketcheside said she thinks the counts are getting more accurate, in part because of more volunteers. Over 300 people signed up to count heads or conduct surveys in Fresno this year, a record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more comprehensive count now could distort how well homelessness can be tracked over time. Ironically, more volunteers identifying more people experiencing homelessness could overstate how much homelessness has grown significantly, when perhaps it was simply undercounted in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although a lot of us don’t like it, HUD doesn’t have another way right now,” said Doreen Eley, assisted housing manager at Fresno Housing Authority. “This is what they have, so this is what we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the numbers matter\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Point-in-time counts have guided much of the emergency funding state lawmakers have approved in recent years to fight homelessness — \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/heap_overview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million distributed in 2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$650 million distributed this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more people counted in Los Angeles than Fresno, the larger the share Los Angeles got of that overall funding, according to Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding is also tied to point-in-time counts, although that funding is set to maintain current local spending, according to Eley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has asked the Legislature for an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239063373.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$750 million in state emergency funds\u003c/a> for homelessness. Whether that money will also be allotted using the new point-in-time numbers remains up in the air, according to Alicia Sutton, deputy secretary for homelessness at the state Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency. But there’s no better option in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all aware it’s not a perfect measure but it’s an agreed upon best measure for understanding the current scope of the problem,” Sutton said. “We’re using HUD’s system. They understand the limitations and we’re in conversations with them, but it’s really their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is there a better way to do this?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something,” said Paul Boden, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://wraphome.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Western Regional Advocacy Project\u003c/a>. “And what they’re telling us lately is the numbers are going up, which means in reality, it’s probably 10 times worse — because they’re using a system that was artificially created to keep the numbers as low as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a more comprehensive count, Boden points to data from the U.S. Education Department. It includes kids who live doubled-up with other families and stay in motels, regardless of who funds their stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, nearly 246,000 students from kindergarten through high school were homeless in 2018, according to the Department of Education’s more expansive definition. That’s nearly 100,000 more than California’s official homeless count of people of all ages last year and doesn’t include those homeless children’s parents, or children under age 5. [pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Paul Boden, executive director of the Western Regional Advocacy Project']‘Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also suggest a gaps analysis, which looks at how many people have tried to access a service and how many were accommodated in order to determine funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, where new shelter beds that opened last year fill within hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234085097.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the gap between supply and demand for homeless services is high\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that’s really hard when you do the count and surveys is, you’re counting more people than you can actually help today. That gets tough because it kind of makes our homeless population numb to the questions,” said Shawn Jenkins, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s tallies are done, the numbers will wend their way to Washington D.C., and untold tens of thousands of Californians will remain without shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been blessed by God, and Fresno police have been pretty understanding. They haven’t impounded my truck,” said one such man counted in his vehicle by Fresno volunteers, as a woman slept in the passenger seat. “You know, if they do, I’ll probably end up cuddling with that guy,” he quipped about his friend leaning on the other side of the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ll probably freeze to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a reporter with the Fresno Bee and Matt Levin is the housing reporter at CalMatters. This article is done with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With yellow vests and flashlights, over 200 volunteers fanned out across Fresno to count homeless people this past Tuesday night. Along the railway, one group walked by a freight container with a mattress and shoes inside, and past a dirt cot enclosed in a tarp pegged to a bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people who likely slept there the night before were no longer present, and thus not counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continuing on, BNSF Railway agent Adam Garza led volunteers to where he last week spotted at least a half-dozen people living. Now there were none. “It’s kind of funny,” he said. “CHP cleared out everybody in the areas that we have problems with in these last few weeks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Fresno area, by last year’s count, had the highest percentage of unsheltered people anywhere in the country. This year, volunteers are counting again — joining Los Angeles, San Diego and hundreds of cities and counties nationwide that will report their homeless counts to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. These “one night count” numbers will translate to state and federal dollars aimed at alleviating the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California’s cities and counties tallied more than 150,000 people living on the streets or in emergency shelters — a 17% uptick from the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as important as that 150,000 figure is, nearly everyone involved in one-night counts acknowledges that the volunteer-led process significantly underestimates the actual number of people without a safe place to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t use the right numbers for the homeless population, the political class are placing themselves in a situation where they are most likely going to fail,” said Christopher Weare, a UC Berkeley lecturer who researches homelessness. “They can spend billions of dollars, have very effective programs, get a lot of people housed, and we’re still going to have this very large [homeless] population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates complain that the federal definition of homelessness is far too narrow — it excludes people who are doubled-up or couch surfing with relatives or friends, or paying for a cheap motel room. Even those living outdoors can be easily missed, especially if law enforcement has recently cleared encampments. Weare, who’s refining a more comprehensive point-in-time counting method, produced a Sacramento number nearly six times greater than the number of homeless people in the federal count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid all the uncertainties about the accuracy of the count, one thing seems certain: California’s numbers will be big — and weaponized, politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration used the 2019 count to assail the state’s Democratic lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom for what the president described as a tremendous failure. Last month, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson singled out California no fewer than \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/press/press_releases_media_advisories/HUD_No_19_177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">nine times\u003c/a> in his press release announcing national homelessness figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it wasn’t for California and Oregon, the administration noted, the country could boast a nationwide decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every community in California is required by HUD to conduct a one-night count every other year, but some places such as Fresno and Los Angeles County opt to conduct theirs every year. The tabulations made this month will form the basis for the certified annual U.S. count that HUD will release next December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and other California mayors and legislators will be on the hook to show improvement — but that time lag is likely to work against them, and could spell real political problems for the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the $650 million in emergency homelessness funding he approved last year won’t materialize in shelters or emergency rental assistance until well after the one-night counts are concluded. The earliest this year’s $750 million proposal could be accessed by homeless service providers would be July, and that would require a two-thirds vote of state lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technically, statewide homeless counts should only be compared every other year, as communities are required to conduct one night counts only in odd years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why the count will fall short\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Only a handful of cities and counties across California actually try to send volunteers to every corner of their jurisdiction. Most send counters only to homeless “hot spots” — places known to service providers to have lots of unhoused residents sleeping outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also difficult for volunteers to identify on sight who is homeless and who isn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone is just walking the street at night and doesn’t have a shopping cart, they may not be recognized as homeless, when they in fact have nowhere to go,” said Weare, the UC Berkeley lecturer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And encampment cleanups pose “a huge challenge,” said Jody Ketcheside, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care, who coordinates the Fresno count. “Sometimes those will happen the day before, or the day of, and people are displaced and we can’t find them again, because we do our outreach during [the week prior] to determine where the encampments are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another limitation of the one-night-count: timing. The snapshots don’t capture the much larger number of Californians who fall into homelessness over the course of an entire year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Ketcheside said she thinks the counts are getting more accurate, in part because of more volunteers. Over 300 people signed up to count heads or conduct surveys in Fresno this year, a record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a more comprehensive count now could distort how well homelessness can be tracked over time. Ironically, more volunteers identifying more people experiencing homelessness could overstate how much homelessness has grown significantly, when perhaps it was simply undercounted in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although a lot of us don’t like it, HUD doesn’t have another way right now,” said Doreen Eley, assisted housing manager at Fresno Housing Authority. “This is what they have, so this is what we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the numbers matter\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Point-in-time counts have guided much of the emergency funding state lawmakers have approved in recent years to fight homelessness — \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/heap_overview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$500 million distributed in 2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/hhap_allocations.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$650 million distributed this year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The more people counted in Los Angeles than Fresno, the larger the share Los Angeles got of that overall funding, according to Russ Heimerich, a spokesman for the Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal funding is also tied to point-in-time counts, although that funding is set to maintain current local spending, according to Eley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has asked the Legislature for an additional \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article239063373.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$750 million in state emergency funds\u003c/a> for homelessness. Whether that money will also be allotted using the new point-in-time numbers remains up in the air, according to Alicia Sutton, deputy secretary for homelessness at the state Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency. But there’s no better option in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all aware it’s not a perfect measure but it’s an agreed upon best measure for understanding the current scope of the problem,” Sutton said. “We’re using HUD’s system. They understand the limitations and we’re in conversations with them, but it’s really their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Is there a better way to do this?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Everybody uses these numbers as if they actually tell us something,” said Paul Boden, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://wraphome.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Western Regional Advocacy Project\u003c/a>. “And what they’re telling us lately is the numbers are going up, which means in reality, it’s probably 10 times worse — because they’re using a system that was artificially created to keep the numbers as low as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a more comprehensive count, Boden points to data from the U.S. Education Department. It includes kids who live doubled-up with other families and stay in motels, regardless of who funds their stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, nearly 246,000 students from kindergarten through high school were homeless in 2018, according to the Department of Education’s more expansive definition. That’s nearly 100,000 more than California’s official homeless count of people of all ages last year and doesn’t include those homeless children’s parents, or children under age 5. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also suggest a gaps analysis, which looks at how many people have tried to access a service and how many were accommodated in order to determine funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, where new shelter beds that opened last year fill within hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article234085097.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the gap between supply and demand for homeless services is high\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that’s really hard when you do the count and surveys is, you’re counting more people than you can actually help today. That gets tough because it kind of makes our homeless population numb to the questions,” said Shawn Jenkins, vice chair of the Fresno-Madera Continuum of Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s tallies are done, the numbers will wend their way to Washington D.C., and untold tens of thousands of Californians will remain without shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been blessed by God, and Fresno police have been pretty understanding. They haven’t impounded my truck,” said one such man counted in his vehicle by Fresno volunteers, as a woman slept in the passenger seat. “You know, if they do, I’ll probably end up cuddling with that guy,” he quipped about his friend leaning on the other side of the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ll probably freeze to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuela Tobias is a reporter with the Fresno Bee and Matt Levin is the housing reporter at CalMatters. This article is done with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/california-divide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The California Divide\u003c/a>, a collaboration among newsrooms examining income inequity and economic survival in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A flurry of last-minute votes Thursday wasn’t enough to save Senate Bill 50, one of California’s most controversial and closely watched housing bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote remained unchanged from Wednesday, when it failed to earn the majority 21 votes it needed to pass. Only 18 senators voted on Thursday in favor of the bill, 15 voted against and six were absent or abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s sponsor, San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener, said he was “deeply disappointed” in the outcome of the bill but vowed to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 50 does represent an aggressive reform of the status quo and it signaled to a lot of people the state was serious about addressing the housing crisis,” Wiener told reporters Thursday following the vote. “But I also believe we will pivot quickly and get something big done this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener didn’t specify what he plans but said he would work with the governor’s office and legislative leadership to introduce new legislation to boost housing construction throughout the state. And just hours after the vote Thursday, he introduced two placeholder housing bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1222995545452449792?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom took heat after the bill’s defeat for campaigning on the promise to stimulate more housing construction but declining to endorse a bill that could have helped address the housing shortage. Newsom said in a statement Thursday the Legislature must pass a “historic housing production bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State senators in opposition, many from Southern California, argued the legislation took too much power away from city and county governments, which typically have the final say in what gets built within their jurisdictions. Other legislators also argued the bill would encourage too much market-rate and luxury housing without assurances there would be enough affordable housing produced for rent-burdened, low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Holly Mitchell of Los Angeles on Wednesday summarized in one sentence the equity concerns of many housing justice activists who opposed the bill: “Who has the privilege of living where?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 50 would have enabled more housing construction by forcing cities to authorize four- and five-story apartment buildings near train stations, along major bus lines and in job-rich neighborhoods. It would also allow duplexes and fourplexes where only single-family homes are currently permitted. Proponents of the bill saw it as one of the most significant ways to dramatically increase housing production throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the bill’s failure, Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, D-San Diego, said California still needs to build more housing if it wants to tackle its housing affordability problem. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Featured%20Insights/Urbanization/Closing%20Californias%20housing%20gap/Closing-Californias-housing-gap-Full-report.ashx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2016 McKinsey report\u003c/a> estimated California needs to build 3.5 million homes to keep pace with its population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the vote, Atkins called out senators who voted against the bill but haven’t presented alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opponents of SB 50 have real concerns, but have offered no substantive alternative with the same kind of scope of SB 50,” she said. “Things have to change. We need to reset the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Moms 4 Housing, the group that gained national attention by occupying a West Oakland house, says the home is being purchased by the Oakland Community Land Trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11795944,news_11795419,news_11792889,news_11787750\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, announced Monday, comes after a months-long battle between housing activists and Wedgewood, an investment company that owns the contested home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, activists and moms Dominique Walker and Sameerah Karim started living at the home located on 2928 Magnolia St. without permission as a way to bring attention to Oakland's housing and homelessness issues. Attorneys for the activists argued in court that housing is a human right and the occupants' constitutional rights would be severely impacted if they were evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a judge ruled against the occupants, and they were evicted by deputies from the Alameda County Sheriff's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Moms 4 Housing spoke about the deal at Monday's sixth annual March and Rally to Reclaim MLK's Radical Legacy. Members of the group say once the sale goes through, they plan to move into the house and make it a headquarters for their movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will not stop organizing and fighting until all unhoused folks who want shelter, have shelter,\" Walker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LauraAnthony7/status/1219346188291334145\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MsHossaini/status/1219349328050806784\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, the company refused to negotiate with the group while the mothers were still inside the house. Now, Wedgewood says it will negotiate the sale of the home with the Oakland Community Land Trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Wedgewood spokesman Sam Singer has confirmed that the company will give the right of first refusal to Oakland's Housing and Community Development Department and the Oakland Community Land Trust for any properties it plans to sell in the city. According to Singer, the company owns approximately 50 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/solomonout/status/1219315589673406464\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carroll Fife, director of Oakland Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that supported Moms 4 Housing, called the agreement \"a huge step.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What they're doing is conceding to the pressure that's been put on them by this movement,\" Fife said about Wedgewood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, announced Monday, comes after a months-long battle between housing activists and Wedgewood, an investment company that owns the contested home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, activists and moms Dominique Walker and Sameerah Karim started living at the home located on 2928 Magnolia St. without permission as a way to bring attention to Oakland's housing and homelessness issues. Attorneys for the activists argued in court that housing is a human right and the occupants' constitutional rights would be severely impacted if they were evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, a judge ruled against the occupants, and they were evicted by deputies from the Alameda County Sheriff's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Moms 4 Housing spoke about the deal at Monday's sixth annual March and Rally to Reclaim MLK's Radical Legacy. Members of the group say once the sale goes through, they plan to move into the house and make it a headquarters for their movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will not stop organizing and fighting until all unhoused folks who want shelter, have shelter,\" Walker said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Initially, the company refused to negotiate with the group while the mothers were still inside the house. Now, Wedgewood says it will negotiate the sale of the home with the Oakland Community Land Trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Wedgewood spokesman Sam Singer has confirmed that the company will give the right of first refusal to Oakland's Housing and Community Development Department and the Oakland Community Land Trust for any properties it plans to sell in the city. According to Singer, the company owns approximately 50 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Carroll Fife, director of Oakland Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a nonprofit that supported Moms 4 Housing, called the agreement \"a huge step.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What they're doing is conceding to the pressure that's been put on them by this movement,\" Fife said about Wedgewood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Assault weapons, body armor, a robot and a “BearCat” designed to withstand a blast from an improvised explosive device.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s deputies used military-style hardware when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11795944/moms-4-housing-members-evicted-from-oakland-home-4-arrested\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">evicting members of Moms 4 Housing\u003c/a> on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_09_14_10/PUBLIC%20PROTECTION/Regular%20Calendar/Sheriff_Lenco_BearCat_Armored_SWAT.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">2010 letter\u003c/a> to the Alameda County Board of Supervisors that requested a waiver of the county’s competitive bidding process, Sheriff Gregory Ahern discusses funding for a “Lenco BearCat Armored SWAT Vehicle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahern notes Department of Homeland Security funds that would help pay for the armored vehicle specify that “the funds must enhance the capabilities of law enforcement, emergency medical and management services, public works, and public health to respond to acts of terrorism involving chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear and explosive (CBRNE) weapons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If those moms had nukes in that house, the deputies were ready for them!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) could be called to house people experiencing homelessness under a proposed federal bill introduced Tuesday in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Democratic Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder, would allow governors to request that the president declare a homelessness emergency if there has been an increase in the homeless population in their state. An emergency declaration would then allow FEMA to provide emergency assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness rose 16% in California between 2018 and 2019, according to the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, which conducts a survey of homeless populations on one day in January each year. On that day last year, volunteers counted 151,278 people sleeping outside, in their cars or RVs and in shelters across California — a number that represents more than a quarter of the nation’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harder introduced the bill, called the \u003ca href=\"https://harder.house.gov/sites/harder.house.gov/files/Homelessness%20Emergency%20Declaration%20Act.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Homelessness Emergency Declaration Act\u003c/a>, because he said homelessness should be treated with the same urgency as a natural disaster, such as the wildfires that ripped through Santa Rosa and Napa in 2017 or Paradise and Magalia in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a small fraction of people lose their homes in these wildfires compared to the hundreds of thousands of people who are living on our streets every single day,” Harder said Tuesday in a phone interview. “Shouldn’t that be treated with the exact same seriousness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would allow states to ask FEMA for help providing temporary shelters, transportation, food assistance or even mental health services, Harder said. The aid would be tailored to the needs of specific cities or regions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796193\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"FEMA trailers like these, which were used to house survivors of the Camp Fire, could house the homeless if a new federal bill introduced Tuesday by Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder becomes law.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796193\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-1200x751.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FEMA trailers like these, which were used to house survivors of the Camp Fire, could house the homeless if a new federal bill introduced Tuesday by Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder becomes law. \u003ccite>(Polly Stryker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation comes on the heels of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794599/newsom-seeks-750m-for-homeless-services-and-shelter-in-proposed-budget\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement last week\u003c/a> that the state would be deploying travel trailers and modular tents on state-owned land for temporary emergency shelters. He also announced the allocation of $750 million into a new state fund that would provide rental assistance for people who are on the brink of homelessness, help cities and counties build new affordable housing and stabilize board and care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Homelessness in California' tag='homelessness']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s proposed budget also includes $695 million in state and federal money to pay for housing and homeless services through Medi-Cal in cases where becoming homeless could lead to costly health care services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state of California is treating [homelessness] as a real emergency — because it is one,” Newsom said in a statement last week. “Californians are demanding that all levels of government — federal, state and local — do more to get people off the streets and into services, whether that’s emergency housing, mental health services, substance abuse treatment or all of the above.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates lauded Harder’s bill, saying there is no time to waste when it comes to addressing the growing number of people who find themselves homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing increasing trends in our veterans and peoples with disabilities struggling with issues of homelessness at an alarming rate,” Livingston Community Health CEO Leslie Abasta-Cummings said in a statement Tuesday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now more than ever, it is imperative that we put the structure and support in place to address homelessness with the same sense of urgency that we deal with other emergencies that leave a devastating and long-lasting impact on so many lives and communities throughout the United States,” Abasta-Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) could be called to house people experiencing homelessness under a proposed federal bill introduced Tuesday in the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, by Democratic Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder, would allow governors to request that the president declare a homelessness emergency if there has been an increase in the homeless population in their state. An emergency declaration would then allow FEMA to provide emergency assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness rose 16% in California between 2018 and 2019, according to the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, which conducts a survey of homeless populations on one day in January each year. On that day last year, volunteers counted 151,278 people sleeping outside, in their cars or RVs and in shelters across California — a number that represents more than a quarter of the nation’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harder introduced the bill, called the \u003ca href=\"https://harder.house.gov/sites/harder.house.gov/files/Homelessness%20Emergency%20Declaration%20Act.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Homelessness Emergency Declaration Act\u003c/a>, because he said homelessness should be treated with the same urgency as a natural disaster, such as the wildfires that ripped through Santa Rosa and Napa in 2017 or Paradise and Magalia in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a small fraction of people lose their homes in these wildfires compared to the hundreds of thousands of people who are living on our streets every single day,” Harder said Tuesday in a phone interview. “Shouldn’t that be treated with the exact same seriousness?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would allow states to ask FEMA for help providing temporary shelters, transportation, food assistance or even mental health services, Harder said. The aid would be tailored to the needs of specific cities or regions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11796193\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-800x500.jpg\" alt=\"FEMA trailers like these, which were used to house survivors of the Camp Fire, could house the homeless if a new federal bill introduced Tuesday by Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder becomes law.\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11796193\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut-1200x751.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/RS36687_fema-mobile-home-units-camp-fire-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FEMA trailers like these, which were used to house survivors of the Camp Fire, could house the homeless if a new federal bill introduced Tuesday by Central Valley Rep. Josh Harder becomes law. \u003ccite>(Polly Stryker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation comes on the heels of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11794599/newsom-seeks-750m-for-homeless-services-and-shelter-in-proposed-budget\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announcement last week\u003c/a> that the state would be deploying travel trailers and modular tents on state-owned land for temporary emergency shelters. He also announced the allocation of $750 million into a new state fund that would provide rental assistance for people who are on the brink of homelessness, help cities and counties build new affordable housing and stabilize board and care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s proposed budget also includes $695 million in state and federal money to pay for housing and homeless services through Medi-Cal in cases where becoming homeless could lead to costly health care services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state of California is treating [homelessness] as a real emergency — because it is one,” Newsom said in a statement last week. “Californians are demanding that all levels of government — federal, state and local — do more to get people off the streets and into services, whether that’s emergency housing, mental health services, substance abuse treatment or all of the above.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocates lauded Harder’s bill, saying there is no time to waste when it comes to addressing the growing number of people who find themselves homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing increasing trends in our veterans and peoples with disabilities struggling with issues of homelessness at an alarming rate,” Livingston Community Health CEO Leslie Abasta-Cummings said in a statement Tuesday. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now more than ever, it is imperative that we put the structure and support in place to address homelessness with the same sense of urgency that we deal with other emergencies that leave a devastating and long-lasting impact on so many lives and communities throughout the United States,” Abasta-Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Even if you can afford to buy a home in the Bay Area, you might get outbid by an anonymous shell company paying cash. Over the years, more American homes have been bought up by these companies, with fewer and fewer homes being owned by individuals and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And on top of that, we don’t even know who owns all of these properties. But the U.S. Treasury Department does – and the folks at Reveal are suing for that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest: \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/aaron_glantz\">Aaron Glantz\u003c/a>, senior reporter at Reveal and author of the book “\u003ca href=\"https://www.harpercollins.com/9780062869531/?utm_source=Aaron+Glantz&utm_medium=athrtwttr&utm_campaign=Homewreckers\">Homewreckers\u003c/a>.” Check out more on Reveal’s ongoing lawsuit \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/unmasking-the-secret-landlords-buying-up-america/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>We’re doing meetups in all nine Bay Area counties this year! Our first one is in Vallejo. Come hang out with us at \u003ca href=\"http://www.mareislandbrewingco.com/?method=pages.showPage&PageID=BEE238F0-B538-D552-CD1F-DE2D5F545544&originalMarketingURL=VisitUs\">Mare Island Brewing tap room\u003c/a> near the ferry building on Friday, Feb. 7 between 5-7 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KQED’s Devin Katayama: First off, tell me why we’re standing in front of this house on Delano Avenue [in San Francisco’s Balboa Park neighborhood].\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Glantz:\u003c/strong> We’re standing in front of this house at 66 Delano Avenue because it’s one of many, many homes all across the country that have been bought up by shell companies where we don’t really know who the owner is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look around and you wonder, why can’t I buy this house? Why can’t I buy any house? A lot of the time it’s because it’s been bought by a shell company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A distant landlord owning a building like this instead of somebody who lives in it means that the building can sit empty, boarded up with a fence around it and get no attention for a long time, because Mr. LLC doesn’t walk up and down this block and see this burnt out building every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is this pretty common? For houses owned by shell companies to just be sitting empty?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, I mean, this is one of the things that we don’t have a good understanding of. There are a lot of theories about who is buying up our real estate. Are we talking about Silicon Valley techies? Are we talking about international money from China and Russia? You know, are we talking about Airbnb? Are we talking about people just parking their money? We don’t really know. There’s a lot of unanswered questions. And that’s why Reveal has gone to court, suing the Treasury Department to get answers to some of those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the benefit of creating a shell company to own all these homes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the statute creating shell companies was created many years ago, and was actually created to help an oil company in the Rockies that had oil rigs in Central America. And it wanted to limit its liability in the case that something happened on those oil facilities in Panama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, LLC stands for limited liability company. They wanted to distance their liability for whatever happened in Panama to the company back in the Rockies. Over the years, however, this has been used by real estate moguls to amass property and hide the true source of their money from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11795944\" hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/01/moms4housing-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have speculators like Wedgewood, right? You have bigger real estate investment trusts like the ones I spotlight in “Homewreckers,” run by Tom Barrack and Steve Schwarzman and these big private equity funds. You have international investors parking their money. You have mom and pop landlords that would just prefer to operate behind a limited liability corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we don’t know is the proportion of all of these against each other, and who the most significant actors are. This basic transparency exists in countries all over the world. In Russia, in Ukraine, in Argentina, in Israel, you can go online and see who the money is behind anything, any beneficial owner of real estate. In America, we can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How can we make smart policy about issues of homeownership and wealth in America, about housing and homelessness in America, if we don’t even know who’s buying up the buildings?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Treasury Department has been asking for information about these beneficial owners. Then, when we – Reveal – asked for that same information from the Treasury Department using the Freedom of Information Act, they said no, they won’t give it to us. So that’s why we sued them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what we’re saying to the Treasury Department is look, if you want to redact individuals, Social Security Numbers or other legitimately private information – absolutely. But you cannot hide everything from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have to share the answer to this very basic question: Who’s the money behind this house that we’re standing in front of? And all of the other homes, millions of them around the country that are being bought up by shell companies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even if you can afford to buy a home in the Bay Area, you might get outbid by an anonymous shell company paying cash. Over the years, more American homes have been bought up by these companies, with fewer and fewer homes being owned by individuals and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And on top of that, we don’t even know who owns all of these properties. But the U.S. Treasury Department does – and the folks at Reveal are suing for that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest: \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/aaron_glantz\">Aaron Glantz\u003c/a>, senior reporter at Reveal and author of the book “\u003ca href=\"https://www.harpercollins.com/9780062869531/?utm_source=Aaron+Glantz&utm_medium=athrtwttr&utm_campaign=Homewreckers\">Homewreckers\u003c/a>.” Check out more on Reveal’s ongoing lawsuit \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/article/unmasking-the-secret-landlords-buying-up-america/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>We’re doing meetups in all nine Bay Area counties this year! Our first one is in Vallejo. Come hang out with us at \u003ca href=\"http://www.mareislandbrewingco.com/?method=pages.showPage&PageID=BEE238F0-B538-D552-CD1F-DE2D5F545544&originalMarketingURL=VisitUs\">Mare Island Brewing tap room\u003c/a> near the ferry building on Friday, Feb. 7 between 5-7 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KQED’s Devin Katayama: First off, tell me why we’re standing in front of this house on Delano Avenue [in San Francisco’s Balboa Park neighborhood].\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Glantz:\u003c/strong> We’re standing in front of this house at 66 Delano Avenue because it’s one of many, many homes all across the country that have been bought up by shell companies where we don’t really know who the owner is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look around and you wonder, why can’t I buy this house? Why can’t I buy any house? A lot of the time it’s because it’s been bought by a shell company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A distant landlord owning a building like this instead of somebody who lives in it means that the building can sit empty, boarded up with a fence around it and get no attention for a long time, because Mr. LLC doesn’t walk up and down this block and see this burnt out building every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is this pretty common? For houses owned by shell companies to just be sitting empty?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, I mean, this is one of the things that we don’t have a good understanding of. There are a lot of theories about who is buying up our real estate. Are we talking about Silicon Valley techies? Are we talking about international money from China and Russia? You know, are we talking about Airbnb? Are we talking about people just parking their money? We don’t really know. There’s a lot of unanswered questions. And that’s why Reveal has gone to court, suing the Treasury Department to get answers to some of those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the benefit of creating a shell company to own all these homes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the statute creating shell companies was created many years ago, and was actually created to help an oil company in the Rockies that had oil rigs in Central America. And it wanted to limit its liability in the case that something happened on those oil facilities in Panama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, LLC stands for limited liability company. They wanted to distance their liability for whatever happened in Panama to the company back in the Rockies. Over the years, however, this has been used by real estate moguls to amass property and hide the true source of their money from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have speculators like Wedgewood, right? You have bigger real estate investment trusts like the ones I spotlight in “Homewreckers,” run by Tom Barrack and Steve Schwarzman and these big private equity funds. You have international investors parking their money. You have mom and pop landlords that would just prefer to operate behind a limited liability corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we don’t know is the proportion of all of these against each other, and who the most significant actors are. This basic transparency exists in countries all over the world. In Russia, in Ukraine, in Argentina, in Israel, you can go online and see who the money is behind anything, any beneficial owner of real estate. In America, we can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How can we make smart policy about issues of homeownership and wealth in America, about housing and homelessness in America, if we don’t even know who’s buying up the buildings?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Treasury Department has been asking for information about these beneficial owners. Then, when we – Reveal – asked for that same information from the Treasury Department using the Freedom of Information Act, they said no, they won’t give it to us. So that’s why we sued them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what we’re saying to the Treasury Department is look, if you want to redact individuals, Social Security Numbers or other legitimately private information – absolutely. But you cannot hide everything from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have to share the answer to this very basic question: Who’s the money behind this house that we’re standing in front of? And all of the other homes, millions of them around the country that are being bought up by shell companies?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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