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"content": "\u003cp>Amid a looming $22.5 billion deficit, California housing advocates expressed relief that Gov. Gavin Newsom is largely keeping funding for housing and homelessness programs intact in his \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2023-24/#/Home\">2023–24 budget plan\u003c/a>. But, they said, it’s insufficient to meaningfully reduce homelessness across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were relieved to see that the programs that are serving Californians who are struggling, the very people who are experiencing homelessness, were protected,” said Chione Flegal, executive director of the statewide advocacy organization Housing California, adding, “The resources we’re investing still don’t come close to meeting the scale of the need that Californians are experiencing.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Schwartz, CEO, California Housing Partnership\"]‘Until we have the state investing at a much bigger scale and a longer-term horizon, we’re not really going to be able to make substantial progress.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan keeps in place $3.4 billion to address homelessness committed in prior budgets, including $400 million for a third round of grants to cities to clear homeless encampments and $1 billion to fund a fifth round of grants for local governments through the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention (HHAP) Grant Program. That’s a flexible pool of funding cities and counties can use to fund everything from shelter operations to new housing for people exiting homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the deficit, the draft budget also calls for more than $9 billion in cuts overall, including $350 million to housing programs supporting homeownership and construction of in-law units.[aside postID=\"news_11937658,news_11936184,news_11937161\" label=\"Related Posts\"]At a news conference Tuesday, Newsom touted the combined $15.3 billion committed to homelessness programs in last year’s budget and this proposal. But he expressed frustration that unprecedented levels of funding for housing and homelessness in recent years weren’t yielding better results. When he took office, he said the state invested a mere $500 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this new funding, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">homelessness across California increased more than 23% between 2007 and 2022 (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, including rising more than 6% between 2020 and 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More accountability, more transparency,” Newsom said. “There’s never been more resources ever to support these efforts. We want to see things materialize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the proposal, Newsom said new homelessness-related grants would only be doled out to local governments that comply with state housing law. The administration also wants to push for new legislation that would force local leaders applying for the money to provide greater detail about how they plan to spend it, with priority given to things like clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People just have had it. They want to see these encampments cleaned up, they’re fed up,” Newsom said. “People want to see results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But increased efforts to close encampments will likely be met with resistance. A group of unhoused San Francisco residents sued the city over its sweeps last year, arguing that forced displacements and destruction of property violate their constitutional rights. A judge granted a preliminary injunction barring further sweeps as the case moves forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to meaningfully reduce homelessness, Matt Schwartz, CEO of the California Housing Partnership, wants to see a dedicated funding source in the vein of the \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/press-release-asm-wick-sintroduces-housing-opportunities-for-everyone-hope-act/\">HOPE Act\u003c/a> (ACA 14) Assemblymember Buffy Wicks introduced last year, which proposed to dedicate 5% of the state’s general fund each year over the next decade to the state’s affordable housing and homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we have the state investing at a much bigger scale and a longer-term horizon, we’re not really going to be able to make substantial progress,” Schwartz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the state’s housing shortage — particularly for people with low incomes — the California Housing Partnership estimates California needs to invest \u003ca href=\"https://roadmaphome2030.org/\">$18 billion each year over the next 10 years\u003c/a> to add 1.2 million affordable homes, or roughly 119,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget maintains current affordable housing production levels, or about 20,000 new affordable homes per year. Abram Diaz, policy director for the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said that’s an improvement over the past but a long way from enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should buy us another year of production,” Diaz said. “We had hoped we could go above and beyond that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said he’ll be working to secure more money for the cause as lawmakers hash out the budget over the coming months, before the start of the next fiscal year, on July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if we can’t, and we face another recession and another budget gap in the next fiscal year, then we really might start feeling more of a crunch,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging that a comprehensive funding solution is a ways off, some advocates are beginning to coalesce around a stopgap solution: a statewide affordable housing bond of at least $10 billion on the 2024 ballot. Voters last approved a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=1&year=2018\">$4 billion state bond (Proposition 1)\u003c/a> for affordable housing in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, an effort is underway to put forward a constitutional amendment for the 2024 ballot that would reduce the voter threshold for local housing bonds from two-thirds to a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and lawmakers are also looking for new legislative solutions to remove obstacles to building affordable housing and make what money there is stretch further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a big part of the solution,” Diaz said, “and something a lot of stakeholders look at very heavily in tough budget years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Amid a relentless series of powerful and destructive storms that continue to simultaneously drench and wind-blast the Bay Area and much of the rest of California, scores of residents are now beginning the complicated process of filing insurance claims and assessing damage to their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many home insurance plans cover rain and wind damage, damages from floods are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> covered under homeowners and renters policies. And unlike areas along coastlines and rivers where flood insurance is a requirement, homeowners who live farther inland where flooding is less common — but who have been hit hard this week — are unlikely to have similar coverage. Only a specific flood insurance policy will cover home flood-related losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most flood insurance is administered through the federal government and policies can be purchased from a private insurer under contract with the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Coverage plans for the structure and content of homes are sold separately with maximum amounts capped at $250,000 (structure) and $100,000 (content).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember, flood insurance requires a waiting period of 30 days before a policy takes effect (to prevent people from buying it at the last minute, as the storm clouds are rolling in).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.floodsmart.gov/\">Click here for more information from FEMA about flood insurance and additional tips on how to prepare for and recover from a flood.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Brian Watt on Monday spoke to Janet Ruiz, director of strategic communication for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iii.org/\">Insurance Information Institute\u003c/a>, an industry group, about how residents can manage risks and get the appropriate type of insurance to best protect their property and recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Watt: So in a general sense, how do you mitigate risk for storms like the ones we’ve been seeing in the Bay Area and across California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janet Ruiz:\u003c/strong> We really encouraged people to use the sandbags. Take advantage of those. Most cities and counties are offering them. Clear your gutters, do all of the things that you can around your house, like look for things that would blow around and could cause damage to your home or your car. Move things to higher ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And for people who are renting homes, what do you advise? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re renting and you have renters insurance or flood-renters insurance, then that would cover your belongings. It’s always important to remember that your landlord is not responsible for your belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If my neighbor’s tree falls on my car or home, how does insurance handle this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the neighbor’s insurance coverage would respond and pay for the damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens, for example, from an insurance perspective if your car gets flooded? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your car gets flooded and you have comprehensive coverage on your car insurance, then that will be taken care of by your insurance company as soon as you put a claim in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s talk about small businesses. They really get hurt by these storms. What can insurance cover? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So small-business owners have a variety of insurance coverages that they can pick and choose from. And we always recommend that they get business-interruption insurance because that can really help them if they have to close down due to any type of catastrophe that’s covered under their policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How about the San Franciscans we’ve been hearing about whose sewers are backed up. Who is liable there? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have homeowners insurance, you can get extra coverage called backup of sewer and drain. It’s very important coverage to have because it can happen to anybody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We both live in California. We have earthquakes, fires, flooding, mudslides. We kind of see it all here. Is it worth the risk of living here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, I think those of us who live in California will answer yes. There’s so many wonderful aspects to living in California, and it’s hard to find anywhere in the U.S. where there’s no risk. So the important thing is to manage the risks that you have in your particular area. We have very good building codes in California for floods, earthquakes and wildfires. So we are a good state to live in. We have so much to offer, and it’s a beautiful state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid a relentless series of powerful and destructive storms that continue to simultaneously drench and wind-blast the Bay Area and much of the rest of California, scores of residents are now beginning the complicated process of filing insurance claims and assessing damage to their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many home insurance plans cover rain and wind damage, damages from floods are \u003cem>not\u003c/em> covered under homeowners and renters policies. And unlike areas along coastlines and rivers where flood insurance is a requirement, homeowners who live farther inland where flooding is less common — but who have been hit hard this week — are unlikely to have similar coverage. Only a specific flood insurance policy will cover home flood-related losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most flood insurance is administered through the federal government and policies can be purchased from a private insurer under contract with the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Coverage plans for the structure and content of homes are sold separately with maximum amounts capped at $250,000 (structure) and $100,000 (content).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And remember, flood insurance requires a waiting period of 30 days before a policy takes effect (to prevent people from buying it at the last minute, as the storm clouds are rolling in).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.floodsmart.gov/\">Click here for more information from FEMA about flood insurance and additional tips on how to prepare for and recover from a flood.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Brian Watt on Monday spoke to Janet Ruiz, director of strategic communication for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.iii.org/\">Insurance Information Institute\u003c/a>, an industry group, about how residents can manage risks and get the appropriate type of insurance to best protect their property and recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Watt: So in a general sense, how do you mitigate risk for storms like the ones we’ve been seeing in the Bay Area and across California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janet Ruiz:\u003c/strong> We really encouraged people to use the sandbags. Take advantage of those. Most cities and counties are offering them. Clear your gutters, do all of the things that you can around your house, like look for things that would blow around and could cause damage to your home or your car. Move things to higher ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And for people who are renting homes, what do you advise? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re renting and you have renters insurance or flood-renters insurance, then that would cover your belongings. It’s always important to remember that your landlord is not responsible for your belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If my neighbor’s tree falls on my car or home, how does insurance handle this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the neighbor’s insurance coverage would respond and pay for the damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What happens, for example, from an insurance perspective if your car gets flooded? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your car gets flooded and you have comprehensive coverage on your car insurance, then that will be taken care of by your insurance company as soon as you put a claim in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s talk about small businesses. They really get hurt by these storms. What can insurance cover? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So small-business owners have a variety of insurance coverages that they can pick and choose from. And we always recommend that they get business-interruption insurance because that can really help them if they have to close down due to any type of catastrophe that’s covered under their policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How about the San Franciscans we’ve been hearing about whose sewers are backed up. Who is liable there? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you have homeowners insurance, you can get extra coverage called backup of sewer and drain. It’s very important coverage to have because it can happen to anybody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We both live in California. We have earthquakes, fires, flooding, mudslides. We kind of see it all here. Is it worth the risk of living here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, I think those of us who live in California will answer yes. There’s so many wonderful aspects to living in California, and it’s hard to find anywhere in the U.S. where there’s no risk. So the important thing is to manage the risks that you have in your particular area. We have very good building codes in California for floods, earthquakes and wildfires. So we are a good state to live in. We have so much to offer, and it’s a beautiful state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration announced Monday that it is ramping up efforts to help house people now sleeping on sidewalks and in tents and cars as a new federal report confirms what’s obvious to people in many cities: Homelessness is persisting despite increased local efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said that in federally required tallies taken across the country earlier this year, about 582,000 people were counted as unhoused — a number that misses some people and does not include those staying with friends or family because they do not have a place of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The figure was nearly the same as it was in a survey conducted in early 2020, just before the coronavirus pandemic hit the nation hard. It was up by about 2,000 people — an increase of less than 1%.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11929283,news_11914346,news_11927968\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration aims to lower that by 25% by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My plan offers a roadmap for not only getting people into housing but also ensuring that they have access to the support, services, and income that allow them to thrive,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/19/fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-announces-plan-to-prevent-and-end-homelessness/\">2022 All In strategy\u003c/a> made public Monday follows a 2010 effort called Opening Doors, which was the nation’s first comprehensive strategy seeking to prevent and end homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness and a former HUD executive who worked on the first road map, said the federal government can influence local action with financial incentives, streamlined processes and strong policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, for example, has plummeted as a result of federal leadership, and the country also has made inroads among youth, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do here is to show, as a federal government, we are going to work across agencies, we’re going to break down silos, we’re going to lead with equity, we are going to talk about upstream prevention and work on those issues,” Oliva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal plan highlights racial and other disparities that have led to inequity in homelessness. It seeks to expand the supply of affordable housing and improve on ways to prevent people from experiencing homelessness in the first place. Potential steps include a campaign to encourage more landlords to accept government housing vouchers and encourage local governments to build more apartment complexes that are affordable for working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also announced a program to have federal agencies work with local officials to reduce unsheltered homelessness in select cities that have not yet been named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, where already strikingly high rates of homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914346/more-people-became-unhoused-across-the-bay-area-over-last-3-years-except-in-sf\">increased in every county except San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2019, the initial response to the announcement from advocates who work with unhoused people was cautiously optimistic. Still, some noted the lack of detail about what types of federal funds would be distributed to local jurisdictions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t talk about policy goals without revenue goals,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area advocacy group All Home. “And I think that this was not explicit about where the money’s going to come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates pointed to the impact of Project Roomkey, a 2020 initiative to temporarily lease thousands of California hotel rooms as emergency shelters, which was shown to be effective at getting people into permanent housing — but shuttered earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">when federal funding dried up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that this is signaling not only commitment,” said Moss of Biden’s new plan, “but [an understanding] that in order to espouse the comprehensive strategy, you have to pay for it … One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources, more abundant resources, that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO, All Home\"]‘One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources … that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.’[/pullquote]Homelessness has become a major political issue, especially in the nation’s biggest cities and on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new survey finds that Los Angeles has overtaken New York as the city with the largest unhoused population. In New York, where most people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, the total number declined to less than 62,000 this year from nearly 78,000 in 2020. Homelessness grew more slowly in Los Angeles, but still edged up to more than 65,000 from under 64,000 two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass took office this month and promptly declared a state of emergency. New York Mayor Eric Adams last month announced a plan to treat mentally ill people and remove them from the streets and subways, even against their will. And in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom in September signed the controversial Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which allows courts to order treatment plans of up to two years for unhoused people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s point-in-time survey reflected a balancing of opposing forces. The pandemic brought massive job losses, particularly for lower-income people, and higher rents. It also spurred an eviction moratorium and temporary federal aid, including tax credits for families that helped keep people housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The count found that homelessness declined among veterans, families, children and young adults. Most were staying in shelters, though the number of those sleeping in places not intended for habitation rose. More people had been unhoused for more than a year. Black people continued to be disproportionately likely to experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count was heavily anticipated because the 2021 survey was incomplete due to the pandemic. This year’s survey wasn’t a full return to normal, however. While the individual tallies normally take place in late January, many were pushed back to February or March because of the pandemic. The local reports compiled into the national data showed that the numbers rose in some places and fell in others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration aims to lower that by 25% by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My plan offers a roadmap for not only getting people into housing but also ensuring that they have access to the support, services, and income that allow them to thrive,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/19/fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-announces-plan-to-prevent-and-end-homelessness/\">2022 All In strategy\u003c/a> made public Monday follows a 2010 effort called Opening Doors, which was the nation’s first comprehensive strategy seeking to prevent and end homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness and a former HUD executive who worked on the first road map, said the federal government can influence local action with financial incentives, streamlined processes and strong policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, for example, has plummeted as a result of federal leadership, and the country also has made inroads among youth, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do here is to show, as a federal government, we are going to work across agencies, we’re going to break down silos, we’re going to lead with equity, we are going to talk about upstream prevention and work on those issues,” Oliva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal plan highlights racial and other disparities that have led to inequity in homelessness. It seeks to expand the supply of affordable housing and improve on ways to prevent people from experiencing homelessness in the first place. Potential steps include a campaign to encourage more landlords to accept government housing vouchers and encourage local governments to build more apartment complexes that are affordable for working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration also announced a program to have federal agencies work with local officials to reduce unsheltered homelessness in select cities that have not yet been named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, where already strikingly high rates of homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11914346/more-people-became-unhoused-across-the-bay-area-over-last-3-years-except-in-sf\">increased in every county except San Francisco\u003c/a> since 2019, the initial response to the announcement from advocates who work with unhoused people was cautiously optimistic. Still, some noted the lack of detail about what types of federal funds would be distributed to local jurisdictions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t talk about policy goals without revenue goals,” said Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area advocacy group All Home. “And I think that this was not explicit about where the money’s going to come from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates pointed to the impact of Project Roomkey, a 2020 initiative to temporarily lease thousands of California hotel rooms as emergency shelters, which was shown to be effective at getting people into permanent housing — but shuttered earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">when federal funding dried up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that this is signaling not only commitment,” said Moss of Biden’s new plan, “but [an understanding] that in order to espouse the comprehensive strategy, you have to pay for it … One of the things that I think is going to be important for the feds to commit to is flexible resources, more abundant resources, that really allow this kind of audacious goal to be met. You can’t just have policy direction and not invest in the solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness has become a major political issue, especially in the nation’s biggest cities and on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new survey finds that Los Angeles has overtaken New York as the city with the largest unhoused population. In New York, where most people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, the total number declined to less than 62,000 this year from nearly 78,000 in 2020. Homelessness grew more slowly in Los Angeles, but still edged up to more than 65,000 from under 64,000 two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass took office this month and promptly declared a state of emergency. New York Mayor Eric Adams last month announced a plan to treat mentally ill people and remove them from the streets and subways, even against their will. And in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom in September signed the controversial Community Assistance, Recovery and Empowerment Act, which allows courts to order treatment plans of up to two years for unhoused people with severe mental health disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s point-in-time survey reflected a balancing of opposing forces. The pandemic brought massive job losses, particularly for lower-income people, and higher rents. It also spurred an eviction moratorium and temporary federal aid, including tax credits for families that helped keep people housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The count found that homelessness declined among veterans, families, children and young adults. Most were staying in shelters, though the number of those sleeping in places not intended for habitation rose. More people had been unhoused for more than a year. Black people continued to be disproportionately likely to experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count was heavily anticipated because the 2021 survey was incomplete due to the pandemic. This year’s survey wasn’t a full return to normal, however. While the individual tallies normally take place in late January, many were pushed back to February or March because of the pandemic. The local reports compiled into the national data showed that the numbers rose in some places and fell in others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Starting this week, California renters can use a new online tool to check their eligibility for state and local rent protections based on their ZIP code. The idea is to make it easy to figure out how much your landlord can legally raise your rent each year, since rent caps vary from city to city. No need to read through your local rent control ordinance — now renters can just follow a simple set of prompts at \u003ca href=\"https://tenantprotections.org/\">tenantprotections.org\u003c/a> and get an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As our state has blossomed with lots of local rent stabilization ordinances, this really provides a one-stop shop where tenants can go to find out what their rent increases can be,” says Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, or ACCE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Ana, Pomona, Bell Gardens, Pasadena, Richmond, Santa Monica and other cities around the state enacted or strengthened rent control policies this year.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11932419,news_11930792\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calculator is a collaboration between ACCE and TechEquity Collaborative, and has been in the works since 2020. It allows renters to calculate their maximum allowable rent increase under the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/a> and their local rules. It also provides resources for legal aid and tenant advocacy. “Accurate information obviously is the most crucial first step towards enforcement of tenant protections,” Simon-Weisberg says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Antioch, where city leaders recently put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.antiochca.gov/rent-program/\">a rent control measure that caps rent increases at 3%\u003c/a>, ACCE community organizer Devin Williams says most tenants he works with aren’t aware of the new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of folks are not informed and the city has not done a good job at that at all,” he says, noting that the ordinance went into effect in November but applies to rent increases on or after August 23. “It’s December and I’ve gotten phone calls from folks and have gotten notices saying that they have to renew their lease by the end of the month or the rent is going to go up 19.6%. People just don’t know what’s right, what’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s hoping the online calculator makes it easier for residents to take advantage of the city’s new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to start door-knocking and passing out literature, but we can only reach so many doors,” he says, adding that he’d like to see the city step up to educate people. But that appears unlikely for now.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director, ACCE\"]‘As our state has blossomed with lots of local rent stabilization ordinances, this really provides a one-stop shop where tenants can go to find out what their rent increases can be.’[/pullquote]“We’ve been very transparent about [the fact] that even if we passed these protections, the infrastructure didn’t necessarily exist to implement any of it,” says Antioch Mayor Lamar Thorpe, who put forward the rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Thorpe says, the city is contracting outside legal help to address claims made under the ordinance. To boost public awareness, he says the city may enclose information about the rent cap in renters’ water bills and launch a social media campaign. Still, he acknowledges, “a lot of this will be on the renter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more cities around California put rent stabilization measures in place, advocates want to empower tenants with the information they need to stand up for their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made a lot of significant progress in passing new laws over the last five years that help address the housing crisis, but we haven’t done as good of a job on the implementation side,” says Catherine Bracy, founder and CEO of TechEquity Collaborative. “This tool is an effort to make sure that the policies we pass are easily accessible in people’s lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Starting this week, California renters can use a new online tool to check their eligibility for state and local rent protections based on their ZIP code. The idea is to make it easy to figure out how much your landlord can legally raise your rent each year, since rent caps vary from city to city. No need to read through your local rent control ordinance — now renters can just follow a simple set of prompts at \u003ca href=\"https://tenantprotections.org/\">tenantprotections.org\u003c/a> and get an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As our state has blossomed with lots of local rent stabilization ordinances, this really provides a one-stop shop where tenants can go to find out what their rent increases can be,” says Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, or ACCE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Ana, Pomona, Bell Gardens, Pasadena, Richmond, Santa Monica and other cities around the state enacted or strengthened rent control policies this year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calculator is a collaboration between ACCE and TechEquity Collaborative, and has been in the works since 2020. It allows renters to calculate their maximum allowable rent increase under the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act of 2019\u003c/a> and their local rules. It also provides resources for legal aid and tenant advocacy. “Accurate information obviously is the most crucial first step towards enforcement of tenant protections,” Simon-Weisberg says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Antioch, where city leaders recently put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.antiochca.gov/rent-program/\">a rent control measure that caps rent increases at 3%\u003c/a>, ACCE community organizer Devin Williams says most tenants he works with aren’t aware of the new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of folks are not informed and the city has not done a good job at that at all,” he says, noting that the ordinance went into effect in November but applies to rent increases on or after August 23. “It’s December and I’ve gotten phone calls from folks and have gotten notices saying that they have to renew their lease by the end of the month or the rent is going to go up 19.6%. People just don’t know what’s right, what’s wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s hoping the online calculator makes it easier for residents to take advantage of the city’s new protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to start door-knocking and passing out literature, but we can only reach so many doors,” he says, adding that he’d like to see the city step up to educate people. But that appears unlikely for now.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’ve been very transparent about [the fact] that even if we passed these protections, the infrastructure didn’t necessarily exist to implement any of it,” says Antioch Mayor Lamar Thorpe, who put forward the rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Thorpe says, the city is contracting outside legal help to address claims made under the ordinance. To boost public awareness, he says the city may enclose information about the rent cap in renters’ water bills and launch a social media campaign. Still, he acknowledges, “a lot of this will be on the renter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more and more cities around California put rent stabilization measures in place, advocates want to empower tenants with the information they need to stand up for their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made a lot of significant progress in passing new laws over the last five years that help address the housing crisis, but we haven’t done as good of a job on the implementation side,” says Catherine Bracy, founder and CEO of TechEquity Collaborative. “This tool is an effort to make sure that the policies we pass are easily accessible in people’s lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "heres-every-bay-area-housing-measure-on-the-ballot-tomorrow",
"title": "Here's How Every Bay Area Housing Ballot Measure Fared This Election",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cb>Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to reflect current vote tallies. Click this link to jump to our table of all housing measures and results.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting returns showed strong support for a bevy of housing measures on Bay Area ballots this year — results that could bode well for potential statewide housing measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 52 local ballot initiatives across California related to housing, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/housing-on-the-ballot-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">21 were in the Bay Area, \u003c/a>according to UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a top priority for voters in communities across the state,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “Local communities are saying, ‘We need these solutions.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters were asked to weigh in on a wide range of issues, including measures to tax vacant housing units, strengthen protections for renters, authorize and fund affordable housing, and change how new housing projects get approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area affordable housing policy nonprofit All Home, said the measures were aimed at incremental changes, in part because of progress made over the past half decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, three Bay Area counties — \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/housing-community-development/2016-measure-affordable-housing-bond#:~:text=In%20November%202016%2C%20Santa%20Clara,%24950%20million%20affordable%20housing%20bond.\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/2016-affordable-housing-general-obligation-bond#:~:text=In%20November%20of%202016%2C%20the,protect%20residents%2C%20and%20stabilize%20communities.\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alameda_County,_California,_Affordable_Housing_Bond_Issue,_Measure_A1_(November_2016)#:~:text=An%20affordable%20housing%20bond%20issue,bonds%20for%20affordable%20local%20housing.\">Alameda\u003c/a> — passed affordable housing bonds. Rounds of state and local ballot measures followed in 2018 and 2020. And state lawmakers approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ca.gov/archive/gov39/2017/09/29/news19979/index.html\">historic package of housing legislation\u003c/a> in 2017, with more laws enacted every year since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]“We’re not starting from scratch,” Moss said. “There have been some really important policy changes that have happened, and now we need to be looking at implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2022.pdf\">California has more than doubled the amount of affordable housing it funds (PDF)\u003c/a> — from just under 7,200 units in 2019 to around 24,600 in 2020, and 19,000 in 2021 — according to the California Housing Partnership. But, the partnership said the state is still woefully short of the nearly 120,000 annual affordable units it estimates the state would need to build to meet residents’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-homeless-population-covid/\">homelessness continues to grow\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-housing-affordability-slides-to-lowest-level-in-nearly-15-years-in-second-quarter-2022-as-home-prices-set-record-highs-and-interest-rates-surge-car-reports-301604141.html\">housing affordability worsens\u003c/a>, residents in disparate communities used this year’s local ballots to put forward additional solutions, said Sarah Karlinsky, senior adviser with SPUR, an urban planning nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety,” she said. On one hand, homeowners are concerned about changes in their neighborhoods; on the other, tenants “are at the whims of the rental market and are experiencing a lot of destabilization,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the housing measures Bay Area voters considered:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vacancy taxes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Berkeley supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930303/should-sf-and-berkeley-tax-empty-homes-following-oaklands-lead\">measures to tax property owners who keep their units empty\u003c/a> for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, more than 54% of voters approved the measure, compared to 63% in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two measures are slightly different, but they spoke to the same frustration: Why should homes and apartments sit vacant as homelessness continues to grow and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-cost-of-living-2/\">rents continue to soar\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison, who introduced the measure in her city, said she wasn’t surprised, because the measure is aimed at incentivizing landlords to free up more housing and address blighted properties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People in Berkeley are tired of seeing vacant properties while they see their own children not being able to afford to live here. And they see people lying on the street homeless,” Harrison said. “And, they understand that high housing prices are creating real deprivation for tenants.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same message resonated with voters in Oakland in 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_W,_Vacant_Property_Tax_(November_2018)\">70% of voters approved a vacancy tax\u003c/a>. That wasn’t the case, however, with a third measure on this year’s ballot in the Bay Area adjacent city of Santa Cruz, where more than 56% percent of voters \u003ca href=\"https://sccounty01.co.santa-cruz.ca.us/ElectionSites/ElectionResults/Results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejected a measure\u003c/a> to tax empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, policy director for UC Berkeley’s Terner Center, said that might be due to the nature of Santa Cruz as a vacation destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may have a lot of people who have second homes or are Airbnb hosts and things like that, who view this as maybe restricting what they could do with their property,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, he said the results for this year’s empty home taxes could encourage other cities across the state to try for similar measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll be interesting to see how the passage or failure of these vacancy measures will impact housing situations in these three cities and the likelihood that we may see other similar measures in other cities in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenant protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in Oakland and Richmond gave tenants a boost with support for measures that strengthen renter protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, voters appeared to approve a measure that further \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930792/richmond-considers-stronger-rent-caps-as-inflation-soars\">limits how much landlords can raise rents each year\u003c/a>. The measure passed with nearly 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aime Ajche, a renter in Richmond, said she was grateful the measure passed, even if it came too late to forestall the rent increase she received in August. The single mom of a 2-year-old son has already given her landlord notice she would be moving out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the rent hadn’t gotten so bad, I would have thought to stay here longer,” she said, adding that she’ll be moving into a studio apartment with her son. “[It’s a] few hundred dollars less and something that I know I can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, voters were asked whether to approve stricter rules dictating when landlords can evict tenants. The measure passed with nearly 67% of the vote in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isaiah Toney, deputy director of campaigns for the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, said the results show voters recognize cities need more tools to keep renters stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a ‘fix everything’ kind of measure,” he said. “Our hope is that there will be fewer evictions and that folks are able to stay put and anchor themselves in their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918382/starting-friday-thousands-of-california-tenants-still-waiting-on-rent-relief-can-be-evicted#:~:text=California's%20statewide%20moratorium%20on%20evictions,30%2C%202021.\">statewide and federal eviction protections have lapsed\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/10/20/bay-area-sees-eviction-tsunami-as-pandemic-renter-protections-end/\">evictions in the Bay Area are increasing\u003c/a>. Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for advocacy organization the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said there’s still a lot more work to be done statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"1668019272.607699\" class=\"c-virtual_list__item c-virtual_list__item--initial-activeitem\" role=\"listitem\" data-qa=\"virtual-list-item\" data-item-key=\"1668019272.607699\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__background p-message_pane_message__message c-message_kit__message\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_container\" data-qa-unprocessed=\"false\" data-qa-placeholder=\"false\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__hover\" role=\"document\" data-qa-hover=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__actions c-message_kit__actions--default\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter__right\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_content\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__blocks c-message_kit__blocks--rich_text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message__message_blocks c-message__message_blocks--rich_text\" data-qa=\"message-text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer\" data-qa=\"block-kit-renderer\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper--first\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_block\" dir=\"auto\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_section\">“We have cities that have no protections, like Fresno,” she said. “We’ve got unincorporated areas that house the most vulnerable parts of our community that have no protections.”\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003ch2>Producing more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters returned mixed results for how they think their cities should approve new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, a ballot measure to require a citywide vote for any changes to what can built in single-family neighborhoods failed by a more than 22-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pam Jones, a Menlo Park homeowner opposed to the measure, said it would have only exacerbated racial inequities in the city by \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">redirecting any new development into areas that already allow denser housing\u003c/a>, which tend to be communities of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m more relieved than excited,” she said, “relieved because this is the Menlo Park that I know we really are.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Brentwood, a ballot measure requiring residents to vote on changes to what can be built at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/08/editorial-smart-brentwood-open-space-ballot-measure-deserves-support/\">parks and on golf courses \u003c/a>did pass. Voters approved of the measure with more than 64% in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures were reactions to proposed housing projects. In Menlo Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929505/from-menlo-park-to-laguna-beach-residents-turn-to-ballot-box-to-fight-new-california-housing-mandates\">residents put Measure V on the ballot\u003c/a> after failing to reach consensus on the scale of a 90-unit affordable apartment complex that would give priority to teachers and staff of a neighboring school district. \u003ca href=\"http://brentwoodca.iqm2.com/Citizens/FileOpen.aspx?Type=1&ID=2785&Inline=True\">In Brentwood, Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> came after a developer introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/07/13/developer-pauses-project-to-combine-brentwood-golf-courses-build-senior-housing/\">a plan to convert a golf course into housing for seniors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">state requires cities to build more housing\u003c/a>, these types of reactionary ballot measures to limit growth may become increasingly common, Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’ll see more in the future,” he said, “as it really kind of sinks in to some communities that there is a significant change in the way projects are zoned and approved because of changes in state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters considered two competing ballot measures — D and E — that both sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Which-of-two-dueling-S-F-housing-measures-on-the-17536618.php\">streamline approvals\u003c/a> of certain types of affordable housing construction. San Francisco is the slowest city in California when it comes to issuing permits for new housing — a fact that’s prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/08/09/newsoms-office-targets-san-francisco-in-first-ever-housing-policy-investigation/\">launch an investigation\u003c/a> into the city’s approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, supported by SPUR and Mayor London Breed, appeared headed toward defeat with 51% of votes opposed. Proposition E, which was supported by a coalition of county supervisors, also failed, with 54% opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman said the similarities between the two measures likely confused voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we confuse voters, when there isn’t a community consensus about what to put on the ballot, and then you have two competing measures, voters don’t like that,” she said. “In some ways they’re saying, ‘Go back and do your job, legislators, and come up with some consensus solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Approving affordable housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three Bay Area cities — \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Oakland (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a> — all got the green light from voters to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were necessary because of a rule added to the state constitution in 1950, called Article 34. Rooted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931068/in-pushing-affordable-housing-measures-local-leaders-ask-voters-to-contend-with-racist-housing-law\">racist fears\u003c/a>, it requires residents to vote to approve the development of any “low-rent” housing in their communities, an obstacle that has hindered lower-income housing construction for decades, said \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife\u003c/span>. She introduced the measure in Oakland this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Oaklanders want to see more affordable housing developed and more low-rent units developed,” she said, “and want to get rid of this lingering piece of legislation that is blocking affordable housing from being developed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2024, California voters will have that chance: State lawmakers approved a bill to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot that would repeal Article 34. Fife said the votes this election may be a bellwether for that future ballot measure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Hopefully, it’s a signal to the rest of California for when this is on the ballot in 2024,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding affordable housing and homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Eight cities in the Bay Area asked residents to dip into their pockets to pay for a range of city services, including affordable housing and programs to address homelessness — the results of which could indicate support for more potential ballot measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman’s organization, along with Moss’ All Home, hope to secure a statewide initiative that would lower the constitutional threshold to approve funding for housing from a two-thirds supermajority to a simple majority. That proposed amendment would likely be tied to some significant regional bond measures across the state, Moss said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/10/24/election-2022-housing-oakland-ballot-measures-evictions-bond/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/10/02/berkeley-election-2022-measure-l-infrastructure-streets-paving-affordable-housing\">Berkeley\u003c/a> this election, there were two general obligation bonds on the ballot — but only Oakland’s measure passed, with nearly 74% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, voters supported the measure 57.5% to 42.5%, but it needed at least 66% of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, said Moss, “just amplify the need to really run the state constitutional amendment to lower the voter threshold to a simple majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the significance of this issue,” she added, “we just need to make it much easier for jurisdictions to generate revenue to pay for affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In six cities — Palo Alto, East Palo Alto, Emeryville, Walnut Creek, Vallejo and Healdsburg — the measures all passed. They levy taxes to feed those cities’ general funds, meaning they aren’t earmarked for any specific purpose and only need a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said that, historically, cities have tried to get voter approval by promising to use the tax increases to pay for public safety, fill potholes and improve public facilities.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"David Garcia, UC Berkeley's Terner Center for Housing Innovation\"]‘We’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness. So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.’[/pullquote]“But we’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness,” he said. “So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into the election, Garcia said he thought voters would be fatigued by the constant requests for more additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t really seen that; I guess, except for Berkeley,” he said. “In all the other places, the voters continue to support different ways to raise money for affordable housing. So, that’s good news.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erika Kelly, Adhiti Bandlamudi, Vanessa \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rancaño\u003c/span> and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11703558/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:2000px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "From vacancy taxes to rent control to housing production, voters in cities throughout the Bay Area weighed in on a spate of significant housing-related issues on the ballot. Here's a complete list of the many measures — and a results scorecard to keep track of them all.",
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"title": "Here's How Every Bay Area Housing Ballot Measure Fared This Election | KQED",
"description": "From vacancy taxes to rent control to housing production, voters in cities throughout the Bay Area weighed in on a spate of significant housing-related issues on the ballot. Here's a complete list of the many measures — and a results scorecard to keep track of them all.",
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"headline": "Here's How Every Bay Area Housing Ballot Measure Fared This Election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cb>Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to reflect current vote tallies. Click this link to jump to our table of all housing measures and results.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voting returns showed strong support for a bevy of housing measures on Bay Area ballots this year — results that could bode well for potential statewide housing measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 52 local ballot initiatives across California related to housing, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/housing-on-the-ballot-2022/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">21 were in the Bay Area, \u003c/a>according to UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a top priority for voters in communities across the state,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California. “Local communities are saying, ‘We need these solutions.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters were asked to weigh in on a wide range of issues, including measures to tax vacant housing units, strengthen protections for renters, authorize and fund affordable housing, and change how new housing projects get approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tomiquia Moss, founder and CEO of the Bay Area affordable housing policy nonprofit All Home, said the measures were aimed at incremental changes, in part because of progress made over the past half decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, three Bay Area counties — \u003ca href=\"https://osh.sccgov.org/housing-community-development/2016-measure-affordable-housing-bond#:~:text=In%20November%202016%2C%20Santa%20Clara,%24950%20million%20affordable%20housing%20bond.\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/2016-affordable-housing-general-obligation-bond#:~:text=In%20November%20of%202016%2C%20the,protect%20residents%2C%20and%20stabilize%20communities.\">San Francisco\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alameda_County,_California,_Affordable_Housing_Bond_Issue,_Measure_A1_(November_2016)#:~:text=An%20affordable%20housing%20bond%20issue,bonds%20for%20affordable%20local%20housing.\">Alameda\u003c/a> — passed affordable housing bonds. Rounds of state and local ballot measures followed in 2018 and 2020. And state lawmakers approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ca.gov/archive/gov39/2017/09/29/news19979/index.html\">historic package of housing legislation\u003c/a> in 2017, with more laws enacted every year since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re not starting from scratch,” Moss said. “There have been some really important policy changes that have happened, and now we need to be looking at implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2022.pdf\">California has more than doubled the amount of affordable housing it funds (PDF)\u003c/a> — from just under 7,200 units in 2019 to around 24,600 in 2020, and 19,000 in 2021 — according to the California Housing Partnership. But, the partnership said the state is still woefully short of the nearly 120,000 annual affordable units it estimates the state would need to build to meet residents’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-homeless-population-covid/\">homelessness continues to grow\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-housing-affordability-slides-to-lowest-level-in-nearly-15-years-in-second-quarter-2022-as-home-prices-set-record-highs-and-interest-rates-surge-car-reports-301604141.html\">housing affordability worsens\u003c/a>, residents in disparate communities used this year’s local ballots to put forward additional solutions, said Sarah Karlinsky, senior adviser with SPUR, an urban planning nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of anxiety,” she said. On one hand, homeowners are concerned about changes in their neighborhoods; on the other, tenants “are at the whims of the rental market and are experiencing a lot of destabilization,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the housing measures Bay Area voters considered:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vacancy taxes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco and Berkeley supported \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930303/should-sf-and-berkeley-tax-empty-homes-following-oaklands-lead\">measures to tax property owners who keep their units empty\u003c/a> for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, more than 54% of voters approved the measure, compared to 63% in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rovresults/248/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two measures are slightly different, but they spoke to the same frustration: Why should homes and apartments sit vacant as homelessness continues to grow and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-cost-of-living-2/\">rents continue to soar\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison, who introduced the measure in her city, said she wasn’t surprised, because the measure is aimed at incentivizing landlords to free up more housing and address blighted properties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People in Berkeley are tired of seeing vacant properties while they see their own children not being able to afford to live here. And they see people lying on the street homeless,” Harrison said. “And, they understand that high housing prices are creating real deprivation for tenants.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same message resonated with voters in Oakland in 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_W,_Vacant_Property_Tax_(November_2018)\">70% of voters approved a vacancy tax\u003c/a>. That wasn’t the case, however, with a third measure on this year’s ballot in the Bay Area adjacent city of Santa Cruz, where more than 56% percent of voters \u003ca href=\"https://sccounty01.co.santa-cruz.ca.us/ElectionSites/ElectionResults/Results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rejected a measure\u003c/a> to tax empty homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, policy director for UC Berkeley’s Terner Center, said that might be due to the nature of Santa Cruz as a vacation destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You may have a lot of people who have second homes or are Airbnb hosts and things like that, who view this as maybe restricting what they could do with their property,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, he said the results for this year’s empty home taxes could encourage other cities across the state to try for similar measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll be interesting to see how the passage or failure of these vacancy measures will impact housing situations in these three cities and the likelihood that we may see other similar measures in other cities in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenant protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters in Oakland and Richmond gave tenants a boost with support for measures that strengthen renter protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Richmond, voters appeared to approve a measure that further \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930792/richmond-considers-stronger-rent-caps-as-inflation-soars\">limits how much landlords can raise rents each year\u003c/a>. The measure passed with nearly 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aime Ajche, a renter in Richmond, said she was grateful the measure passed, even if it came too late to forestall the rent increase she received in August. The single mom of a 2-year-old son has already given her landlord notice she would be moving out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the rent hadn’t gotten so bad, I would have thought to stay here longer,” she said, adding that she’ll be moving into a studio apartment with her son. “[It’s a] few hundred dollars less and something that I know I can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, voters were asked whether to approve stricter rules dictating when landlords can evict tenants. The measure passed with nearly 67% of the vote in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isaiah Toney, deputy director of campaigns for the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, said the results show voters recognize cities need more tools to keep renters stably housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely not a ‘fix everything’ kind of measure,” he said. “Our hope is that there will be fewer evictions and that folks are able to stay put and anchor themselves in their neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures come as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918382/starting-friday-thousands-of-california-tenants-still-waiting-on-rent-relief-can-be-evicted#:~:text=California's%20statewide%20moratorium%20on%20evictions,30%2C%202021.\">statewide and federal eviction protections have lapsed\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/10/20/bay-area-sees-eviction-tsunami-as-pandemic-renter-protections-end/\">evictions in the Bay Area are increasing\u003c/a>. Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for advocacy organization the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, said there’s still a lot more work to be done statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"1668019272.607699\" class=\"c-virtual_list__item c-virtual_list__item--initial-activeitem\" role=\"listitem\" data-qa=\"virtual-list-item\" data-item-key=\"1668019272.607699\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__background p-message_pane_message__message c-message_kit__message\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_container\" data-qa-unprocessed=\"false\" data-qa-placeholder=\"false\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__hover\" role=\"document\" data-qa-hover=\"true\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__actions c-message_kit__actions--default\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__gutter__right\" role=\"presentation\" data-qa=\"message_content\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__blocks c-message_kit__blocks--rich_text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message__message_blocks c-message__message_blocks--rich_text\" data-qa=\"message-text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer\" data-qa=\"block-kit-renderer\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper--first\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_block\" dir=\"auto\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_section\">“We have cities that have no protections, like Fresno,” she said. “We’ve got unincorporated areas that house the most vulnerable parts of our community that have no protections.”\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003ch2>Producing more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters returned mixed results for how they think their cities should approve new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, a ballot measure to require a citywide vote for any changes to what can built in single-family neighborhoods failed by a more than 22-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pam Jones, a Menlo Park homeowner opposed to the measure, said it would have only exacerbated racial inequities in the city by \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">redirecting any new development into areas that already allow denser housing\u003c/a>, which tend to be communities of color. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m more relieved than excited,” she said, “relieved because this is the Menlo Park that I know we really are.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Brentwood, a ballot measure requiring residents to vote on changes to what can be built at \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/08/editorial-smart-brentwood-open-space-ballot-measure-deserves-support/\">parks and on golf courses \u003c/a>did pass. Voters approved of the measure with more than 64% in support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both measures were reactions to proposed housing projects. In Menlo Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929505/from-menlo-park-to-laguna-beach-residents-turn-to-ballot-box-to-fight-new-california-housing-mandates\">residents put Measure V on the ballot\u003c/a> after failing to reach consensus on the scale of a 90-unit affordable apartment complex that would give priority to teachers and staff of a neighboring school district. \u003ca href=\"http://brentwoodca.iqm2.com/Citizens/FileOpen.aspx?Type=1&ID=2785&Inline=True\">In Brentwood, Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> came after a developer introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/07/13/developer-pauses-project-to-combine-brentwood-golf-courses-build-senior-housing/\">a plan to convert a golf course into housing for seniors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">state requires cities to build more housing\u003c/a>, these types of reactionary ballot measures to limit growth may become increasingly common, Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’ll see more in the future,” he said, “as it really kind of sinks in to some communities that there is a significant change in the way projects are zoned and approved because of changes in state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters considered two competing ballot measures — D and E — that both sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Which-of-two-dueling-S-F-housing-measures-on-the-17536618.php\">streamline approvals\u003c/a> of certain types of affordable housing construction. San Francisco is the slowest city in California when it comes to issuing permits for new housing — a fact that’s prompted state officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/08/09/newsoms-office-targets-san-francisco-in-first-ever-housing-policy-investigation/\">launch an investigation\u003c/a> into the city’s approval process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition D, supported by SPUR and Mayor London Breed, appeared headed toward defeat with 51% of votes opposed. Proposition E, which was supported by a coalition of county supervisors, also failed, with 54% opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman said the similarities between the two measures likely confused voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we confuse voters, when there isn’t a community consensus about what to put on the ballot, and then you have two competing measures, voters don’t like that,” she said. “In some ways they’re saying, ‘Go back and do your job, legislators, and come up with some consensus solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Approving affordable housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three Bay Area cities — \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Oakland (PDF)\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco (PDF)\u003c/a> — all got the green light from voters to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures were necessary because of a rule added to the state constitution in 1950, called Article 34. Rooted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931068/in-pushing-affordable-housing-measures-local-leaders-ask-voters-to-contend-with-racist-housing-law\">racist fears\u003c/a>, it requires residents to vote to approve the development of any “low-rent” housing in their communities, an obstacle that has hindered lower-income housing construction for decades, said \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife\u003c/span>. She introduced the measure in Oakland this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Oaklanders want to see more affordable housing developed and more low-rent units developed,” she said, “and want to get rid of this lingering piece of legislation that is blocking affordable housing from being developed.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2024, California voters will have that chance: State lawmakers approved a bill to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot that would repeal Article 34. Fife said the votes this election may be a bellwether for that future ballot measure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Hopefully, it’s a signal to the rest of California for when this is on the ballot in 2024,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Funding affordable housing and homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Eight cities in the Bay Area asked residents to dip into their pockets to pay for a range of city services, including affordable housing and programs to address homelessness — the results of which could indicate support for more potential ballot measures in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fishman’s organization, along with Moss’ All Home, hope to secure a statewide initiative that would lower the constitutional threshold to approve funding for housing from a two-thirds supermajority to a simple majority. That proposed amendment would likely be tied to some significant regional bond measures across the state, Moss said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/10/24/election-2022-housing-oakland-ballot-measures-evictions-bond/\">Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/10/02/berkeley-election-2022-measure-l-infrastructure-streets-paving-affordable-housing\">Berkeley\u003c/a> this election, there were two general obligation bonds on the ballot — but only Oakland’s measure passed, with nearly 74% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, voters supported the measure 57.5% to 42.5%, but it needed at least 66% of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results, said Moss, “just amplify the need to really run the state constitutional amendment to lower the voter threshold to a simple majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the significance of this issue,” she added, “we just need to make it much easier for jurisdictions to generate revenue to pay for affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In six cities — Palo Alto, East Palo Alto, Emeryville, Walnut Creek, Vallejo and Healdsburg — the measures all passed. They levy taxes to feed those cities’ general funds, meaning they aren’t earmarked for any specific purpose and only need a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia said that, historically, cities have tried to get voter approval by promising to use the tax increases to pay for public safety, fill potholes and improve public facilities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness. So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“But we’ve noticed over the last couple election cycles a huge uptick in language specific to affordable housing and homelessness,” he said. “So, that really speaks to how ingrained this issue has become to voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading into the election, Garcia said he thought voters would be fatigued by the constant requests for more additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t really seen that; I guess, except for Berkeley,” he said. “In all the other places, the voters continue to support different ways to raise money for affordable housing. So, that’s good news.”\u003cbr>\n\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Erika Kelly, Adhiti Bandlamudi, Vanessa \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rancaño\u003c/span> and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/11703558/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:2000px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "In Pushing Affordable Housing Measures, Local Leaders Ask Voters to Contend With Racist Housing Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11907336,news_11922784,news_11825550\"]“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Explore KQED's Full 2022 Voter Guide\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59253_Early_Voting_013-qut-1020x681.jpg\"]Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland City Councilmember Carroll Fife wants you to know what Article 34 is. She wants you to face it, in all its historical ugliness, and do something about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule, embedded in the state constitution, requires local governments to turn to their voters for approval if they want to build public housing. Californians voted to add it to the constitution in 1950 and it’s been making it harder to build affordable housing since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still people who don’t know that Article 34 was a direct result of white backlash to civil rights victories and the attempt of President Truman to desegregate housing,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why she put \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89244-Article-34-filed-materials_2022-07-30-030818_xvqf.pdf\">Measure Q (PDF)\u003c/a> on the ballot this year. On its face, it’s a wonky bit of housing policy that would grant the city permission under Article 34 to add up to 13,000 low-rent units in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants voters to approve that housing, but she wants more than that from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted people to know how our racist past in California impacts all of us today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Oakland’s past is bound up with Article 34’s.\u003c/a> A battle that began in 1949 over a public housing project in the city birthed a juggernaut of real estate and property owners that called itself the Oakland Committee for Home Protection, which went on to play a key role in getting Article 34 on the ballot. The group joined forces with other real estate interests in California, and argued that taxpayers should have greater control over how public money is spent in their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for Article 34 appealed to racist fears about integrating neighborhoods and Cold War anxieties about encroaching communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Article 34 was intended to keep neighborhoods segregated,” said Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, which represents affordable housing developers. She says the rule slowed lower-income home construction for decades.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No other type of housing development asks nor requires voter approval in this kind of capacity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j08r197\">Article 34 votes blocked public housing proposals throughout the ’50s and ’60s\u003c/a>, according to a report published by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Among them was a 1968 San José project and two 1966 proposals in San Mateo County, where there was no public housing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule further stymied lower-income housing by keeping local officials from ever bringing forward new proposals, the report finds, because they understood voters would likely shoot them down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1634&context=lawreview\">stripped Article 34 of some of its power (PDF)\u003c/a>, and local lawmakers and developers found ways around it, but it remains a hurdle today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time we build affordable housing, we have to ensure that something meets Article 34 authorization or that there is a workaround,” Fishman said. “And that adds cost, it adds time, it adds burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Momentum to scrap Article 34 is building at a time when affordable housing is seen as a primary antidote to rising homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers recently voted to put a constitutional amendment on the 2024 ballot that would repeal it. The California Association of Realtors, the group originally behind Article 34, is now a major proponent of the effort. \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology\">The group recently apologized\u003c/a> for its role in passing the regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election, Article 34 is the reason voters in Oakland and two other Bay Area cities are being asked to decide the future of thousands of affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20N%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Berkeley’s Measure N (PDF)\u003c/a> would authorize 3,000 units of affordable housing units for residents with lower incomes, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssf.net/home/showpublisheddocument/27256/637952318238800000\">South San Francisco’s Measure AA (PDF)\u003c/a> would give the go-ahead for roughly 2,000 units over eight years — up to 1% of the total number of existing units in the city each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities are planning for that lower-income housing as they face pressure to meet state-mandated targets over the next eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would be completely new to the city of South San Francisco,” said City Councilmember James Coleman, who’s behind Measure AA. In the past that city has turned to private developers or nonprofits to build affordable housing, he said, and this would allow the city to fund and control more of the process themselves. He argues that would expedite things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, this kind of authorization isn’t new. Voters have approved similar measures for decades, but Mayor Jesse Arreguín says the stakes are always high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that this could, if it doesn’t pass, put a stop to the work that we’re doing in Berkeley to build more affordable housing is unacceptable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, he says, the initiative is facing greater opposition than in years past. In all three cities, resistance centers on the cost to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Arreguín is hoping California voters will repeal Article 34 when they get the chance in a couple years. “We should have done it a long time ago,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://shou.senate.ca.gov/sites/shou.senate.ca.gov/files/3.%20SCA%202%20%28Allen%29%20-%20analysis.pdf\">Three past attempts to repeal or change Article 34 have failed (PDF)\u003c/a>, the last time in 1993. And if this one is going to succeed, it will require a major voter-education push.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people don’t have any idea about Article 34,” said state Senator Ben Allen (D-Los Angeles), who’s behind the legislative drive to take the amendment to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they get it, most people are actually very interested in repealing the article,” he said. “But until then, folks just don’t have enough information to get behind something like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s Carroll Fife is hoping to change that by putting Measure Q on the ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I have anything to do with it, then repealing Article 34 will have reverberative effects for what is developed in the state of California and especially in Oakland,” she said, “where we desperately, desperately need to build units that people can afford.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article 34 is not the biggest barrier to building affordable housing today — political will, limited land and massive construction costs top most experts’ lists. Nor is Article 34 the only way communities can exercise local control — think zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But scrapping it would mean one less obstacle on a path that’s crowded with them, said Gloria Bruce, executive director of East Bay Housing Organizations. For her, successfully convincing the public Article 34 should go would also represent a foundational change in how Californians think about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would mean that we’ve found a way to message that creating more homes for our neighbors is way more important than some abstract fear about local control,” she said. “It’s that value shift that’s at the bottom of all of these difficulties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101889929,education_535942,forum_2010101890989\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gayle McLaughlin, Richmond City Councilmember \"]‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’[/pullquote]“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With Bay Area tenants facing astronomical rent increases, housing advocates are pushing for more protections to help struggling renters — but landlords say they're struggling, too. Here's how the fight is playing out in one East Bay city.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Emily Ross and her partner moved to Richmond together a decade ago. She was working in Napa, her partner was working in San Francisco and they couldn’t find an affordable place to live in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked all over the Bay and we wound up getting offered a place in Richmond,” Ross said. “We’d been looking for so long and it was the perfect halfway point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross, 36, fell in love with Richmond as she got involved with local activism centered around racial justice and tenants rights. She worked for an education nonprofit in West Contra Costa County and Oakland schools, but when the pandemic hit, her position was eliminated. Her income dropped as she became an independent contractor, managing political campaigns. Then she and her partner split up, and she had to get her own place. Money got even tighter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rent is my No. 1 concern when I think about my personal finances. Every time I need a car repair or some unexpected expense comes up, it’s a stressor, you know,” she said. “It’s one of those weird things where I recognize how close I am to the brink of economic disaster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, she received an email from her landlord saying that her rent would increase by 5% to $1472 a month. Ross lives in a rent-controlled apartment, but under Richmond’s existing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41144/Richmond-Fair-Rent-Just-Cause-for-Eviction-and-Homeowner-Protection-Ordinance\">rent stabilization ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>, landlords can increase their rents along with the Consumer Price Index, or roughly the rate of inflation. But in years like this one, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2021/07/06/historical-parallels-to-todays-inflationary-episode/\">inflation is soaring to historic levels\u003c/a>, some rents are, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this year’s ballot, Richmond voters will get a chance to change that. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/62288/MEASURE-P---RENT-CONTROL---NOVEMBER-2022-ELECTION?bidId=\">Measure P (PDF)\u003c/a> would limit the rent increases landlords can charge tenants to 3% a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be scary if the measure doesn’t pass,” Ross said. “I think, within a couple years, I would either need a significantly different line of work or I would need to live in a different city and I don’t love any of those options, so I’m going to hope it passes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930801\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman with short hair and glasses stands drinking from a mug by the sink in her apartment kitchen\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/RS59686_001_KQED_EmilyRossRichmond_10272022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because her rent has increased, Ross forgoes doctor’s appointments and car repairs so she doesn’t get behind on rent. She has built a community here and doesn’t want to get pushed out by the high cost of living. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Richmond’s years-old fight over rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>About half of Richmond’s 118,000 residents rent their homes, according to figures from the Richmond Rent Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for homeownership, but some residents are going to rent their whole lives,” said City Councilmember Gayle McLaughlin, who has been fighting for tenants’ rights since joining the council. “I see myself as likely being one of those renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after getting elected to Richmond’s City Council in 2005, she introduced the idea of rent control, but was the only vote in favor of it. A decade later, things had changed and the council approved a renter protection measure that included a rent cap and a just-cause eviction ordinance that set rules on when landlords can evict their tenants. Despite opposition from the California Apartment Association and other property owners, Richmond voters approved the measure in 2016. Measure P promises to amend that ordinance to deal with inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes,” said McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Daniels and his wife are among those who have been priced out of Richmond by rising rents. They had been living in a senior living community in Richmond since 2005 and were paying $950 for a two-bedroom apartment. By the time they left Richmond this year, their rent had risen to $1,435.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I consider Measure P a way to avoid displacement, a way to prevent homelessness, and a way to help our struggling families in Richmond stay in their homes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The only people that can afford to pay rent there are people who are still working,” said Daniels. “If you’re in retirement and you’re not getting much money from Social Security, you can’t afford to pay it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They searched for another rental in Richmond, but couldn’t find anything within their price range. So Daniels and his wife joined a waitlist for an apartment in Pinole. When they were finally accepted after four years of waiting, they jumped at the opportunity. Now they pay $993 a month for their two-bedroom apartment, which is bigger than their place in Richmond was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love [our apartment in Pinole] — it’s quiet, the people are friendly,” Daniels said. “My wife already adopted some pets, and a lot of birds and butterflies come around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that some of his friends from Richmond have asked him for an application to live in his apartment complex in Pinole.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords affected by inflation, too\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mike Vasilas owns two buildings in Richmond, one with four units and another with three. His father immigrated from Greece in the early 1970s and worked as a contractor, building homes throughout Richmond. Seventeen years ago, Vasilas inherited the business from his father and also works as a general contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hands-on, especially for the small guy, small-business style,” said Vasilas. “If someone calls you in the middle of the night, [saying] the water heater blew up, you’re the one going down there and taking care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many small landlords, Vasilas, 40, tries to do most of the upkeep for his buildings himself, but the cost of maintenance has risen. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nahb.org/blog/2022/04/building-materials-prices-start-2022-with-8-percent-increase\">National Association of Home Builders\u003c/a>, one of the largest trade associations for contractors and developers, the price of building materials has increased by 33% since the start of the pandemic. Vasilas doesn’t have access to the same resources that large corporate landlords do and worries that more rent restrictions could put smaller landlords out of business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The market has gone through the roof for construction,” he said. “You can’t get materials, you can’t get a contractor to come out. It costs — all that has just gone through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vasilas opposes Measure P because he feels it pinches small landlords the hardest. He’s in favor of capping the rent for a couple years while inflation is high, but he believes landlords should eventually be able to charge their tenants rates that align with inflation so they can make a reasonable profit from their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costs [to maintain a building] are going to continue to go up, whether or not we have high [inflation],” he said. “The costs are going up but [the amount that] you’re allowed to increase the rent is basically nothing. It makes you feel hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Renter protections gain momentum across the state\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Richmond is one of many cities throughout the state to consider renter protections this year. \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/06/01/oakland-rent-control-increases-3/\">Oakland passed a similar rent cap\u003c/a> earlier this year, and this November, voters there \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/rov_app/measures\">will decide whether to set stricter rules\u003c/a> on why a landlord can evict their tenants. Fairfax, \u003ca href=\"https://www.petaluma360.com/article/news/petaluma-approves-just-cause-ordinance-with-4-2-vote-amid-split-support/\">Petaluma\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/09/28/antioch-approves-rent-stabilization-with-rollback-date-new-tenant-protections/\">Antioch\u003c/a> all passed renter protection measures through their city councils. \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/rent-control-pasadena-measure-h-november-2022-election-pomona-bell-gardens-california-housing-landlords-tenants-ab1482\">Residents in Pasadena\u003c/a> are getting ready to vote on their own rent control measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"a woman in a striped shirt speaks at a rally while a person holds a sign that says 'no rent hikes'\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1172506414.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leah Simon-Weisberg, now legal director for tenants rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaks during a rally in Oakland in 2017. \u003ccite>(Anda Chu/Bay Area News Group/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everyone feels anxiety about housing, whether you’re wealthy or not, because your kids can’t move back to your community even if you’re upper-middle-class and your teachers don’t have housing,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants’ rights group the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg said this movement has been gaining momentum since the Great Recession and the pandemic made things worse for most renters. Now as tenants face steep rent hikes along with inflation, they are starting to push back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the ways you push back is you have to regulate the market, and so rent control, just-cause ordinances and anti-harassment ordinances, those are all ways of basically fighting back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"title": "Newsom Campaigned on Building 3.5 Million Homes. He Hasn't Gotten Even Close",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy, Bay Area Council\"]'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'[/pullquote]The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom campaigned on housing production, an issue important to many Californians. But despite some accomplishments, the housing crisis is worse now than when he took office.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s difficult for housing advocates to criticize Gov. Gavin Newsom because he’s done more to boost production than any other governor in recent memory — but that’s mostly because the bar is so low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measured against the goal he set for himself, Newsom’s record is less impressive. Just 13% of the 3.5 million homes he campaigned on building have been permitted, let alone built. He’s walked back the goal many times, settling on a new target earlier this year: Cities need to have planned a combined 2.5 million homes by 2030. So, a million fewer homes planned for, not built, and over a longer time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can point to some accomplishments: He signed bills that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2019/09/big-rent-hikes-illegal-in-california-heres-what-to-know/\">capped big rent hikes statewide\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/09/california-housing-crisis-newsom-signs-bills/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on most developable land and unlocked millions of potential \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-housing-podcast-ab-2011/\">apartments on empty strip malls\u003c/a>. He \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">sheltered tens of thousands of people experiencing homelessness\u003c/a> amid a pandemic and dedicated more dollars to housing and homelessness than ever before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as he finalizes his first term and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/election-2022/2022/10/gavin-newsom-campaign-president/\">coasts into the second\u003c/a>, Newsom finds himself mired in an even deeper housing and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/california-homeless-crisis-latinos/\">homelessness crisis\u003c/a> than the one he inherited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Running for governor in 2017, then-Lt. Gov. Newsom pledged to spur a never-before-seen tsunami of homebuilding in California to bridge the gap between the growing population and shrinking stock of housing driving the affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Governor, I will lead the effort to develop the 3.5 million new housing units we need by 2025 because our solutions must be as bold as the problem is big,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@GavinNewsom/the-california-dream-starts-at-home-9dbb38c51cae\">wrote on Medium\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal was true to character: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2018/10/gavin-newsom-profile-california-governor-election/\">big, hairy and audacious\u003c/a>. It would have required building an average of 500,000 homes a year in a state that has only surpassed the 300,000 mark \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2018/11/8/18073066/california-governor-election-gavin-newsom-housing-plan\">twice in more than 50 years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom didn’t get even close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly four years since he took office, California cities are projected to have permitted a total of about 452,000 homes — fewer than Newsom pledged he’d build in one year alone, according to local data collected by the Construction Industry Research Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/Re1mI4JBl1bUtlSDHcnI?src=embed\" title=\"2022 Housing production in California\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about his shortcomings at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JSy2VOGkBF8&t=1s\">recent press conference\u003c/a>, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-10-21/newsom-gavin-affordable-housing-homeless-q-a\">wrote off his original goal\u003c/a> as he has many times before, by paraphrasing Michelangelo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest risk in life, however one defines risk, is not that we aim too high and miss it. It’s that we aim too low and reach it,” Newsom said. “It was always a stretch goal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates acknowledge that policy change is by nature slow and incremental, and like many other proposals, long-term housing goals took a back seat to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the reality on the ground — that there aren’t enough houses for everyone and the ones that exist are hideously expensive — continues to exasperate \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-may-2022/\">Californians who repeatedly rank housing and homelessness among their top concerns\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Brian Dahle, the \u003ca href=\"https://briandahle.com/homelessness/\">Republican candidate for governor\u003c/a>, and other state Republicans have routinely attacked Newsom’s record on housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://republicans.senate.ca.gov/content/legislative-republicans-call-special-session-combat-homeless-crisis-immediately\">calling for a special session\u003c/a> on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need government to treat this the way we treat a natural disaster, because that’s how it’s impacting people’s lives,” said Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingca.org/\">Housing California\u003c/a>, a housing advocacy organization. “And that’s not what we see happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-marshall-plan-for-housing\">A Marshall Plan for housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing policy advocates described Newsom’s stated goal of 3.5 million new homes in four years the same way he has: aspirational. They say that’s because the state doesn’t build housing in California — private developers do, with the approval of local governments. So what really grabbed advocates’ attention was the “Marshall Plan for affordable housing” Newsom pledged to launch during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2019/01/gavin-newsom-california-inauguration-speech-policy-highlights/\">inaugural speech\u003c/a>, recalling the multibillion-dollar program to rebuild Western Europe following World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As much as the number was important, the idea of building a streamlined process of building, that was amazing, because that’s really the challenge of California,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Association. He said that dream remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has some of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">highest housing costs\u003c/a> in the nation because of how little “marshaling” there is, Dunmoyer said. Land costs are prohibitive, and zoning rules limit much of what can be built. Housing must get approved at the local level, which has ample opportunity for community input. Those communities can then block unpopular projects, such as multifamily or affordable housing. Another culprit: impact fees cities charge to fund infrastructure that can \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/residential-impact-fees/\">exceed $150,000 a home\u003c/a>, some of the highest in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The closest Newsom may have gotten to bulldozing those barriers is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2020/11/newsom-pandemic-beat-homelessness/\">Project Homekey\u003c/a>. After COVID-19 hit, the administration scrambled to turn 94 hotels and motels into more than 6,000 shelter units for people experiencing homelessness, which would later become permanent homes, within record-setting months. The projects \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2021/11/04/main-recoverylab-cities-la-sros-518602\">bypassed local land use rules and a marquee environmental law\u003c/a> often blamed for slowing or killing controversial projects. The state has since expanded the $800 million project with more than $2.75 billion in new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed more than a dozen bills allowing housing types that met certain conditions to skip lengthy approval processes at the local level. Two are expected to have the biggest impact: one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">legalized duplexes and fourplexes\u003c/a> on the two-thirds of developable land in California \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/SB-9-Brief-July-2021-Final.pdf\">previously zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a>, and another that \u003ca href=\"https://urbanfootprint.com/ab2011-analysis/\">allows apartments\u003c/a> on land previously allotted for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-crisis-unions/\">retail centers, parking lots and offices along arterial roads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a zoning change doesn’t build housing, it’s a first step to making it legal. Combined, the two laws could open up previously blocked space for more than 2 million housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The effect of legislation is often hard to prove, because it’s only one factor of many in the development process,” said Louis Mirante, vice president of public policy at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/\">Bay Area Council\u003c/a>. “To stop a project, you only need one red light. But to make a project go, you need at least 100 green lights. A lot of the legislation the governor has been signing has been those green lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But yellow and red lights abound, including rising interest rates and prohibitive material costs. While it took political courage to sign a controversial measure like the one streamlining duplex and fourplex construction, Newsom remained largely quiet on those bills until they reached the finish line, and hasn’t championed a more sweeping production policy proposal on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He can step in and resolve the problems if he really wanted to prioritize the issue,” said Chris Martin, policy director at Housing California. “He has the power to do it, but politically, it’s challenging. He’s going to have to make some uncomfortable decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-moving-the-goalposts\">Moving the goalposts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has repeatedly called the 3.5 million goal taken from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/industries/public%20and%20social%20sector/our%20insights/closing%20californias%20housing%20gap/closing-californias-housing-gap-full-report.pdf\">2016 McKinsey study\u003c/a> a moon shot, he has put his weight behind another number: 2.5 million. That’s how many homes the Legislature has mandated California cities to plan for by 2030, and Newsom’s team is making sure they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we can reach our stretch goals, before you can reach the moon, you’ve got to get off the launch pad,” said Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor on housing and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The planning law has been on the books for decades, but it wasn’t until 2017 that the state Legislature gave the process teeth by creating standards and penalties cities must abide by. The \u003cem>plans\u003c/em> for the housing that those standards and penalties apply to weren’t even due for most cities until this year. And the deadlines are different for different regions. It’s a slow process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities now have to zone for more than double the housing they did in previous years, and it has to be on sites where housing could actually be built. And if they don’t do it, they risk \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/03/california-housing-goals/\">losing affordable housing dollars\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/10/california-housing-crisis-nimby/\">forgoing housing approval decisions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But having laws on the books — even if they feature new penalties — doesn’t mean anything unless someone is there to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Newsom staffed up a $4.65 million \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/california-duplex-housing/\">accountability and enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the housing department, with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/05/california-housing-podcast-rob-bonta-housing-enforcement/\">reinforcements at the state’s Justice Department\u003c/a>. Cities seem to be paying heed, but it’s all fun and games until actual homes get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in California, the Regional Housing Needs [Allocation] process was an afterthought at best,” Elliott said. “It was not taken seriously because there were largely no consequences for local governments failing to meet their responsibilities. And that’s not ancient history, but through a very concerted effort by this governor and the administration in partnership with the Legislature, RHNA is now very serious. And I think communities are taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, planning isn’t building, and a recurring complaint about the process from cities is that while it requires a lot of affordable housing to be planned for — 1 million of the 2.5 million units must be affordable to the lowest earners — the state doesn’t provide nearly enough tax credits and other subsidies to build it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re funding a quarter of that, at best,” said Paavo Monkkonen, associate professor of urban planning at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs. “So that’s an interesting conundrum, where their own goal is unattainable. And there’s not really a Manhattan Project to make that happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9c485c33-4c31-4f78-ae36-07dc50a75dc3?src=embed\" title=\"Affordable housing production\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Legislature, Newsom has dedicated unprecedented dollars to affordable housing, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/07/19/governor-newsom-signs-historic-housing-and-homelessness-funding-package-as-part-of-100-billion-california-comeback-plan/\">$10.3 billion in 2021\u003c/a>. Funding the current affordable housing need alone, however, would require \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/roadmaphome2030/\">nearly $18 billion a year over a decade\u003c/a>, according to a recent estimate from Housing California and California Housing Partnership. And there is no long-term source of funding for housing in California. As budget projections for next year sour, affordable housing advocates worry those funds might dry up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In these years of good budget outlook, the administration has done a really good job,” said Marina Wiant, vice president of government affairs at the \u003ca href=\"https://calhsng.org/\">California Housing Consortium\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan housing advocacy organization. “It’s going to be interesting to see what they do when they have to make tough budget choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes. They’re pitched as tools to help alleviate the housing shortage by incentivizing landlords to rent unoccupied units while raising money for housing programs and other city services. Opponents question whether they’ll have their intended effect and argue they could hurt small landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Berkeley are following on the heels of other cities, including Washington, D.C.; Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada; and, locally, Oakland, which adopted the strategy in 2018 and is starting to see some of the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/measures\">Proposition M\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition M, called the Empty Homes Tax Ordinance, would apply to residential buildings of at least three units with vacancies of more than about six months. Revenue would fund rental subsidies and affordable housing. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston\"]‘The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The phenomenon of empty homes has got to be part of our discussion of our city’s housing crisis,” said Supervisor Dean Preston at a recent Board of Supervisors meeting. The primary goal of the measure is to prioritize housing people over investment income. “It is a moral issue to have people living unhoused on the streets of our city and then have tens of thousands of units sitting empty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston points to a report he commissioned from the Budget and Legislative Analyst that found the number of\u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=11348168&GUID=2FE62B48-AB73-4992-A3D9-EB3B6F9C095A\"> vacancies in the city shot up 52% percent since 2019\u003c/a>, to over 60,000 empty units. At 15% percent, San Francisco’s vacancy rate was the highest of any major city in the analysts’ comparison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live,” Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BLA made clear that many of those 60,000 vacant units are not immediately available for rental. They might be uninhabitable, for instance, under renovation, or rented before tenants have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say that, for that reason, the numbers in the report can mislead voters about the impact of the tax. They point to another \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">analysis from the city controller (PDF)\u003c/a> just last month that estimates only about 4,000 vacant units would actually be subject to the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association opposes the measure, arguing it would disproportionately hurt small landlords. Charley Goss, the association’s government and community affairs manager, said half of SFAA’s members own between one and four units. “People aren’t intentionally leaving their units vacant,” he said. “There are real market conditions due to COVID and other reasons why a unit might be vacant for a period of time.”[aside postID='news_11925690,news_11927941' label='Related Posts']Goss argues landlords will pass on the burden of the tax to renters. “We have a fear that this will increase living costs in San Francisco in a time where everything’s really expensive already,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters like tenant organizer Shanti Singh hope the tax will curb real estate speculation, and what she calls “speculative evictions,” referring to the displacement of tenants through the Ellis Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is being flipped and it’s sitting vacant in the meantime, which is really just adding insult to injury,” said Singh, a member of the San Francisco chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, which championed the legislation. “That was a huge driving concern for a lot of the tenant organizations who have mobilized around this measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would go into effect in 2024 and range from $2,500 to $5,000 per unit, depending on size. Over time, the maximum tax would reach $20,000 annually for owners who keep the same unit vacant for a third consecutive year. The city controller’s best estimate finds that \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">by 2026 the tax would bring in around $15 million annually (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would create a Housing Activation Fund, which would provide rental subsidies for lower-income renters and people over 60 and fund the acquisition, rehabilitation and operation of multiunit buildings for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance exempts vacant single-family homes and duplexes, a decision that could increase support from homeowners but has also drawn criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local urban planning think tank SPUR is encouraging a vote against the measure in part because of its exemptions. Senior policy adviser Sarah Karlinsky said leaving out single-family homes and duplexes weakens the policy. “There are going to be one- and two-unit owners that hold their units off the market,” she said. “From my perspective, there’s no difference between that and larger buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky also questions why the measure would fund rental subsidies for all people over 60, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20M%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Measure M (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like San Francisco’s measure, Berkeley’s Empty Homes Tax Ordinance would tax property owners who keep a residential unit vacant more than about six months in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-year tax put forward by Vice Mayor Kate Harrison is designed to incentivize landlords to rent empty units and is projected to raise between $4 million and $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have enough housing, and housing prices are unbelievably high and yet we have these units that are perpetually vacant,” Harrison said. “Our No. 1 goal here is to get units back on the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harrison estimates about 700 vacant units in the city will be subject to the tax. She’s particularly worried about whole buildings that are sitting empty, which can become derelict and require city-funded maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, which opposes the measure, agrees owners who keep entire large buildings empty should be pressured to bring them to market. “If you have a multiunit building and all the units are vacant, something’s wrong there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a dark blue/red checkered jacket stands in a doorway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, poses for a portrait at the organization’s offices in Berkeley on Oct. 25, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen opposes the tax because she fears it could hurt small landlords, though the measure includes exemptions designed to protect them. The measure does not apply to owner-occupied properties that are four units or fewer. It would be suspended as long as the COVID moratorium is in place and make exemptions during certain periods, like when permit applications are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Gulbransen sees the measure as “a solution looking for a problem.” She said it’s coming at a time of great frustration for property owners, given they’re still bound by the eviction moratorium. “We’re seeing this shift of people just getting really fed up with the increased regulations,” she said. “The sentiment against government officials is pretty bad in housing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen said BPOA surveyed its members and 75% of respondents indicated they would take their unit off the rental market if the measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax starts at $3,000 a year if an owner has a single vacant property, and $6,000 for any additional vacant units they own. If the property stays vacant for two or more years, the rates double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930310\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One woman wearing a red jacket on the left and a woman wearing glasses and blue dress with pumpkins, ghosts and cats look towards a fence.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison speaks with Rent Board Commissioner Paola Laverde in front of a vacant apartment building in Berkeley on Oct. 26, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As in San Francisco, opponents argue landlords will pass the increased costs on to tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also take issue with the fact that, unlike San Francisco’s proposed tax, revenue from Berkeley’s would not be set aside in a special fund for housing. Instead it would go to the city’s general fund, because Harrison wants it to be available to mitigate any costs associated with vacant properties, like blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland’s experience\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Oakland created \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/vacantpropertytax\">a similar policy\u003c/a>. “We were the first city in California to contemplate such a thing,” said Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan, who brought forward the plan. “The goal of the vacant property tax is to address homelessness from both ends,” she said, referring to the dual aim of opening up more housing while raising money for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all funds are collected, the city expects to bring in a total of nearly $6.5 million the first year of the tax and a little over $8 million the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan says so far the city has used the money to buy dorms and hotels to house unhoused residents, as well as to build some tiny-home villages and fund staff and support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implementing the tax hasn’t always gone smoothly. After property owners flooded city council meetings to air grievances, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/11/11/most-oakland-vacant-parcel-owners-get-a-tax-break/\">council temporarily slashed the tax\u003c/a> in half for most owners and added a slate of new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the San Francisco and Berkeley policies, Oakland’s tax applies to both residential and commercial properties and empty lots. It ranges from $3,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of units taxed dropped from about 1,700 in 2019 to about 1,300 in 2021. Rogers Agaba, Oakland’s revenue and tax administrator, attributes that to a number of factors, including owners putting properties into use, becoming newly eligible for exemptions, or selling or donating their land to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan sees the downward trend as a sign the tax is having its intended effect. “That means those properties are in use serving the community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes.",
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"title": "Should SF and Berkeley Tax Empty Homes, Following Oakland's Lead? | KQED",
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"headline": "Should SF and Berkeley Tax Empty Homes, Following Oakland's Lead?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Housing remains a central issue on Bay Area ballots this year as local governments continue to grapple with the ongoing affordability crisis. In San Francisco and Berkeley, voters will get the chance to weigh in on measures that would tax vacant homes. They’re pitched as tools to help alleviate the housing shortage by incentivizing landlords to rent unoccupied units while raising money for housing programs and other city services. Opponents question whether they’ll have their intended effect and argue they could hurt small landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Berkeley are following on the heels of other cities, including Washington, D.C.; Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada; and, locally, Oakland, which adopted the strategy in 2018 and is starting to see some of the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/measures\">Proposition M\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Proposition M, called the Empty Homes Tax Ordinance, would apply to residential buildings of at least three units with vacancies of more than about six months. Revenue would fund rental subsidies and affordable housing. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The phenomenon of empty homes has got to be part of our discussion of our city’s housing crisis,” said Supervisor Dean Preston at a recent Board of Supervisors meeting. The primary goal of the measure is to prioritize housing people over investment income. “It is a moral issue to have people living unhoused on the streets of our city and then have tens of thousands of units sitting empty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston points to a report he commissioned from the Budget and Legislative Analyst that found the number of\u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=11348168&GUID=2FE62B48-AB73-4992-A3D9-EB3B6F9C095A\"> vacancies in the city shot up 52% percent since 2019\u003c/a>, to over 60,000 empty units. At 15% percent, San Francisco’s vacancy rate was the highest of any major city in the analysts’ comparison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dramatic increase in two years shows really the dire need for policy intervention to do whatever we can to turn these empty units into places where people can live,” Preston said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BLA made clear that many of those 60,000 vacant units are not immediately available for rental. They might be uninhabitable, for instance, under renovation, or rented before tenants have moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say that, for that reason, the numbers in the report can mislead voters about the impact of the tax. They point to another \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">analysis from the city controller (PDF)\u003c/a> just last month that estimates only about 4,000 vacant units would actually be subject to the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association opposes the measure, arguing it would disproportionately hurt small landlords. Charley Goss, the association’s government and community affairs manager, said half of SFAA’s members own between one and four units. “People aren’t intentionally leaving their units vacant,” he said. “There are real market conditions due to COVID and other reasons why a unit might be vacant for a period of time.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Goss argues landlords will pass on the burden of the tax to renters. “We have a fear that this will increase living costs in San Francisco in a time where everything’s really expensive already,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters like tenant organizer Shanti Singh hope the tax will curb real estate speculation, and what she calls “speculative evictions,” referring to the displacement of tenants through the Ellis Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing is being flipped and it’s sitting vacant in the meantime, which is really just adding insult to injury,” said Singh, a member of the San Francisco chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, which championed the legislation. “That was a huge driving concern for a lot of the tenant organizations who have mobilized around this measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax would go into effect in 2024 and range from $2,500 to $5,000 per unit, depending on size. Over time, the maximum tax would reach $20,000 annually for owners who keep the same unit vacant for a third consecutive year. The city controller’s best estimate finds that \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/RVT_economic_impact_final.pdf\">by 2026 the tax would bring in around $15 million annually (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would create a Housing Activation Fund, which would provide rental subsidies for lower-income renters and people over 60 and fund the acquisition, rehabilitation and operation of multiunit buildings for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance exempts vacant single-family homes and duplexes, a decision that could increase support from homeowners but has also drawn criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local urban planning think tank SPUR is encouraging a vote against the measure in part because of its exemptions. Senior policy adviser Sarah Karlinsky said leaving out single-family homes and duplexes weakens the policy. “There are going to be one- and two-unit owners that hold their units off the market,” she said. “From my perspective, there’s no difference between that and larger buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky also questions why the measure would fund rental subsidies for all people over 60, regardless of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Measure%20M%20-%20November%208%2C%202022%20Election.pdf\">Measure M (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like San Francisco’s measure, Berkeley’s Empty Homes Tax Ordinance would tax property owners who keep a residential unit vacant more than about six months in a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-year tax put forward by Vice Mayor Kate Harrison is designed to incentivize landlords to rent empty units and is projected to raise between $4 million and $6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have enough housing, and housing prices are unbelievably high and yet we have these units that are perpetually vacant,” Harrison said. “Our No. 1 goal here is to get units back on the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harrison estimates about 700 vacant units in the city will be subject to the tax. She’s particularly worried about whole buildings that are sitting empty, which can become derelict and require city-funded maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, which opposes the measure, agrees owners who keep entire large buildings empty should be pressured to bring them to market. “If you have a multiunit building and all the units are vacant, something’s wrong there,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a dark blue/red checkered jacket stands in a doorway.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59646_001_KQED_KristaGulbransenBPOA_10252022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, poses for a portrait at the organization’s offices in Berkeley on Oct. 25, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen opposes the tax because she fears it could hurt small landlords, though the measure includes exemptions designed to protect them. The measure does not apply to owner-occupied properties that are four units or fewer. It would be suspended as long as the COVID moratorium is in place and make exemptions during certain periods, like when permit applications are pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Gulbransen sees the measure as “a solution looking for a problem.” She said it’s coming at a time of great frustration for property owners, given they’re still bound by the eviction moratorium. “We’re seeing this shift of people just getting really fed up with the increased regulations,” she said. “The sentiment against government officials is pretty bad in housing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gulbransen said BPOA surveyed its members and 75% of respondents indicated they would take their unit off the rental market if the measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax starts at $3,000 a year if an owner has a single vacant property, and $6,000 for any additional vacant units they own. If the property stays vacant for two or more years, the rates double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11930310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11930310\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One woman wearing a red jacket on the left and a woman wearing glasses and blue dress with pumpkins, ghosts and cats look towards a fence.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59659_004_KQED_BerkeleyMeasureM_10262022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Vice Mayor Kate Harrison speaks with Rent Board Commissioner Paola Laverde in front of a vacant apartment building in Berkeley on Oct. 26, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As in San Francisco, opponents argue landlords will pass the increased costs on to tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also take issue with the fact that, unlike San Francisco’s proposed tax, revenue from Berkeley’s would not be set aside in a special fund for housing. Instead it would go to the city’s general fund, because Harrison wants it to be available to mitigate any costs associated with vacant properties, like blight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland’s experience\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Oakland created \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/topics/vacantpropertytax\">a similar policy\u003c/a>. “We were the first city in California to contemplate such a thing,” said Oakland City Councilmember Rebecca Kaplan, who brought forward the plan. “The goal of the vacant property tax is to address homelessness from both ends,” she said, referring to the dual aim of opening up more housing while raising money for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When all funds are collected, the city expects to bring in a total of nearly $6.5 million the first year of the tax and a little over $8 million the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan says so far the city has used the money to buy dorms and hotels to house unhoused residents, as well as to build some tiny-home villages and fund staff and support services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implementing the tax hasn’t always gone smoothly. After property owners flooded city council meetings to air grievances, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2019/11/11/most-oakland-vacant-parcel-owners-get-a-tax-break/\">council temporarily slashed the tax\u003c/a> in half for most owners and added a slate of new exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the San Francisco and Berkeley policies, Oakland’s tax applies to both residential and commercial properties and empty lots. It ranges from $3,000 to $6,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of units taxed dropped from about 1,700 in 2019 to about 1,300 in 2021. Rogers Agaba, Oakland’s revenue and tax administrator, attributes that to a number of factors, including owners putting properties into use, becoming newly eligible for exemptions, or selling or donating their land to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaplan sees the downward trend as a sign the tax is having its intended effect. “That means those properties are in use serving the community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors is apologizing for its role in pushing policies that drove racial segregation in the state, decades after the group put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-affordable-housing-constitution-20190203-story.html\">a proposition that overturned the state’s first fair housing law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference Friday, leaders of multiple real estate organizations spoke about their next steps, following the association’s apology last week. The realtors’ group is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907336/lawmakers-push-to-repeal-anti-black-housing-law-in-california-constitution\">now backing a bill that would overturn a law that makes it harder for the state to build affordable housing\u003c/a>. The group is partnering with nonprofits focused on expanding homeownership among communities of color. It also pushed for a law requiring implicit-bias training for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a very long time coming,” said Derrick Luckett, chair of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, an association that has expressed a commitment to expanding intergenerational wealth among Black households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors was one of many real estate groups that supported redlining, barriers to affordable housing projects, and other practices of the 20th century that led to more segregated cities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s, the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, backed by the federal government, created maps that categorized parts of cities into grades based on their purported creditworthiness. The practice, now known as redlining, drove racial segregation and income inequality by preventing residents living in certain neighborhoods from receiving loans.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Lewis, spokesperson, California YIMBY\"]‘An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did. But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?’[/pullquote]The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors is apologizing for its role in pushing policies that drove racial segregation in the state, decades after the group put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-affordable-housing-constitution-20190203-story.html\">a proposition that overturned the state’s first fair housing law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference Friday, leaders of multiple real estate organizations spoke about their next steps, following the association’s apology last week. The realtors’ group is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907336/lawmakers-push-to-repeal-anti-black-housing-law-in-california-constitution\">now backing a bill that would overturn a law that makes it harder for the state to build affordable housing\u003c/a>. The group is partnering with nonprofits focused on expanding homeownership among communities of color. It also pushed for a law requiring implicit-bias training for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been a very long time coming,” said Derrick Luckett, chair of the National Association of Real Estate Brokers, an association that has expressed a commitment to expanding intergenerational wealth among Black households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors was one of many real estate groups that supported redlining, barriers to affordable housing projects, and other practices of the 20th century that led to more segregated cities across the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the 1930s, the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, backed by the federal government, created maps that categorized parts of cities into grades based on their purported creditworthiness. The practice, now known as redlining, drove racial segregation and income inequality by preventing residents living in certain neighborhoods from receiving loans.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors, then known as the California Real Estate Association, paid for a campaign to add an amendment to the state constitution in 1950 forcing the government to get voter approval before spending public money on affordable housing. In more recent decades, the group has supported repealing the amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the association put its money behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-10-21/prop-14-ronald-reagan-la-times-vote-segregation-californias-constitution\">a proposition to invalidate the Rumford Act\u003c/a>, a law aimed at protecting people of color from discrimination while they were searching for a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery, which led to global demonstrations against racism and police violence, the National Association of Realtors apologized for its role in housing discrimination. Real estate groups in cities including St. Louis and Minneapolis have recently followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otto Catrina, president of the California Association of Realtors, said Friday that its apology follows one by the group’s former president in its magazine last year. But this apology is more formal, since it’s gone through the approval of the association’s board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many of our members, this apology reflects the organization that we are today and are continuing to work to foster inclusion and belonging for all our members and our communities,” Catrina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Realtors reports that the homeownership rate for Black Americans is 43% compared to 72% for white Americans. Black homeowners also have reported that the value of their home appraisals increases when they strip away any sign of a Black family living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929845\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11929845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The image of a document from the 1930s.\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1937 Oakland area description from the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Among the ‘detrimental influences’ listed in the document are ‘predominance of foreign elements’ and ‘infiltration by Negroes and Orientals.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University of Maryland's T-Races project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eli Knaap, associate director of San Diego State University’s Center for Open Geographical Science, said the apology comes when there’s overwhelming evidence that the legacy of discriminatory housing policies hinders families’ ability to build wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The greatest source of wealth for most families is in their home,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knaap, who’s studied the lasting impacts of practices like redlining that drove racial segregation, said some local governments now implement what’s known as inclusionary zoning where a portion of units in a residential development need to be affordable for lower-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, California’s first-in-the-nation reparations task force released an exhaustive report that listed housing segregation as one of the many harms Black Californians faced long after the abolition of slavery. As the task force deliberates on what form reparations could take, economists are working to put dollar figures on the lasting impacts of these harms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Realtors hasn’t taken an official stance on reparations but will review policy recommendations made by the task force, Catrina said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matt Lewis, spokesperson for housing advocacy group California YIMBY, said it’s important for the realtors’ association to be clear about what steps it will take to address the lingering effects of discriminatory policies it supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An apology is always backward-looking, so it’s important to try to correct the damage you did,” Lewis said. “But the next step is, so what are you going to do about it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chris Elmendorf, law professor, UC Davis\"]‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”[aside postID=\"news_11927941,news_11927063,news_11924697\" label=\"Related Posts\"]In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Local ballot measures to block housing are nothing new in California. It just might not work anymore.",
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"title": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates | KQED",
"description": "Local ballot measures to block housing are nothing new in California. It just might not work anymore.",
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"headline": "From Menlo Park to Laguna Beach, Residents Turn to Ballot Box to Fight New California Housing Mandates",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Suburban Park lives up to its bucolic name. The trees are leafy. The lawns are manicured. School-age children glide by on push scooters and bounce basketballs on sun-dappled sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s here, amid the nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/neighborhood/9706/CA/Menlo-Park/Suburban-Park-Lorelei-Manr-Flood-Park-Triangle/housing-market\">$2 million single-family homes\u003c/a> in this Menlo Park neighborhood, that a new battleground has emerged in the fight to preserve what some still consider an American ideal: one home for every lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside every fifth house or so are green lawn signs proclaiming “Yes on V,” in support of a \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/Government/Departments/City-Managers-Office/City-Clerk/Elections/November-8-2022-General-Election/Measure-V\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would make it harder to build apartments throughout the city. The measure would require a vote for any changes to what can be built — but only in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no choice,” said Nicole Chessari, a Suburban Park homeowner who is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign. “No one was listening to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians opposed to new development in their neighborhoods have long had local elected leaders on their side. But their power to say no is waning. Faced with a massive housing shortage, state leaders over the past half-dozen years have approved a bevy of new laws to override opposition to new housing and have become more willing to take recalcitrant cities to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new laws to permit backyard apartments, allow duplexes on single-family lots, convert offices and big-box stores to housing and prohibit parking requirements near transit. Central to these changes are new mandates for cities to not only plan for more housing but to do so in a way that reverses racial segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, residents in some California cities are firing back. From Menlo Park to \u003ca href=\"https://www.votescount.us/Home/Elections/November2022CaliforniaGeneralElection/LocalMeasuresNovember2022/S-WATFuture.aspx\">Watsonville\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.lagunabeachindy.com/laguna-residents-form-new-pac-against-measure-q/\">Laguna Beach\u003c/a>, they’re hoping to rely on another time-tested tradition: using the ballot box to restrict growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A case study\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Menlo Park’s Measure V arose to contest one specific project: ninety units of affordable housing with priority for teachers and staff of the Ravenswood City School District in Suburban Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concrete lot is now overrun with weeds. But it was once home to the James Flood Elementary School, which closed in 2011 due to dwindling enrollment. Ravenswood district staff have been searching for a way to reuse the parcel — and generate income for the district — ever since, said William Eger, chief business officer for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I arrived a couple years ago, the district was in the process of analyzing our overall district footprint, thinking about, ‘How do we address some of these funding inequities?’” Eger said. “How can we use some of the assets we have, including our physical assets, the land that we own, in order to provide for our staff to afford to live in the area?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, the district’s board took a step toward building teacher housing on the former school site, when it voted unanimously to enter into \u003ca href=\"https://paloaltoonline.com/news/2022/01/24/developers-propose-affordable-housing-lab-offices-on-ravenswood-land\">an exclusive negotiating agreement\u003c/a> with a developer. And it was around that time that Chessari and her neighbors caught wind of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we heard that they wanted to build new housing on [the site], we were actually very excited about that,” she said. “But then we heard the volume, and were like, ‘Whoa, that’s going to transform the neighborhood into a thoroughfare and totally change it and make it unsafe for our kids.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929535\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929535 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view stowing a road, trees and house in the distance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59454_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_07-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The site of the former James Flood Elementary School in Menlo Park on Thursday, Sept., 29, 2022. which the Ravenswood City School District has proposed to repurpose as affordable teacher housing, but a proposed ballot initiative, called Measure V, may delay or even potentially block the project. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The former school property is flanked on two sides by Suburban Park and rows of single-family homes. To the east is Highway 101, and to the west is Flood Park, a green space with a baseball diamond and picnic tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the school was open, traffic flowed through the park. But in early discussions about housing on the site, the district contemplated routing traffic through the neighborhood instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was several months of negotiations among some Suburban Park residents, district staff and city council members. Chessari said neighbors opposed to the district’s plans ultimately had three demands: reduce the number of housing units from 90 to 60; guarantee — as opposed to prioritize — 50% of the units would be used for Ravenswood staff; and provide a second egress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and some residents met with four of the city’s five council members but failed to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the council didn’t have her and her supporters’ interests in mind, then Chessari thought residents should be able to voice their concerns directly. So, she started gathering signatures for a ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That way, she said, anytime developers propose projects in single-family neighborhoods across Menlo Park, residents would be able to weigh in. Nearly \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">80% of the city’s residential land\u003c/a> is zoned for single-family housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After seeing what happened in our [neighborhood], it was kind of a case study,” Chessari said. “This can and will happen citywide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the 1970s, citizen-initiated ballot measures have been a favorite tool to thwart development in California. According to a 2004 doctoral dissertation by Mai Thi Nguyen at UC Irvine, there were more than \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/2004-Mai-Thi-Nguyen-dissertation.pdf\">140 such measures to control growth approved between 1986 and 1999 (PDF)\u003c/a>, though not all of them were aimed specifically at housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those measures, however, have become increasingly at odds with changes to state law, said Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten years ago, this strategy … would have seemed pretty clever,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s necessarily so clever or effective now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every eight years, cities produce housing element reports showing how they will rezone areas to meet state-mandated housing goals and — new for this cycle — reduce residential segregation. Local leaders have long written these reports only later to ignore them without consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s changed as state leaders have become more willing to hold cities accountable, Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state housing agency is no longer treating housing element approvals as a one-and-done proposition,” he said. “It is instead treating the housing elements as an eight-year contract between the state and the city over things the city will do, including rezoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929534 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a light tank top shirt and blue jeans sits in a chair outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59450_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suburban Park homeowner Nicole Chessari poses for a portrait at her home on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. Chessari is co-leading the Yes on Measure V campaign, a ballot initiative that would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Menlo Park, city leaders included plans to rezone the Flood school to allow for 90 affordable housing units in its \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">draft housing element\u003c/a>. Once a property is rezoned, new state laws prohibit the city from reducing the number of allowed housing units or requiring onerous conditions, like a second road, that might make the project financially infeasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Chessari said, “It’s out of everybody’s hands. The city has very, very limited ability to control the project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also real consequences now for cities that fail to present housing plans that meet the state’s requirements. When that happens, they may lose control over what gets built there altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such is the case in Redondo Beach, where a developer in August proposed a \u003ca href=\"https://reason.com/2022/09/09/this-renegade-california-developer-wants-to-build-a-2300-unit-megaproject-in-a-nimby-stronghold/\">massive, 2,300-unit housing project\u003c/a> at the site of a defunct power plant, while the city was out of compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that housing element is not compliant, people can come in and build some pretty dense housing,” said Michael Manville, associate professor of urban planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities have been ignoring their own voters’ ballot measures if they limit the amount of housing needed to satisfy the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda, for instance, residents voted in 1973 to prohibit apartment buildings across the island town. A second measure in 1991 capped densities to one home for every 2,000-square-foot lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a mandate for 5,353 new housing units, city officials are \u003ca href=\"https://alamedapost.com/news/general-plan-and-draft-housing-element-update-debated/\">overriding those initiatives\u003c/a>, which state officials have called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/housing-element/docs/alaalamedacity-ta-112921.pdf\">preempted and unenforceable\u003c/a>,” in their draft housing element.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929536 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg\" alt='An outdoor view with a green lawn sign and a large brown sign that reads \"Suburban Park.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59455_Menlo-Park-Measure-V_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A lawn sign supporting Measure V stands in front of the entrance to Suburban Park on Thursday, Sept. 29, 2022. The ballot initiative would require a citywide vote to add apartments in single-family neighborhoods throughout Menlo Park. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Southern California city of Encinitas, voters need to approve any major changes to what can be built there. City leaders have twice put the entire housing element to a vote only to have residents reject it. So, a judge allowed local leaders to ignore the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the lesson there is that while voter initiatives can clog up — or at least delay — the process for cities to rezone for more housing, they can’t override state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no authority of the voters of Encinitas or Menlo Park or any other city to do through direct democracy something that the city council cannot do,” Elmendorf said. “Voters can’t exempt themselves from that law by passing a ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question in Menlo Park is whether Measure V will prevent the city from meeting new obligations under the housing element to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/community-development/affh/docs/affh_document_final_4-27-2021.pdf\">undo racial segregation\u003c/a> by requiring cities to site affordable housing in more affluent neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Who are we really?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For many of the opponents of Menlo Park’s Measure V, the ballot initiative is not simply about limiting apartments in single-family neighborhoods: It’s also about whether the city will continue policies that have disproportionately harmed residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929520 size-thumbnail\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white image of an old news article.\" width=\"160\" height=\"349\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone-160x349.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Palo-Alto-Daily-Times-Aug-10-1955-Belle-Haven-is-gone.jpg 372w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An excerpt from the Daily Palo Alto Times describing ‘blockbusting’ in Belle Haven, a real estate practice to scare white homeowners into selling their properties to encourage segregation, on Aug. 10, 1955. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Suburban Park was first established in the 1920s and grew during the post-WWII housing boom. In 1949, Menlo Park annexed it, along with the Belle Haven neighborhood directly to its east. At the time, both were mostly white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Margarita-Mendez-Deed.jpg\">Suburban Park was subject to racial covenants that barred Black residents\u003c/a> and other people of color from living there, Belle Haven became a predominantly Black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents \u003ca href=\"https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015018404650&view=1up&seq=510&q1=%22Menlo%20Park%22\">actively recruited\u003c/a> Black homeowners to Belle Haven in a process known as racial steering, and then tried to \u003ca href=\"https://www.menlotogether.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/MPCSD-Slides-Color-of-Law.pdf\">scare white homeowners\u003c/a> into selling their properties, a practice called blockbusting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belle Haven is separated from Suburban Park and the rest of the city by the Bayshore Highway, which was widened in 1956 to \u003ca href=\"http://libraryarchives.metro.net/DPGTL/Californiahighways/chpw_1959_marapr.pdf#page=8\">become Highway 101\u003c/a>. Pam Jones, a longtime Belle Haven resident who grew up in the area, remembers how the highway widening disconnected Belle Haven from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changes everything, and it isolates you,” she said. “There was just this sense of being unwelcomed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929538\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929538 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59439_DSC03495-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both neighborhoods were originally part of the Ravenswood district, but Suburban Park seceded in 1975, joining the Menlo Park City School District instead. A 1976 lawsuit challenged the racial isolation of students of color at Ravenswood, ultimately resulting in a settlement agreement 10 years later. But Ravenswood continues to serve \u003ca href=\"http://www.ravenswoodschools.org/Choose-Ravenswood/index.html\">almost exclusively students of color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the four elementary school districts in Menlo Park, Ravenswood is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">least well-resourced\u003c/a> with the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1r9lNoWauD6f341SPcJIHM3Q-Lupw9UU7/view\">lowest average teacher salaries\u003c/a>. Eger said the proposed housing project would generate roughly $500,000 for the district annually — money that would go to staff salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big money for us,” he said. “We know this is a huge need for our staff, and it’s a huge need for our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 416px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929521 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg\" alt='A black and white maps that reads \"Ravenswood Attendance Areas Set.\"' width=\"416\" height=\"339\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955.jpg 416w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/Ravenswood-Attendance-Area-1955-160x130.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 416px) 100vw, 416px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original Ravenswood City School District included Suburban Park and many other Menlo Park neighborhoods that ultimately seceded from the district, with the exception of Belle Haven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Pam Jones)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The disparities between the two neighborhoods transcend educational outcomes, though, and also manifest in the city’s development patterns. Suburban Park has remained relatively unchanged in the past 20 years, but Belle Haven and the adjacent, formerly industrial area now known as the Bayfront, have seen rapid growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/technology-blog/story/2011-02-08/facebook-moving-headquarters-from-palo-alto-to-former-sun-microsystems-campus-in-menlo-park#:~:text=Facebook%20is%20moving%20its%20headquarters,Sun%20Microsystems%20in%20Menlo%20Park.&text=David%20Ebersman%2C%20Facebook's%20chief%20financial,57%2Dacre%20Menlo%20Park%20property.\">Meta, Facebook’s parent company, moved its headquarters there\u003c/a> in 2011. Since then, the city has seen a staggering \u003ca href=\"https://beta.menlopark.org/files/sharedassets/public/community-development/documents/projects/housing-element-update/menlo-park-2023-2031-housing-element-primary-hcd-review-draft.pdf\">2,000% increase in tech jobs\u003c/a>, much of it centered in the Bayfront. And in 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the city placed nearly all new development there\u003c/a>, including 4.1 million square feet of commercial development and 5,500 new housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour, construction cranes loomed in the sky as steel clanked and drills buzzed. Jones said the constant din has made it hard to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pollution and the traffic are the other big things, and then a sense of, well, ‘You don’t have anyplace else to put it, so you’re dumping it on us,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Jones said, Measure V could mean more of the same. By requiring a popular vote to add denser housing in single-family neighborhoods, city staff concluded \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">the measure would effectively redirect any new development into areas that are already zoned for denser housing\u003c/a>, which — with the exception of the city’s downtown area — are Belle Haven and Bayfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ballot measure can then be seen to continue the same cycle of putting the highest densities and most affordable units in the area of the community that is predominantly lower income, marginalized, and communities of color,” the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K57fbpE9qWxsTM-gcXktsQLtK5disgx-/view\">report\u003c/a> reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929539\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11929539 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup view of a woman wearing a green turtleneck sweater stands outside.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59432_DSC03459-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Longtime Menlo Park resident Pam Jones opposes a ballot measure that would rewrite zoning laws to limit housing developments in the city. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Jones, the intent of Measure V is clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about racism. It’s about classism,” she said. “Whenever you say, ‘You’re going to change my neighborhood, you’re going to blight my neighborhood,’ you are talking about people of color that don’t look like you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessari recoiled at that suggestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, that argument is very offensive to me,” she said. The city could choose to site increased development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Chessari do agree on one point, though: Measure V is about the future of Menlo Park and who gets the last word on what can be built, and where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we really?” Jones wondered. “How do we really want to live? How do we want to treat our neighbors?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’ll know when all of the ballots are counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "whats-driving-the-spike-in-homelessness-for-latinos-in-san-francisco",
"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco?",
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"headTitle": "What’s Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Miriam Mora, San Francisco resident\"]‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.[aside postID=\"news_11922869,news_11914346,news_11927968\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In San Francisco, homelessness among Latino residents is up 55% since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the unhoused population.",
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"title": "What's Driving the Spike in Homelessness for Latinos in San Francisco? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Every Tuesday as the sun comes up, dozens of RV residents who call Winston Drive home prepare for a weekly ritual — avoiding the street sweeper. They dislodge their wheel chocks and rumble into the parking lot of a nearby shopping mall to wait out the parking control officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sweeper descends the sloped street, along the northern edge of the San Francisco State University campus, a line of RVs trails behind. One at a time, they lurch back into their designated spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“See, everyone has their place. We’re a community,” said resident Jose Luis Diaz, 40, in Spanish. With the weekly move done, he stands outside his RV, waiting for his kids to finish getting ready for school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s got the spot with the tree because he was the first one out here, he says, about a month into the pandemic.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz lost his job as a sous-chef in March of 2020. Within a few weeks, he’d moved into the RV with his wife and kids, who are 17 and 12. Later, he says, other families from the apartment building where they were living in Daly City came to scope out their new living arrangement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re neighbors again out here. They’re among the growing ranks of Latinos living on San Francisco’s streets, or in RVs, cars or city shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of ways that our community is very vulnerable,” said Laura Valdéz, executive director of Dolores Street Community Services, an organization that works with the Latino community in the Mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was clear from the early days of the pandemic that its economic costs weren’t being felt equally, with Latinos being especially hit hard. The service industry jobs available to many Latinos — in the hotel industry, housekeeping or restaurants — were gutted, Valdez says.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So when COVID happened and every single person in the household is losing their job, that really created a very dire situation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the ripple effects are showing up as more people are becoming homeless. Despite measures meant to protect renters, homelessness among Latino residents has spiked around California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/2022-pit-count/#:~:text=Since%20the%202019%20PIT%20Count,in%20housing%20and%20shelter%20resources.\">homelessness among Latino residents is up 55%\u003c/a> since 2019, according to the latest point-in-time count, despite an overall drop in the homeless population. In Alameda County, Latino homelessness rose 73% during the same time period, according to the nonprofit EveryOneHome, which conducts the county’s tally. It \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=6545-2022-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-deck\">jumped by 26%\u003c/a> in Los Angeles County and \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/2022-PIT-Report_2022_0426_Final.docx.pdf\">by 19%\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://bkrhc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/2020-PIT-Count-Report.pdf\">Kern County\u003c/a>, since they did their last counts in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent counts also show that Black people continue to be \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2019/10/black-people-disproportionately-homeless-in-california/\">overrepresented on California’s streets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveying his RV neighborhood, Jose Diaz offers one explanation for why more Latinos are becoming homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Remember, Americans get unemployment,” he said. “Most people here, they might be immigrants, they might not have papers, so there’s no help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just undocumented Latinos, though. Diaz has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/victims-of-human-trafficking-and-other-crimes/victims-of-criminal-activity-u-nonimmigrant-status\">U visa\u003c/a> (for victims of crime who work with law enforcement on investigations) that allows him to work legally. But he didn’t apply for rent relief or unemployment because he worried it could hurt his pending application for permanent residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, UCLA researchers found \u003ca href=\"https://latino.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Renters-Report.pdf\">Latinos in California were about half as likely as whites to have applied for and received rent relief\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community is not accessing the homelessness response system,” Valdez said, including rent relief and legal aid. She attributes that in part to fears like Diaz’s, to language and cultural barriers and to the silencing effect of xenophobic political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz is now working as a truck driver. He plans to stay in the RV, save money and move away from the city, because he doesn’t see a future here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, with Diaz and his wife working, he says they’d be left with $150 at the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who can survive on that? Nobody,” he said. “Everyone who ended up out here is just trying to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As bad as those new numbers are, they don’t account for the homelessness that’s harder to see — the kind Miriam Mora is living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old has been moving place to place for the past few weeks with her three kids, who are 14, 9 and 6 months old. After staying in her car for a stint, they moved into her sister’s living room. Now they’re living at her brother’s Tenderloin studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929297\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929297\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing next to a girl pushes a stroller with a baby wrapped in a yellow blanket past a person lying down on the sidewalk.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59328_Miriam_Mora_014-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks to visit her sister with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9), in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. Mora lost her job during the pandemic and has been struggling to find affordable housing. Right now she is staying with her brother, who already has several roommates in his studio apartment. Latinos now make up 30% of the unhoused people in San Francisco, though they’re only 16% of the overall population, according to the city’s most recent count. Mora said she would prefer to live in a different neighborhood where there are fewer people on the street and less drug use. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He already had five roommates, so it’s 10 of them in one room, sharing bunk beds. Mora says she left her last home, which she shared with roommates in the Excelsior, after her landlord raised the rent, intimidated her and threatened to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid the rent, but the landlord still harassed us,” she said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of self-evictions aren’t officially tracked, but tenant advocates say they have been on the rise since the start of the pandemic, especially among Latino renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got people who tell us their landlords tell them verbally to leave their units every day,” said Lucia Leal, a tenant counselor with Causa Justa/Just Cause. “They don’t want to deal with the harassment,” so they leave, even if they have the right to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos are also overrepresented in formal eviction data in San Francisco, even with eviction moratoriums in place during the pandemic. According to data collected by the Eviction Defense Collaborative, 20% of eviction filings between March of 2020 and March of 2022 were against Latino tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When tenants don’t know their rights, don’t speak English, have an informal living arrangement without a lease or don’t have legal status, it gives landlords a lot of power, Leal says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora lost her job doing hourly gig work at the start of the pandemic, but says her landlord demanded the rent no matter what. “He said, ‘Come rain or thunder, whatever happens, I want my rent on the first of the month,’” Mora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt with the Playstation logo descends the stairs holding a stroller.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59324_Miriam_Mora_010-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora walks down the stairs with her daughter, Miriam (then 5 months) at her brother’s apartment in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mora applied for COVID rent relief, but got denied. She says her landlord wouldn’t cooperate with the application process. So she used her savings and borrowed money from a family member to cover her rent. She’s $21,000 in debt now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she moved out, Mora says, she tried to get into a family shelter, but was put on a waiting list. She went to Compass Family Services, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/services/the-homelessness-response-system/coordinated-entry/family-coordinated-entry/\">access points for the city’s coordinated entry system\u003c/a>.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the coordinated entry system, which is required by the federal government, people who are unhoused must go to an access point, meet with a case manager and answer a series of questions about their experiences. They are then ranked according to their level of need, and may or may not get placed in a shelter or other housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that system creates its own barriers for Latinos, says Valdez. “If you just look at coordinated entry systems anywhere, not just here in San Francisco, they create structural disparities,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2022 city-commissioned report on the coordinated entry system found that \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/get-involved/coordinated-entry-evaluation-report/\">Latinos were less likely to be prioritized for housing\u003c/a> than other groups and were underrepresented in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the Latino Task Force’s Street Needs Assessment Committee \u003ca href=\"https://www.ltfrespuestalatina.com/_files/ugd/bbc25b_99f10a84713449bd9e24e1ec89bb1c0c.pdf\">surveyed more than 100 unhoused residents\u003c/a> in the Mission earlier this year and found that almost a quarter became homeless during the pandemic, and 83% were not in the coordinated entry system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larisa Pedroncelli, co-chair of the committee, attributes this to a number of factors: distrust, especially among undocumented immigrants, the lack of access points in the Mission, and a dearth of linguistically and culturally competent service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are being assessed by somebody you’ve never met and you’re asked to share some of your deepest traumas,” she said, noting that many people feel uncomfortable sharing those experiences, and that’s why they don’t get connected with the housing and services they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee’s report calls for empowering Mission-based organizations to facilitate coordinated entry access. “Because the relationships are there, they know the folks on the street, so it’s much easier for them to share their traumas and to be able to be properly assessed,” Pedroncelli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, says the department is ramping up work in the Mission, in part by increasing partnerships with nonprofits that serve the Latino community and opening a new coordinated entry access point in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora is also looking for more permanent housing. Every week, she goes to the Mission Economic Development Agency to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">apply for one of the city’s few open affordable apartments\u003c/a>, but her chances of landing a spot are slim. On a visit in September, she’s one of 814 people who’ve applied for a single apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11929304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11929304\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black t-shirt holding on to a stroller is next to a girl wearing a black hoodie. To the left of them is a man wearing a colorful tshirt and gray hat. To the right isa man wearing a black jacket and pants.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59326_Miriam_Mora_012-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miriam Mora leaves her brother’s apartment building with her daughters Miriam (then 5 months) and Julissa (9) as two men who were sitting on the steps move aside in the Tenderloin neighborhood in San Francisco on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2022. \u003ccite>(Marlena Sloss/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Latino Task Force says the city needs to focus more on building affordable housing,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are calling for policy changes, like curbing market rate housing development in neighborhoods where residents are \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/maps/california-estimated-displacement-risk-model/\">most vulnerable to displacement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valdez, who works with the task force, wants to see more efforts to prevent evictions and greater investments in affordable housing. Without them, she says, as the \u003ca href=\"https://medasf.org/what-does-displacement-look-like-part-1-census-2020-and-latinos-in-the-mission/\">Latino population in the city continues to grow\u003c/a>, “We’re just going to see larger and larger numbers of unhoused community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mora has worked service industry jobs since she came to this country alone as a teenager. She was doing gig work when the pandemic started, and when that dried up the state denied her unemployment claim. She says she feels exploited because she’s worked hard and paid taxes and she can’t afford to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can contribute to the economy but we can’t have a safe place to live, it’s not a fair trade,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after 15 years in San Francisco, she’s considering going back to her hometown of Puebla in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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