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"slug": "did-newsoms-3-8-billion-hotels-to-housing-program-pay-off",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.[aside postID=news_12082132 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250218-SFDowntown-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.[aside postID=news_12068047 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/20251211_YOUTHHOMELESSNESS_DECEMBER_GH-5-KQED.jpg']The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”[aside postID=news_12082518 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/OAKRIDGE_11_qed-1.jpg']Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-school-districts-plead-with-newsom-to-restore-budget",
"title": "California School Districts Plead With Newsom to Restore Budget",
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"headTitle": "California School Districts Plead With Newsom to Restore Budget | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Education officials across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> are calling on the governor and state Legislature to scrap a plan to withhold billions in education funding that they say means more cuts for students and continues a harmful trend of underfunding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised budget proposal, expected next week, school district leaders across the state are pushing for him to allocate the full amount of Proposition 98 funding required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed withholding would trigger real reductions to student services, academic interventions, mental health services, staffing, and programs that our students rely on every single day,” said Edgar Zazueta, the executive director of the Association of California School Administrators, at a press conference this week. “California has a responsibility right now. It’s to honor the commitment that they’ve made to public education, to protect students and to fully fund Prop. 98.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 98 requires an annual minimum guarantee of funding for K-12 schools and community colleges, which equates to about 40% of the state’s general fund. In his draft budget released in January, Newsom proposed holding back $5.6 billion earmarked for schools, based on general fund revenue for the 2025-2026 year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom said the deferral would mitigate the risk of appropriating more resources than end up being available, due to “persistent uncertainty in revenue projections,” school boards, district officials and unions across the state said delaying the funding violates the state constitution, and will mean real losses for districts already strapped for cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the governor has touted “historic” education allocations over recent years — including an unexpected $22 billion in additional funding for next year — school districts across the Bay Area and beyond are facing massive, multi-year budget shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have lost per-pupil funding due to enrollment declines, and California School Board Association spokesperson Troy Flint said rising costs — for teacher compensation, pension and health care contributions and special education — are outpacing funding gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you add all that up, the idea that schools have more money is, while it’s intuitive, not reflective of reality,” Flint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, the state sees withholding this pool of money, which is an excess of the projected funding for last year, as “No harm, no foul” for school districts, and a possible solution to pay for higher-than-anticipated costs elsewhere in the state budget. The education community disagrees.[aside postID=news_12077803 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260326-SJSchoolClosures-02-BL.jpg']“This is a chronically underfunded system,” Snider said. “We’ve got declining enrollment all over the state. We’ve got pressure from labor because the cost of living has gone up everywhere. We need to solve that problem, so you want to borrow money from us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSBA estimates that the delay means losing about $900 per student across the state. Every $1 billion withheld equates to about 9,500 educators who could lose their jobs, according to Doug Knepp, president of the West Sacramento Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take the position that a dollar deferred is a dollar denied, and IOU is not a guarantee,” Flint said. “The Prop. 98 monies are intended for the current budget year, which is being developed, not for an indeterminate date in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, San Francisco Unified School District board leadership sent a letter to Newsom, urging him to restore the Proposition 98 funding. That letter was signed by other district leaders across the Bay Area and state, who said the withholding “represents tens of millions of dollars from each of our districts and will directly harm our schools and the students they serve as soon as next school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, district officials from Oakland are also expected to join a statewide lobbying day hosted by the California Teachers Association in favor of restoring Proposition 98 funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As education officials push for Newsom to release the funding in his final budget proposal ahead of the July 1 deadline, Snider and Flint both said, to some extent, the “damage” has already been done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072507 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wooden blocks and tiny jackets rest on the rug during playtime at a transitional kindergarten class at Cesar Chavez Elementary School in East San José on Feb. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re already seeing school districts have had to develop their budget on the assumption that the withholding will go through,” Flint said. “No matter how this resolves, it’s already had a negative impact as school districts have to reduce staffing support and services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the advocates said it’s not too late to stop the withholding from becoming a precedent. Last year, the state withheld $1.9 billion from schools, which will be repaid in this year’s budget, under similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precedent is an issue,” Snider said. “Because the effect is that it effectively neuters Prop. 98 from its intent, which is to protect the school portions of the budget from the non-education side pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s being proposed by the governor is sort of a clever workaround to that. And if the education community doesn’t speak up and push back, they’ll just keep doing it,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, CSBA is suing the state over funds withheld last year, and Flint said if this year’s delay is approved in the final state budget, the organization is very likely to litigate again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has proposed a delay in $5.6 billion in education funding, as school districts across the Bay Area and throughout the state face massive, multi-year budget shortfalls. \r\n",
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"title": "California School Districts Plead With Newsom to Restore Budget | KQED",
"description": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has proposed a delay in $5.6 billion in education funding, as school districts across the Bay Area and throughout the state face massive, multi-year budget shortfalls. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Education officials across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> are calling on the governor and state Legislature to scrap a plan to withhold billions in education funding that they say means more cuts for students and continues a harmful trend of underfunding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised budget proposal, expected next week, school district leaders across the state are pushing for him to allocate the full amount of Proposition 98 funding required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed withholding would trigger real reductions to student services, academic interventions, mental health services, staffing, and programs that our students rely on every single day,” said Edgar Zazueta, the executive director of the Association of California School Administrators, at a press conference this week. “California has a responsibility right now. It’s to honor the commitment that they’ve made to public education, to protect students and to fully fund Prop. 98.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 98 requires an annual minimum guarantee of funding for K-12 schools and community colleges, which equates to about 40% of the state’s general fund. In his draft budget released in January, Newsom proposed holding back $5.6 billion earmarked for schools, based on general fund revenue for the 2025-2026 year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom said the deferral would mitigate the risk of appropriating more resources than end up being available, due to “persistent uncertainty in revenue projections,” school boards, district officials and unions across the state said delaying the funding violates the state constitution, and will mean real losses for districts already strapped for cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the governor has touted “historic” education allocations over recent years — including an unexpected $22 billion in additional funding for next year — school districts across the Bay Area and beyond are facing massive, multi-year budget shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have lost per-pupil funding due to enrollment declines, and California School Board Association spokesperson Troy Flint said rising costs — for teacher compensation, pension and health care contributions and special education — are outpacing funding gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you add all that up, the idea that schools have more money is, while it’s intuitive, not reflective of reality,” Flint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, the state sees withholding this pool of money, which is an excess of the projected funding for last year, as “No harm, no foul” for school districts, and a possible solution to pay for higher-than-anticipated costs elsewhere in the state budget. The education community disagrees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is a chronically underfunded system,” Snider said. “We’ve got declining enrollment all over the state. We’ve got pressure from labor because the cost of living has gone up everywhere. We need to solve that problem, so you want to borrow money from us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSBA estimates that the delay means losing about $900 per student across the state. Every $1 billion withheld equates to about 9,500 educators who could lose their jobs, according to Doug Knepp, president of the West Sacramento Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take the position that a dollar deferred is a dollar denied, and IOU is not a guarantee,” Flint said. “The Prop. 98 monies are intended for the current budget year, which is being developed, not for an indeterminate date in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, San Francisco Unified School District board leadership sent a letter to Newsom, urging him to restore the Proposition 98 funding. That letter was signed by other district leaders across the Bay Area and state, who said the withholding “represents tens of millions of dollars from each of our districts and will directly harm our schools and the students they serve as soon as next school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, district officials from Oakland are also expected to join a statewide lobbying day hosted by the California Teachers Association in favor of restoring Proposition 98 funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As education officials push for Newsom to release the funding in his final budget proposal ahead of the July 1 deadline, Snider and Flint both said, to some extent, the “damage” has already been done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072507 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wooden blocks and tiny jackets rest on the rug during playtime at a transitional kindergarten class at Cesar Chavez Elementary School in East San José on Feb. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re already seeing school districts have had to develop their budget on the assumption that the withholding will go through,” Flint said. “No matter how this resolves, it’s already had a negative impact as school districts have to reduce staffing support and services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the advocates said it’s not too late to stop the withholding from becoming a precedent. Last year, the state withheld $1.9 billion from schools, which will be repaid in this year’s budget, under similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precedent is an issue,” Snider said. “Because the effect is that it effectively neuters Prop. 98 from its intent, which is to protect the school portions of the budget from the non-education side pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s being proposed by the governor is sort of a clever workaround to that. And if the education community doesn’t speak up and push back, they’ll just keep doing it,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, CSBA is suing the state over funds withheld last year, and Flint said if this year’s delay is approved in the final state budget, the organization is very likely to litigate again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill",
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"headTitle": "Following Newsom’s Veto, Lawmaker Returns With Drug-Free Homeless Housing Bill | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.[aside postID=news_12034006 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250327_SoberHousing_GC-9-1020x680.jpg']Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney is reviving a proposal to allow drug-free housing for people transitioning out of homelessness, months after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney’s new proposal, AB 1556, would set rules for how “recovery residences” can operate within California’s Housing First framework, the \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB1556/id/3425398\">state’s policy\u003c/a> of offering permanent housing without first requiring people to meet conditions like sobriety, mental health treatment or employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should give people who are ready to take the steps to get to recovery and stability an opportunity to do so,” Haney said at a press conference in San Francisco on Monday. “People want to live in housing where they receive the support to be off of and away from drugs with people who will support them in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes after Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/AB-255-Veto.pdf\">rejected \u003c/a>Haney’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058779/newsoms-veto-of-sober-housing-bill-sparks-a-backlash-in-sf\">AB 255 last year\u003c/a>. That bill would have allowed some state homelessness dollars to support sober housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said recovery-focused housing is already allowed under state law and argued the bill “wrongly suggests incompatibility with Housing First.” He also raised concerns about creating a separate certification and oversight process that could cost taxpayers money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing First has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054270/trumps-tectonic-shift-on-homelessness-could-have-dire-impacts-in-california\">credited with reducing barriers\u003c/a> for people who might otherwise be denied housing because of substance use, mental health challenges or other issues. But some local officials and advocates argue the policy has also made it harder to fund housing where residents can live away from active drug use.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Supporters of sober housing have said those environments are especially important as cities like San Francisco continue to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">confront homelessness and addiction\u003c/a>, including its ongoing fentanyl crisis. But the proposal is likely to face pushback from some homelessness advocates, who have long warned that sobriety requirements can become a pathway to eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said the new bill is meant to provide clarity for housing providers, local governments and people in recovery who want a sober living environment. According to Haney’s office, AB 1556 would allow recovery residences to maintain sobriety standards, while requiring a “non-punitive” response when someone relapses, including connecting residents to alternative housing and services rather than kicking them out of the program and pushing them back into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing California, a statewide affordable housing advocacy group, has already listed its opposition to AB 1556, \u003ca href=\"https://housingca.org/policy/policy-priorities-2026/\">citing concerns\u003c/a> about residents being required to choose recovery housing and harm-reduction housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto last year did not dismiss recovery housing outright. Instead, he said the state should continue working on ways to support recovery-focused models without undermining Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Bill Ending Tax Break for Corporate Landlords Fails to Advance",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would have ended tax breaks for owners of 50 or more single-family homes has stalled in the state legislature, despite an earlier promise from the governor to curb corporate overreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to explain how a bill like this doesn’t move forward,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, who introduced the bill. “Cracking down on corporations buying up homes and gaming the tax code is not a fringe idea; it’s overwhelmingly popular and deeply bipartisan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, if an individual or company sells a home and then buys another soon after, they can defer paying taxes on the profits from that sale. AB 1611 would have eliminated that benefit for owners of 50 or more single-family homes — whether they own the homes directly or indirectly. The Assembly Revenue and Taxation Committee voted to hold the bill on Monday, essentially killing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a unique moment of alignment, both President Donald Trump and California Gov. Gavin Newsom in recent months have expressed support for reining in corporate purchases of single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2026/01/stopping-wall-street-from-competing-with-main-street-homebuyers/\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> directing agencies to promote home sales to individual owner-occupants and the Treasury Secretary to review rules related to large investors acquiring single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, that same week in his State of the State speech, criticized institutional investors “snatching up homes by the hundreds and thousands at a time, crushing the dream of home ownership, and forcing rents too damn high for everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom, above right, speaks during his State of the State address on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the next few weeks, we will work with the Legislature to combat this monopolistic behavior, strengthen accountability, and level the playing field for working families,” Newsom said. “That means more oversight and enforcement and potentially changing the state tax code to make this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment on the bill’s failure, saying the office doesn’t typically comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor called on the Legislature to act in his State of the State. This bill was us doing exactly that,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of business and real estate associations led by the California Apartment Association had opposed it. Debra Carlton, a lobbyist and spokesperson for the association, said her organization shares “the goal of improving housing affordability” with the author, but warned about the bill’s “unintended consequences.”[aside postID=news_12069094 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP.jpg']“AB 1611 would have impacted not just investment activity in housing, but also public pension systems and millions of Californians who rely on them,” she said. “Preserving stable, long-term investment in housing is essential to both affordability and economic security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28081280-ab-1611/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In a March 25 letter\u003c/a>, the coalition — which includes the California Chamber of Commerce, the California Business Properties Association, the California Mortgage Bankers Association and the California Building Industry Association — wrote that many public pension systems, including CalPERS and CalSTRS, pool their retirement savings in Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs). Eliminating the tax benefit would remove “a tool that these retirement systems use to provide safe returns for individuals and families,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview on Monday before AB 1611 was held in committee, Carlton told KQED that Haney’s bill would do nothing to promote affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if Mr. Haney claims that it’s going to help our budget, this is budget dust,” she said. “This is nothing. It’s really going to, I think, harm the shareholders overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the National Rental Home Council, a lobbying group for large landlords of single-family homes, said before the bill stalled that it would have chilled housing investment at a time when the state urgently needs more options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Single-family rentals provide hardworking Americans with access to quality homes in good neighborhoods. We look forward to working with lawmakers to advance proposals that increase housing investment, promote responsible development, and support pathways to homeownership,” the spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Single-family homes in Alameda on Jan. 12, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, last year introduced a separate bill, AB 1240, which would ban investors who own more than 1,000 single-family homes from purchasing additional properties and turning them into rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill narrowly cleared the Assembly and is now in the Senate Judiciary Committee, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I think there is way too much protection of the Wall Street landlord class,” Lee said in a phone interview on Tuesday. “This is an issue that has incredible bipartisan support of all Americans and of regular Americans and Californians alike who do not want to see Wall Street and private equity move in and swoop in and take over the housing market in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to AB 1611, Lee said, “I think it’s an incredible travesty, and it’s a big disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite an earlier promise from Gov. Gavin Newsom to curb corporate overreach, a bill to eliminate a tax break for owners of 50 or more single-family homes failed to advance out of a key committee this week.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would have ended tax breaks for owners of 50 or more single-family homes has stalled in the state legislature, despite an earlier promise from the governor to curb corporate overreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to explain how a bill like this doesn’t move forward,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, who introduced the bill. “Cracking down on corporations buying up homes and gaming the tax code is not a fringe idea; it’s overwhelmingly popular and deeply bipartisan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, if an individual or company sells a home and then buys another soon after, they can defer paying taxes on the profits from that sale. AB 1611 would have eliminated that benefit for owners of 50 or more single-family homes — whether they own the homes directly or indirectly. The Assembly Revenue and Taxation Committee voted to hold the bill on Monday, essentially killing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a unique moment of alignment, both President Donald Trump and California Gov. Gavin Newsom in recent months have expressed support for reining in corporate purchases of single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2026/01/stopping-wall-street-from-competing-with-main-street-homebuyers/\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> directing agencies to promote home sales to individual owner-occupants and the Treasury Secretary to review rules related to large investors acquiring single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, that same week in his State of the State speech, criticized institutional investors “snatching up homes by the hundreds and thousands at a time, crushing the dream of home ownership, and forcing rents too damn high for everyone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom, above right, speaks during his State of the State address on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the next few weeks, we will work with the Legislature to combat this monopolistic behavior, strengthen accountability, and level the playing field for working families,” Newsom said. “That means more oversight and enforcement and potentially changing the state tax code to make this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment on the bill’s failure, saying the office doesn’t typically comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor called on the Legislature to act in his State of the State. This bill was us doing exactly that,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of business and real estate associations led by the California Apartment Association had opposed it. Debra Carlton, a lobbyist and spokesperson for the association, said her organization shares “the goal of improving housing affordability” with the author, but warned about the bill’s “unintended consequences.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“AB 1611 would have impacted not just investment activity in housing, but also public pension systems and millions of Californians who rely on them,” she said. “Preserving stable, long-term investment in housing is essential to both affordability and economic security.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28081280-ab-1611/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In a March 25 letter\u003c/a>, the coalition — which includes the California Chamber of Commerce, the California Business Properties Association, the California Mortgage Bankers Association and the California Building Industry Association — wrote that many public pension systems, including CalPERS and CalSTRS, pool their retirement savings in Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs). Eliminating the tax benefit would remove “a tool that these retirement systems use to provide safe returns for individuals and families,” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview on Monday before AB 1611 was held in committee, Carlton told KQED that Haney’s bill would do nothing to promote affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if Mr. Haney claims that it’s going to help our budget, this is budget dust,” she said. “This is nothing. It’s really going to, I think, harm the shareholders overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the National Rental Home Council, a lobbying group for large landlords of single-family homes, said before the bill stalled that it would have chilled housing investment at a time when the state urgently needs more options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Single-family rentals provide hardworking Americans with access to quality homes in good neighborhoods. We look forward to working with lawmakers to advance proposals that increase housing investment, promote responsible development, and support pathways to homeownership,” the spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Single-family homes in Alameda on Jan. 12, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, last year introduced a separate bill, AB 1240, which would ban investors who own more than 1,000 single-family homes from purchasing additional properties and turning them into rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill narrowly cleared the Assembly and is now in the Senate Judiciary Committee, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I think there is way too much protection of the Wall Street landlord class,” Lee said in a phone interview on Tuesday. “This is an issue that has incredible bipartisan support of all Americans and of regular Americans and Californians alike who do not want to see Wall Street and private equity move in and swoop in and take over the housing market in that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Referring to AB 1611, Lee said, “I think it’s an incredible travesty, and it’s a big disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Sues Trump Over Repeal of EPA’s Authority to Fight Climate Change",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>, along with a coalition of 23 other states and a dozen cities and counties, sued the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency on Thursday for rolling back \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073333/trump-scraps-a-cornerstone-climate-finding-as-california-prepares-for-court\">the scientific finding\u003c/a> requiring it to regulate greenhouse gas pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a small technical change,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said at a press conference in Sacramento. “It’s a sweeping decision that would increase pollution, worsen climate change, and put the health of millions of Americans at risk. And it’s not based on any credible science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, seeks to reinstate a 2009 conclusion known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/final-rule-rescission-greenhouse-gas-endangerment\">the endangerment finding\u003c/a> — that carbon dioxide and other planet-warming gases threaten public health and welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climate rule served as the scientific basis for the agency’s ability to limit emissions under the Clean Air Act.[aside postID=news_12073333 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/TrucksCM1.jpg']The Trump administration finalized the repeal of the endangerment finding on Feb. 12. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/final-rule-rescission-greenhouse-gas-endangerment\">post\u003c/a> on the EPA’s website stated the change would also dissolve restrictions on vehicle emissions and save Americans $1.3 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Denying the danger of climate change doesn’t make the fires less destructive, or the heatwaves less deadly,” California Air Resources Board Chair Lauren Sanchez said. “California will not stand by while this administration continues to dismantle critical public health protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said California’s authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions under the landmark 2006 Global Warming Solutions Act, AB 32, signed into law by then Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, “remains unchanged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, San Francisco and Santa Clara County were also parties to the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lklivans\">\u003cem>Laura Klivans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>, along with a coalition of 23 other states and a dozen cities and counties, sued the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency on Thursday for rolling back \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073333/trump-scraps-a-cornerstone-climate-finding-as-california-prepares-for-court\">the scientific finding\u003c/a> requiring it to regulate greenhouse gas pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t a small technical change,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said at a press conference in Sacramento. “It’s a sweeping decision that would increase pollution, worsen climate change, and put the health of millions of Americans at risk. And it’s not based on any credible science.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, seeks to reinstate a 2009 conclusion known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/final-rule-rescission-greenhouse-gas-endangerment\">the endangerment finding\u003c/a> — that carbon dioxide and other planet-warming gases threaten public health and welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climate rule served as the scientific basis for the agency’s ability to limit emissions under the Clean Air Act.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump administration finalized the repeal of the endangerment finding on Feb. 12. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/regulations-emissions-vehicles-and-engines/final-rule-rescission-greenhouse-gas-endangerment\">post\u003c/a> on the EPA’s website stated the change would also dissolve restrictions on vehicle emissions and save Americans $1.3 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Denying the danger of climate change doesn’t make the fires less destructive, or the heatwaves less deadly,” California Air Resources Board Chair Lauren Sanchez said. “California will not stand by while this administration continues to dismantle critical public health protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez said California’s authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions under the landmark 2006 Global Warming Solutions Act, AB 32, signed into law by then Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, “remains unchanged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, San Francisco and Santa Clara County were also parties to the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lklivans\">\u003cem>Laura Klivans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never shied away from politics that go beyond the borders of his current job. As mayor of San Francisco 20 years ago, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-Newsom-s-Switzerland-trip-2654797.php\">repeatedly attended\u003c/a> the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As governor, he’s continued to insert himself into geopolitics, particularly as a contrast to President Donald Trump on climate, including a \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/posts/2023/10/why-gavin-newsoms-china-trip-is-both-mundane-and-meaningful\">China trip\u003c/a> in 2023 and last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/11/26/california-delegation-wraps-historic-participation-at-cop30-new-global-partnerships-clean-energy-records-and-climate-leadership/\">visit to Brazil\u003c/a> for the U.N. Climate Conference, COP30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that engagement can be chalked up to California’s size and international economic relevance. The state, Newsom loves to say, “punches above its weight.” If it were a country, it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/04/23/california-is-now-the-4th-largest-economy-in-the-world/\">rank fourth\u003c/a> in GDP after the U.S., China and Germany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Newsom eyes a potential 2028 presidential run — and positions himself as the Democratic Party’s chief foil to Trump — he also seems to be wading deeper into foreign policy. Even on issues that are politically sticky, like U.S. support for Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a pivot any governor looking toward higher office has to make, said Dane Strother, a longtime Democratic political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you reposition from governor toward the more national fields and position, you don’t become someone you’re not, but you explain who you are in a different way,” said Strother, who has worked for Democratic heavyweights including former President Bill Clinton and former Vice President Al Gore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strother cited examples: Ronald Reagan reassuring voters he wouldn’t go after Social Security or Medicare. Bill Clinton branding himself as a “New Democrat” who supported welfare reform and tough-on-crime policies. George W. Bush painted himself as a “compassionate conservative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin’s chiseling out right now his national identity,” Strother said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Mair, a Republican consultant who has advised three presidential candidates — the late Arizona Sen. John McCain, former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker and former Texas Gov. Rick Perry — said it’s not always an easy transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“McCain already had much more of a national profile, largely because of having been a POW,” Mair said. “But for everybody else, they have to somehow translate from the state level up to national. And it’s a really big leap. There’s a huge learning curve there. I think even (for) governors of big states … it’s not something that is automatically easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be particularly true, Mair said, coming from California, which many voters view “as so far off in left field.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070941\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070941\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gavin Newsom gestures while speaking at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, on Jan. 22, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means minefields ahead — for Newsom and the many other Democratic governors looking at a 2028 run. Take Newsom’s recent comments on Israel during his book tour for his memoir, Young Man in a Hurry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/gavin-newsom-is-finally-comfortable-with-himself/id1192761536?i=1000753725429\">onstage interview\u003c/a> in Los Angeles with Pod Save America, Newsom was asked whether Israel pushed the U.S. into war with Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue of Bibi (Netanyahu) is interesting because he’s got his own domestic issues. He’s trying to stay out of jail. He’s got an election coming up,” he said, adding that Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces pressure from hard-line allies who want to annex the West Bank. “I mean, (\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> columnist Thomas) Friedman and others are talking about it appropriately, sort of an apartheid state.”[aside postID=news_12075598 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2264208767-scaled.jpg']Then in the same interview, he responded this way when pressed on whether the U.S. should reconsider its military support for Israel: “It breaks my heart because leadership in Israel is walking us down that path, where I don’t think you have a choice but that consideration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those comments, particularly his use of the word apartheid, \u003ca href=\"https://foxbaltimore.com/news/nation-world/fetterman-says-he-was-shocked-by-newsom-calling-israel-an-apartheid-state-gavin-newsom-iran\">prompted outrage\u003c/a> from some Democrats. One member of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepJoshG/status/2030357821557227559?s=20\">asked\u003c/a> if it’s “really worth throwing Jews under the bus to advance your political ambitions?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Democratic critics of Israel’s war in Gaza, Newsom’s comments reflect what they see as a moral and necessary political pivot. Tariq Habash resigned from the Biden administration’s Department of Education over its unwavering support for Israel and co-founded A New Policy, a nonprofit lobbying organization aimed at changing U.S. policy toward Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Habash noted \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2025/10/03/how-americans-view-the-israel-hamas-conflict-2-years-into-the-war/\">public opinion\u003c/a> on Israel has shifted to be more critical of Israel’s government and more sympathetic to Palestinians, particularly among the Democratic base. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2026/02/22/dnc-2024-autopsy-harris-gaza\">evidence\u003c/a> that Biden’s support of Israel cost Kamala Harris votes in the 2024 election. (We \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075598/newsoms-apartheid-remark-signals-shift-in-democrats-middle-east-messaging\">dug into this shift\u003c/a> on last week’s Political Breakdown podcast roundtable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that Gov. Newsom is actually doing what he needs to do,” Habash said. “Democrats are largely recognizing that they need to shift on the issue of U.S. policy towards Israel and Palestine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thousands of Palestinians struggling with hunger in Gaza flock to the Zakim area in the north of the region to receive aid on July 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Hamza Z. H. Qraiqea/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom did walk some of his comments back — sort of. At a subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_E5tFga9-xk&list=PLFqNXV_mz5lTCeKU9u5efdH3WWJPuQkRT&index=9\">book tour event\u003c/a> in New Hampshire, Newsom — a longtime self-described supporter of Israel (he \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/10/20/governor-newsom-travels-to-israel/\">stopped there in 2023\u003c/a> on his way to China, in the wake of the Oct. 7 attacks) — underscored that support. Then, he made clear his objection is to the way Netanyahu is leading Israel, particularly on the annexation of the West Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Newsom this week highlighted the nuanced position the governor is trying to carve out: separating Israel from its current leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor is calling out a difficult truth: Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu’s maniacal paths to secure their own political futures are taking Israel — a democracy and America’s critical ally — down a course that threatens the future and safety of Israel, as well as Israelis and American Jews,” spokesperson Izzy Gardon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strother said that Newsom hasn’t brought up the Israel question himself — he’s been asked about it. But the governor did \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CAgovernor/status/2027777089643151661\">preemptively weigh in\u003c/a> on Trump’s war in Iran, condemning the attacks while positioning himself as an ally of California’s large Iranian diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strother and Mair agreed that at the end of the day, foreign policy is unlikely to be the biggest factor for any presidential candidate in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By and large, voters don’t give a shit about foreign policy. Some very vocal ones do, but that’s not really what they’re voting on,” Mair said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price of gas, the price of food … Americans are hurting right now and foreign policy is not going to get anyone elected,” Strother said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> has never shied away from politics that go beyond the borders of his current job. As mayor of San Francisco 20 years ago, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/SAN-FRANCISCO-Newsom-s-Switzerland-trip-2654797.php\">repeatedly attended\u003c/a> the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As governor, he’s continued to insert himself into geopolitics, particularly as a contrast to President Donald Trump on climate, including a \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/posts/2023/10/why-gavin-newsoms-china-trip-is-both-mundane-and-meaningful\">China trip\u003c/a> in 2023 and last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/11/26/california-delegation-wraps-historic-participation-at-cop30-new-global-partnerships-clean-energy-records-and-climate-leadership/\">visit to Brazil\u003c/a> for the U.N. Climate Conference, COP30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that engagement can be chalked up to California’s size and international economic relevance. The state, Newsom loves to say, “punches above its weight.” If it were a country, it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/04/23/california-is-now-the-4th-largest-economy-in-the-world/\">rank fourth\u003c/a> in GDP after the U.S., China and Germany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Newsom eyes a potential 2028 presidential run — and positions himself as the Democratic Party’s chief foil to Trump — he also seems to be wading deeper into foreign policy. Even on issues that are politically sticky, like U.S. support for Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a pivot any governor looking toward higher office has to make, said Dane Strother, a longtime Democratic political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you reposition from governor toward the more national fields and position, you don’t become someone you’re not, but you explain who you are in a different way,” said Strother, who has worked for Democratic heavyweights including former President Bill Clinton and former Vice President Al Gore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strother cited examples: Ronald Reagan reassuring voters he wouldn’t go after Social Security or Medicare. Bill Clinton branding himself as a “New Democrat” who supported welfare reform and tough-on-crime policies. George W. Bush painted himself as a “compassionate conservative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin’s chiseling out right now his national identity,” Strother said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liz Mair, a Republican consultant who has advised three presidential candidates — the late Arizona Sen. John McCain, former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker and former Texas Gov. Rick Perry — said it’s not always an easy transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“McCain already had much more of a national profile, largely because of having been a POW,” Mair said. “But for everybody else, they have to somehow translate from the state level up to national. And it’s a really big leap. There’s a huge learning curve there. I think even (for) governors of big states … it’s not something that is automatically easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be particularly true, Mair said, coming from California, which many voters view “as so far off in left field.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070941\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070941\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2256933557-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gavin Newsom gestures while speaking at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, on Jan. 22, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means minefields ahead — for Newsom and the many other Democratic governors looking at a 2028 run. Take Newsom’s recent comments on Israel during his book tour for his memoir, Young Man in a Hurry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/gavin-newsom-is-finally-comfortable-with-himself/id1192761536?i=1000753725429\">onstage interview\u003c/a> in Los Angeles with Pod Save America, Newsom was asked whether Israel pushed the U.S. into war with Iran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue of Bibi (Netanyahu) is interesting because he’s got his own domestic issues. He’s trying to stay out of jail. He’s got an election coming up,” he said, adding that Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces pressure from hard-line allies who want to annex the West Bank. “I mean, (\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> columnist Thomas) Friedman and others are talking about it appropriately, sort of an apartheid state.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then in the same interview, he responded this way when pressed on whether the U.S. should reconsider its military support for Israel: “It breaks my heart because leadership in Israel is walking us down that path, where I don’t think you have a choice but that consideration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those comments, particularly his use of the word apartheid, \u003ca href=\"https://foxbaltimore.com/news/nation-world/fetterman-says-he-was-shocked-by-newsom-calling-israel-an-apartheid-state-gavin-newsom-iran\">prompted outrage\u003c/a> from some Democrats. One member of Congress \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepJoshG/status/2030357821557227559?s=20\">asked\u003c/a> if it’s “really worth throwing Jews under the bus to advance your political ambitions?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Democratic critics of Israel’s war in Gaza, Newsom’s comments reflect what they see as a moral and necessary political pivot. Tariq Habash resigned from the Biden administration’s Department of Education over its unwavering support for Israel and co-founded A New Policy, a nonprofit lobbying organization aimed at changing U.S. policy toward Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Habash noted \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2025/10/03/how-americans-view-the-israel-hamas-conflict-2-years-into-the-war/\">public opinion\u003c/a> on Israel has shifted to be more critical of Israel’s government and more sympathetic to Palestinians, particularly among the Democratic base. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2026/02/22/dnc-2024-autopsy-harris-gaza\">evidence\u003c/a> that Biden’s support of Israel cost Kamala Harris votes in the 2024 election. (We \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075598/newsoms-apartheid-remark-signals-shift-in-democrats-middle-east-messaging\">dug into this shift\u003c/a> on last week’s Political Breakdown podcast roundtable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that Gov. Newsom is actually doing what he needs to do,” Habash said. “Democrats are largely recognizing that they need to shift on the issue of U.S. policy towards Israel and Palestine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/GazaHumanitarianCrisisJuly2025Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thousands of Palestinians struggling with hunger in Gaza flock to the Zakim area in the north of the region to receive aid on July 22, 2025. \u003ccite>(Hamza Z. H. Qraiqea/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom did walk some of his comments back — sort of. At a subsequent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_E5tFga9-xk&list=PLFqNXV_mz5lTCeKU9u5efdH3WWJPuQkRT&index=9\">book tour event\u003c/a> in New Hampshire, Newsom — a longtime self-described supporter of Israel (he \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/10/20/governor-newsom-travels-to-israel/\">stopped there in 2023\u003c/a> on his way to China, in the wake of the Oct. 7 attacks) — underscored that support. Then, he made clear his objection is to the way Netanyahu is leading Israel, particularly on the annexation of the West Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Newsom this week highlighted the nuanced position the governor is trying to carve out: separating Israel from its current leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor is calling out a difficult truth: Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu’s maniacal paths to secure their own political futures are taking Israel — a democracy and America’s critical ally — down a course that threatens the future and safety of Israel, as well as Israelis and American Jews,” spokesperson Izzy Gardon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strother said that Newsom hasn’t brought up the Israel question himself — he’s been asked about it. But the governor did \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CAgovernor/status/2027777089643151661\">preemptively weigh in\u003c/a> on Trump’s war in Iran, condemning the attacks while positioning himself as an ally of California’s large Iranian diaspora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strother and Mair agreed that at the end of the day, foreign policy is unlikely to be the biggest factor for any presidential candidate in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By and large, voters don’t give a shit about foreign policy. Some very vocal ones do, but that’s not really what they’re voting on,” Mair said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The price of gas, the price of food … Americans are hurting right now and foreign policy is not going to get anyone elected,” Strother said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Monday that California is expanding resources to support its first-of-its-kind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">mental health court program\u003c/a>, but threatened to divert those funds from counties, including multiple in the Bay Area, where implementation is falling behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after the launch of the CARE Court program, which aims to connect unhoused Californians suffering from psychosis with housing and treatment plans, Newsom’s office awarded an additional $291 million toward housing and behavioral health services. The governor’s office is also adding accountability measures to speed up the adoption of CARE Court programs for counties like San Francisco, where the programs are struggling to connect people to services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through CARE Court, we have seen inspirational stories of recovery and resilience, but many counties continue to lag behind their peers,” Newsom said in a statement. “Local leaders have a moral and legal obligation to deliver this transformational tool for those who need it most. We will not accept failure and excuses when lives are on the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2023, counties across the state began rolling out CARE Court programs created by the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment Act. All 58 counties implemented the programs by the end of 2024. The legislation aims to make it easier for first responders, doctors and family members to petition the court to help people suffering from psychosis due to schizophrenia and other behavioral health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a case is accepted, a civil court judge presents a voluntary treatment plan, which can include access to housing, mental health counseling, medication and other services. If the person refuses, a judge can compel them into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073589/californias-care-court-is-falling-short-of-expectations\">failed to keep up with expectations\u003c/a> in some parts of the state. While Newsom’s office predicted CARE could reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">7,000 to 12,000 people annually\u003c/a> when it was introduced, only about 3,800 CARE petitions have been submitted to courts. An additional 4,000 cases where people have been considered for CARE have been diverted by connecting them with services without court participation, Newsom’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Le Ondra Clark Harvey, the CEO of the advocacy organization California Council of Community Behavioral Health Agencies, said she had “expected more” when the program was initially announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do believe that the trickle [of cases] may represent that there’s not enough thoughtfulness and planning around coordination and tracking,” she told KQED. “We know as providers on the ground that every handoff matters and that people can easily fall through the safety net if that’s not done and crafted very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, CARE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059464/newsom-expands-care-court-mental-health-law-to-reach-more-californians\">expanded in October\u003c/a> to include people experiencing psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Now, Newsom is throwing additional resources behind the program — and calling out counties, like San Francisco, that are underperforming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that his office would direct $131.8 million in Proposition 1 funding to eight Homekey+ affordable housing projects, which provide supportive housing with services for veterans, people who are at-risk or experiencing homelessness, or living with behavioral health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office estimates that the funding will create 443 additional homes across the communities, including in Stockton and Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other $159 million is in newly awarded Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention funding, which will go toward 20 regions throughout the state to create permanent housing, sustain interim housing and “accelerate proven local interventions.”[aside postID=news_12073589 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CARECourt_SFChronicle-2000x1333.jpg']Among those counties is Alameda, which Newsom called a “shining example” of CARE implementation. The county has one of the highest rates of petitions submitted per capita, and has seen an 11% drop in unsheltered homelessness since 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, by contrast, are among 10 that have struggled to implement CARE programs. Both had fewer than 100 petitions in 2025, according to a new state dashboard, and San Francisco has seen a significantly lower percentage decrease in unsheltered homelessness than the state average since 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are counties that haven’t gotten it done, like Santa Clara County,” Newsom said. “We’re calling [San Francisco] out as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the care court ICU,” Newsom said, referring to the term his office has coined for the 10 “bottom” counties in terms of implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara recorded just 47 CARE petitions in 2025, equaling a rate of about two petitions per 100,000 residents, compared to the state’s six. New state data tracking counties’ progress on reducing unsheltered homelessness says that the county does not have publicly available data. But last year’s point-in-time count in its most populous city, San José — where Mayor Matt Mahan has also cracked down on street homelessness and encampments — reported a 10% drop between 2023 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long before the creation of CARE Court, the County of Santa Clara has been at the forefront of innovative strategies to address the behavioral health crisis facing California,” Santa Clara County Executive James Williams said in a statement. “Our approach is grounded in what works: rapidly connecting people to clinically appropriate treatment and housing, rather than defaulting to lengthy, costly, and often inadequate court-based processes that do not produce better outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams called the CARE program “one tool among many. He said via email that counties need sustained funding and partnership, not “reducing a complex system to a single scorecard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie’s office, which has been focused on the homelessness crisis since taking office in 2024, said it “has been using every tool in our toolbox to address the crisis on our streets — reimagining street outreach and adding recovery and treatment resources so we can get people off the street and connected to the support they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, encampments are at record lows, more people are getting connected to shelter and treatment, and San Franciscans feel safer than they have in years,” a spokesperson for the office said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070970\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070970\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.accountability.ca.gov/county/san-francisco/housing/\">state data shows\u003c/a> that the city has seen just a 1% decline in unsheltered homelessness since 2023, compared to California’s 9% drop. Fifty CARE petitions were filed in 2025. As of last September, about two-thirds of submitted petitions were dismissed, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">investigation by \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state dashboard notes that the city has increased its number of beds available for unhoused residents by nearly 10% since 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Clark Harvey said flagging the counties that are performing both well and poorly is important to identify what is and isn’t working, and help bring struggling counties up to speed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really now time to drill down and say, ‘Why aren’t things working well for these 10 counties? What can we do to support them? And what can we do to ensure that people aren’t cycling back through the system?’” she said.[aside postID=news_12074462 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022426_ALAMEDA-COUNTY-HEALTH-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg']\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Monica Porter Gilbert with the advocacy group Disability Rights California said she was concerned about how the governor’s office is measuring a county’s performance on its new accountability dashboard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> “We’re not seeing a ton of rigor in how the governor is defining performance or underperformance,” she told KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She said she was concerned about the number of petitions a county receives being considered a marker of success. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“What CARE Court does is it orders people into services without increasing access to them,” she told KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She said that the program’s first annual report found that more than half of CARE participants were unable to receive at least one mental health service that was part of their treatment plan, such as peer support, medication or therapy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The report cited administrative delays like pending applications for services, or a lack of availability of some services in some counties, as well as coordination mishaps that led to these issues.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The California Legislature did some analysis this past summer and found CARE Court to be — and this is a quote from them — a very expensive way to coordinate but not directly provide important services,” Gilbert said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Despite awarding San Francisco \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070144/lurie-newsom-tout-millions-in-homelessness-funding-for-san-francisco-amid-budget-blows\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">nearly $40 million\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in HHAP funding in January, the governor suggested that money could be diverted from those counties in his May budget revision if they don’t improve implementation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I’m happy to direct every damn penny in these programs to the counties that are getting things done,” Newsom said. “I’m not interested in funding failure.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED’s \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> contributed to this report. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Monday that California is expanding resources to support its first-of-its-kind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">mental health court program\u003c/a>, but threatened to divert those funds from counties, including multiple in the Bay Area, where implementation is falling behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after the launch of the CARE Court program, which aims to connect unhoused Californians suffering from psychosis with housing and treatment plans, Newsom’s office awarded an additional $291 million toward housing and behavioral health services. The governor’s office is also adding accountability measures to speed up the adoption of CARE Court programs for counties like San Francisco, where the programs are struggling to connect people to services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through CARE Court, we have seen inspirational stories of recovery and resilience, but many counties continue to lag behind their peers,” Newsom said in a statement. “Local leaders have a moral and legal obligation to deliver this transformational tool for those who need it most. We will not accept failure and excuses when lives are on the line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2023, counties across the state began rolling out CARE Court programs created by the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment Act. All 58 counties implemented the programs by the end of 2024. The legislation aims to make it easier for first responders, doctors and family members to petition the court to help people suffering from psychosis due to schizophrenia and other behavioral health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a case is accepted, a civil court judge presents a voluntary treatment plan, which can include access to housing, mental health counseling, medication and other services. If the person refuses, a judge can compel them into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, it’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073589/californias-care-court-is-falling-short-of-expectations\">failed to keep up with expectations\u003c/a> in some parts of the state. While Newsom’s office predicted CARE could reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">7,000 to 12,000 people annually\u003c/a> when it was introduced, only about 3,800 CARE petitions have been submitted to courts. An additional 4,000 cases where people have been considered for CARE have been diverted by connecting them with services without court participation, Newsom’s office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Le Ondra Clark Harvey, the CEO of the advocacy organization California Council of Community Behavioral Health Agencies, said she had “expected more” when the program was initially announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do believe that the trickle [of cases] may represent that there’s not enough thoughtfulness and planning around coordination and tracking,” she told KQED. “We know as providers on the ground that every handoff matters and that people can easily fall through the safety net if that’s not done and crafted very well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, CARE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059464/newsom-expands-care-court-mental-health-law-to-reach-more-californians\">expanded in October\u003c/a> to include people experiencing psychotic symptoms as a result of bipolar disorder. Now, Newsom is throwing additional resources behind the program — and calling out counties, like San Francisco, that are underperforming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that his office would direct $131.8 million in Proposition 1 funding to eight Homekey+ affordable housing projects, which provide supportive housing with services for veterans, people who are at-risk or experiencing homelessness, or living with behavioral health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office estimates that the funding will create 443 additional homes across the communities, including in Stockton and Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other $159 million is in newly awarded Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention funding, which will go toward 20 regions throughout the state to create permanent housing, sustain interim housing and “accelerate proven local interventions.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Among those counties is Alameda, which Newsom called a “shining example” of CARE implementation. The county has one of the highest rates of petitions submitted per capita, and has seen an 11% drop in unsheltered homelessness since 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Santa Clara counties, by contrast, are among 10 that have struggled to implement CARE programs. Both had fewer than 100 petitions in 2025, according to a new state dashboard, and San Francisco has seen a significantly lower percentage decrease in unsheltered homelessness than the state average since 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are counties that haven’t gotten it done, like Santa Clara County,” Newsom said. “We’re calling [San Francisco] out as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the care court ICU,” Newsom said, referring to the term his office has coined for the 10 “bottom” counties in terms of implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara recorded just 47 CARE petitions in 2025, equaling a rate of about two petitions per 100,000 residents, compared to the state’s six. New state data tracking counties’ progress on reducing unsheltered homelessness says that the county does not have publicly available data. But last year’s point-in-time count in its most populous city, San José — where Mayor Matt Mahan has also cracked down on street homelessness and encampments — reported a 10% drop between 2023 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long before the creation of CARE Court, the County of Santa Clara has been at the forefront of innovative strategies to address the behavioral health crisis facing California,” Santa Clara County Executive James Williams said in a statement. “Our approach is grounded in what works: rapidly connecting people to clinically appropriate treatment and housing, rather than defaulting to lengthy, costly, and often inadequate court-based processes that do not produce better outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams called the CARE program “one tool among many. He said via email that counties need sustained funding and partnership, not “reducing a complex system to a single scorecard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie’s office, which has been focused on the homelessness crisis since taking office in 2024, said it “has been using every tool in our toolbox to address the crisis on our streets — reimagining street outreach and adding recovery and treatment resources so we can get people off the street and connected to the support they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, encampments are at record lows, more people are getting connected to shelter and treatment, and San Franciscans feel safer than they have in years,” a spokesperson for the office said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070970\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070970\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00606_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.accountability.ca.gov/county/san-francisco/housing/\">state data shows\u003c/a> that the city has seen just a 1% decline in unsheltered homelessness since 2023, compared to California’s 9% drop. Fifty CARE petitions were filed in 2025. As of last September, about two-thirds of submitted petitions were dismissed, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/09/care-court-2025-data/\">investigation by \u003cem>CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state dashboard notes that the city has increased its number of beds available for unhoused residents by nearly 10% since 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Clark Harvey said flagging the counties that are performing both well and poorly is important to identify what is and isn’t working, and help bring struggling counties up to speed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really now time to drill down and say, ‘Why aren’t things working well for these 10 counties? What can we do to support them? And what can we do to ensure that people aren’t cycling back through the system?’” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Monica Porter Gilbert with the advocacy group Disability Rights California said she was concerned about how the governor’s office is measuring a county’s performance on its new accountability dashboard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> “We’re not seeing a ton of rigor in how the governor is defining performance or underperformance,” she told KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She said she was concerned about the number of petitions a county receives being considered a marker of success. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“What CARE Court does is it orders people into services without increasing access to them,” she told KQED. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She said that the program’s first annual report found that more than half of CARE participants were unable to receive at least one mental health service that was part of their treatment plan, such as peer support, medication or therapy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The report cited administrative delays like pending applications for services, or a lack of availability of some services in some counties, as well as coordination mishaps that led to these issues.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The California Legislature did some analysis this past summer and found CARE Court to be — and this is a quote from them — a very expensive way to coordinate but not directly provide important services,” Gilbert said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Despite awarding San Francisco \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070144/lurie-newsom-tout-millions-in-homelessness-funding-for-san-francisco-amid-budget-blows\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">nearly $40 million\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in HHAP funding in January, the governor suggested that money could be diverted from those counties in his May budget revision if they don’t improve implementation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I’m happy to direct every damn penny in these programs to the counties that are getting things done,” Newsom said. “I’m not interested in funding failure.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED’s \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> contributed to this report. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Governor Gavin Newsom is hitting the road to promote his new book, “Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery.” It’s a revealing take on his childhood, family life, struggles with dyslexia and rise in politics. Scott, Marisa and Guy discuss the book and how Newsom is using the tour to boost his national profile and raise money for Democrats in states like Tennessee and Georgia. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they discuss President Trump’s State of the Union pledge to target blue states, including California, in his war on fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Governor Gavin Newsom is hitting the road to promote his new book, “Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery.” It’s a revealing take on his childhood, family life, struggles with dyslexia and rise in politics. Scott, Marisa and Guy discuss the book and how Newsom is using the tour to boost his national profile and raise money for Democrats in states like Tennessee and Georgia. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they discuss President Trump’s State of the Union pledge to target blue states, including California, in his war on fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap]lmeter Carroll sits alone on a couch inside the Watts Senior Citizen Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost noon, but the place is nearly empty. Fitness mats and other workout gear lay stacked in a distant corner. No one shows up for a morning gym class except her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points across the room to a wall covered with photos of smiling, well-dressed Black men and women gathered at events throughout the years. “They’re all gone. Everyone on that wall. Passed away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same in her personal life. Widowed once, Almeter lost a second partner years later to COVID. For the most part, she likes being independent and taking care of herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, I get lonely,” she says. “I miss my husband. I miss my boyfriend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074089\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A memorial wall honoring past members at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. Right: Almeter Carroll, 87, sits at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. “I like coming here, I like getting together with the group and playing cards,” said Ms. Carroll. “People come for fellowship. To talk.” She added, “The pandemic did a lot to this place and to my church.” \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She speaks of these things matter-of-factly, but still holds a positive outlook and carries a knowing smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet as it may be at the moment, the Watts Center will begin to buzz with activity come lunchtime. Almeter will be surrounded by friends soon enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shane Shabad, 90, sits at Palisades Park in Santa Monica. Shane has lived alone for over a decade and struggles with vision loss associated with macular degeneration. He became increasingly socially isolated during the pandemic. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/seniors\">Older adults\u003c/a> represent a significantly expanding portion of California’s population. By 2030, individuals over age 65 will begin to outnumber those under 18. But living longer also means people will see more loss, experience more grief and face more isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/look-inside-los-angeles-senior-centers/\">Neighborhood senior centers\u003c/a> may offer a good solution. They localize important resources and provide a safe, accessible space where older adults can go to find community and friendship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re absolutely essential and critical and part of the backbone of older adult services in our state,” said California Department of Aging Director Susan DeMarois. “They’re integral to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2021px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074090 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2021\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED.jpg 2021w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-2000x1484.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-1536x1140.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2021px) 100vw, 2021px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Beverlee Kelly, 70, spends time at Kenneth Hahn State Recreation Area in Los Angeles. Ms. Kelly used to be active at a senior center near her home before the pandemic. She has not returned since the shutdown in 2020 due to health concerns, as she is unvaccinated. Right: Shane Shabad, 90, stands in his apartment in Santa Monica. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Gov. Gavin Newsom, the aging department drew up a 10-year master plan that lays out five “bold” goals essential for sustaining longevity — housing, health care, inclusion, caregiving and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior centers can address the inclusion component, although how exactly remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/senior-centers-what-we-learned/\">No two senior centers are alike\u003c/a>. Local demographics and economic factors shape each center’s unique dynamics. With hardly any state oversight, most are largely left to themselves to figure out their own best practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, no one can even say how many are operating in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074094 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Lewis Brown, 80, Director, sits in his office at the Tehachapi Senior Center. Right: Tony Kotch, 86, sits at a table for lunch at the Tehachapi Senior Center. The Tehachapi Senior Center is volunteer-run, and the older adults cover costs through donations. Older adults residing in rural areas are at an increased risk of social isolation. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy sounded an alarm in naming loneliness and social isolation a national epidemic in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/surgeon-general-social-connection-advisory.pdf\">2023 report\u003c/a> — equating the long-term health effects with smoking 15 cigarettes a day. One in five older Californians like Almeter live alone, making it even more difficult for them to maintain social connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going to the senior center may benefit a person’s mental and physical health, according to a 2025 study by researchers from California State University, Northridge, and Kaiser Permanente. They distributed surveys at 23 Los Angeles-area senior centers to gauge how attendance affected the well-being of participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who attended frequently — several times a week — or over long periods of time had better mental health and felt less lonely. Frequent senior center attendance was associated with a greater reduction in loneliness among users under age 75, while the positive relationship between senior center attendance and physical health was more evident among users over age 75. Based on those findings, the authors encouraged local officials and doctors “to promote” senior centers as a healthy resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of an affordable senior housing complex in Santa Monica stand in a hallway in 2020. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hit hard by the social distancing impacts of COVID, community-based centers faced significant challenges when things began to return to normal. Older adults stayed away for some time out of caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some returned to centers with a renewed focus on health and well-being. Rather than look for traditional recreation like bingo, post-COVID older adults wanted to see fitness classes and longevity training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the population changes, as the opportunities change, as the needs change — senior centers evolve with that,” said Dianne Stone of the National Council on Aging. “At the core of it, senior centers are highly social places. It’s all about creating opportunities for social engagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That might be just sitting around having a cup of coffee. It might be taking a class and finding people that are interested in the same things you’re interested in. But all of it is an opportunity to come in and meet people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Karaoke, tai chi and romance\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Less than 20 miles from Watts, the Culver City Senior Center surges with energy and enthusiasm. Sunlight filters through large glass windows onto tables bustling with Mah Jong and other games. For $20 a year, participants get daily access to rooms filled with exercise classes, arts and crafts workshops and movie screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members gather early to hit the gym as soon as doors open at 9 a.m. Billiards players bring their own cues to shoot pool. Twice a week, packed-house karaoke sessions involve not just free-spirited singing, but also plenty of dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2019px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074091 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2019\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED.jpg 2019w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-2000x1486.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-1536x1141.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2019px) 100vw, 2019px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members dance during weekly karaoke at the Culver City Senior Center. Some older adults attend the center with their caregivers, who are also members. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a sunny, gorgeous day in mid-November, the karaoke team brought microphones and speakers out into the fresh air of Culver’s spacious central courtyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selvee Provost bounced around and chatted knowingly with almost every person sitting under the verandas and shade umbrellas. As people took turns singing, she danced intermittently with different friends. Her simple social activity appeared to come naturally, but it was in the aftermath of loss and loneliness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074059\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074059\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Toni DiModica, 84, and Jim Diego, 82, dance during karaoke, as Verna Akwa, 77, sings, and Lee Karol, 69, and Stan Kamens, 78, manage the program at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Selvee first came to the Culver Center with her husband, Jim, in 2018. When COVID hit, things shut down. Then Jim died, and Selvee felt utterly alone. She could feel herself spiraling down in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew if I sit at home and keep thinking about Jim, I’m gonna get more and more depressed,” she said. “That’s what motivated me to come here and try a class or something — just try anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2019px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2019\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED.jpg 2019w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-2000x1486.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-1536x1141.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2019px) 100vw, 2019px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cristina Guevara, 78, embraces Julia Sedana, 82, at the Lincoln Heights Senior Center. Right: Selvee Provost, 67, bows during a Tai-Chi class at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tai chi became her pathway to community. “I didn’t know anybody, really. But by going to this class, I met people and learned they have a group about dealing with grief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where she met Daniel Kerson. He’d lost his wife at almost the same time as Selvee lost Jim. “Both of us really needed to find companionship to survive,” she said. They moved in together right away and now come to the center throughout the week for classes, events and to socialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Gelb, 78, brushes his hair while seated in the courtyard at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Louis Cangemi, a newcomer over the last few months, mingled with Selvee and made his own rounds amongst the outdoor karaoke singers and dancers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about this place and came to meet more people,” said the energetic 80-year-old. “I’m still a bachelor, so I hope to hit it off here with more women.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he might encounter a bit of competition. Other men like Jim Diego, 82, have been dancing and courting at Culver for years ahead of Cangemi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Find a public senior center in Los Angeles\" aria-label=\"Locator map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-cMgPL\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/cMgPL/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"695\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffee, tea and art — “Cafe, te y arte” — are the kind of social opportunities that begin each weekday at the Lincoln Heights Senior Citizen Center, all gratis for the mostly Spanish-speaking older adults who make themselves at home here. In one large community room, they share galletas and pasteles along with the free coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mid-morning hits, fitness classes like chair yoga and Latin dance entice a dozen or so participants — predominantly women — to move, smile and laugh together beside the room’s raised performance stage. The men mostly sit and watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twice a week, la lotería keeps the tables full for a couple of hours. Holiday dances draw crowds of over a hundred and feature DJs and live musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chris Garcia, 78, dances with Eva De La Torre, 75, alongside other members of the Lincoln Heights Senior Center during a Halloween party in the Lincoln Heights neighborhood in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a lovely community,” said the Lincoln Heights director and one-man staff, Anthony Montiel. “I’m really fortunate to be part of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As director, he maintains the schedule of classes and fills in wherever necessary. People are asked to contribute a few dollars per class, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his backroom office, he logs in and accounts for handfuls of dog-eared $1 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lone ping pong player looks for the director in the afternoons. If he’s not too busy with his other duties, he’ll take a break for a quick match. “We have practically a brand new table,” said Montiel. “It’s nice equipment, but the guy usually has no one to play with but me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Shared meals, shared space, shared community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Putting a finger on the pulse of how senior centers maintain relevance, adapt and thrive is no easy task. Each center relies on a mix of different funding and resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides the classes and activities, subsidized lunch programs at all these centers play a crucial role in helping older adults stay healthy. The nutritionally balanced meals provide free or low-cost sustenance, but offering the food in a shared, congregate space might be equally just as vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074065\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members gather at different tables in the afternoon at the Lincoln Heights Senior Center in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When people are able to go to a setting like a senior center to enjoy a meal in the company of others, possibly to have music and entertainment and activities, that can be really good for people’s mental health,” said DeMarois of the Department of Aging. “That’s a big part of it — just trying to foster that connection and engagement on the preventive side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congregate setting meal programs accounted for over 2.3 million older adult meals in the City of Los Angeles and in L.A. County in 2024, according to California Department of Aging records. But this data is not specific to senior centers, as it also includes meals in senior care facilities and other older adult group spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to senior centers, there is not good data,” said Stone. “There is not that central database of senior centers or community-based organizations, and there’s not even a shared definition of what they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074093 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Maudell Robinson, 95, at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. Right: A member of the Watts Senior Center prepares to depart for the day in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Senior centers are community responses to community aging. No two are the same because no two communities are the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking anecdotally from her own experience, Stone sees the bulk of most senior center populations as being between 75 and 85 years old. But that age range is evolving as older adult communities expand.[aside postID=news_12050210 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/la-seniors-688a20454f1fc.jpg']DeMarois sees the same dynamics taking shape. “When we talk about people 60-plus, we’re experiencing the greatest longevity ever right now,” she said. “The fastest growing demographic in California is 85-plus. We’re talking about four decades of life for many people from 60 to 100, so their needs and preferences will change over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Watts, Almeter’s not much interested in a free meal. “I eat my own food.” She sits around as other older adults filter into the center one by one. Many grab their subsidized lunch in styrofoam containers and soon walk right back out the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She waits patiently for her friends to arrive — women like Luretha Muckelroy, Maudell Robinson and Watts advisory board member Linda Cleveland. They gather here two or three times each week to play Spades or Bid Whist, card games that evoke plenty of smack talking and mirth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more men around here,” said Linda, as she noted the all-female crowd. Older adult males show up for some functions and events, but women seem to comprise most of the Watts Center attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharron Robinson, 80, Laura Shroder, 89, and Johnnie Devereaux, 86, hold hands and dance as other members sing karaoke at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For a few hours, the close-knit group makes the place come alive. Four players compete in two-person teams, while others keep tally. The losing team must vacate their seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laugh, point fingers and chastise one another — all in good fun. The games can sometimes get heated. In between hands and shuffles, they share snacks and pour sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how she feels about aging alone, Almeter answers without hesitation. “Oh, I love being 87. It’s great to be alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Garcia is a California Local News fellow. \u003c/em>\u003cem>This story was produced jointly by CalMatters and CatchLight as part of our \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.catchlight.io/mental-health\">\u003cem>mental health initiative\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/senior-centers-aging-health/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "No two senior centers are alike. We visited three very different venues in L.A. to learn how they’re changing for California’s aging population.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>lmeter Carroll sits alone on a couch inside the Watts Senior Citizen Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s almost noon, but the place is nearly empty. Fitness mats and other workout gear lay stacked in a distant corner. No one shows up for a morning gym class except her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points across the room to a wall covered with photos of smiling, well-dressed Black men and women gathered at events throughout the years. “They’re all gone. Everyone on that wall. Passed away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same in her personal life. Widowed once, Almeter lost a second partner years later to COVID. For the most part, she likes being independent and taking care of herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, I get lonely,” she says. “I miss my husband. I miss my boyfriend.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074089\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-1-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A memorial wall honoring past members at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. Right: Almeter Carroll, 87, sits at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. “I like coming here, I like getting together with the group and playing cards,” said Ms. Carroll. “People come for fellowship. To talk.” She added, “The pandemic did a lot to this place and to my church.” \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She speaks of these things matter-of-factly, but still holds a positive outlook and carries a knowing smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quiet as it may be at the moment, the Watts Center will begin to buzz with activity come lunchtime. Almeter will be surrounded by friends soon enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/221326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-04-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shane Shabad, 90, sits at Palisades Park in Santa Monica. Shane has lived alone for over a decade and struggles with vision loss associated with macular degeneration. He became increasingly socially isolated during the pandemic. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/seniors\">Older adults\u003c/a> represent a significantly expanding portion of California’s population. By 2030, individuals over age 65 will begin to outnumber those under 18. But living longer also means people will see more loss, experience more grief and face more isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/look-inside-los-angeles-senior-centers/\">Neighborhood senior centers\u003c/a> may offer a good solution. They localize important resources and provide a safe, accessible space where older adults can go to find community and friendship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re absolutely essential and critical and part of the backbone of older adult services in our state,” said California Department of Aging Director Susan DeMarois. “They’re integral to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2021px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074090 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2021\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED.jpg 2021w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-2000x1484.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-2-KQED-1536x1140.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2021px) 100vw, 2021px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Beverlee Kelly, 70, spends time at Kenneth Hahn State Recreation Area in Los Angeles. Ms. Kelly used to be active at a senior center near her home before the pandemic. She has not returned since the shutdown in 2020 due to health concerns, as she is unvaccinated. Right: Shane Shabad, 90, stands in his apartment in Santa Monica. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Gov. Gavin Newsom, the aging department drew up a 10-year master plan that lays out five “bold” goals essential for sustaining longevity — housing, health care, inclusion, caregiving and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior centers can address the inclusion component, although how exactly remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/senior-centers-what-we-learned/\">No two senior centers are alike\u003c/a>. Local demographics and economic factors shape each center’s unique dynamics. With hardly any state oversight, most are largely left to themselves to figure out their own best practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, no one can even say how many are operating in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074094 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-3-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Lewis Brown, 80, Director, sits in his office at the Tehachapi Senior Center. Right: Tony Kotch, 86, sits at a table for lunch at the Tehachapi Senior Center. The Tehachapi Senior Center is volunteer-run, and the older adults cover costs through donations. Older adults residing in rural areas are at an increased risk of social isolation. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy sounded an alarm in naming loneliness and social isolation a national epidemic in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/surgeon-general-social-connection-advisory.pdf\">2023 report\u003c/a> — equating the long-term health effects with smoking 15 cigarettes a day. One in five older Californians like Almeter live alone, making it even more difficult for them to maintain social connections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going to the senior center may benefit a person’s mental and physical health, according to a 2025 study by researchers from California State University, Northridge, and Kaiser Permanente. They distributed surveys at 23 Los Angeles-area senior centers to gauge how attendance affected the well-being of participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who attended frequently — several times a week — or over long periods of time had better mental health and felt less lonely. Frequent senior center attendance was associated with a greater reduction in loneliness among users under age 75, while the positive relationship between senior center attendance and physical health was more evident among users over age 75. Based on those findings, the authors encouraged local officials and doctors “to promote” senior centers as a healthy resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/3LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-09-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of an affordable senior housing complex in Santa Monica stand in a hallway in 2020. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hit hard by the social distancing impacts of COVID, community-based centers faced significant challenges when things began to return to normal. Older adults stayed away for some time out of caution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some returned to centers with a renewed focus on health and well-being. Rather than look for traditional recreation like bingo, post-COVID older adults wanted to see fitness classes and longevity training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the population changes, as the opportunities change, as the needs change — senior centers evolve with that,” said Dianne Stone of the National Council on Aging. “At the core of it, senior centers are highly social places. It’s all about creating opportunities for social engagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That might be just sitting around having a cup of coffee. It might be taking a class and finding people that are interested in the same things you’re interested in. But all of it is an opportunity to come in and meet people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Karaoke, tai chi and romance\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Less than 20 miles from Watts, the Culver City Senior Center surges with energy and enthusiasm. Sunlight filters through large glass windows onto tables bustling with Mah Jong and other games. For $20 a year, participants get daily access to rooms filled with exercise classes, arts and crafts workshops and movie screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members gather early to hit the gym as soon as doors open at 9 a.m. Billiards players bring their own cues to shoot pool. Twice a week, packed-house karaoke sessions involve not just free-spirited singing, but also plenty of dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2019px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074091 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2019\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED.jpg 2019w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-2000x1486.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-4-KQED-1536x1141.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2019px) 100vw, 2019px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members dance during weekly karaoke at the Culver City Senior Center. Some older adults attend the center with their caregivers, who are also members. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On a sunny, gorgeous day in mid-November, the karaoke team brought microphones and speakers out into the fresh air of Culver’s spacious central courtyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selvee Provost bounced around and chatted knowingly with almost every person sitting under the verandas and shade umbrellas. As people took turns singing, she danced intermittently with different friends. Her simple social activity appeared to come naturally, but it was in the aftermath of loss and loneliness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074059\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074059\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/1-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-12-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Toni DiModica, 84, and Jim Diego, 82, dance during karaoke, as Verna Akwa, 77, sings, and Lee Karol, 69, and Stan Kamens, 78, manage the program at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Selvee first came to the Culver Center with her husband, Jim, in 2018. When COVID hit, things shut down. Then Jim died, and Selvee felt utterly alone. She could feel herself spiraling down in isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew if I sit at home and keep thinking about Jim, I’m gonna get more and more depressed,” she said. “That’s what motivated me to come here and try a class or something — just try anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2019px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2019\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED.jpg 2019w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-2000x1486.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-5-KQED-1536x1141.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2019px) 100vw, 2019px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cristina Guevara, 78, embraces Julia Sedana, 82, at the Lincoln Heights Senior Center. Right: Selvee Provost, 67, bows during a Tai-Chi class at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tai chi became her pathway to community. “I didn’t know anybody, really. But by going to this class, I met people and learned they have a group about dealing with grief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where she met Daniel Kerson. He’d lost his wife at almost the same time as Selvee lost Jim. “Both of us really needed to find companionship to survive,” she said. They moved in together right away and now come to the center throughout the week for classes, events and to socialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-15-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Gelb, 78, brushes his hair while seated in the courtyard at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Louis Cangemi, a newcomer over the last few months, mingled with Selvee and made his own rounds amongst the outdoor karaoke singers and dancers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about this place and came to meet more people,” said the energetic 80-year-old. “I’m still a bachelor, so I hope to hit it off here with more women.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he might encounter a bit of competition. Other men like Jim Diego, 82, have been dancing and courting at Culver for years ahead of Cangemi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Find a public senior center in Los Angeles\" aria-label=\"Locator map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-cMgPL\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/cMgPL/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"695\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coffee, tea and art — “Cafe, te y arte” — are the kind of social opportunities that begin each weekday at the Lincoln Heights Senior Citizen Center, all gratis for the mostly Spanish-speaking older adults who make themselves at home here. In one large community room, they share galletas and pasteles along with the free coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mid-morning hits, fitness classes like chair yoga and Latin dance entice a dozen or so participants — predominantly women — to move, smile and laugh together beside the room’s raised performance stage. The men mostly sit and watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twice a week, la lotería keeps the tables full for a couple of hours. Holiday dances draw crowds of over a hundred and feature DJs and live musicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-16-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chris Garcia, 78, dances with Eva De La Torre, 75, alongside other members of the Lincoln Heights Senior Center during a Halloween party in the Lincoln Heights neighborhood in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s such a lovely community,” said the Lincoln Heights director and one-man staff, Anthony Montiel. “I’m really fortunate to be part of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As director, he maintains the schedule of classes and fills in wherever necessary. People are asked to contribute a few dollars per class, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his backroom office, he logs in and accounts for handfuls of dog-eared $1 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lone ping pong player looks for the director in the afternoons. If he’s not too busy with his other duties, he’ll take a break for a quick match. “We have practically a brand new table,” said Montiel. “It’s nice equipment, but the guy usually has no one to play with but me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Shared meals, shared space, shared community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Putting a finger on the pulse of how senior centers maintain relevance, adapt and thrive is no easy task. Each center relies on a mix of different funding and resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides the classes and activities, subsidized lunch programs at all these centers play a crucial role in helping older adults stay healthy. The nutritionally balanced meals provide free or low-cost sustenance, but offering the food in a shared, congregate space might be equally just as vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074065\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members gather at different tables in the afternoon at the Lincoln Heights Senior Center in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When people are able to go to a setting like a senior center to enjoy a meal in the company of others, possibly to have music and entertainment and activities, that can be really good for people’s mental health,” said DeMarois of the Department of Aging. “That’s a big part of it — just trying to foster that connection and engagement on the preventive side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congregate setting meal programs accounted for over 2.3 million older adult meals in the City of Los Angeles and in L.A. County in 2024, according to California Department of Aging records. But this data is not specific to senior centers, as it also includes meals in senior care facilities and other older adult group spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to senior centers, there is not good data,” said Stone. “There is not that central database of senior centers or community-based organizations, and there’s not even a shared definition of what they are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12074093 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-2000x658.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-1536x506.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-01-DIP-6-KQED-2048x674.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Maudell Robinson, 95, at the Watts Senior Center in Los Angeles. Right: A member of the Watts Senior Center prepares to depart for the day in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CalMatters/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Senior centers are community responses to community aging. No two are the same because no two communities are the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking anecdotally from her own experience, Stone sees the bulk of most senior center populations as being between 75 and 85 years old. But that age range is evolving as older adult communities expand.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>DeMarois sees the same dynamics taking shape. “When we talk about people 60-plus, we’re experiencing the greatest longevity ever right now,” she said. “The fastest growing demographic in California is 85-plus. We’re talking about four decades of life for many people from 60 to 100, so their needs and preferences will change over time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Watts, Almeter’s not much interested in a free meal. “I eat my own food.” She sits around as other older adults filter into the center one by one. Many grab their subsidized lunch in styrofoam containers and soon walk right back out the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She waits patiently for her friends to arrive — women like Luretha Muckelroy, Maudell Robinson and Watts advisory board member Linda Cleveland. They gather here two or three times each week to play Spades or Bid Whist, card games that evoke plenty of smack talking and mirth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more men around here,” said Linda, as she noted the all-female crowd. Older adult males show up for some functions and events, but women seem to comprise most of the Watts Center attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/NOT4FILE-021326-LA-Senior-Center-IK-CM-20-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharron Robinson, 80, Laura Shroder, 89, and Johnnie Devereaux, 86, hold hands and dance as other members sing karaoke at the Culver City Senior Center. \u003ccite>(Isadora Kosofsky for CatchLight/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For a few hours, the close-knit group makes the place come alive. Four players compete in two-person teams, while others keep tally. The losing team must vacate their seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laugh, point fingers and chastise one another — all in good fun. The games can sometimes get heated. In between hands and shuffles, they share snacks and pour sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how she feels about aging alone, Almeter answers without hesitation. “Oh, I love being 87. It’s great to be alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Garcia is a California Local News fellow. \u003c/em>\u003cem>This story was produced jointly by CalMatters and CatchLight as part of our \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.catchlight.io/mental-health\">\u003cem>mental health initiative\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2026/02/senior-centers-aging-health/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Leaders Call for Refunds After SCOTUS Strikes Down Trump’s Tariffs",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> government officials are calling for refund checks following Friday’s Supreme Court ruling slapping down President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s unilateral tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s 6-3 decision found that Trump’s imposition of tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) was illegal. The decision followed a year of market anxiety and global tensions over the sweeping economic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was quick to attack the ruling, saying on Friday that he was “absolutely ashamed” of the court’s decision, and has dismissed calls for refunds. The president said he is seeking to reimpose a global 10% tariff through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These tariffs were nothing more than an illegal cash grab that drove up prices and hurt working families, so you could wreck longstanding alliances and extort them,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement on Friday after the ruling. “Every dollar unlawfully taken must be refunded immediately — with interest. Cough up!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court ruling did not say whether or how businesses are entitled to refunds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference on Friday, Attorney General Rob Bonta said that those seeking claims could attempt to go through the Court of International Trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12063671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12063671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters as Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, left, and Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield, right, listen outside the Supreme Court on Wednesday, Nov. 5, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“California is going to remain vigilant as the refund process moves forward to ensure that businesses harmed by these illegal tariffs receive the relief that they’re owed,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from a U.S. Senate committee found that American consumers have paid tens of billions of dollars in tariff costs over the past year, averaging more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/democrats/press-releases?ID=9E4D02A7-A9B3-4307-A11D-D44F6C1A60F8\">$1,700 per family\u003c/a>. Businesses across the Bay Area and the country have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034827/bay-area-business-already-tough-trumps-tariffs-preparing-pain\">struggled\u003c/a> to shoulder the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025963/bay-area-businesses-brace-higher-import-costs-trumps-new-tariffs\"> rising costs of international goods\u003c/a>, from construction materials to toilet paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the largest port infrastructure in the nation. We are the fourth-largest economy in the world. We do trade with pretty much every major region of the world that you can think of. This is big,” Xavier Becerra, a former U.S. Health and Human Services secretary, who is now running for California governor, told KQED. “Thank god we now have a ruling that at least tells us that Donald Trump can’t cause this chaos with his tariff mania.”[aside postID=news_12064613 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2209401664-1020x718.jpg']But officials at the Port of Oakland, one of the biggest import and export hubs on the West Coast, took a cautious view of Friday’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expect this will not be the final word on trade and tariffs,” said Bryan Brandes, maritime director at the Port of Oakland. “Our trade community seeks stability and certainty, as increased volume at the Port of Oakland means increased prosperity across the region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Total imports at the Port of Oakland were down in some months in 2025, but overall, the terminal had a slight increase from September 2024 to September 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In last month’s State of the Port address, Executive Director Kristi McKenney said maritime operations remained steady despite short-term dips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariffs imposed under IEEPA were projected to cost California’s economy $25 billion and result in the loss of over 64,000 jobs, according to data from the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order comes after several states, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">California, sued the Trump administration\u003c/a> in April 2025 for abuse of power by issuing the tariffs without congressional approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariffs “have been creating chaos and uncertainty. They have been raising costs for Americans, everyday consumers, as well as businesses,” Bonta said. “Today is a day for affordability, something that Americans and Californians have been screaming for, for months now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\">\u003cem>Scott Shafer\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> government officials are calling for refund checks following Friday’s Supreme Court ruling slapping down President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s unilateral tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s 6-3 decision found that Trump’s imposition of tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) was illegal. The decision followed a year of market anxiety and global tensions over the sweeping economic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump was quick to attack the ruling, saying on Friday that he was “absolutely ashamed” of the court’s decision, and has dismissed calls for refunds. The president said he is seeking to reimpose a global 10% tariff through other means.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These tariffs were nothing more than an illegal cash grab that drove up prices and hurt working families, so you could wreck longstanding alliances and extort them,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement on Friday after the ruling. “Every dollar unlawfully taken must be refunded immediately — with interest. Cough up!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court ruling did not say whether or how businesses are entitled to refunds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a press conference on Friday, Attorney General Rob Bonta said that those seeking claims could attempt to go through the Court of International Trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12063671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12063671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters as Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, left, and Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield, right, listen outside the Supreme Court on Wednesday, Nov. 5, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“California is going to remain vigilant as the refund process moves forward to ensure that businesses harmed by these illegal tariffs receive the relief that they’re owed,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from a U.S. Senate committee found that American consumers have paid tens of billions of dollars in tariff costs over the past year, averaging more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/democrats/press-releases?ID=9E4D02A7-A9B3-4307-A11D-D44F6C1A60F8\">$1,700 per family\u003c/a>. Businesses across the Bay Area and the country have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034827/bay-area-business-already-tough-trumps-tariffs-preparing-pain\">struggled\u003c/a> to shoulder the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025963/bay-area-businesses-brace-higher-import-costs-trumps-new-tariffs\"> rising costs of international goods\u003c/a>, from construction materials to toilet paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the largest port infrastructure in the nation. We are the fourth-largest economy in the world. We do trade with pretty much every major region of the world that you can think of. This is big,” Xavier Becerra, a former U.S. Health and Human Services secretary, who is now running for California governor, told KQED. “Thank god we now have a ruling that at least tells us that Donald Trump can’t cause this chaos with his tariff mania.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But officials at the Port of Oakland, one of the biggest import and export hubs on the West Coast, took a cautious view of Friday’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expect this will not be the final word on trade and tariffs,” said Bryan Brandes, maritime director at the Port of Oakland. “Our trade community seeks stability and certainty, as increased volume at the Port of Oakland means increased prosperity across the region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Total imports at the Port of Oakland were down in some months in 2025, but overall, the terminal had a slight increase from September 2024 to September 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In last month’s State of the Port address, Executive Director Kristi McKenney said maritime operations remained steady despite short-term dips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariffs imposed under IEEPA were projected to cost California’s economy $25 billion and result in the loss of over 64,000 jobs, according to data from the Attorney General’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order comes after several states, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036199/trumps-tariffs-could-wreck-californias-economy-the-state-is-suing\">California, sued the Trump administration\u003c/a> in April 2025 for abuse of power by issuing the tariffs without congressional approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariffs “have been creating chaos and uncertainty. They have been raising costs for Americans, everyday consumers, as well as businesses,” Bonta said. “Today is a day for affordability, something that Americans and Californians have been screaming for, for months now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/scottshafer\">\u003cem>Scott Shafer\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> authorized a $590 million emergency bridge loan on Thursday to prevent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> transit agencies from shuttering stations and slashing service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financing supports the region’s four largest transit operators: BART, Muni, Caltrain and AC Transit. The agencies face a combined $\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026627/with-bay-area-transit-crisis-looming-lawmaker-pushes-for-urgent-state-funding\">800 million deficit\u003c/a>, triggered by the slow recovery of ridership following the pandemic, rising costs and the exhaustion of federal emergency relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much smaller than the $2 billion in emergency funds that Bay Area lawmakers requested in 2025 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040042/transit-advocates-warn-fiscal-crisis-after-newsom-passes-on-emergency-funding\">which Newsom rejected last May — state Sen. Scott Wiener said Thursday the loan is \u003c/a>critical to preventing an “unraveling” of the system that connects the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t do anything, if we just let inertia sit in, we’re going to lose our public transportation systems,” Wiener said. “They will either be a shadow of what they were, or they will not exist at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">$357 million deficit\u003c/a>, BART officials warned earlier this month that without a significant infusion of cash, the agency could be forced to move to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">“doomsday” schedule\u003c/a> that threatens to close up to 15 stations and terminate service at 9 p.m. nightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070961\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking outside a BART train at the Colma yard, Newsom described the loan as a “value proposition” for the region’s identity and economic future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been frankly living off our inheritance,” Newsom said. “We’ve taken a lot of these systems for granted. We haven’t invested in them over the course of many, many decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the governor’s office, the agreement aims to protect service for more than three million monthly riders while agencies pursue a long-term funding solution on the November 2026 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB117\">Assembly Bill 117\u003c/a> authorizes the state to lend the money for a 12-year term. The first two years are interest-free, after which the interest rate will be tied to the state’s surplus money investment fund to ensure the general fund is not “short-changed,” according to Newsom.[aside postID=news_12070685 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00248_TV-KQED.jpg']The Metropolitan Transportation Commission, the transportation planning and financing agency for nine Bay Area counties, will administer the funds. The commission is responsible for distributing the loan proceeds to the four operators and overseeing the quarterly repayment installments to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure the debt, transit agencies must pledge their future state transit assistance revenues as collateral. If the agencies fail to repay the loan, the MTC has the authority to redirect those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTC Chair Sue Noack described the bill as a “must-pass” measure to protect the 900,000 trips taken daily across the region’s networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters in five counties — San Francisco, Alameda, San Mateo, Contra Costa and Santa Clara — will vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032607/first-look-at-2026-tax-proposal-to-keep-bay-area-transit-running\">regional transportation sales tax\u003c/a> measure to fund the struggling agencies. And San Francisco residents will vote on a parcel tax to shore up municipal transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state loan provides some immediate stability, Newsom warned that local transit leaders must “step up their game” and find more efficient ways to manage their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t continue to do what we’ve done because we’ll be right back here in a few years,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> authorized a $590 million emergency bridge loan on Thursday to prevent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> transit agencies from shuttering stations and slashing service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financing supports the region’s four largest transit operators: BART, Muni, Caltrain and AC Transit. The agencies face a combined $\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026627/with-bay-area-transit-crisis-looming-lawmaker-pushes-for-urgent-state-funding\">800 million deficit\u003c/a>, triggered by the slow recovery of ridership following the pandemic, rising costs and the exhaustion of federal emergency relief funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much smaller than the $2 billion in emergency funds that Bay Area lawmakers requested in 2025 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040042/transit-advocates-warn-fiscal-crisis-after-newsom-passes-on-emergency-funding\">which Newsom rejected last May — state Sen. Scott Wiener said Thursday the loan is \u003c/a>critical to preventing an “unraveling” of the system that connects the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we don’t do anything, if we just let inertia sit in, we’re going to lose our public transportation systems,” Wiener said. “They will either be a shadow of what they were, or they will not exist at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">$357 million deficit\u003c/a>, BART officials warned earlier this month that without a significant infusion of cash, the agency could be forced to move to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912988/bart-proposes-station-closures-and-fare-hikes-to-deal-with-massive-budget-shortfall\">“doomsday” schedule\u003c/a> that threatens to close up to 15 stations and terminate service at 9 p.m. nightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070961\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260123-SIGNATUREKICKOFF00063_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Scott Wiener speaks on his support for California Senate Bill 63 at a press conference at Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Jan. 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking outside a BART train at the Colma yard, Newsom described the loan as a “value proposition” for the region’s identity and economic future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been frankly living off our inheritance,” Newsom said. “We’ve taken a lot of these systems for granted. We haven’t invested in them over the course of many, many decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the governor’s office, the agreement aims to protect service for more than three million monthly riders while agencies pursue a long-term funding solution on the November 2026 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB117\">Assembly Bill 117\u003c/a> authorizes the state to lend the money for a 12-year term. The first two years are interest-free, after which the interest rate will be tied to the state’s surplus money investment fund to ensure the general fund is not “short-changed,” according to Newsom.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Metropolitan Transportation Commission, the transportation planning and financing agency for nine Bay Area counties, will administer the funds. The commission is responsible for distributing the loan proceeds to the four operators and overseeing the quarterly repayment installments to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To secure the debt, transit agencies must pledge their future state transit assistance revenues as collateral. If the agencies fail to repay the loan, the MTC has the authority to redirect those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTC Chair Sue Noack described the bill as a “must-pass” measure to protect the 900,000 trips taken daily across the region’s networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters in five counties — San Francisco, Alameda, San Mateo, Contra Costa and Santa Clara — will vote on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032607/first-look-at-2026-tax-proposal-to-keep-bay-area-transit-running\">regional transportation sales tax\u003c/a> measure to fund the struggling agencies. And San Francisco residents will vote on a parcel tax to shore up municipal transit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state loan provides some immediate stability, Newsom warned that local transit leaders must “step up their game” and find more efficient ways to manage their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t continue to do what we’ve done because we’ll be right back here in a few years,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-scraps-a-cornerstone-climate-finding-as-california-prepares-for-court",
"title": "Trump Scraps a Cornerstone Climate Finding, as California Prepares for Court",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration formally rescinded the legal foundation of federal climate policy Thursday — setting up a new front in California’s long-running battle with Washington over emissions rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, the Trump EPA has finalized the single largest act of deregulation in the history of the United States of America,” EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin said at a White House press conference. “Referred to by some as the holy grail of federal regulatory overreach, the 2009 Obama EPA endangerment finding is now eliminated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled the federal government may regulate greenhouse gases if they were found to endanger public health, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency issued a scientific determination that greenhouse gases indeed were a threat. By withdrawing its own so-called “endangerment finding,” the EPA is abandoning its justification for federal tailpipe standards, power plant rules and fuel economy regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California opposed the withdrawal of the endangerment finding when it was proposed last year, and is expected to sue over the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Air Resources Board executive director Steven Cliff \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/carb-executive-officer-rips-u-s-epa-proposal-reverse-decades-proven-climate-science\">testified\u003c/a> at the time that the move ignored settled science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of scientists from around the world are not wrong,” Cliff said in his testimony. “In this proposal, EPA is denying reality and telling every victim of climate-driven fires and floods not to believe what’s right before their eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement Thursday that California would take the Trump administration to court over the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump may put corporate greed ahead of communities and families, but California will not stand by,” Newsom said. “We will continue to lead because the lives and livelihoods of our people depend on it.”[aside postID=news_12072843 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/20251105_URBANSTRATEGY_PL_01-KQED.jpg']Other states and environmental groups have also indicated they could sue. They include Massachusetts, which was part of the coalition of states that sued to force the federal government to curb greenhouse gases nearly two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eliminating the federal basis for regulating planet-warming gases will not halt California’s climate policies, most of which – from California’s market-based approach to cutting carbon pollution to clean energy mandates for utilities — rest on state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the decision may open the door for California to set its own greenhouse gas standards for vehicles, a possibility that lawmakers and regulators are actively weighing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reversal in federal policy could also undercut arguments that federal law blocks state lawsuits against oil companies and boosts interest in expanding California’s authority over planet-warming pollution within its borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California prepares for a fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ann Carlson, a UCLA law professor and former federal transportation official, has argued that aggressive federal action against climate policy “could, ironically, provide states with authority they’ve never had before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in the law journal Environmental Forum, Carlson theorized that California could attempt to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from cars and trucks directly under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law has preempted most states from setting local vehicle emission standards; California has, through a series of waivers granted under federal clean air law, obtained permission to set stricter standards than the federal government does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073339\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Campbell Power Plant in Sacramento on Aug. 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This could help California’s efforts “in the long run,” Carlson wrote in an email Wednesday, “but of course, withdrawing the United States from all efforts to tackle climate change is a terrible move. We should be leading the global effort, not retreating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, where cars and trucks account for more than a third of the state’s greenhouse gas emissions, California regulators at the air board and lawmakers are weighing in. When asked last year by CalMatters whether the air board would consider writing its own rules, Chair Lauren Sanchez said, “All options are currently on the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is definitely a conversation,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/cottie-petrie-norris-165040\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Irvine, said during a Wednesday press conference held by the California Environmental Voters. “So stay tuned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ripple effects in court and Sacramento\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If Washington formally exits the field of carbon regulation, states may argue they have broader room to pursue liability claims tied to wildfire costs and other climate impacts, experts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2025/03/climate-change-california-oil-industry-legal-strategy/\">sued major oil companies\u003c/a> as recently as 2023, in an attempt to hold them responsible for climate impacts. Oil companies have frequently cited federal oversight as a reason to dismiss climate-damage lawsuits against them.[aside postID=news_12052390 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-07_qed.jpg']“California is struggling with wildfire costs, for example, which are linked strongly to a warming climate,” said Ethan Elkind, a climate law expert at UC Berkeley. “I think that opens up a lot of legal avenues for states like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal pullback has prompted lawmakers to consider expanding the Air Resources Board’s powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-garcia-109905\">Robert Garcia\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Rancho Cucamonga, this week introduced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1777\">a bill\u003c/a> aimed at affirming the state’s power to curb pollution from large facilities that generate heavy truck traffic, such as warehouses and ports, which concentrate diesel exhaust in nearby communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no secret that the federal government and California are not seeing eye to eye — we’re not on the same page,” Garcia said at Wednesday’s news conference. “This is an opportunity for our state, for California, to step in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/02/endangerment-climate-policy-trump-lawsuit/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration formally rescinded the legal foundation of federal climate policy Thursday — setting up a new front in California’s long-running battle with Washington over emissions rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, the Trump EPA has finalized the single largest act of deregulation in the history of the United States of America,” EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin said at a White House press conference. “Referred to by some as the holy grail of federal regulatory overreach, the 2009 Obama EPA endangerment finding is now eliminated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled the federal government may regulate greenhouse gases if they were found to endanger public health, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency issued a scientific determination that greenhouse gases indeed were a threat. By withdrawing its own so-called “endangerment finding,” the EPA is abandoning its justification for federal tailpipe standards, power plant rules and fuel economy regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California opposed the withdrawal of the endangerment finding when it was proposed last year, and is expected to sue over the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Air Resources Board executive director Steven Cliff \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/news/carb-executive-officer-rips-u-s-epa-proposal-reverse-decades-proven-climate-science\">testified\u003c/a> at the time that the move ignored settled science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of scientists from around the world are not wrong,” Cliff said in his testimony. “In this proposal, EPA is denying reality and telling every victim of climate-driven fires and floods not to believe what’s right before their eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement Thursday that California would take the Trump administration to court over the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Donald Trump may put corporate greed ahead of communities and families, but California will not stand by,” Newsom said. “We will continue to lead because the lives and livelihoods of our people depend on it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Other states and environmental groups have also indicated they could sue. They include Massachusetts, which was part of the coalition of states that sued to force the federal government to curb greenhouse gases nearly two decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eliminating the federal basis for regulating planet-warming gases will not halt California’s climate policies, most of which – from California’s market-based approach to cutting carbon pollution to clean energy mandates for utilities — rest on state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the decision may open the door for California to set its own greenhouse gas standards for vehicles, a possibility that lawmakers and regulators are actively weighing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reversal in federal policy could also undercut arguments that federal law blocks state lawsuits against oil companies and boosts interest in expanding California’s authority over planet-warming pollution within its borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California prepares for a fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ann Carlson, a UCLA law professor and former federal transportation official, has argued that aggressive federal action against climate policy “could, ironically, provide states with authority they’ve never had before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in the law journal Environmental Forum, Carlson theorized that California could attempt to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from cars and trucks directly under state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law has preempted most states from setting local vehicle emission standards; California has, through a series of waivers granted under federal clean air law, obtained permission to set stricter standards than the federal government does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073339\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073339\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/WaterTowerCM2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Campbell Power Plant in Sacramento on Aug. 31, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This could help California’s efforts “in the long run,” Carlson wrote in an email Wednesday, “but of course, withdrawing the United States from all efforts to tackle climate change is a terrible move. We should be leading the global effort, not retreating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, where cars and trucks account for more than a third of the state’s greenhouse gas emissions, California regulators at the air board and lawmakers are weighing in. When asked last year by CalMatters whether the air board would consider writing its own rules, Chair Lauren Sanchez said, “All options are currently on the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is definitely a conversation,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/cottie-petrie-norris-165040\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Irvine, said during a Wednesday press conference held by the California Environmental Voters. “So stay tuned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ripple effects in court and Sacramento\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If Washington formally exits the field of carbon regulation, states may argue they have broader room to pursue liability claims tied to wildfire costs and other climate impacts, experts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2025/03/climate-change-california-oil-industry-legal-strategy/\">sued major oil companies\u003c/a> as recently as 2023, in an attempt to hold them responsible for climate impacts. Oil companies have frequently cited federal oversight as a reason to dismiss climate-damage lawsuits against them.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“California is struggling with wildfire costs, for example, which are linked strongly to a warming climate,” said Ethan Elkind, a climate law expert at UC Berkeley. “I think that opens up a lot of legal avenues for states like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal pullback has prompted lawmakers to consider expanding the Air Resources Board’s powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-garcia-109905\">Robert Garcia\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Rancho Cucamonga, this week introduced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1777\">a bill\u003c/a> aimed at affirming the state’s power to curb pollution from large facilities that generate heavy truck traffic, such as warehouses and ports, which concentrate diesel exhaust in nearby communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no secret that the federal government and California are not seeing eye to eye — we’re not on the same page,” Garcia said at Wednesday’s news conference. “This is an opportunity for our state, for California, to step in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/02/endangerment-climate-policy-trump-lawsuit/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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},
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"order": 10
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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},
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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