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"content": "\n\u003cp>As voters grow increasingly concerned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101915506/how-data-center-backlash-is-reshaping-politics\">artificial intelligence and data centers\u003c/a>, a progressive Bay Area nonprofit is spending $1 million to spotlight the influence of Big Tech in California’s legislative elections. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tech interests are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077445/how-ai-and-tech-are-changing-the-campaign-finance-game\">becoming a bigger force\u003c/a> in down-ballot races. So far this year, two tech-backed super PACs have already spent more than $24 million boosting mostly moderate Democrats across the state. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Oakland-based TechEquity Action, meanwhile, is rolling out its million-dollar ad campaign this week targeting four districts where it expects tech to spend heavily during the final weeks before the general election. They are the North Bay’s Assembly District 12, Orange County’s Assembly District 68 and Los Angeles County’s Senate Districts 24 and 26.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that the public understands the role that these tech billionaires and companies are playing in not just elections, but in the lawmaking process, starting with trying to influence who gets put into the Legislature in the first place,” said Catherine Bracy, founder of TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2292\" height=\"2021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-10393727\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985.jpg 2292w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-400x352.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-800x705.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-1440x1269.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2292px) 100vw, 2292px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Tim Draper speaks at the Inaugural Palo Alto International Film Festival on Sept. 30, 2011 in Palo Alto, California. (Max Morse/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The money will buy mailers, ads on streaming services and partnerships with social media influencers targeting voters in those districts. TechEquity Action also lobbies in Sacramento for policies that aim to ensure the benefits of tech and AI growth are shared broadly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We … have seen very up close how much attention these companies and these billionaires are paying to influence laws in California,” Bracy said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California, the larger of the two tech-backed super PACs that have poured money into state races this year, is financed by billionaire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12098461/crypto-ceo-chris-larsen-donates-500000-to-support-political-moderate-in-supervisors-race\">Ripple Labs co-founder Chris Larsen\u003c/a> and billionaire venture capitalist Tim Draper. It has spent about $14.5 million so far this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California Leads, which has significant funding from Meta and Google, has spent nearly $10 million. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California declined to comment on TechEquity Action’s ad campaign; California Leads did not respond to a request for comment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California, meanwhile, also launched an ad buy of more than $1 million this week for three of the districts targeted by TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Grow California’s mission is to reset the state legislature as a counterforce to the status quo,” Shaudi Fulp, the strategist directing Grow California, said in a statement to KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>An ad funded by TechEquity Action for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-12th-district\">Assembly District 12\u003c/a>, the only Northern California race the group is spending in, calls out tech and AI billionaires as the “newest corporate special interests” with an agenda to “replace California jobs with AI, block laws that keep kids safe online and raise electricity and water prices with data centers.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bracy said California is where the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100624/newsom-orders-california-agencies-to-develop-new-ai-safety-plans-after-rejecting-tougher-law\">AI guardrails\u003c/a> are most likely to take shape, and her group worries that Big Tech is trying to buy influence over those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They’re going to invest whatever they need to invest in order to prevent these guardrails from being established so that they can exploit children, exploit workers, [and] create extremely risky technology that has the potential for existential harms,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jackie Elward, a progressive labor-backed candidate running to succeed Assemblymember Damon Connolly in District 12, applauds the group for taking on tech billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12099882\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536.png 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536-1536x1024.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An attendee holds a sign before the start of a rally led by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, Independent of Vermont, during the campaign kickoff for the California Billionaire Tax Act at The Wiltern in Los Angeles, Feb. 18, 2026. (Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Good on them to sound the alarm because our constituents need to know,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the primary, Grow California spent $750,000 opposing Elward and $300,000 supporting Eric Lucan, a Marin County supervisor also running for the seat, according to independent expenditure reports.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen an extraordinary amount of outside money spending in this race, including significant spending during the primary, when they smeared me,” Elward said. “I think transparency about who is trying to shape the outcome of legislative races is incredibly important.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Lucan condemned the outside spending in the race on both sides. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our democracy and our district deserves better,” Lucan said. “Outside spending, negative campaigning, it really has no place, and it’s something I will never engage in.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>TechEquity Action declined to state who is funding its ad campaign. The group said it is not required to file campaign finance reports because the ads don’t explicitly endorse or oppose candidates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The California Fair Political Practices Commission is investigating an allegation made by a resident of District 12 that TechEquity Action violated state law by not correctly identifying itself on its mailers. The FPPC has not made any determinations yet.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bruce Raful, a real estate appraiser in San Rafael who donated to Lucan’s campaign, said he filed the complaint after receiving mailers from TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“One of the things that always gets my goat is dark money,” Raful said. “People ought to be willing to stand up and call it out for what it is.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Elward said neither she nor her campaign has spoken to anyone from TechEquity Action, but she urges the group to disclose its funders. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People need to know who they are too, I mean, fairly,” Elward said. “No matter who is spending money in this race or on whose behalf, voters should have the information.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Grow California declined to comment on TechEquity Action’s ad campaign; California Leads did not respond to a request for comment. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Grow California’s mission is to reset the state legislature as a counterforce to the status quo,” Shaudi Fulp, the strategist directing Grow California, said in a statement to KQED. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>An ad funded by TechEquity Action for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-12th-district\">Assembly District 12\u003c/a>, the only Northern California race the group is spending in, calls out tech and AI billionaires as the “newest corporate special interests” with an agenda to “replace California jobs with AI, block laws that keep kids safe online and raise electricity and water prices with data centers.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bracy said California is where the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100624/newsom-orders-california-agencies-to-develop-new-ai-safety-plans-after-rejecting-tougher-law\">AI guardrails\u003c/a> are most likely to take shape, and her group worries that Big Tech is trying to buy influence over those decisions.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They’re going to invest whatever they need to invest in order to prevent these guardrails from being established so that they can exploit children, exploit workers, [and] create extremely risky technology that has the potential for existential harms,” she said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jackie Elward, a progressive labor-backed candidate running to succeed Assemblymember Damon Connolly in District 12, applauds the group for taking on tech billionaires.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Good on them to sound the alarm because our constituents need to know,” she said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In the primary, Grow California spent $750,000 opposing Elward and $300,000 supporting Eric Lucan, a Marin County supervisor also running for the seat, according to independent expenditure reports.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen an extraordinary amount of outside money spending in this race, including significant spending during the primary, when they smeared me,” Elward said. “I think transparency about who is trying to shape the outcome of legislative races is incredibly important.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our democracy and our district deserves better,” Lucan said. “Outside spending, negative campaigning, it really has no place, and it’s something I will never engage in.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>TechEquity Action declined to state who is funding its ad campaign. The group said it is not required to file campaign finance reports because the ads don’t explicitly endorse or oppose candidates. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bruce Raful, a real estate appraiser in San Rafael who donated to Lucan’s campaign, said he filed the complaint after receiving mailers from TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“People need to know who they are too, I mean, fairly,” Elward said. “No matter who is spending money in this race or on whose behalf, voters should have the information.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>As voters grow increasingly concerned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101915506/how-data-center-backlash-is-reshaping-politics\">artificial intelligence and data centers\u003c/a>, a progressive Bay Area nonprofit is spending $1 million to spotlight the influence of Big Tech in California’s legislative elections. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tech interests are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077445/how-ai-and-tech-are-changing-the-campaign-finance-game\">becoming a bigger force\u003c/a> in down-ballot races. So far this year, two tech-backed super PACs have already spent more than $24 million boosting mostly moderate Democrats across the state. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Oakland-based TechEquity Action, meanwhile, is rolling out its million-dollar ad campaign this week targeting four districts where it expects tech to spend heavily during the final weeks before the general election. They are the North Bay’s Assembly District 12, Orange County’s Assembly District 68 and Los Angeles County’s Senate Districts 24 and 26.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that the public understands the role that these tech billionaires and companies are playing in not just elections, but in the lawmaking process, starting with trying to influence who gets put into the Legislature in the first place,” said Catherine Bracy, founder of TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2292\" height=\"2021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-10393727\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985.jpg 2292w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-400x352.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-800x705.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/RS8168_127726920-e1420007401985-1440x1269.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2292px) 100vw, 2292px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Tim Draper speaks at the Inaugural Palo Alto International Film Festival on Sept. 30, 2011 in Palo Alto, California. (Max Morse/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The money will buy mailers, ads on streaming services and partnerships with social media influencers targeting voters in those districts. TechEquity Action also lobbies in Sacramento for policies that aim to ensure the benefits of tech and AI growth are shared broadly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We … have seen very up close how much attention these companies and these billionaires are paying to influence laws in California,” Bracy said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California, the larger of the two tech-backed super PACs that have poured money into state races this year, is financed by billionaire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12098461/crypto-ceo-chris-larsen-donates-500000-to-support-political-moderate-in-supervisors-race\">Ripple Labs co-founder Chris Larsen\u003c/a> and billionaire venture capitalist Tim Draper. It has spent about $14.5 million so far this election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California Leads, which has significant funding from Meta and Google, has spent nearly $10 million. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California declined to comment on TechEquity Action’s ad campaign; California Leads did not respond to a request for comment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Grow California, meanwhile, also launched an ad buy of more than $1 million this week for three of the districts targeted by TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Grow California’s mission is to reset the state legislature as a counterforce to the status quo,” Shaudi Fulp, the strategist directing Grow California, said in a statement to KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>An ad funded by TechEquity Action for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-12th-district\">Assembly District 12\u003c/a>, the only Northern California race the group is spending in, calls out tech and AI billionaires as the “newest corporate special interests” with an agenda to “replace California jobs with AI, block laws that keep kids safe online and raise electricity and water prices with data centers.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bracy said California is where the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100624/newsom-orders-california-agencies-to-develop-new-ai-safety-plans-after-rejecting-tougher-law\">AI guardrails\u003c/a> are most likely to take shape, and her group worries that Big Tech is trying to buy influence over those decisions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They’re going to invest whatever they need to invest in order to prevent these guardrails from being established so that they can exploit children, exploit workers, [and] create extremely risky technology that has the potential for existential harms,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jackie Elward, a progressive labor-backed candidate running to succeed Assemblymember Damon Connolly in District 12, applauds the group for taking on tech billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12099882\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536.png 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2261837536-1536x1024.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An attendee holds a sign before the start of a rally led by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, Independent of Vermont, during the campaign kickoff for the California Billionaire Tax Act at The Wiltern in Los Angeles, Feb. 18, 2026. (Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Good on them to sound the alarm because our constituents need to know,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the primary, Grow California spent $750,000 opposing Elward and $300,000 supporting Eric Lucan, a Marin County supervisor also running for the seat, according to independent expenditure reports.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen an extraordinary amount of outside money spending in this race, including significant spending during the primary, when they smeared me,” Elward said. “I think transparency about who is trying to shape the outcome of legislative races is incredibly important.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Lucan condemned the outside spending in the race on both sides. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our democracy and our district deserves better,” Lucan said. “Outside spending, negative campaigning, it really has no place, and it’s something I will never engage in.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>TechEquity Action declined to state who is funding its ad campaign. The group said it is not required to file campaign finance reports because the ads don’t explicitly endorse or oppose candidates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The California Fair Political Practices Commission is investigating an allegation made by a resident of District 12 that TechEquity Action violated state law by not correctly identifying itself on its mailers. The FPPC has not made any determinations yet.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bruce Raful, a real estate appraiser in San Rafael who donated to Lucan’s campaign, said he filed the complaint after receiving mailers from TechEquity Action. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“One of the things that always gets my goat is dark money,” Raful said. “People ought to be willing to stand up and call it out for what it is.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Elward said neither she nor her campaign has spoken to anyone from TechEquity Action, but she urges the group to disclose its funders. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People need to know who they are too, I mean, fairly,” Elward said. “No matter who is spending money in this race or on whose behalf, voters should have the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Episode Transcript:\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>For would-be homebuyers in California, there are a seemingly endless number of hurdles to jump over. But perhaps the biggest one for most people is saving for the down payment. When homes cost as much as they do in California, coming up with that initial chunk of cash hurts.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s pretty standard to put down 20% of the cost of a home for a down payment. And if you can’t, you may be required to get mortgage insurance, which is just one more extra fee. The median cost of a single-family home in California is $980,000. That means you’ll need $200,000 for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And of course most homes here in the Bay Area where we’re recording cost way, way more.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s this issue that the proponents of Proposition 37 set out to tackle. Here’s how the measure reads on your ballot. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over: \u003c/strong>Proposition37 creates a loan program for middle-income buyers of qualified new homes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today, we continue on with PropFest, breaking down each of the 14 initiatives on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>You heard that right, 14. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Direct democracy, baby. Here we go. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going through Proposition 37, a $25 billion bond to fund a program to help moderate income Californians buy homes. Here to walk us through it is KQED’s housing reporter, Adhiti Bandlamudi. Welcome, Adhiti. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Hey Olivia, I’m ready to talk bonds. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s do it. Let’s start big picture on this one. What’s the context for Prop 37 and why is it on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, California has one of the lowest rates of homeownership compared to other states. The national average is 66 percent, but California’s is 10 percent lower. It’s like 56 percent. That’s largely because the homes here are so expensive. More than half of Californians don’t own a home until they’re in their late 40s. And for a lot of people, the down payment is the sticking point. They could make a mortgage, but they don’t have enough savings to get into the game. And what could Prop 37 do to help that situation? So it directs the California Housing Finance Agency, also called Cal HFA, to create a middle-class home buyer down payment assistance program funded with up to $25 billion in revenue bonds, which means the bond would be paid back by mortgage payments home buyers make, not by taxpayers who aren’t buying homes. There’s an interesting catch here though. This program only applies to newly constructed homes. So on the whole, this bond is trying to do two things, help middle-class home buyers buy homes and also jumpstart the housing construction industry. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so unlike Prop 1, the other housing bond on this year’s ballot, which we talked about the other day. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>I’m familiar with it, yes. Yes, \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Which funds all sorts of programs. This one is specifically targeting that middle income group of people who often don’t qualify for other programs from the state.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Correct, and we should be clear, the way that this bond defines middle class is a bit tricky. So it’s defined as making 200% of area median income. Another way of thinking about that is that it’s roughly double of what a typical family in the area makes. Now, because it’s tied to what local incomes are in a particular place, qualifying for this program is going to vary greatly depending on where you are living in California. The California Budget Center has a really nice breakdown of what this would mean on a county level for a family of one, two, three, four. So let’s take a family four. This would mean that in San Francisco, for example, the family could make up to $342,000 and still qualify. If the family lived in San Mateo, that number would be a little bit higher. In Solano County, on the other hand, that number would be about $100,000 lower. So again, qualifying for this program really depends on where you live in the state. And this proposition really focuses on connecting new homeowners to new housing by helping people come up with the money for a down payment, which is really interesting to watch if this passes because it can only be used for newly constructed homes, which also means that it’s gonna take time for people to use this program to buy a home because the homes have to be built.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And really it will be more useful for potential home buyers in certain places where new homes can be built.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Exactly. It’s really going to depend on the cities and the counties that are willing to build more homes, that have space to build, more homes that have public political pressure to build more homes. So it’ll be interesting to watch. Walk me through how this would actually work from the homebuyers’ perspective. Okay, so here are the mechanics of it. So buyers would have to put down at least 3% of the down payment themselves. The bond would basically allow the state to cover 17% of home price. So 17 plus three, we got 20% down, which is the standard amount needed to avoid paying mortgage insurance. Now, the bond would require that home buyers pay back that 17% down payment assistance with interest, which means they’d be paying that back along with their monthly mortgage payments. What’s required of homebuyers who want to take part in this program? Unlike other down payment assistance programs, it doesn’t require the applicant to be a first-time or first-generation homebuyer. And it also doesn’t have any rules that would mean the homebuyer owes the state any equity gained on the house. Homebuyers have to qualify for a mortgage, meet the income requirements, occupy the home as their primary residence, make monthly payments, and they would have to fully repay their loans. What’s all this going to cost taxpayers? This would not cost taxpayers anything because the interest payments homebuyers would make to the state would cover the interest on the bond.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’ve got to hit pause for a minute, but when we return, more on Prop 37, including who’s behind it and what supporters and opponents say. Stay with us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Welcome back to PropFest. We’re talking about Proposition 37. Arati, this measure was placed on the ballot by a group, not the state legislature. Who’s behind it?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Bob Hertzberg, he is the former state Senate majority leader. He’s now retired from the legislature, but he still gets involved with causes he cares about. He started thinking about this bill back in 2008, right after the financial crash. He saw that we immediately stopped building homes, and there weren’t a lot of incentives for developers to build middle class housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Hertzberg: \u003c/strong>You know, so many things we do in government either help the super wealthy and powerful or the people that are otherwise in trouble in so many ways, and it’s the right thing to do, but the middle class feels like they’re out of the loop.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In addition to Hertzberg, who else is supporting this measure? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>There’s a lot of broad support for this proposition. The Democratic Party, various construction and realtor groups have also shown support, as well as Javier Becerra, who’s running for governor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmm. And what about opponents? What do they have to say, and who are they? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>So there are no official opponents to this bill, but there are some arguments for why it may not have its intended effect. So first off, there’s a real question right now as to whether home ownership in a state like California is still the most advantageous path. The premium to buy a house, like all those extra fees and things like insurance and interest, they can outweigh the historical benefit of buying a home and owning one. Second, while this proposition states an intent to keep the interest rate on the down payment loans low, it doesn’t guarantee it. Critics argue that because home buyers would be paying their mortgage and paying back the down payment assistance loan, it’s a second mortgage. And investors could see that as more risky and in turn that could lead to higher interest rates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Also, some people say that this could actually exacerbate racial disparities in home ownership because there are barriers to participating. According to the Public Policy Institute of California, the median amount in Californians’ checking and savings accounts was just over $18,000 in 2025. This means that a 3% down payment could still almost or entirely wipe out the savings of what an average family has. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Third, California already has several down payment assistance programs. There are estate ones, there are ones run by counties, by local banks. Does it really need another one, especially one that’s so focused on newly built homes? And also, while we’re on the topic of newly built homes, right now, home building is pretty slow going with borrowing costs, labor costs, materials, all being really expensive. So while this bond is trying to provide incentives, there’s no guarantee that developers will bite and actually build the homes. Reform California has come out against it. Carl DeMaio is a Republican assembly member from San Diego, and he says it’s a lot of money to be borrowing right now. And he’s also worried that this bond isn’t really for home buyers, but for developers.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio: \u003c/strong>This bond program basically becomes a subsidy for rich developers who give campaign contributions back to politicians. It really only helps a few people when it comes to housing, the lucky few that might win the lottery. This is not the approach for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like for Prop 37?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Supporters of the proposition have raised $12.7 million as of this taping. The opposition hasn’t spent any money on this measure. All right.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Aditi Bandlamudi, thank you for breaking Prop 37 down for us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, thanks for having me. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 37 gives the state permission to borrow up to $25 billion to create a down-payment assistance program for middle-income people. It would be repaid by people who receive those loans. A vote no means you do not want the state to borrow up to 25 billion dollars to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s it for PropFest today. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 38, another bond, this time for immunology and immunotherapy research, and Proposition 39 about voter ID.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’re dropping episodes every weekday from now until October 9th on the Bay and Bay Curious podcast feeds. Make sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck, Pauline Bartolone, Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, and me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Ethan Tovan Lindsey, Maha Sanad, and the whole KQED family. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>You can find audio and transcripts for this series at kqed.org slash prop fest. Some members of the KQEd podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining KQed member. Learn more at donate.kqed.org. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. We’ll see you tomorrow. Bye!\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>For would-be homebuyers in California, there are a seemingly endless number of hurdles to jump over. But perhaps the biggest one for most people is saving for the down payment. When homes cost as much as they do in California, coming up with that initial chunk of cash hurts.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s pretty standard to put down 20% of the cost of a home for a down payment. And if you can’t, you may be required to get mortgage insurance, which is just one more extra fee. The median cost of a single-family home in California is $980,000. That means you’ll need $200,000 for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s pretty standard to put down 20% of the cost of a home for a down payment. And if you can’t, you may be required to get mortgage insurance, which is just one more extra fee. The median cost of a single-family home in California is $980,000. That means you’ll need $200,000 for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And of course most homes here in the Bay Area where we’re recording cost way, way more.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And of course most homes here in the Bay Area where we’re recording cost way, way more.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s this issue that the proponents of Proposition 37 set out to tackle. Here’s how the measure reads on your ballot. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s this issue that the proponents of Proposition 37 set out to tackle. Here’s how the measure reads on your ballot. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over: \u003c/strong>Proposition37 creates a loan program for middle-income buyers of qualified new homes. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over: \u003c/strong>Proposition37 creates a loan program for middle-income buyers of qualified new homes. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today, we continue on with PropFest, breaking down each of the 14 initiatives on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today, we continue on with PropFest, breaking down each of the 14 initiatives on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>You heard that right, 14. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Direct democracy, baby. Here we go. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going through Proposition 37, a $25 billion bond to fund a program to help moderate income Californians buy homes. Here to walk us through it is KQED’s housing reporter, Adhiti Bandlamudi. Welcome, Adhiti. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going through Proposition 37, a $25 billion bond to fund a program to help moderate income Californians buy homes. Here to walk us through it is KQED’s housing reporter, Adhiti Bandlamudi. Welcome, Adhiti. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Hey Olivia, I’m ready to talk bonds. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s do it. Let’s start big picture on this one. What’s the context for Prop 37 and why is it on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s do it. Let’s start big picture on this one. What’s the context for Prop 37 and why is it on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, California has one of the lowest rates of homeownership compared to other states. The national average is 66 percent, but California’s is 10 percent lower. It’s like 56 percent. That’s largely because the homes here are so expensive. More than half of Californians don’t own a home until they’re in their late 40s. And for a lot of people, the down payment is the sticking point. They could make a mortgage, but they don’t have enough savings to get into the game. And what could Prop 37 do to help that situation? So it directs the California Housing Finance Agency, also called Cal HFA, to create a middle-class home buyer down payment assistance program funded with up to $25 billion in revenue bonds, which means the bond would be paid back by mortgage payments home buyers make, not by taxpayers who aren’t buying homes. There’s an interesting catch here though. This program only applies to newly constructed homes. So on the whole, this bond is trying to do two things, help middle-class home buyers buy homes and also jumpstart the housing construction industry. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, California has one of the lowest rates of homeownership compared to other states. The national average is 66 percent, but California’s is 10 percent lower. It’s like 56 percent. That’s largely because the homes here are so expensive. More than half of Californians don’t own a home until they’re in their late 40s. And for a lot of people, the down payment is the sticking point. They could make a mortgage, but they don’t have enough savings to get into the game. And what could Prop 37 do to help that situation? So it directs the California Housing Finance Agency, also called Cal HFA, to create a middle-class home buyer down payment assistance program funded with up to $25 billion in revenue bonds, which means the bond would be paid back by mortgage payments home buyers make, not by taxpayers who aren’t buying homes. There’s an interesting catch here though. This program only applies to newly constructed homes. So on the whole, this bond is trying to do two things, help middle-class home buyers buy homes and also jumpstart the housing construction industry. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so unlike Prop 1, the other housing bond on this year’s ballot, which we talked about the other day. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so unlike Prop 1, the other housing bond on this year’s ballot, which we talked about the other day. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>I’m familiar with it, yes. Yes, \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Which funds all sorts of programs. This one is specifically targeting that middle income group of people who often don’t qualify for other programs from the state.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Correct, and we should be clear, the way that this bond defines middle class is a bit tricky. So it’s defined as making 200% of area median income. Another way of thinking about that is that it’s roughly double of what a typical family in the area makes. Now, because it’s tied to what local incomes are in a particular place, qualifying for this program is going to vary greatly depending on where you are living in California. The California Budget Center has a really nice breakdown of what this would mean on a county level for a family of one, two, three, four. So let’s take a family four. This would mean that in San Francisco, for example, the family could make up to $342,000 and still qualify. If the family lived in San Mateo, that number would be a little bit higher. In Solano County, on the other hand, that number would be about $100,000 lower. So again, qualifying for this program really depends on where you live in the state. And this proposition really focuses on connecting new homeowners to new housing by helping people come up with the money for a down payment, which is really interesting to watch if this passes because it can only be used for newly constructed homes, which also means that it’s gonna take time for people to use this program to buy a home because the homes have to be built.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Correct, and we should be clear, the way that this bond defines middle class is a bit tricky. So it’s defined as making 200% of area median income. Another way of thinking about that is that it’s roughly double of what a typical family in the area makes. Now, because it’s tied to what local incomes are in a particular place, qualifying for this program is going to vary greatly depending on where you are living in California. The California Budget Center has a really nice breakdown of what this would mean on a county level for a family of one, two, three, four. So let’s take a family four. This would mean that in San Francisco, for example, the family could make up to $342,000 and still qualify. If the family lived in San Mateo, that number would be a little bit higher. In Solano County, on the other hand, that number would be about $100,000 lower. So again, qualifying for this program really depends on where you live in the state. And this proposition really focuses on connecting new homeowners to new housing by helping people come up with the money for a down payment, which is really interesting to watch if this passes because it can only be used for newly constructed homes, which also means that it’s gonna take time for people to use this program to buy a home because the homes have to be built.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And really it will be more useful for potential home buyers in certain places where new homes can be built.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And really it will be more useful for potential home buyers in certain places where new homes can be built.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Exactly. It’s really going to depend on the cities and the counties that are willing to build more homes, that have space to build, more homes that have public political pressure to build more homes. So it’ll be interesting to watch. Walk me through how this would actually work from the homebuyers’ perspective. Okay, so here are the mechanics of it. So buyers would have to put down at least 3% of the down payment themselves. The bond would basically allow the state to cover 17% of home price. So 17 plus three, we got 20% down, which is the standard amount needed to avoid paying mortgage insurance. Now, the bond would require that home buyers pay back that 17% down payment assistance with interest, which means they’d be paying that back along with their monthly mortgage payments. What’s required of homebuyers who want to take part in this program? Unlike other down payment assistance programs, it doesn’t require the applicant to be a first-time or first-generation homebuyer. And it also doesn’t have any rules that would mean the homebuyer owes the state any equity gained on the house. Homebuyers have to qualify for a mortgage, meet the income requirements, occupy the home as their primary residence, make monthly payments, and they would have to fully repay their loans. What’s all this going to cost taxpayers? This would not cost taxpayers anything because the interest payments homebuyers would make to the state would cover the interest on the bond.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Exactly. It’s really going to depend on the cities and the counties that are willing to build more homes, that have space to build, more homes that have public political pressure to build more homes. So it’ll be interesting to watch. Walk me through how this would actually work from the homebuyers’ perspective. Okay, so here are the mechanics of it. So buyers would have to put down at least 3% of the down payment themselves. The bond would basically allow the state to cover 17% of home price. So 17 plus three, we got 20% down, which is the standard amount needed to avoid paying mortgage insurance. Now, the bond would require that home buyers pay back that 17% down payment assistance with interest, which means they’d be paying that back along with their monthly mortgage payments. What’s required of homebuyers who want to take part in this program? Unlike other down payment assistance programs, it doesn’t require the applicant to be a first-time or first-generation homebuyer. And it also doesn’t have any rules that would mean the homebuyer owes the state any equity gained on the house. Homebuyers have to qualify for a mortgage, meet the income requirements, occupy the home as their primary residence, make monthly payments, and they would have to fully repay their loans. What’s all this going to cost taxpayers? This would not cost taxpayers anything because the interest payments homebuyers would make to the state would cover the interest on the bond.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’ve got to hit pause for a minute, but when we return, more on Prop 37, including who’s behind it and what supporters and opponents say. Stay with us. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’ve got to hit pause for a minute, but when we return, more on Prop 37, including who’s behind it and what supporters and opponents say. Stay with us. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Welcome back to PropFest. We’re talking about Proposition 37. Arati, this measure was placed on the ballot by a group, not the state legislature. Who’s behind it?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Welcome back to PropFest. We’re talking about Proposition 37. Arati, this measure was placed on the ballot by a group, not the state legislature. Who’s behind it?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Bob Hertzberg, he is the former state Senate majority leader. He’s now retired from the legislature, but he still gets involved with causes he cares about. He started thinking about this bill back in 2008, right after the financial crash. He saw that we immediately stopped building homes, and there weren’t a lot of incentives for developers to build middle class housing.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Bob Hertzberg, he is the former state Senate majority leader. He’s now retired from the legislature, but he still gets involved with causes he cares about. He started thinking about this bill back in 2008, right after the financial crash. He saw that we immediately stopped building homes, and there weren’t a lot of incentives for developers to build middle class housing.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Hertzberg: \u003c/strong>You know, so many things we do in government either help the super wealthy and powerful or the people that are otherwise in trouble in so many ways, and it’s the right thing to do, but the middle class feels like they’re out of the loop.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Hertzberg: \u003c/strong>You know, so many things we do in government either help the super wealthy and powerful or the people that are otherwise in trouble in so many ways, and it’s the right thing to do, but the middle class feels like they’re out of the loop.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In addition to Hertzberg, who else is supporting this measure? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In addition to Hertzberg, who else is supporting this measure? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>There’s a lot of broad support for this proposition. The Democratic Party, various construction and realtor groups have also shown support, as well as Javier Becerra, who’s running for governor. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>There’s a lot of broad support for this proposition. The Democratic Party, various construction and realtor groups have also shown support, as well as Javier Becerra, who’s running for governor. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmm. And what about opponents? What do they have to say, and who are they? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmm. And what about opponents? What do they have to say, and who are they? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>So there are no official opponents to this bill, but there are some arguments for why it may not have its intended effect. So first off, there’s a real question right now as to whether home ownership in a state like California is still the most advantageous path. The premium to buy a house, like all those extra fees and things like insurance and interest, they can outweigh the historical benefit of buying a home and owning one. Second, while this proposition states an intent to keep the interest rate on the down payment loans low, it doesn’t guarantee it. Critics argue that because home buyers would be paying their mortgage and paying back the down payment assistance loan, it’s a second mortgage. And investors could see that as more risky and in turn that could lead to higher interest rates. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>So there are no official opponents to this bill, but there are some arguments for why it may not have its intended effect. So first off, there’s a real question right now as to whether home ownership in a state like California is still the most advantageous path. The premium to buy a house, like all those extra fees and things like insurance and interest, they can outweigh the historical benefit of buying a home and owning one. Second, while this proposition states an intent to keep the interest rate on the down payment loans low, it doesn’t guarantee it. Critics argue that because home buyers would be paying their mortgage and paying back the down payment assistance loan, it’s a second mortgage. And investors could see that as more risky and in turn that could lead to higher interest rates. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Also, some people say that this could actually exacerbate racial disparities in home ownership because there are barriers to participating. According to the Public Policy Institute of California, the median amount in Californians’ checking and savings accounts was just over $18,000 in 2025. This means that a 3% down payment could still almost or entirely wipe out the savings of what an average family has. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Also, some people say that this could actually exacerbate racial disparities in home ownership because there are barriers to participating. According to the Public Policy Institute of California, the median amount in Californians’ checking and savings accounts was just over $18,000 in 2025. This means that a 3% down payment could still almost or entirely wipe out the savings of what an average family has. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Third, California already has several down payment assistance programs. There are estate ones, there are ones run by counties, by local banks. Does it really need another one, especially one that’s so focused on newly built homes? And also, while we’re on the topic of newly built homes, right now, home building is pretty slow going with borrowing costs, labor costs, materials, all being really expensive. So while this bond is trying to provide incentives, there’s no guarantee that developers will bite and actually build the homes. Reform California has come out against it. Carl DeMaio is a Republican assembly member from San Diego, and he says it’s a lot of money to be borrowing right now. And he’s also worried that this bond isn’t really for home buyers, but for developers.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Third, California already has several down payment assistance programs. There are estate ones, there are ones run by counties, by local banks. Does it really need another one, especially one that’s so focused on newly built homes? And also, while we’re on the topic of newly built homes, right now, home building is pretty slow going with borrowing costs, labor costs, materials, all being really expensive. So while this bond is trying to provide incentives, there’s no guarantee that developers will bite and actually build the homes. Reform California has come out against it. Carl DeMaio is a Republican assembly member from San Diego, and he says it’s a lot of money to be borrowing right now. And he’s also worried that this bond isn’t really for home buyers, but for developers.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio: \u003c/strong>This bond program basically becomes a subsidy for rich developers who give campaign contributions back to politicians. It really only helps a few people when it comes to housing, the lucky few that might win the lottery. This is not the approach for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio: \u003c/strong>This bond program basically becomes a subsidy for rich developers who give campaign contributions back to politicians. It really only helps a few people when it comes to housing, the lucky few that might win the lottery. This is not the approach for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like for Prop 37?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like for Prop 37?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Supporters of the proposition have raised $12.7 million as of this taping. The opposition hasn’t spent any money on this measure. All right.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Supporters of the proposition have raised $12.7 million as of this taping. The opposition hasn’t spent any money on this measure. All right.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Aditi Bandlamudi, thank you for breaking Prop 37 down for us. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Aditi Bandlamudi, thank you for breaking Prop 37 down for us. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, thanks for having me. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, thanks for having me. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 37 gives the state permission to borrow up to $25 billion to create a down-payment assistance program for middle-income people. It would be repaid by people who receive those loans. A vote no means you do not want the state to borrow up to 25 billion dollars to create this program.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 37 gives the state permission to borrow up to $25 billion to create a down-payment assistance program for middle-income people. It would be repaid by people who receive those loans. A vote no means you do not want the state to borrow up to 25 billion dollars to create this program.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s it for PropFest today. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 38, another bond, this time for immunology and immunotherapy research, and Proposition 39 about voter ID.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s it for PropFest today. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 38, another bond, this time for immunology and immunotherapy research, and Proposition 39 about voter ID.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’re dropping episodes every weekday from now until October 9th on the Bay and Bay Curious podcast feeds. Make sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’re dropping episodes every weekday from now until October 9th on the Bay and Bay Curious podcast feeds. Make sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck, Pauline Bartolone, Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, and me.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck, Pauline Bartolone, Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, and me.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Ethan Tovan Lindsey, Maha Sanad, and the whole KQED family. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Ethan Tovan Lindsey, Maha Sanad, and the whole KQED family. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>You can find audio and transcripts for this series at kqed.org slash prop fest. Some members of the KQEd podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>You can find audio and transcripts for this series at kqed.org slash prop fest. Some members of the KQEd podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining KQed member. Learn more at donate.kqed.org. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining KQed member. Learn more at donate.kqed.org. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. We’ll see you tomorrow. Bye!\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. We’ll see you tomorrow. Bye!\u003c/p>\n"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Episode Transcript:\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>For would-be homebuyers in California, there are a seemingly endless number of hurdles to jump over. But perhaps the biggest one for most people is saving for the down payment. When homes cost as much as they do in California, coming up with that initial chunk of cash hurts.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s pretty standard to put down 20% of the cost of a home for a down payment. And if you can’t, you may be required to get mortgage insurance, which is just one more extra fee. The median cost of a single-family home in California is $980,000. That means you’ll need $200,000 for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And of course most homes here in the Bay Area where we’re recording cost way, way more.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>It’s this issue that the proponents of Proposition 37 set out to tackle. Here’s how the measure reads on your ballot. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over: \u003c/strong>Proposition37 creates a loan program for middle-income buyers of qualified new homes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today, we continue on with PropFest, breaking down each of the 14 initiatives on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>You heard that right, 14. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Direct democracy, baby. Here we go. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going through Proposition 37, a $25 billion bond to fund a program to help moderate income Californians buy homes. Here to walk us through it is KQED’s housing reporter, Adhiti Bandlamudi. Welcome, Adhiti. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Hey Olivia, I’m ready to talk bonds. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s do it. Let’s start big picture on this one. What’s the context for Prop 37 and why is it on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, California has one of the lowest rates of homeownership compared to other states. The national average is 66 percent, but California’s is 10 percent lower. It’s like 56 percent. That’s largely because the homes here are so expensive. More than half of Californians don’t own a home until they’re in their late 40s. And for a lot of people, the down payment is the sticking point. They could make a mortgage, but they don’t have enough savings to get into the game. And what could Prop 37 do to help that situation? So it directs the California Housing Finance Agency, also called Cal HFA, to create a middle-class home buyer down payment assistance program funded with up to $25 billion in revenue bonds, which means the bond would be paid back by mortgage payments home buyers make, not by taxpayers who aren’t buying homes. There’s an interesting catch here though. This program only applies to newly constructed homes. So on the whole, this bond is trying to do two things, help middle-class home buyers buy homes and also jumpstart the housing construction industry. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so unlike Prop 1, the other housing bond on this year’s ballot, which we talked about the other day. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>I’m familiar with it, yes. Yes, \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Which funds all sorts of programs. This one is specifically targeting that middle income group of people who often don’t qualify for other programs from the state.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Correct, and we should be clear, the way that this bond defines middle class is a bit tricky. So it’s defined as making 200% of area median income. Another way of thinking about that is that it’s roughly double of what a typical family in the area makes. Now, because it’s tied to what local incomes are in a particular place, qualifying for this program is going to vary greatly depending on where you are living in California. The California Budget Center has a really nice breakdown of what this would mean on a county level for a family of one, two, three, four. So let’s take a family four. This would mean that in San Francisco, for example, the family could make up to $342,000 and still qualify. If the family lived in San Mateo, that number would be a little bit higher. In Solano County, on the other hand, that number would be about $100,000 lower. So again, qualifying for this program really depends on where you live in the state. And this proposition really focuses on connecting new homeowners to new housing by helping people come up with the money for a down payment, which is really interesting to watch if this passes because it can only be used for newly constructed homes, which also means that it’s gonna take time for people to use this program to buy a home because the homes have to be built.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And really it will be more useful for potential home buyers in certain places where new homes can be built.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Exactly. It’s really going to depend on the cities and the counties that are willing to build more homes, that have space to build, more homes that have public political pressure to build more homes. So it’ll be interesting to watch. Walk me through how this would actually work from the homebuyers’ perspective. Okay, so here are the mechanics of it. So buyers would have to put down at least 3% of the down payment themselves. The bond would basically allow the state to cover 17% of home price. So 17 plus three, we got 20% down, which is the standard amount needed to avoid paying mortgage insurance. Now, the bond would require that home buyers pay back that 17% down payment assistance with interest, which means they’d be paying that back along with their monthly mortgage payments. What’s required of homebuyers who want to take part in this program? Unlike other down payment assistance programs, it doesn’t require the applicant to be a first-time or first-generation homebuyer. And it also doesn’t have any rules that would mean the homebuyer owes the state any equity gained on the house. Homebuyers have to qualify for a mortgage, meet the income requirements, occupy the home as their primary residence, make monthly payments, and they would have to fully repay their loans. What’s all this going to cost taxpayers? This would not cost taxpayers anything because the interest payments homebuyers would make to the state would cover the interest on the bond.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’ve got to hit pause for a minute, but when we return, more on Prop 37, including who’s behind it and what supporters and opponents say. Stay with us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Welcome back to PropFest. We’re talking about Proposition 37. Arati, this measure was placed on the ballot by a group, not the state legislature. Who’s behind it?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Bob Hertzberg, he is the former state Senate majority leader. He’s now retired from the legislature, but he still gets involved with causes he cares about. He started thinking about this bill back in 2008, right after the financial crash. He saw that we immediately stopped building homes, and there weren’t a lot of incentives for developers to build middle class housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Hertzberg: \u003c/strong>You know, so many things we do in government either help the super wealthy and powerful or the people that are otherwise in trouble in so many ways, and it’s the right thing to do, but the middle class feels like they’re out of the loop.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In addition to Hertzberg, who else is supporting this measure? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>There’s a lot of broad support for this proposition. The Democratic Party, various construction and realtor groups have also shown support, as well as Javier Becerra, who’s running for governor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmm. And what about opponents? What do they have to say, and who are they? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>So there are no official opponents to this bill, but there are some arguments for why it may not have its intended effect. So first off, there’s a real question right now as to whether home ownership in a state like California is still the most advantageous path. The premium to buy a house, like all those extra fees and things like insurance and interest, they can outweigh the historical benefit of buying a home and owning one. Second, while this proposition states an intent to keep the interest rate on the down payment loans low, it doesn’t guarantee it. Critics argue that because home buyers would be paying their mortgage and paying back the down payment assistance loan, it’s a second mortgage. And investors could see that as more risky and in turn that could lead to higher interest rates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Also, some people say that this could actually exacerbate racial disparities in home ownership because there are barriers to participating. According to the Public Policy Institute of California, the median amount in Californians’ checking and savings accounts was just over $18,000 in 2025. This means that a 3% down payment could still almost or entirely wipe out the savings of what an average family has. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Third, California already has several down payment assistance programs. There are estate ones, there are ones run by counties, by local banks. Does it really need another one, especially one that’s so focused on newly built homes? And also, while we’re on the topic of newly built homes, right now, home building is pretty slow going with borrowing costs, labor costs, materials, all being really expensive. So while this bond is trying to provide incentives, there’s no guarantee that developers will bite and actually build the homes. Reform California has come out against it. Carl DeMaio is a Republican assembly member from San Diego, and he says it’s a lot of money to be borrowing right now. And he’s also worried that this bond isn’t really for home buyers, but for developers.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio: \u003c/strong>This bond program basically becomes a subsidy for rich developers who give campaign contributions back to politicians. It really only helps a few people when it comes to housing, the lucky few that might win the lottery. This is not the approach for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like for Prop 37?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Supporters of the proposition have raised $12.7 million as of this taping. The opposition hasn’t spent any money on this measure. All right.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Aditi Bandlamudi, thank you for breaking Prop 37 down for us. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi: \u003c/strong>Yeah, thanks for having me. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 37 gives the state permission to borrow up to $25 billion to create a down-payment assistance program for middle-income people. It would be repaid by people who receive those loans. A vote no means you do not want the state to borrow up to 25 billion dollars to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s it for PropFest today. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 38, another bond, this time for immunology and immunotherapy research, and Proposition 39 about voter ID.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We’re dropping episodes every weekday from now until October 9th on the Bay and Bay Curious podcast feeds. Make sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck, Pauline Bartolone, Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, and me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Ethan Tovan Lindsey, Maha Sanad, and the whole KQED family. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>You can find audio and transcripts for this series at kqed.org slash prop fest. Some members of the KQEd podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California local.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you value podcasts like this one, please consider becoming a sustaining KQed member. Learn more at donate.kqed.org. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. We’ll see you tomorrow. Bye!\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Abdul El-Sayed, Michigan Progressive Star, Rallies With Nurses in SF",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>Michigan Democrat and U.S. Senate candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094274/what-abdul-el-sayeds-michigan-primary-win-means-for-california-democrats\">Abdul El-Sayed\u003c/a> arrived in San Francisco on Wednesday with a message for California’s largest nurses union:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When they say we can’t have guaranteed healthcare through Medicare for All, we won’t back down,” El-Sayed shouted from the stage at a convention of the California Nurses Association and National Nurses United in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The up-and-coming progressive icon is locked in one of the most closely watched Senate races in the country, one that will help determine which party controls the chamber following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/2026-midterms\">midterm elections\u003c/a>. El-Sayed is also tapping into his rising political profile to rally for progressive causes in California.\u003csup> \u003c/sup> \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both El-Sayed and U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, who appeared at the convention virtually, made the case for Medicare for All in a packed ballroom of unionized nurses. Attendees jumped to their feet when Sanders appeared on screen and again to cheer for El-Sayed, who wore a denim jacket embroidered with the nurses union’s red logos.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102175\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed speaks at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-3 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102170\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102170\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Bernie Sanders speaks via video at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102172\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Attendees listen to Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed speak at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Bernie Sanders and our union, our organization, go way back,” said Cathy Kennedy, a retired nurse and president of National Nurses United. “So, the values that we have as nurses, our vision for a healthy society, Sen. Sanders has been in the forefront of that.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>El-Sayed, an epidemiologist and former public health official, is also pushing for a single-payer healthcare system as a main pillar of his political platform.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They are the values of this organization … Medicare for All, because it is a human right, not just for the privileged,” Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The California Nurses Association has long pushed for a single-payer healthcare system in California, though multiple legislative attempts in Sacramento have fallen short. The organization is backing candidates for federal office who share their vision as healthcare providers grapple with increased workloads and a rapidly growing cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The union is also calling for stronger regulations around the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912867/ucsfs-dr-bob-wachter-on-ais-healthcare-transformation\">artificial intelligence tools\u003c/a> for staffing, scheduling and data collection in the healthcare delivery system.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It’s a goal El-Sayed shares — throughout his campaign, he has joined the chorus of progressives calling for stricter AI regulations. He repeated his call to action during his visit to the global tech capital.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take on Big Tech,” El-Sayed told the nurses in San Francisco. “Your AI should not be able to deny somebody their healthcare. Your AI shouldn’t be automating out critical care workers in our hospitals and our clinics.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>El-Sayed declined to weigh in on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12099825/california-billionaires-tax-has-a-slim-lead-in-new-poll-but-still-a-lot-of-work-to-do\">Proposition 40\u003c/a>, the one-time wealth tax on billionaires that Californians will vote on this fall, with much of the revenue earmarked for healthcare. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I think it’s important for folks across states to be thinking about how they solve the problem locally, but I’m running for federal office. At the federal level, we need a wealth tax,” El-Sayed told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Sanders has thrown his progressive stardom behind the controversial wealth tax that’s divided the state’s Democrats and organized labor groups. The Vermont senator embarks on a California tour this week where he’s scheduled to rally in support of Proposition 40 in San Francisco and Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He’ll also appear alongside Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097751/voters-in-this-competitive-california-district-say-healthcare-is-the-key-issue\">Randy Villegas\u003c/a>, who is running to flip a U.S. House district in Bakersfield; Democratic Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096141/progressive-aisha-wahab-wins-east-bay-special-election-for-congress\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> of the East Bay, who is running for a full term in the seat formerly held by Eric Swalwell; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100390/jane-kims-bold-plan-to-protect-you-when-disaster-strikes\">Jane Kim\u003c/a>, who’s running for California insurance commissioner against a fellow Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 1: An earlier version of this story included a transcription error in a quote from El-Sayed. He said “When they say we can’t have guaranteed healthcare …” not “When they say we can have guaranteed healthcare ….”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Bernie Sanders and our union, our organization, go way back,” said Cathy Kennedy, a retired nurse and president of National Nurses United. “So, the values that we have as nurses, our vision for a healthy society, Sen. Sanders has been in the forefront of that.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>El-Sayed, an epidemiologist and former public health official, is also pushing for a single-payer healthcare system as a main pillar of his political platform.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“They are the values of this organization … Medicare for All, because it is a human right, not just for the privileged,” Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The California Nurses Association has long pushed for a single-payer healthcare system in California, though multiple legislative attempts in Sacramento have fallen short. The organization is backing candidates for federal office who share their vision as healthcare providers grapple with increased workloads and a rapidly growing cost of living.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The union is also calling for stronger regulations around the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912867/ucsfs-dr-bob-wachter-on-ais-healthcare-transformation\">artificial intelligence tools\u003c/a> for staffing, scheduling and data collection in the healthcare delivery system.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It’s a goal El-Sayed shares — throughout his campaign, he has joined the chorus of progressives calling for stricter AI regulations. He repeated his call to action during his visit to the global tech capital.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take on Big Tech,” El-Sayed told the nurses in San Francisco. “Your AI should not be able to deny somebody their healthcare. Your AI shouldn’t be automating out critical care workers in our hospitals and our clinics.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>El-Sayed declined to weigh in on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12099825/california-billionaires-tax-has-a-slim-lead-in-new-poll-but-still-a-lot-of-work-to-do\">Proposition 40\u003c/a>, the one-time wealth tax on billionaires that Californians will vote on this fall, with much of the revenue earmarked for healthcare. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>El-Sayed declined to weigh in on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12099825/california-billionaires-tax-has-a-slim-lead-in-new-poll-but-still-a-lot-of-work-to-do\">Proposition 40\u003c/a>, the one-time wealth tax on billionaires that Californians will vote on this fall, with much of the revenue earmarked for healthcare. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I think it’s important for folks across states to be thinking about how they solve the problem locally, but I’m running for federal office. At the federal level, we need a wealth tax,” El-Sayed told reporters.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Sanders has thrown his progressive stardom behind the controversial wealth tax that’s divided the state’s Democrats and organized labor groups. The Vermont senator embarks on a California tour this week where he’s scheduled to rally in support of Proposition 40 in San Francisco and Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>He’ll also appear alongside Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097751/voters-in-this-competitive-california-district-say-healthcare-is-the-key-issue\">Randy Villegas\u003c/a>, who is running to flip a U.S. House district in Bakersfield; Democratic Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096141/progressive-aisha-wahab-wins-east-bay-special-election-for-congress\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> of the East Bay, who is running for a full term in the seat formerly held by Eric Swalwell; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100390/jane-kims-bold-plan-to-protect-you-when-disaster-strikes\">Jane Kim\u003c/a>, who’s running for California insurance commissioner against a fellow Democrat.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>He’ll also appear alongside Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097751/voters-in-this-competitive-california-district-say-healthcare-is-the-key-issue\">Randy Villegas\u003c/a>, who is running to flip a U.S. House district in Bakersfield; Democratic Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096141/progressive-aisha-wahab-wins-east-bay-special-election-for-congress\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> of the East Bay, who is running for a full term in the seat formerly held by Eric Swalwell; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100390/jane-kims-bold-plan-to-protect-you-when-disaster-strikes\">Jane Kim\u003c/a>, who’s running for California insurance commissioner against a fellow Democrat.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 1: An earlier version of this story included a transcription error in a quote from El-Sayed. He said “When they say we can’t have guaranteed healthcare …” not “When they say we can have guaranteed healthcare ….”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Medicare for All and stronger AI regulations are among the priorities for the U.S. Senate hopeful, who declined to weigh in on California’s proposed billionaire tax.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Michigan Democrat and U.S. Senate candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094274/what-abdul-el-sayeds-michigan-primary-win-means-for-california-democrats\">Abdul El-Sayed\u003c/a> arrived in San Francisco on Wednesday with a message for California’s largest nurses union:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When they say we can’t have guaranteed healthcare through Medicare for All, we won’t back down,” El-Sayed shouted from the stage at a convention of the California Nurses Association and National Nurses United in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The up-and-coming progressive icon is locked in one of the most closely watched Senate races in the country, one that will help determine which party controls the chamber following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/2026-midterms\">midterm elections\u003c/a>. El-Sayed is also tapping into his rising political profile to rally for progressive causes in California.\u003csup> \u003c/sup> \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both El-Sayed and U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders, who appeared at the convention virtually, made the case for Medicare for All in a packed ballroom of unionized nurses. Attendees jumped to their feet when Sanders appeared on screen and again to cheer for El-Sayed, who wore a denim jacket embroidered with the nurses union’s red logos.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102175\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00909_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed speaks at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-3 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102170\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102170\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00214_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Bernie Sanders speaks via video at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12102172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12102172\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/260930-ELSAYEDINSF-00323_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Attendees listen to Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed speak at the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee convention at the San Francisco Marriott Marquis in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2026. (Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Bernie Sanders and our union, our organization, go way back,” said Cathy Kennedy, a retired nurse and president of National Nurses United. “So, the values that we have as nurses, our vision for a healthy society, Sen. Sanders has been in the forefront of that.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>El-Sayed, an epidemiologist and former public health official, is also pushing for a single-payer healthcare system as a main pillar of his political platform.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“They are the values of this organization … Medicare for All, because it is a human right, not just for the privileged,” Kennedy said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The California Nurses Association has long pushed for a single-payer healthcare system in California, though multiple legislative attempts in Sacramento have fallen short. The organization is backing candidates for federal office who share their vision as healthcare providers grapple with increased workloads and a rapidly growing cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The union is also calling for stronger regulations around the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912867/ucsfs-dr-bob-wachter-on-ais-healthcare-transformation\">artificial intelligence tools\u003c/a> for staffing, scheduling and data collection in the healthcare delivery system.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It’s a goal El-Sayed shares — throughout his campaign, he has joined the chorus of progressives calling for stricter AI regulations. He repeated his call to action during his visit to the global tech capital.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take on Big Tech,” El-Sayed told the nurses in San Francisco. “Your AI should not be able to deny somebody their healthcare. Your AI shouldn’t be automating out critical care workers in our hospitals and our clinics.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>El-Sayed declined to weigh in on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12099825/california-billionaires-tax-has-a-slim-lead-in-new-poll-but-still-a-lot-of-work-to-do\">Proposition 40\u003c/a>, the one-time wealth tax on billionaires that Californians will vote on this fall, with much of the revenue earmarked for healthcare. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I think it’s important for folks across states to be thinking about how they solve the problem locally, but I’m running for federal office. At the federal level, we need a wealth tax,” El-Sayed told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Sanders has thrown his progressive stardom behind the controversial wealth tax that’s divided the state’s Democrats and organized labor groups. The Vermont senator embarks on a California tour this week where he’s scheduled to rally in support of Proposition 40 in San Francisco and Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He’ll also appear alongside Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097751/voters-in-this-competitive-california-district-say-healthcare-is-the-key-issue\">Randy Villegas\u003c/a>, who is running to flip a U.S. House district in Bakersfield; Democratic Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096141/progressive-aisha-wahab-wins-east-bay-special-election-for-congress\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a> of the East Bay, who is running for a full term in the seat formerly held by Eric Swalwell; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12100390/jane-kims-bold-plan-to-protect-you-when-disaster-strikes\">Jane Kim\u003c/a>, who’s running for California insurance commissioner against a fellow Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 1: An earlier version of this story included a transcription error in a quote from El-Sayed. He said “When they say we can’t have guaranteed healthcare …” not “When they say we can have guaranteed healthcare ….”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-supervisors-suspend-sheriffs-oversight-official-for-alleged-misconduct",
"title": "SF Supervisors Suspend Sheriff’s Oversight Official for Alleged Misconduct",
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"headTitle": "SF Supervisors Suspend Sheriff’s Oversight Official for Alleged Misconduct | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-board-of-supervisors\">The San Francisco Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> voted Tuesday to suspend and file misconduct charges \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101463/san-francisco-supervisors-to-weigh-removal-of-sheriffs-oversight-president\">against a sheriff’s oversight official\u003c/a>, moving a step closer to removing him from his post.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The motion, passed by 10 out of 11 city supervisors, followed a city anti-corruption investigation into Sheriff’s Oversight Board President William Palmer. It found that he used his public position for his personal benefit multiple times over the course of his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When you are appointed to serve the public in any position within San Francisco, you need to uphold that position with integrity,” said Supervisor Stephen Sherrill, who first introduced the charges against Palmer. “When you abuse your power or break the trust of the public, you should not be allowed to continue to serve the people of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The charges will then be forwarded to an ethics committee hearing, before heading back to the supervisors for a final decision.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sherrill called for the investigation after a damning \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/william-palmer-san-francisco-sheriff-22395646.php\">investigation\u003c/a> into Palmer this summer, which alleged that he picked up a woman experiencing a mental health crisis off the street, pressured her to have sex and gave her drugs. Palmer told the paper he was acting in his official capacity when requesting access to the woman, conducting an official investigation on behalf of the board. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12024441\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Supervisor Stephen Sherrill speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city watchdog’s \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/OIG_Report_Official_Misconduct_William_Palmer_President_Sheriffs_Department_Ov_Yo2yQCP.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that Palmer violated city law 14 times between December 2025 and July 2026. In one example of official misconduct, the report detailed a 2025 traffic stop by San Francisco sheriff’s deputies in the Tenderloin for Palmer’s expired registration. In the 51-minute stop, Palmer repeated that he was the president of the Oversight Board at least six times, referenced his relationship with Sheriff Paul Miyamoto and threatened retaliation against the deputies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months later, San Francisco Police briefly detained Palmer for questioning, as part of an investigation into a missing, “at-risk” woman. Again, the commissioner used his position in an attempt to influence and intimidate, the report alleged. Palmer told officers he was President of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board at least six times, and “repeatedly threatened to sue” the officers. Palmer was not arrested and does not face criminal charges for the incident.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The woman was eventually transported to Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on a mental health hold. A few hours after the encounter, Palmer emailed the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office from his city email. Palmer wrote that he was seeking “professional guidance” about the day’s events, and described himself as the woman’s life coach. He signed the email as “President, Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Late that night, Palmer called a secure ward at the hospital, told a nurse that he was president of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, and insisted that he be allowed to speak to the woman because he was conducting an investigation and needed to take her statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer did not immediately respond to a KQED request for comment. However, in a previous statement to KQED, he said he takes his “responsibilities as a public officer seriously,” and disagrees “with significant factual and legal conclusions contained” in the watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer was appointed to the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, based on his personal experiences with the carceral system. Now 55, Palmer spent more than 30 years in prison for a crime he committed as a teenager. He was released in 2019, and a court of appeal later found that his sentence amounted to excessive punishment. He’s since served as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/justinphillips/article/sf-generational-incarceration-jail-17827159.php\">vocal advocate\u003c/a> for people in jails.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer’s tenure on the board, however, has involved multiple run-ins with law enforcement. A woman accused Palmer of rape, though criminal charges were \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/2024/04/03/all-charges-dismissed-against-william-palmer-sf-sheriffs-dept-oversight-board-member/\">dismissed\u003c/a> in 2024. Three other women accused him of violence, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/jail-oversight-criminal-allegations-22194091.php\">\u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reporting — which also said another woman took out a restraining order against him. That, the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reports, is in addition to several traffic violations and almost $10,000 in parking fees over six years.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sherrill emphasized that officials needed to act in the most “legally defensive way. We didn’t touch on some of those potential criminal challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Obviously I am horrified by those accusations,” he said, referring to the allegations in the \u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em> reporting. “I don’t want to put those aside, but it’s important for us on the Board of Supervisors to work with the information that we have to move forward as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has repeatedly referenced the allegations against Palmer as part of his push for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096437/sf-mayor-backers-renew-push-for-increased-mayoral-power\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, a ballot measure which would expand both the mayor and board’s authority to allow the removal of most commissioners without cause. Some progressives, including Supervisor Jackie Fielder, the Democratic Socialists of America San Francisco and former Supervisor Dean Preston, have opposed the mayor, saying that it’s already easy for the mayor to remove officials. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer’s term as a commissioner ends in March, unless he is removed sooner. His tenure as board president closes at the end of September. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-board-of-supervisors\">The San Francisco Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> voted Tuesday to suspend and file misconduct charges \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101463/san-francisco-supervisors-to-weigh-removal-of-sheriffs-oversight-president\">against a sheriff’s oversight official\u003c/a>, moving a step closer to removing him from his post.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The motion, passed by 10 out of 11 city supervisors, followed a city anti-corruption investigation into Sheriff’s Oversight Board President William Palmer. It found that he used his public position for his personal benefit multiple times over the course of his tenure.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The motion, passed by 10 out of 11 city supervisors, followed a city anti-corruption investigation into Sheriff’s Oversight Board President William Palmer. It found that he used his public position for his personal benefit multiple times over the course of his tenure.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“When you are appointed to serve the public in any position within San Francisco, you need to uphold that position with integrity,” said Supervisor Stephen Sherrill, who first introduced the charges against Palmer. “When you abuse your power or break the trust of the public, you should not be allowed to continue to serve the people of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“When you are appointed to serve the public in any position within San Francisco, you need to uphold that position with integrity,” said Supervisor Stephen Sherrill, who first introduced the charges against Palmer. “When you abuse your power or break the trust of the public, you should not be allowed to continue to serve the people of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The charges will then be forwarded to an ethics committee hearing, before heading back to the supervisors for a final decision.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Sherrill called for the investigation after a damning \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/william-palmer-san-francisco-sheriff-22395646.php\">investigation\u003c/a> into Palmer this summer, which alleged that he picked up a woman experiencing a mental health crisis off the street, pressured her to have sex and gave her drugs. Palmer told the paper he was acting in his official capacity when requesting access to the woman, conducting an official investigation on behalf of the board. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Sherrill called for the investigation after a damning \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/william-palmer-san-francisco-sheriff-22395646.php\">investigation\u003c/a> into Palmer this summer, which alleged that he picked up a woman experiencing a mental health crisis off the street, pressured her to have sex and gave her drugs. Palmer told the paper he was acting in his official capacity when requesting access to the woman, conducting an official investigation on behalf of the board. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12024441\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Supervisor Stephen Sherrill speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12024441\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Supervisor Stephen Sherrill speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The city watchdog’s \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/OIG_Report_Official_Misconduct_William_Palmer_President_Sheriffs_Department_Ov_Yo2yQCP.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that Palmer violated city law 14 times between December 2025 and July 2026. In one example of official misconduct, the report detailed a 2025 traffic stop by San Francisco sheriff’s deputies in the Tenderloin for Palmer’s expired registration. In the 51-minute stop, Palmer repeated that he was the president of the Oversight Board at least six times, referenced his relationship with Sheriff Paul Miyamoto and threatened retaliation against the deputies.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The city watchdog’s \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/OIG_Report_Official_Misconduct_William_Palmer_President_Sheriffs_Department_Ov_Yo2yQCP.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that Palmer violated city law 14 times between December 2025 and July 2026. In one example of official misconduct, the report detailed a 2025 traffic stop by San Francisco sheriff’s deputies in the Tenderloin for Palmer’s expired registration. In the 51-minute stop, Palmer repeated that he was the president of the Oversight Board at least six times, referenced his relationship with Sheriff Paul Miyamoto and threatened retaliation against the deputies.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Months later, San Francisco Police briefly detained Palmer for questioning, as part of an investigation into a missing, “at-risk” woman. Again, the commissioner used his position in an attempt to influence and intimidate, the report alleged. Palmer told officers he was President of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board at least six times, and “repeatedly threatened to sue” the officers. Palmer was not arrested and does not face criminal charges for the incident.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Months later, San Francisco Police briefly detained Palmer for questioning, as part of an investigation into a missing, “at-risk” woman. Again, the commissioner used his position in an attempt to influence and intimidate, the report alleged. Palmer told officers he was President of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board at least six times, and “repeatedly threatened to sue” the officers. Palmer was not arrested and does not face criminal charges for the incident.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The woman was eventually transported to Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on a mental health hold. A few hours after the encounter, Palmer emailed the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office from his city email. Palmer wrote that he was seeking “professional guidance” about the day’s events, and described himself as the woman’s life coach. He signed the email as “President, Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The woman was eventually transported to Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on a mental health hold. A few hours after the encounter, Palmer emailed the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office from his city email. Palmer wrote that he was seeking “professional guidance” about the day’s events, and described himself as the woman’s life coach. He signed the email as “President, Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Late that night, Palmer called a secure ward at the hospital, told a nurse that he was president of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, and insisted that he be allowed to speak to the woman because he was conducting an investigation and needed to take her statement.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Late that night, Palmer called a secure ward at the hospital, told a nurse that he was president of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, and insisted that he be allowed to speak to the woman because he was conducting an investigation and needed to take her statement.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Palmer did not immediately respond to a KQED request for comment. However, in a previous statement to KQED, he said he takes his “responsibilities as a public officer seriously,” and disagrees “with significant factual and legal conclusions contained” in the watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Palmer did not immediately respond to a KQED request for comment. However, in a previous statement to KQED, he said he takes his “responsibilities as a public officer seriously,” and disagrees “with significant factual and legal conclusions contained” in the watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Palmer was appointed to the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, based on his personal experiences with the carceral system. Now 55, Palmer spent more than 30 years in prison for a crime he committed as a teenager. He was released in 2019, and a court of appeal later found that his sentence amounted to excessive punishment. He’s since served as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/justinphillips/article/sf-generational-incarceration-jail-17827159.php\">vocal advocate\u003c/a> for people in jails.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Palmer was appointed to the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, based on his personal experiences with the carceral system. Now 55, Palmer spent more than 30 years in prison for a crime he committed as a teenager. He was released in 2019, and a court of appeal later found that his sentence amounted to excessive punishment. He’s since served as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/justinphillips/article/sf-generational-incarceration-jail-17827159.php\">vocal advocate\u003c/a> for people in jails.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Palmer’s tenure on the board, however, has involved multiple run-ins with law enforcement. A woman accused Palmer of rape, though criminal charges were \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/2024/04/03/all-charges-dismissed-against-william-palmer-sf-sheriffs-dept-oversight-board-member/\">dismissed\u003c/a> in 2024. Three other women accused him of violence, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/jail-oversight-criminal-allegations-22194091.php\">\u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reporting — which also said another woman took out a restraining order against him. That, the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reports, is in addition to several traffic violations and almost $10,000 in parking fees over six years.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Palmer’s tenure on the board, however, has involved multiple run-ins with law enforcement. A woman accused Palmer of rape, though criminal charges were \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/2024/04/03/all-charges-dismissed-against-william-palmer-sf-sheriffs-dept-oversight-board-member/\">dismissed\u003c/a> in 2024. Three other women accused him of violence, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/jail-oversight-criminal-allegations-22194091.php\">\u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reporting — which also said another woman took out a restraining order against him. That, the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reports, is in addition to several traffic violations and almost $10,000 in parking fees over six years.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Sherrill emphasized that officials needed to act in the most “legally defensive way. We didn’t touch on some of those potential criminal challenges.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Obviously I am horrified by those accusations,” he said, referring to the allegations in the \u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em> reporting. “I don’t want to put those aside, but it’s important for us on the Board of Supervisors to work with the information that we have to move forward as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Obviously I am horrified by those accusations,” he said, referring to the allegations in the \u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em> reporting. “I don’t want to put those aside, but it’s important for us on the Board of Supervisors to work with the information that we have to move forward as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has repeatedly referenced the allegations against Palmer as part of his push for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096437/sf-mayor-backers-renew-push-for-increased-mayoral-power\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, a ballot measure which would expand both the mayor and board’s authority to allow the removal of most commissioners without cause. Some progressives, including Supervisor Jackie Fielder, the Democratic Socialists of America San Francisco and former Supervisor Dean Preston, have opposed the mayor, saying that it’s already easy for the mayor to remove officials. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has repeatedly referenced the allegations against Palmer as part of his push for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096437/sf-mayor-backers-renew-push-for-increased-mayoral-power\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, a ballot measure which would expand both the mayor and board’s authority to allow the removal of most commissioners without cause. Some progressives, including Supervisor Jackie Fielder, the Democratic Socialists of America San Francisco and former Supervisor Dean Preston, have opposed the mayor, saying that it’s already easy for the mayor to remove officials. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Palmer’s term as a commissioner ends in March, unless he is removed sooner. His tenure as board president closes at the end of September. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "William Palmer’s term as commissioner has involved multiple allegations of violence and several encounters with law enforcement.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-board-of-supervisors\">The San Francisco Board of Supervisors\u003c/a> voted Tuesday to suspend and file misconduct charges \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101463/san-francisco-supervisors-to-weigh-removal-of-sheriffs-oversight-president\">against a sheriff’s oversight official\u003c/a>, moving a step closer to removing him from his post.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The motion, passed by 10 out of 11 city supervisors, followed a city anti-corruption investigation into Sheriff’s Oversight Board President William Palmer. It found that he used his public position for his personal benefit multiple times over the course of his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When you are appointed to serve the public in any position within San Francisco, you need to uphold that position with integrity,” said Supervisor Stephen Sherrill, who first introduced the charges against Palmer. “When you abuse your power or break the trust of the public, you should not be allowed to continue to serve the people of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The charges will then be forwarded to an ethics committee hearing, before heading back to the supervisors for a final decision.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sherrill called for the investigation after a damning \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/william-palmer-san-francisco-sheriff-22395646.php\">investigation\u003c/a> into Palmer this summer, which alleged that he picked up a woman experiencing a mental health crisis off the street, pressured her to have sex and gave her drugs. Palmer told the paper he was acting in his official capacity when requesting access to the woman, conducting an official investigation on behalf of the board. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12024441\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-49-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Supervisor Stephen Sherrill speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city watchdog’s \u003ca href=\"https://media.api.sf.gov/documents/OIG_Report_Official_Misconduct_William_Palmer_President_Sheriffs_Department_Ov_Yo2yQCP.pdf\">report\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that Palmer violated city law 14 times between December 2025 and July 2026. In one example of official misconduct, the report detailed a 2025 traffic stop by San Francisco sheriff’s deputies in the Tenderloin for Palmer’s expired registration. In the 51-minute stop, Palmer repeated that he was the president of the Oversight Board at least six times, referenced his relationship with Sheriff Paul Miyamoto and threatened retaliation against the deputies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months later, San Francisco Police briefly detained Palmer for questioning, as part of an investigation into a missing, “at-risk” woman. Again, the commissioner used his position in an attempt to influence and intimidate, the report alleged. Palmer told officers he was President of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board at least six times, and “repeatedly threatened to sue” the officers. Palmer was not arrested and does not face criminal charges for the incident.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The woman was eventually transported to Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital on a mental health hold. A few hours after the encounter, Palmer emailed the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office from his city email. Palmer wrote that he was seeking “professional guidance” about the day’s events, and described himself as the woman’s life coach. He signed the email as “President, Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Late that night, Palmer called a secure ward at the hospital, told a nurse that he was president of the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, and insisted that he be allowed to speak to the woman because he was conducting an investigation and needed to take her statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer did not immediately respond to a KQED request for comment. However, in a previous statement to KQED, he said he takes his “responsibilities as a public officer seriously,” and disagrees “with significant factual and legal conclusions contained” in the watchdog report.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer was appointed to the Sheriff’s Department Oversight Board, based on his personal experiences with the carceral system. Now 55, Palmer spent more than 30 years in prison for a crime he committed as a teenager. He was released in 2019, and a court of appeal later found that his sentence amounted to excessive punishment. He’s since served as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/justinphillips/article/sf-generational-incarceration-jail-17827159.php\">vocal advocate\u003c/a> for people in jails.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer’s tenure on the board, however, has involved multiple run-ins with law enforcement. A woman accused Palmer of rape, though criminal charges were \u003ca href=\"https://sfpublicdefender.org/2024/04/03/all-charges-dismissed-against-william-palmer-sf-sheriffs-dept-oversight-board-member/\">dismissed\u003c/a> in 2024. Three other women accused him of violence, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/jail-oversight-criminal-allegations-22194091.php\">\u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reporting — which also said another woman took out a restraining order against him. That, the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> reports, is in addition to several traffic violations and almost $10,000 in parking fees over six years.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sherrill emphasized that officials needed to act in the most “legally defensive way. We didn’t touch on some of those potential criminal challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Obviously I am horrified by those accusations,” he said, referring to the allegations in the \u003cem>Chronicle’s\u003c/em> reporting. “I don’t want to put those aside, but it’s important for us on the Board of Supervisors to work with the information that we have to move forward as quickly as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has repeatedly referenced the allegations against Palmer as part of his push for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096437/sf-mayor-backers-renew-push-for-increased-mayoral-power\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, a ballot measure which would expand both the mayor and board’s authority to allow the removal of most commissioners without cause. Some progressives, including Supervisor Jackie Fielder, the Democratic Socialists of America San Francisco and former Supervisor Dean Preston, have opposed the mayor, saying that it’s already easy for the mayor to remove officials. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Palmer’s term as a commissioner ends in March, unless he is removed sooner. His tenure as board president closes at the end of September. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] You may remember that in 2021, California voters were asked whether or not to recall Governor Gavin Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] But there was also a second question on the ballot. Who should replace him if he was recalled?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:15] Obviously, the recall failed, but if it was successful, Newsom would have technically been replaced by Republican Larry Elder, who won about 48% of the vote in that second question.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:29] And that’s how the process works for state-wide recall elections right now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] But proposition five could change that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] I’m Olivia Allen Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between The Bay and BayCurious. And we’re back again with another episode to help you get up to speed on all the statewide propositions on the ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] Today, we’re breaking down proposition five. Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] Prop 5 – Changes recall election process for statewide officers\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] Here to break it down for us is KQED’s politics and government correspondent, Guy Marzorati. Hey Guy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Hey, how’s it going?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:15] Good. So this proposition that we’re talking about today pertains to recall reform. Before we dive in here, how exactly do recalls for people in statewide office currently work in California?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:31] Yeah, so the rules for recall in California are different for state office and local office. For local office, it’s probably somewhat of a familiar process for people. There’s a question on the ballot, should this person be removed from office? If they are removed, then how the next person gets chosen can result in a variety of ways. So if you remember the Oakland mayor recall, there was a special election after that. There was the district attorney recalls in Alameda and SF. The replacements there were appointed. State recalls work a little bit differently where voters are asked two questions on the ballot. One is, should this statewide official be removed? And then the second question is, if they are removed, who should replace them? And there’s a list of candidates that voters get to choose from. And what proposition five would do is eliminate that second question, that question about the successor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:30] And as you just mentioned, and just to clarify for voters, Prop 5 specifically pertains to recalls for statewide office, right? Not local office. So what kinds of elected positions are we talking about here?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:45] That’s right, so this would only apply to statewide offices like governor, like attorney general and like state legislative offices, so assembly and Senate. And basically what it would do is make state recall elections more like local recall elections where there’s only one question on the ballot and it’s asking whether or not this elected official should be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:06] And just for some background here, Guy, how often have recall campaigns been actually put before California voters in the past when it comes to these statewide offices? Like have sitting politicians actually even been recalled before?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] Yes. So since voters in California approved this recall process more than a hundred years ago, goes all the way back to 1911, there have been 11 recall elections against statewide officials. Of those six recalls have been successful. Five recall elections have been unsuccessful. The most famous successful recall election was in 2003, when Governor Gray Davis, a Democrat, was recalled by voters. And Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger won the successor election and became governor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] The recall campaign against Governor Gray-Davis is gathering steam with the launch of the\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:59] Governor Gray Davis is hurting our state and our people. First question you’re asked, do you believe it should be recalled? Then the second question is, should it be recalled, who would you like to see replace it? And it’s an open primary, one ballot. And whoever gets the most vote, if a majority say yes on recall, immediately becomes the governor of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:23] And the proponents of this measure sort of point to that election as a reason to make these kind of changes that Prop 5 is proposing, right?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:04:36] Yeah, you know, I think supporters say it’s fundamentally unfair that someone can win a successor election on a recall ballot and not get a majority vote, which can happen if there’s a if there is a recall against a state official and a majority of voters elect to recall that official, the top replacement candidate doesn’t need to get a majority vote. They just need to finish first and suddenly they take that office. So supporters of Proposition 5 say… This is basically a loophole. This is a workaround where someone could potentially become governor of California without ever getting a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:13] So I get that that second question won’t be there on the ballot if Prop 5 is passed, but let’s say that the person does get recalled. What happens next in this Prop 5 universe? Like are they outed immediately or who takes their place at least temporarily?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:32] If you’re recalling a state legislator, so a state senator or a state assembly member, what will happen is there could be a special election called after the fact, where a new state legislate is picked. In the case of statewide offices, like attorney general, like secretary of state, a new secretary of State, a new attorney general will be appointed. In the cases of the governor, basically the lieutenant governor would take over And then there would be. An election to replace or to pick the next governor. So if it happens early in the governor’s term, there would be a special election taking place at the next statewide election where our voters would get to choose and vote on a new governor. If it happens late in that governor’s turn, the lieutenant governor would simply just fill the seat until the regularly scheduled election for governor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:24] We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. By the way, if you appreciate the work we’re doing here on PopFest, consider becoming a sustaining KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] And let’s get into the politics of this a little bit, Guy. Who else is sort of pushing for Prop 5 to be passed?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:57] Yeah, so this is really turned into kind of a partisan divide on Proposition 5, where we see the California Democratic Party in support, almost entirely Democrats in the legislature voted to put this on the ballot. And one of the top supporters of Proposition five is Shirley Weber, who’s California the secretary of state, the top election official.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:17] This was a way in which people could game the system, looking for a time when we had low voter turnout. Then we’d have all these folks on the ballot and then you’d pick somebody and they’d have 30% or 20% of whatever it was.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:27] She said her office started working on these potential reforms to introduce them after the unsuccessful recall of Newsom in 2021. And here’s Weber talking about their proposal at a state Senate hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:40] The whole election about, should this person be recalled? So that the discussion is on the merit of the recall itself, not on is there a better replacement, but should this be person be recall? Has there been enough?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:51] Proponents here are really arguing that the state should avoid what happened in the last two recall elections for governor. What we’ve seen in the past is, when there’s a recall facing someone like Gray Davis, or in 2021, we saw this, a recall-facing Gavin Newsom, there’s also this second campaign that plays out in parallel about, okay, well, who should the replacement candidate be? Who should the top replacement candidate? This would eliminate that second part, and supporters say, well yes, this will really allow the conversation and the debate to focus on whether or not this person facing a recall actually deserves to be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:29] Who is opposed to this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] The opposition has come from Republicans, California’s Republican Party, Republicans in the state legislature, who have really argued against making this change the state’s recall rules.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:08:43] This is insane. We should be able to continue the process for recalls where if someone is being recalled from office, we first vote on the ballot. And secondly, we say, if they’re recalled, here’s who we want to take over representation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:57] Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio is running an effort to support and oppose a few different measures, including oppose Proposition 5. And the argument you really hear from opponents of Prop 5 is that the recall system is working as it is.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:09:12] Please don’t weaken the recall provision in the state constitution. It’s one of the only things we have to hold politicians accountable.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:19] There doesn’t need to be any changes to it. It has existed in the state for over 100 years. They say the idea of having a governor be removed by the will of the people, by the voters, only to have a lieutenant governor come in and take their place is not really the change that voters who are pushing a recall are looking for in the first place. We see in modern day in California, the governor and lieutenant governor are almost always Democratic. And so if there’s a recall election against the governor, voters are seeking change. Number one, having just the next Democrat in line take that office might not really reflect to the will of what brought the voters to a recall. And secondly, the lieutenant governor would then serve as governor without ever having been elected. So if the argument for Proposition 5 is that a successor could take office with less than 50% of the vote, well Under Prop 5, the lieutenant governor would take office and they didn’t get any of the vote for governor. So opponents of Prop 5 see this as real flaws with the measure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:25] And is anyone throwing lots of money into Prop 5 on either side? And any sense guy of how likely this is to pass?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:36] You know, we haven’t seen any campaign spending with Proposition 5 on either side. In mid-September, the Public Policy Institute of California released polling on the statewide measures and it showed just 35% of voters supporting Proposition five with 59% opposed. In what really looks like another example of California voters appearing hesitant to make really any changes to the state system of direct democracy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Guy, thank you so much, as always, for breaking this one down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] Of course, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] You may remember that in 2021, California voters were asked whether or not to recall Governor Gavin Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] You may remember that in 2021, California voters were asked whether or not to recall Governor Gavin Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] But there was also a second question on the ballot. Who should replace him if he was recalled?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] But there was also a second question on the ballot. Who should replace him if he was recalled?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:15] Obviously, the recall failed, but if it was successful, Newsom would have technically been replaced by Republican Larry Elder, who won about 48% of the vote in that second question.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:15] Obviously, the recall failed, but if it was successful, Newsom would have technically been replaced by Republican Larry Elder, who won about 48% of the vote in that second question.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:29] And that’s how the process works for state-wide recall elections right now.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:29] And that’s how the process works for state-wide recall elections right now.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] But proposition five could change that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] But proposition five could change that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] I’m Olivia Allen Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] I’m Olivia Allen Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between The Bay and BayCurious. And we’re back again with another episode to help you get up to speed on all the statewide propositions on the ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between The Bay and BayCurious. And we’re back again with another episode to help you get up to speed on all the statewide propositions on the ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] Today, we’re breaking down proposition five. Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] Today, we’re breaking down proposition five. Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] Prop 5 – Changes recall election process for statewide officers\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] Prop 5 – Changes recall election process for statewide officers\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] Here to break it down for us is KQED’s politics and government correspondent, Guy Marzorati. Hey Guy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] Here to break it down for us is KQED’s politics and government correspondent, Guy Marzorati. Hey Guy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Hey, how’s it going?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:15] Good. So this proposition that we’re talking about today pertains to recall reform. Before we dive in here, how exactly do recalls for people in statewide office currently work in California?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:15] Good. So this proposition that we’re talking about today pertains to recall reform. Before we dive in here, how exactly do recalls for people in statewide office currently work in California?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:31] Yeah, so the rules for recall in California are different for state office and local office. For local office, it’s probably somewhat of a familiar process for people. There’s a question on the ballot, should this person be removed from office? If they are removed, then how the next person gets chosen can result in a variety of ways. So if you remember the Oakland mayor recall, there was a special election after that. There was the district attorney recalls in Alameda and SF. The replacements there were appointed. State recalls work a little bit differently where voters are asked two questions on the ballot. One is, should this statewide official be removed? And then the second question is, if they are removed, who should replace them? And there’s a list of candidates that voters get to choose from. And what proposition five would do is eliminate that second question, that question about the successor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:31] Yeah, so the rules for recall in California are different for state office and local office. For local office, it’s probably somewhat of a familiar process for people. There’s a question on the ballot, should this person be removed from office? If they are removed, then how the next person gets chosen can result in a variety of ways. So if you remember the Oakland mayor recall, there was a special election after that. There was the district attorney recalls in Alameda and SF. The replacements there were appointed. State recalls work a little bit differently where voters are asked two questions on the ballot. One is, should this statewide official be removed? And then the second question is, if they are removed, who should replace them? And there’s a list of candidates that voters get to choose from. And what proposition five would do is eliminate that second question, that question about the successor.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:30] And as you just mentioned, and just to clarify for voters, Prop 5 specifically pertains to recalls for statewide office, right? Not local office. So what kinds of elected positions are we talking about here?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:45] That’s right, so this would only apply to statewide offices like governor, like attorney general and like state legislative offices, so assembly and Senate. And basically what it would do is make state recall elections more like local recall elections where there’s only one question on the ballot and it’s asking whether or not this elected official should be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:45] That’s right, so this would only apply to statewide offices like governor, like attorney general and like state legislative offices, so assembly and Senate. And basically what it would do is make state recall elections more like local recall elections where there’s only one question on the ballot and it’s asking whether or not this elected official should be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:06] And just for some background here, Guy, how often have recall campaigns been actually put before California voters in the past when it comes to these statewide offices? Like have sitting politicians actually even been recalled before?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:06] And just for some background here, Guy, how often have recall campaigns been actually put before California voters in the past when it comes to these statewide offices? Like have sitting politicians actually even been recalled before?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] Yes. So since voters in California approved this recall process more than a hundred years ago, goes all the way back to 1911, there have been 11 recall elections against statewide officials. Of those six recalls have been successful. Five recall elections have been unsuccessful. The most famous successful recall election was in 2003, when Governor Gray Davis, a Democrat, was recalled by voters. And Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger won the successor election and became governor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] Yes. So since voters in California approved this recall process more than a hundred years ago, goes all the way back to 1911, there have been 11 recall elections against statewide officials. Of those six recalls have been successful. Five recall elections have been unsuccessful. The most famous successful recall election was in 2003, when Governor Gray Davis, a Democrat, was recalled by voters. And Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger won the successor election and became governor.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:59] Governor Gray Davis is hurting our state and our people. First question you’re asked, do you believe it should be recalled? Then the second question is, should it be recalled, who would you like to see replace it? And it’s an open primary, one ballot. And whoever gets the most vote, if a majority say yes on recall, immediately becomes the governor of California.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:59] Governor Gray Davis is hurting our state and our people. First question you’re asked, do you believe it should be recalled? Then the second question is, should it be recalled, who would you like to see replace it? And it’s an open primary, one ballot. And whoever gets the most vote, if a majority say yes on recall, immediately becomes the governor of California.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:23] And the proponents of this measure sort of point to that election as a reason to make these kind of changes that Prop 5 is proposing, right?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:23] And the proponents of this measure sort of point to that election as a reason to make these kind of changes that Prop 5 is proposing, right?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:04:36] Yeah, you know, I think supporters say it’s fundamentally unfair that someone can win a successor election on a recall ballot and not get a majority vote, which can happen if there’s a if there is a recall against a state official and a majority of voters elect to recall that official, the top replacement candidate doesn’t need to get a majority vote. They just need to finish first and suddenly they take that office. So supporters of Proposition 5 say… This is basically a loophole. This is a workaround where someone could potentially become governor of California without ever getting a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:04:36] Yeah, you know, I think supporters say it’s fundamentally unfair that someone can win a successor election on a recall ballot and not get a majority vote, which can happen if there’s a if there is a recall against a state official and a majority of voters elect to recall that official, the top replacement candidate doesn’t need to get a majority vote. They just need to finish first and suddenly they take that office. So supporters of Proposition 5 say… This is basically a loophole. This is a workaround where someone could potentially become governor of California without ever getting a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:13] So I get that that second question won’t be there on the ballot if Prop 5 is passed, but let’s say that the person does get recalled. What happens next in this Prop 5 universe? Like are they outed immediately or who takes their place at least temporarily?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:13] So I get that that second question won’t be there on the ballot if Prop 5 is passed, but let’s say that the person does get recalled. What happens next in this Prop 5 universe? Like are they outed immediately or who takes their place at least temporarily?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:32] If you’re recalling a state legislator, so a state senator or a state assembly member, what will happen is there could be a special election called after the fact, where a new state legislate is picked. In the case of statewide offices, like attorney general, like secretary of state, a new secretary of State, a new attorney general will be appointed. In the cases of the governor, basically the lieutenant governor would take over And then there would be. An election to replace or to pick the next governor. So if it happens early in the governor’s term, there would be a special election taking place at the next statewide election where our voters would get to choose and vote on a new governor. If it happens late in that governor’s turn, the lieutenant governor would simply just fill the seat until the regularly scheduled election for governor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:32] If you’re recalling a state legislator, so a state senator or a state assembly member, what will happen is there could be a special election called after the fact, where a new state legislate is picked. In the case of statewide offices, like attorney general, like secretary of state, a new secretary of State, a new attorney general will be appointed. In the cases of the governor, basically the lieutenant governor would take over And then there would be. An election to replace or to pick the next governor. So if it happens early in the governor’s term, there would be a special election taking place at the next statewide election where our voters would get to choose and vote on a new governor. If it happens late in that governor’s turn, the lieutenant governor would simply just fill the seat until the regularly scheduled election for governor.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:24] We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. By the way, if you appreciate the work we’re doing here on PopFest, consider becoming a sustaining KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:24] We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. By the way, if you appreciate the work we’re doing here on PopFest, consider becoming a sustaining KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] And let’s get into the politics of this a little bit, Guy. Who else is sort of pushing for Prop 5 to be passed?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:57] Yeah, so this is really turned into kind of a partisan divide on Proposition 5, where we see the California Democratic Party in support, almost entirely Democrats in the legislature voted to put this on the ballot. And one of the top supporters of Proposition five is Shirley Weber, who’s California the secretary of state, the top election official.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:57] Yeah, so this is really turned into kind of a partisan divide on Proposition 5, where we see the California Democratic Party in support, almost entirely Democrats in the legislature voted to put this on the ballot. And one of the top supporters of Proposition five is Shirley Weber, who’s California the secretary of state, the top election official.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:17] This was a way in which people could game the system, looking for a time when we had low voter turnout. Then we’d have all these folks on the ballot and then you’d pick somebody and they’d have 30% or 20% of whatever it was.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:17] This was a way in which people could game the system, looking for a time when we had low voter turnout. Then we’d have all these folks on the ballot and then you’d pick somebody and they’d have 30% or 20% of whatever it was.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:27] She said her office started working on these potential reforms to introduce them after the unsuccessful recall of Newsom in 2021. And here’s Weber talking about their proposal at a state Senate hearing.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:27] She said her office started working on these potential reforms to introduce them after the unsuccessful recall of Newsom in 2021. And here’s Weber talking about their proposal at a state Senate hearing.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:40] The whole election about, should this person be recalled? So that the discussion is on the merit of the recall itself, not on is there a better replacement, but should this be person be recall? Has there been enough?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:40] The whole election about, should this person be recalled? So that the discussion is on the merit of the recall itself, not on is there a better replacement, but should this be person be recall? Has there been enough?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:51] Proponents here are really arguing that the state should avoid what happened in the last two recall elections for governor. What we’ve seen in the past is, when there’s a recall facing someone like Gray Davis, or in 2021, we saw this, a recall-facing Gavin Newsom, there’s also this second campaign that plays out in parallel about, okay, well, who should the replacement candidate be? Who should the top replacement candidate? This would eliminate that second part, and supporters say, well yes, this will really allow the conversation and the debate to focus on whether or not this person facing a recall actually deserves to be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:51] Proponents here are really arguing that the state should avoid what happened in the last two recall elections for governor. What we’ve seen in the past is, when there’s a recall facing someone like Gray Davis, or in 2021, we saw this, a recall-facing Gavin Newsom, there’s also this second campaign that plays out in parallel about, okay, well, who should the replacement candidate be? Who should the top replacement candidate? This would eliminate that second part, and supporters say, well yes, this will really allow the conversation and the debate to focus on whether or not this person facing a recall actually deserves to be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:29] Who is opposed to this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:29] Who is opposed to this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] The opposition has come from Republicans, California’s Republican Party, Republicans in the state legislature, who have really argued against making this change the state’s recall rules.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] The opposition has come from Republicans, California’s Republican Party, Republicans in the state legislature, who have really argued against making this change the state’s recall rules.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:08:43] This is insane. We should be able to continue the process for recalls where if someone is being recalled from office, we first vote on the ballot. And secondly, we say, if they’re recalled, here’s who we want to take over representation.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:08:43] This is insane. We should be able to continue the process for recalls where if someone is being recalled from office, we first vote on the ballot. And secondly, we say, if they’re recalled, here’s who we want to take over representation.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:57] Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio is running an effort to support and oppose a few different measures, including oppose Proposition 5. And the argument you really hear from opponents of Prop 5 is that the recall system is working as it is.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:57] Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio is running an effort to support and oppose a few different measures, including oppose Proposition 5. And the argument you really hear from opponents of Prop 5 is that the recall system is working as it is.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:09:12] Please don’t weaken the recall provision in the state constitution. It’s one of the only things we have to hold politicians accountable.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:09:12] Please don’t weaken the recall provision in the state constitution. It’s one of the only things we have to hold politicians accountable.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:19] There doesn’t need to be any changes to it. It has existed in the state for over 100 years. They say the idea of having a governor be removed by the will of the people, by the voters, only to have a lieutenant governor come in and take their place is not really the change that voters who are pushing a recall are looking for in the first place. We see in modern day in California, the governor and lieutenant governor are almost always Democratic. And so if there’s a recall election against the governor, voters are seeking change. Number one, having just the next Democrat in line take that office might not really reflect to the will of what brought the voters to a recall. And secondly, the lieutenant governor would then serve as governor without ever having been elected. So if the argument for Proposition 5 is that a successor could take office with less than 50% of the vote, well Under Prop 5, the lieutenant governor would take office and they didn’t get any of the vote for governor. So opponents of Prop 5 see this as real flaws with the measure.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:19] There doesn’t need to be any changes to it. It has existed in the state for over 100 years. They say the idea of having a governor be removed by the will of the people, by the voters, only to have a lieutenant governor come in and take their place is not really the change that voters who are pushing a recall are looking for in the first place. We see in modern day in California, the governor and lieutenant governor are almost always Democratic. And so if there’s a recall election against the governor, voters are seeking change. Number one, having just the next Democrat in line take that office might not really reflect to the will of what brought the voters to a recall. And secondly, the lieutenant governor would then serve as governor without ever having been elected. So if the argument for Proposition 5 is that a successor could take office with less than 50% of the vote, well Under Prop 5, the lieutenant governor would take office and they didn’t get any of the vote for governor. So opponents of Prop 5 see this as real flaws with the measure.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:25] And is anyone throwing lots of money into Prop 5 on either side? And any sense guy of how likely this is to pass?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:25] And is anyone throwing lots of money into Prop 5 on either side? And any sense guy of how likely this is to pass?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:36] You know, we haven’t seen any campaign spending with Proposition 5 on either side. In mid-September, the Public Policy Institute of California released polling on the statewide measures and it showed just 35% of voters supporting Proposition five with 59% opposed. In what really looks like another example of California voters appearing hesitant to make really any changes to the state system of direct democracy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:36] You know, we haven’t seen any campaign spending with Proposition 5 on either side. In mid-September, the Public Policy Institute of California released polling on the statewide measures and it showed just 35% of voters supporting Proposition five with 59% opposed. In what really looks like another example of California voters appearing hesitant to make really any changes to the state system of direct democracy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Guy, thank you so much, as always, for breaking this one down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Guy, thank you so much, as always, for breaking this one down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] Of course, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] Of course, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] You may remember that in 2021, California voters were asked whether or not to recall Governor Gavin Newsom from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:08] But there was also a second question on the ballot. Who should replace him if he was recalled?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:15] Obviously, the recall failed, but if it was successful, Newsom would have technically been replaced by Republican Larry Elder, who won about 48% of the vote in that second question.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:29] And that’s how the process works for state-wide recall elections right now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:33] But proposition five could change that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] I’m Olivia Allen Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Welcome to Prop Fest, a collaboration between The Bay and BayCurious. And we’re back again with another episode to help you get up to speed on all the statewide propositions on the ballot this November.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] Today, we’re breaking down proposition five. Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:01:00] Prop 5 – Changes recall election process for statewide officers\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] Here to break it down for us is KQED’s politics and government correspondent, Guy Marzorati. Hey Guy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Hey, how’s it going?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:15] Good. So this proposition that we’re talking about today pertains to recall reform. Before we dive in here, how exactly do recalls for people in statewide office currently work in California?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:31] Yeah, so the rules for recall in California are different for state office and local office. For local office, it’s probably somewhat of a familiar process for people. There’s a question on the ballot, should this person be removed from office? If they are removed, then how the next person gets chosen can result in a variety of ways. So if you remember the Oakland mayor recall, there was a special election after that. There was the district attorney recalls in Alameda and SF. The replacements there were appointed. State recalls work a little bit differently where voters are asked two questions on the ballot. One is, should this statewide official be removed? And then the second question is, if they are removed, who should replace them? And there’s a list of candidates that voters get to choose from. And what proposition five would do is eliminate that second question, that question about the successor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:30] And as you just mentioned, and just to clarify for voters, Prop 5 specifically pertains to recalls for statewide office, right? Not local office. So what kinds of elected positions are we talking about here?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:45] That’s right, so this would only apply to statewide offices like governor, like attorney general and like state legislative offices, so assembly and Senate. And basically what it would do is make state recall elections more like local recall elections where there’s only one question on the ballot and it’s asking whether or not this elected official should be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:06] And just for some background here, Guy, how often have recall campaigns been actually put before California voters in the past when it comes to these statewide offices? Like have sitting politicians actually even been recalled before?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:23] Yes. So since voters in California approved this recall process more than a hundred years ago, goes all the way back to 1911, there have been 11 recall elections against statewide officials. Of those six recalls have been successful. Five recall elections have been unsuccessful. The most famous successful recall election was in 2003, when Governor Gray Davis, a Democrat, was recalled by voters. And Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger won the successor election and became governor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] The recall campaign against Governor Gray-Davis is gathering steam with the launch of the\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:03:59] Governor Gray Davis is hurting our state and our people. First question you’re asked, do you believe it should be recalled? Then the second question is, should it be recalled, who would you like to see replace it? And it’s an open primary, one ballot. And whoever gets the most vote, if a majority say yes on recall, immediately becomes the governor of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:23] And the proponents of this measure sort of point to that election as a reason to make these kind of changes that Prop 5 is proposing, right?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:04:36] Yeah, you know, I think supporters say it’s fundamentally unfair that someone can win a successor election on a recall ballot and not get a majority vote, which can happen if there’s a if there is a recall against a state official and a majority of voters elect to recall that official, the top replacement candidate doesn’t need to get a majority vote. They just need to finish first and suddenly they take that office. So supporters of Proposition 5 say… This is basically a loophole. This is a workaround where someone could potentially become governor of California without ever getting a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:13] So I get that that second question won’t be there on the ballot if Prop 5 is passed, but let’s say that the person does get recalled. What happens next in this Prop 5 universe? Like are they outed immediately or who takes their place at least temporarily?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:32] If you’re recalling a state legislator, so a state senator or a state assembly member, what will happen is there could be a special election called after the fact, where a new state legislate is picked. In the case of statewide offices, like attorney general, like secretary of state, a new secretary of State, a new attorney general will be appointed. In the cases of the governor, basically the lieutenant governor would take over And then there would be. An election to replace or to pick the next governor. So if it happens early in the governor’s term, there would be a special election taking place at the next statewide election where our voters would get to choose and vote on a new governor. If it happens late in that governor’s turn, the lieutenant governor would simply just fill the seat until the regularly scheduled election for governor.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:24] We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. By the way, if you appreciate the work we’re doing here on PopFest, consider becoming a sustaining KQED member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] And let’s get into the politics of this a little bit, Guy. Who else is sort of pushing for Prop 5 to be passed?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:57] Yeah, so this is really turned into kind of a partisan divide on Proposition 5, where we see the California Democratic Party in support, almost entirely Democrats in the legislature voted to put this on the ballot. And one of the top supporters of Proposition five is Shirley Weber, who’s California the secretary of state, the top election official.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:17] This was a way in which people could game the system, looking for a time when we had low voter turnout. Then we’d have all these folks on the ballot and then you’d pick somebody and they’d have 30% or 20% of whatever it was.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:27] She said her office started working on these potential reforms to introduce them after the unsuccessful recall of Newsom in 2021. And here’s Weber talking about their proposal at a state Senate hearing.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Shirley Weber \u003c/strong>[00:07:40] The whole election about, should this person be recalled? So that the discussion is on the merit of the recall itself, not on is there a better replacement, but should this be person be recall? Has there been enough?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:51] Proponents here are really arguing that the state should avoid what happened in the last two recall elections for governor. What we’ve seen in the past is, when there’s a recall facing someone like Gray Davis, or in 2021, we saw this, a recall-facing Gavin Newsom, there’s also this second campaign that plays out in parallel about, okay, well, who should the replacement candidate be? Who should the top replacement candidate? This would eliminate that second part, and supporters say, well yes, this will really allow the conversation and the debate to focus on whether or not this person facing a recall actually deserves to be removed from office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:29] Who is opposed to this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] The opposition has come from Republicans, California’s Republican Party, Republicans in the state legislature, who have really argued against making this change the state’s recall rules.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:08:43] This is insane. We should be able to continue the process for recalls where if someone is being recalled from office, we first vote on the ballot. And secondly, we say, if they’re recalled, here’s who we want to take over representation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:57] Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio is running an effort to support and oppose a few different measures, including oppose Proposition 5. And the argument you really hear from opponents of Prop 5 is that the recall system is working as it is.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:09:12] Please don’t weaken the recall provision in the state constitution. It’s one of the only things we have to hold politicians accountable.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:19] There doesn’t need to be any changes to it. It has existed in the state for over 100 years. They say the idea of having a governor be removed by the will of the people, by the voters, only to have a lieutenant governor come in and take their place is not really the change that voters who are pushing a recall are looking for in the first place. We see in modern day in California, the governor and lieutenant governor are almost always Democratic. And so if there’s a recall election against the governor, voters are seeking change. Number one, having just the next Democrat in line take that office might not really reflect to the will of what brought the voters to a recall. And secondly, the lieutenant governor would then serve as governor without ever having been elected. So if the argument for Proposition 5 is that a successor could take office with less than 50% of the vote, well Under Prop 5, the lieutenant governor would take office and they didn’t get any of the vote for governor. So opponents of Prop 5 see this as real flaws with the measure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:25] And is anyone throwing lots of money into Prop 5 on either side? And any sense guy of how likely this is to pass?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:36] You know, we haven’t seen any campaign spending with Proposition 5 on either side. In mid-September, the Public Policy Institute of California released polling on the statewide measures and it showed just 35% of voters supporting Proposition five with 59% opposed. In what really looks like another example of California voters appearing hesitant to make really any changes to the state system of direct democracy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Guy, thank you so much, as always, for breaking this one down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] Of course, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\">https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Transcript\">View Full Episode Transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2008, with the historic election of President Barack Obama and Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, Speaker Pelosi saw a huge opening for healthcare reform. She knew it would be hard-fought, but this was not Pelosi’s first battle. She had lived through other historic attempts to reform healthcare — to disastrous results. This time, she was determined to succeed. But to go big in Washington, Pelosi had to master the art of sacrifice.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"Transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: I accept this gavel in the spirit of partnership, not partisanship, and I look forward to working \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s 2007. Nancy Pelosi had just become Speaker of the House, the first woman ever. Her goal? A new direction for America.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: A new America with a vibrant and strengthened middle class for whom college is affordable, healthcare is accessible, and retirement reliable.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Meanwhile, a senator from Illinois, Barack Obama, was poised to make history at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: Change is what’s happening in America. Yes, we.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama campaigned on a promise to fix a problem that affected millions of Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: What I see are people who would love to have health care. They desperately want it. But the problem is they can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But a little over a month before the 2008 presidential election, everything would be upended.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: At this hour, the Lehman Brothers Investment Bank appears headed toward bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Fueled by cheap credit and predatory lending, subprime mortgages got mixed into the economy and falsely rated by so-called experts as safe. Wall Street was making money hand over fist. But then people began defaulting on their mortgaged. The bubble burst, threatening to bring down the entire world economy with it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Worst housing crisis since the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Three of the five biggest independent firms on Wall Street have now disappeared. Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and Merrill Lynch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: More than half a trillion dollars in mortgage investments have gone bad.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi blamed the bankers, the party is over, and President Bush.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: When President Bush was president, he didn’t have any supervision, no oversight, no markets, no nothing, and this happened.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But as the top Democrat in the House, she would have to choose. Set aside politics and address the crisis, or let Bush and the Republicans deal with it\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Our members, it’s his problem, he should be solving the problem with his members. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:02:08 Democrats controlled the House, and as Speaker Pelosi had lots of power, and a direct line to the White House, including President Bush’s Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, who was also the former CEO of Goldman Sachs. Paulson was panicked. He knew the fallout could be huge. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: We knew we had to change it, you know, we had to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi came to believe that a bailout of the banks would prevent a catastrophic global crash. But she wasn’t going to issue a blank check to Wall Street either, no golden parachutes or bonuses for Wall Street executives who helped create the meltdown, and an option for the president to tax Wall Street if taxpayers were still paying for the bailout after five years. As Speaker of the House, she started getting the votes together for a massive plan to bail out Wall Street, $700 billion, in hopes of preventing another Great Depression. Pelosi knew that this bill could be political kryptonite. She urged Bush to help convince Republicans in the House to support the bill so that both parties would take the hit.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had the majority, so we all do 120. They’ll do 100 votes. We go to do the vote. They’re nowhere in sight, and they blamed it on me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Paulson was scared the bailout was falling apart. After a disastrous meeting in the cabinet room, he got down on one knee, begging Pelosi to get the deal passed.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: When was the last time anyone ever asked you for $700 billion? It’s a staggering figure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is a floor speech Pelosi gave leading up to the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We have a situation where on Wall Street people are flying high, they’re making unconscionable amounts of money, they privatize the gain, the minute things go tough they nationalize the risk. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’s ripping into Wall Street. That’s who created this mess. But what she’s actually trying to do here is convince Democrats to support bailing out the very people who caused the problem. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We need to stabilize the markets. In doing so, we need to protect the taxpayers. And that’s why I’m so glad that this bill… So when I describe what happened, then they said, well, you lost votes because of what she described. But I wasn’t going to get any votes unless I did that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Her plea worked. She got the votes. On October 3, 2008, just a few weeks after Lehman Brothers collapsed, Bush signed the bailout into law. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: There were doubts until this morning about whether there were enough votes to pass the bill and dire Predictions about what would happen if the measure failed again \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was called TARP, the Troubled Asset Relief Program. Wall Street was relieved, but many Americans, who’d been victims of predatory lending, were losing their homes as payments came due. Only a fraction of that money was set aside for them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Bailing out Wall Street, not Main Street, but we had to do that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: For Barack Obama, that will change our electoral board and in our view President-elect of the United States of America. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I was working in the KQED newsroom that election night. The networks called it for Obama over Senator John McCain at around 11 p.m. Eastern Time. And nationwide, people filled the streets. Barack Obama’s resounding victory came with a mandate for change and a promise to finally try and fix the other crisis millions of Americans were facing – a broken health care system. But there’s a huge difference between winning and governing. I’m Scott Shafer. From KQED, this is The Speaker. Today, the story of this very controversial law – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, what became known as Obamacare. What happens when Pelosi tries to go big, and all the consequences, intended and otherwise? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: As Speaker, Nancy Pelosi had a meeting with the new president about health care reform. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name total warfare. We’re going to hear from those who are anti-government, we are going to hear from the insurance industry, we going to hear from every element that is out there, it is going to be tough, it will be very, very hard.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: You wanted to get it all done. We had to. Because. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it was the challenge of a generation, a hundred years people have tried. We had the opportunity. We had The House and we had The Senate. We had intellectual resources. We had determination and we the votes. But most importantly, we had the outside mobilization. We had people.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To Pelosi, now was the time. All these years later, we’re still talking about how broken our healthcare system is, but back before 2009, about 50 million Americans didn’t have health insurance, roughly double what it is today. Companies could deny coverage to people with preexisting conditions, anything from cancer to pregnancy, or offer plans that were way too expensive. Some women were charged as much as 81% more than men. For this same plan. Lives were on the line, and Pelosi was determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We’re not here to do Incy Wincey Spider. We’re here to anything else. This is a challenge of a generation. We’re going to get this bill done and we’re not doing it part way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi likes to say that she put on a suit of armor every day and ate nails for breakfast. It would take all that to go up against a mountain of resistance.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were determined that ours would succeed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The first hurdle was the White House. Rahm Emanuel had been Pelosi’s deputy back in 2006. He helped win back the House that year. But now, he was President Obama’s chief of staff, and he was urging the President not to pursue healthcare right after. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: I wanted to do financial reform because I thought the country needed to see the president fighting against the banks, needed to the SOBs that created this problem taken to the woodshed. To pass health care, the very interest groups had to be either neutralized or on your side of the table. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Emanuel wasn’t the only one guiding Obama away from going big.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I was very conflicted because I have a child who has epilepsy and very serious form. We almost went bankrupt when I was a young newspaper man trying to deal with her illness.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s David Axelrod, also known as Ax, less bombastic than Emanuel, but another major player in Obama’s White House. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I experienced the problems with the healthcare system, but I was also there as the president’s political advisor and I had to tell him, look, seven presidents have tried this and we’re in the middle of a epic financial crisis. I said, you really need to think hard about this because there’s great risk associated with it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The risk could be catastrophic. Emanuel and Axelrod had lived through the Clinton years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bill Clinton: If Americans are to have the courage to change in a difficult time, we must first be secure in our most basic needs. This health care system of ours is badly broken, and it is time. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 1993, President Clinton unveiled his health care reform plan. The bill was more than 1,300 pages. He put the First Lady, who was already pretty controversial, in charge of selling it to the public and Congress. In 1994, Hillary Care, as it was called by critics, was declared dead. It never came up for a vote. Total collapse. And the backlash was immediate. 1994 was the year Democrats lost their majority in the House for the first time in 40 years. And Hillary Care was blamed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: I am as mad as hell! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2009, a similar backlash was brewing. The conservative anti-tax Tea Party was forming, in part a reaction to the massive bailout of Wall Street banks.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Thousands of activists held rallies in cities across the country, protesting big government and big government spin. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Tea Party, which stands for Taxed Enough Already, was modeled after the Boston Tea Party. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: They’re spending our money, our children’s money, our grandchildren’s money. And they’re going to just continue to push this country into debt, and they’re gonna destroy the economy of America. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama’s election supercharged the Tea Party, especially the plan to reform health care. After Obama was elected, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin honed in on one aspect of the proposal, to allow Medicare to pay for end-of-life planning. Palin called them death panels, which would decide who would live and who would die. Like if this plan goes through, Democrats are going to pull the plug on grandma and grandpa.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Sarah Palin, you know, said that I was at factor death because I wanted to kill old people. Ha, ha, ha.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is Zeke Emanuel, Ram’s brother, and an expert in health policy. He was tapped to help with the new bill, but Zeke ended up becoming the face of death panels, thanks to an article he had written about how to triage who gets liver transplants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Those are the kinds of serious issues that serious people wrestle with and politicians like who are not serious like Sarah Palin, you know, just say stuff that is unsupported and unthought-out.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: We were unable to interview President Obama for this series, but in spite of what top aides were telling him, Axelrod said the president was committed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: He said, well, what are we supposed to do? Put our approval rating on the shelf and admire it for eight years? Or are we suppose to draw down on it? And he said, if we don’t do it in the first two years, we’re not gonna get it done. This problem’s just gonna fester. I always joke that I loved working for him so much because he listened to me so little. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi wasn’t worried about the advisors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were communicating with the President of the United States. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But he allowed his chief of staff to say less than positive things about the bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It didn’t matter to us, or what mattered to us is what the president said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Lawrence was Pelosi’s chief of staff at the time. He was in the room during a lot of the meetings between Pelosi and President Obama.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: She said something, Mr. President. And he said, look, when it’s just us, just call me Barack. And she said, no, you’re Mr. President. And there was one incident he said Nancy something, and she said in this instance, it’s Madam Speaker. So it was a very clear understanding that we are leaders of co-equal branches of government. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama came from the Senate, the Pelosi was a creature of the House, and Obama knew she was the one who could get it done. This was not Pelosi’s first rodeo. She’d also been in Congress when Clinton tried to fix health care. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>What did you take from that episode?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: With all the respect in the world for them, it wasn’t as if they were ignoring Congress. But the bill has to pass the Congress. What I knew when we went to do health care was that we were going to write the bill in the Congress of the United States. And that makes the difference.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that to pass a bill, she’d need to write the bill in Congress. That was the way to get buy-in from her members. That meant getting people together to contribute. She orchestrated her connections on the powerful committees and wrote the bill in the House. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had a system that everybody was part of this. We had mandated sessions where everybody had to come. The bill would be read. They have questions and all the recoups, so they didn’t read the bill. No, we read it every step of the way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In July of 2009, you unveiled a thousand-page bill and declared that you’re going to take it up for a vote and it’s going to pass the House. That’s right. Why were you so confident? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because we work very hard, it’s about prevention, it is about wellness. So members had various degrees of expertise in these.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had her wish list at the top was a public option. It’s a government plan that people can buy rather than private insurance. It’s set up to compete with private insurance companies and can help drive down prices. She whipped aggressively to have it included, but in the end, she couldn’t pick up the votes for the version she wanted. But there was a path forward with another weaker public option, it gave doctors and hospitals more power to negotiate rates, a compromise. She also had to rally more conservative Democrats who opposed abortion. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Current law and vote no on public funding for abortion. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After negotiations with Pelosi fell through, a congressman named Bart Stupak co-wrote an amendment to the health care bill. It prohibited abortion coverage under plans that were run or subsidized by the government. Remember Congressman Stupack, he’ll come back later. Pelosi heard of the votes and the House passed their version, November 7, 2009, by a thin margin. With President Obama’s support, it seemed like a public option might be within reach, part of Pelosi’s dream to go big. But soon, an unexpected loss would jeopardize everything she’d fought for. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nothing gets to the President’s desk before it passes the House and the Senate. Pelosi doesn’t hide how she feels about the upper chamber.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate, where good bills go to die all the time. The cemetery for legislation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Senators have the luxury of serving 6-year terms, whereas House members face voters every two years. Here’s Axelrod. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: The Senate were a bunch of dilettantes who didn’t have to run every two years. She would make clear to her caucus and publicly when she was unhappy with the Senate and she would take them on and that helped rally her troops. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had just helped pass a monumental House bill, and it included a public option, and Obama was on board. But then something fundamentally changed the equation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Doctors say Senator Ted Kennedy has a malignant brain tumor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was discovered after he suffered a seizure. Ted Kennedy, the senator from Massachusetts and a champion of health care reform, was dying from a brain tumor. Without Kennedy, the Democrats would only have 59 seats in the Senate. And that was a big problem. Without 60 seats, Republicans got back a tool. It’s called the filibuster. You may have heard of it. Basically, it’s a speech that goes on for hours to extend debate on a bill. It was once seen as a noble last-ditch effort to delay a vote. Like in the classic 1939 Frank Capra film, Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mr. Smith Goes To Washington: In other words, I’ve got a piece to speak. And blow hot or cold, I’m gonna speak.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But in today’s political landscape, filibusters can border on the absurd, like in this 2013 clip of Senator Ted Cruz filibustering. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: And I love this story, and so I’m going to read it to you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sam, I am. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He talked for 21 hours. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: They did not like green eggs and ham and they did not like Obamacare either. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Filibusters are so feared that a senator can basically threaten one and a bill is dead. Democrats had exactly the 60 votes they needed to block a filibuster. But then, on August 25, 2009, Senator Kennedy died. Another Democrat was temporarily named to fill the seat, but now there’d be an election for a permanent new senator. And while you might think Massachusetts is reliably blue, there was a chance Democrats could lose the seat. Time was ticking. They had just a few months to negotiate a bill enough members could live with. Senators had also been working on their own version of a health care reform bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Earlier on, the Senate had a bill that was terrible. It was terrible!\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: How so?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I mean, compared to our bill, terrible. And I wasn’t even going to vote for it. A member said, you’ve asked us to do all these things, don’t ask us to vote this bill. I said, I’m not going to ask you to vote it. I wouldn’t even vote for myself. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi chose to whisper the name of the senator who helped write it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Oh, Max Baucus, you gotta whisper it? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Max Baucus, a relatively conservative Democrat from Montana, chaired the crucial Senate Finance Committee. The Senate bill did not include a public option. Pelosi is known for her savvy. Even if she knew the House bill had no chance, she wasn’t going to admit that without a fight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: When we have a big meeting in the Oval, before anybody’s sitting down, Nancy is screaming. Screaming is not the right word. She is very strong about that the Senate bill, they forget about it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And that’s when we had a little disagreement with the White House. The president said, this is the best we can do. I said, it is not. It takes us backwards. It’s a missed opportunity. We cannot do that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Through it all, Pelosi was confident they would get it done. But to have any fighting chance of passing the bill, she knew she would have to make a deal with Senate Democrats. As time passed, the likelihood of Democrats losing their filibuster-proof 60 seats was becoming more real. Democratic leaders from the House and Senate would meet until the wee hours of morning. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: We had a big meeting one night. It’s two weeks before the Massachusetts special election, but we know the clock’s ticking. That goes on until two in the morning. What was being hashed out? The whole bill. They had a lot going on. Okay, thank you. You’re giving me PTSD.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: If it had been a challenge to wrangle House Democrats, the Senate was impossible.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate just went, well, it probably was Joe Lieberman.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, from Connecticut. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Of insurance companies. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, the independent senator from Connecticut, had been refusing to support Pelosi’s public option for a year, even threatening to join Republicans to filibuster any bill with a public option.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Joe Lieberman: I think that a public option will actually hurt the economic recovery and our long-term fiscal situation, because it will end up causing the government to raise taxes, we’ll probably raise premiums. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over his career, Lieberman had accepted millions of dollars from the insurance and healthcare lobby. His home state of Connecticut was known as the insurance capital of the world, home to companies like Aetna and Cigna. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It would have been competition for the insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s powerful ally in the Senate was Majority Leader Harry Reid. But even the wily former boxer from Nevada failed to convince a single Republican to get on board for her public option. Pelosi grew up with the legacy of the New Deal. She knew it was possible to enact big programs if the timing was right. But at that moment, she had to accept that it wasn’t, a bitter pill to swallow. But it was hard for me to get Pelosi to reflect on that loss. She was pretty focused on what the bill did do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: This bill was not just about 20 million more people getting health care. It’s about 150 million families who have health care through their job, and they would get infinitely more benefits. No pre-existing condition. Being a woman, no longer a pre- existing medical condition. Sometimes women were charged almost twice as much. When your child is 26, it could be on your plan.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But the public option was gone. Even with the compromises, lawmakers couldn’t get the bill to a vote in the Senate fast enough. The Democrats had bungled the race for Ted Kennedy’s seat, lost it to an insurgent backed by the Tea Party named Scott Brown. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Scott Brown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: Go, Scott! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown promised to block the Democrats’ health care plan. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: I will work to reform healthcare in an open and honest way. No more closed-door meetings, back-room deals, backroom deals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: His victory speech ended with the black eyed peas, I got a feeling. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: I got a feeling \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: That tonight’s gonna be a good night \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The press said to me, you’re dead, it’s over for you. You don’t have 60 votes, it over for your. And I said, we’re gonna get this bill passed. Again, I say it over and over, a challenge of a generation. If there’s a fence in our way, if there’s a barrier, we’ll break open the gate, push through the gate. If that doesn’t work, we climb the fence. If that does not work, pull vault in. If that don’t work we’ll parachute in. But we’re not letting anything stand in our way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Did you believe it? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Yes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I was determined we were going to get this done.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Losing Kennedy’s seat was a big blow. Now they had to figure out how to get this done without 60 votes in the Senate. After the special election, Obama called Pelosi. They agreed the fight wasn’t over. They decided to get their healthcare bill passed through something called budget reconciliation. It’s a side door, a process that would allow the Democrats to pass the bill and avoid the filibuster. John Lawrence remembers in a meeting, Obama asked the speaker for her gut instinct. Should we go for the bill? Referencing the 1991 film that ends with the two heroines plummeting off a cliff, he said, I’m Thelma, you’re Louise. Pelosi said, let’s go for it. Now Pelosi would have to go back to her members in the House, convince them to accept the Senate version of the bill and amend it through reconciliation. Pelosi had a rule, never bring a bill to the House floor unless you know you have the votes. Now many House members agreed with Pelosi that the Senate bill was terrible or far from perfect to say the least. But now she would have to convince them to vote for it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: That was the worst. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Yeah, with the worst in what sense?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: To get them to vote for that because it was a terrible bill.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Senate bill didn’t have the public option, a key to giving insurance companies competition to keep premiums down. That meant they had to come up with another way to make health care coverage affordable. Remember, it’s called the Affordable Care Act. Pelosi had no choice but to use the Senate version as her starting point. And she asked every single Democratic senator to personally sign a letter, pledging to accept the House’s amendments as part of the deal. It was her way of protecting her members from taking tough votes. With nothing to show for it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I go to the members and I say, okay, we have it now. We have their bill, but this is the correction that they have agreed to. So when we came back together under reconciliation, which doesn’t need 60 votes, we had already negotiated the terms. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Zeke Emanuel remembers watching her shepherd the caucus\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: I have to say, you know, just watching her do that and everyone’s hair’s on fire and she’s not losing her cool.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The MVP. Still short of votes, she visited new members from swing districts to make a final plea. They knew that a vote for Obamacare might cost them re-election. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People knew that they were taking a risk, and they were very courageous. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s former chief of staff, John Lawrence, again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: Tom Piriello, who was elected to a very, very tough seat in central Virginia, he was in for the whole ride, you know, and he was pretty certain he was going to lose his seat if he stuck with her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And he did. Pelosi made countless personal calls to House members, listening, cajoling, pleading, to whip the votes she needed. Here’s a story she always tells. Joe Donnelly was a congressman from Indiana. He was conflicted about voting for the Senate version of the Affordable Care Act. So she called the Catholic priest and a former president of Notre Dame in his home state, but one person Donnelly would listen to. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I could say to Father Hesburgh, Oberstar, well, I need you to talk to the member of Congress from your district. What’s his number? So, I give him the number, he calls, he says, Congressman, the Speaker and I need your vote on the healthcare bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Donnelly voted for the ACA. One of many, Pelosi had to personally convince to go out on a limb. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I walk into the cloakroom and they’re saying, she called this one on me, she called that one on Me. And he said, you should see what she did to Me. It was like she called the Pope. She called Father Hesburgh. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Well, we’ve just taken you on a tour of the Sausage Factory, where legislation is created, sometimes changed beyond recognition, just to get it passed. Pelosi went up against some of the most powerful groups in Washington – Obama’s staffers, the Senate, her conflicted caucus. But this was the one thing she told me really got under her skin.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: One disappointment that I had, really big disappointment, was with the Catholic bishops. They made it seem as if we had abortion in the bill, which we did not. And one day that almost brought me to tears, which is a big thing to say about me, is when they said, I’ve never seen the bishops so united as they are, united against affordable care. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Why did that almost bring you to tears? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it said two things. You haven’t even read it. You’re making up something. You’ve sold your soul to the Republicans. When I say your soul, all the things that you would want people to have, healthcare, especially poor people, and this is your compact. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the eleventh hour, Pelosi still needed the support of a handful of anti-abortion House Democrats. And Congressman Bart Stupak, remember he authored the anti-aboration amendment in the House bill, he was still holding out. Pelosi made some calls. She promised him that Obama would sign an executive order. Federal health care funds would not be used for abortions. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: I’m not sure that there’s any other person in Congress who could have managed to do that. And it had a profound effect on the nation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s congressional scholar Norm Orenstein. He hasn’t been a voice in this episode so far, but I’m bringing him in now because he had this insight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: He understood Bart Stupak and his family, and one part of this is Bart Stupaak had lost a child. Part… Had a son who was taking this anti-acne medication, which as it turned out, had a side effect of suicidal ideation. And there’s no, I can tell you from personal experience, there’s still greater tragedy than losing a child. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Ornstein had lost a child too, and when he did, Pelosi was there for him. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: We had the funeral on January 6th, and the Shiva that evening here in this house, the house, she was the leader, the house was in session. She not only came here, she stayed for three hours. She didn’t have to do that. She could have sent flowers. She could’ve come, said hi, and then gone back. She didn’t do that, I’m not a member of the house. I wasn’t. I was a friend of hers, that’s who Nancy Pelosi is. Nancy was there for Bart and his wife and the rest of the family. So he trusted her. And he trusted when she said, we can make this. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s alliance with Stupak really pissed off some pro-choice House Democrats. But to John Lawrence, Pelosi’s former chief of staff… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: This is really critical, I think, in understanding Pelosi as speaker. She had such unimpeachable credibility with the left wing of the party that when she went to you and she said, look, I’ve done everything I can do. I can’t get complete abortion coverage, but the bill is bigger than that and we to win here. She had the credibility where people believed because she had spoken with them, because she had the ideological alignment with them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She is willing to compromise, and she’s got the credibility to convince the members that it’s the best she can do. Finally, Pelosi had the House votes she needed. On March 21, 2010, in a lavender suit, Pelosi took the Senate bill to the floor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, my colleague.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: The distinguished speaker of the House is recognized, and the House will be in order. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank all of you for bringing us to this moment. It’s great with great humility and with great pride that we tonight will make history for our country and progress for the American people. Just think, we will be joining those who established Social Security, Medicare, and now tonight, healthcare for all Americans. On this vote, the yeas are 220, the nays are 211, the bill is passed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was glorious. It was, it was absolutely glorious. And the president was so happy. He calls and he says, I’m happier tonight than I was the night I was elected president. I said, well, Mr. President, I’m pretty happy tonight, but if you were not elected president, we would not have this legislation. I thought that was a beautiful thing. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: When the final votes came in, I went into my office and closed the door. I sat in my office at the White House and I sobbed because I remembered the terrifying experience my family had with the healthcare system when my own child was ill. So after I wept alone, I wouldn’t found the president. And I said, thank you on behalf of all the families like mine who’ve gone through this awful nightmare. And put his hand on my shoulder and he said, that’s why we do the work.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer:John Lawrence, Pelosi’s Chief of Staff, he remembers the joy, but also some resentment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: I remember when we were in the thrall of having passed the Affordable Care Act. Even at that moment, she made clear her dissatisfaction with the fact that the president had not acknowledged some of the House members who had played a key role, and that she actually said, you know, your problem. He said, why are you angry with me? And she said, because you don’t respect the house.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi more than anyone knew how heavy a lift it had been. Anger over the Affordable Care Act was a big reason Democrats lost their majority in the House and Pelosi would lose the speakership. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: But I’d gone over to one of those town hall meetings that they had started to do to try and sell the Affordable Care Act. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Mick Mulvaney. It was 2009, President Obama’s first year in office. At the time, Mulvany was a part-time Republican state senator, part- time businessman. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I remember walking up there, 30 or 40 people around me, all of whom knew who we were. It’s a small town. People think that South Carolina is ruby red. It’s not. It’s conservative. And for the longest time, we were represented by conservative Southern Democrats. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Spratt was leading the meeting. He’d been the congressman from South Carolina’s fifth congressional district since the 80s, a Democrat. As chair of the budget committee, he introduced the Affordable Care Act on the House floor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And John Spratt began the meeting by saying, if you think your healthcare is great now, just wait until the government runs it for you. And there was this collective sigh in the room. And that’s when I walked out that night, I actually asked my wife if I could run for Congress. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In his campaign, Mulvaney criticized Spratt’s relationship with Pelosi. He claims Spratt voted with her 98 percent of the time.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: Reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place. Just tough, really, really tough. And that was her reputation, that if you crossed her, you would pay a huge price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mulvaney thought Pelosi and Democrats were taking the country in the wrong direction.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And the party at that time started going pretty hard left under, you know, Barack Obama’s leadership, but also Nancy’s stewardship in the House. And that upset a lot of people back home. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrat John Spratt, he was out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I ended up beating him in that tea party wave in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2010, Republicans won 63 seats held by Democrats. Obama called it a shellacking. Pelosi lost the speakership, and Republican John Boehner took the gavel. Rahm Emanuel again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: People with pre-existing condition, got a peace of mind. We also got the Tea Party. Welcome to governing. There’s only two decisions that end up in the Oval Office, bad and worse. And those are the decisions you get. And more back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Clash was coming.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Donald Trump: When we win on November 8th. And elect a Republican Congress, we will be able to immediately repeal and replace Obamacare. Have to do it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2016, Donald Trump became the president, disrupting Pelosi’s plan to retire from Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi:I had been thinking I would be leaving because she would be in charge. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hillary Clinton. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Affordable Care Act would be protected. But after Trump won, there was no way that we could leave it be at the mercy of him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over the next four years, Democrats fought against repeated votes to repeal or weaken the ACA. In Pelosi’s 2024 autobiography, The Art of Power, she describes one failed attempt. The speaker of the House at that time was Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan. Ryan had to kill his own bill and explain to Donald Trump that he didn’t have the votes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi – Audiobook: The speaker should only bring a bill to the floor when he has the vote, not simply on the anniversary of when I had the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, the ACA is far more popular than when it passed. And when it comes to repealing, the Republicans don’t have a Nancy Pelosi. Revisiting this story and all the compromises she made to get things done, it brought up a question for me. Is it worth it? Oh, absolutely. Pelosi’s whole brand was the politics of the possible, but at what cost? I’m wondering if you felt like you ever had to betray your values.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, never, never. I mean, the city of San Francisco, I’m pretty much in sync with our community here. Stay close. If your community trusts you and you have to take a different vote, they trust you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Like what, like, cause I have a couple, like I’m thinking, I know you were, you felt strongly about the public option, you know, and you didn’t get it. And, but you see.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When we got it in the House, the Senate didn’t get it for reasons which are obnoxious to me. We should have been able to get a public option. It would have saved money. But we did put in the bill the opportunity for states to develop their own public option, it’s hard. It’s hard to do. But that seems so simple to me, you know, that we could have done that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s tough to get Pelosi to reflect on hard choices, like the Wall Street bailout we started the episode with. I guess I’m thinking also about TARP. Is that an example of, you know, I don’t know if I’ll say betray might be a strong word, but betray your values, like doing something.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had to do that. No, we didn’t vote against our values when we voted for it. The chairman of the Fed said, if we don’t act immediately, we won’t even have an economy by Monday. So, no, that wasn’t a betrayal of values, and we made sure that we got paid back. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But when it comes to making a tough decision, even when it’s unpopular, Pelosi knows where she stands.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When you have to take a tough vote that is good for the country but is not fully appreciated locally, that’s not betraying your values, that is just being courageous. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the COVID pandemic, Democrats and President Biden increased subsidies to help make health care more affordable. In 2024, the last year of the Biden administration, the ACA provided insurance for 44 million Americans. And those subsidies expired and were not renewed under President Trump. Health care costs continue rising, making insurance increasingly out of reach for millions of Americans. Health care policy expert Zeke Emanuel again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: The system Is falling apart, costs are going up, people are getting pissed off every time I hear someone say something also stupid like, America is the best healthcare system in the world. I said, yeah, I got two words for you. Luigi Mangione. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Luigi Mangione, the 28-year-old who admitted to killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. To Zeke Emanuel, he represents the anger millions of Americans feel toward the health care system.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: If you think we’ve got the best system, then you explain him, and more importantly, the internet support for him, you can’t. And that’s, I think, just a symbol of how dissatisfied people are. Costs are up, uninsurance is going up, the public recognizes a problem. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi and Democrats had their chance in the majority to make change for Americans. But next episode, we’re looking at the consequences of her time in power, and one big shadow on Pelosi’s legacy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ariella Markowitz: What comes to mind when you think of Nancy Pelosi? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vox: Stocks, stock trades, that’s about it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vox: Insider stock trading he defends that got quite real thing \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s coming up next on the Speaker. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. It’s reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Locals. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2008, with the historic election of President Barack Obama and Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, Speaker Pelosi saw a huge opening for healthcare reform. She knew it would be hard-fought, but this was not Pelosi’s first battle. She had lived through other historic attempts to reform healthcare — to disastrous results. This time, she was determined to succeed. But to go big in Washington, Pelosi had to master the art of sacrifice.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: I accept this gavel in the spirit of partnership, not partisanship, and I look forward to working \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s 2007. Nancy Pelosi had just become Speaker of the House, the first woman ever. Her goal? A new direction for America.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: A new America with a vibrant and strengthened middle class for whom college is affordable, healthcare is accessible, and retirement reliable.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Meanwhile, a senator from Illinois, Barack Obama, was poised to make history at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: Change is what’s happening in America. Yes, we.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama campaigned on a promise to fix a problem that affected millions of Americans.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: What I see are people who would love to have health care. They desperately want it. But the problem is they can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But a little over a month before the 2008 presidential election, everything would be upended.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: At this hour, the Lehman Brothers Investment Bank appears headed toward bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Fueled by cheap credit and predatory lending, subprime mortgages got mixed into the economy and falsely rated by so-called experts as safe. Wall Street was making money hand over fist. But then people began defaulting on their mortgaged. The bubble burst, threatening to bring down the entire world economy with it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Worst housing crisis since the Depression.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Three of the five biggest independent firms on Wall Street have now disappeared. Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and Merrill Lynch.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: More than half a trillion dollars in mortgage investments have gone bad.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi blamed the bankers, the party is over, and President Bush.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival: When President Bush was president, he didn’t have any supervision, no oversight, no markets, no nothing, and this happened.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But as the top Democrat in the House, she would have to choose. Set aside politics and address the crisis, or let Bush and the Republicans deal with it\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Our members, it’s his problem, he should be solving the problem with his members. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:02:08 Democrats controlled the House, and as Speaker Pelosi had lots of power, and a direct line to the White House, including President Bush’s Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, who was also the former CEO of Goldman Sachs. Paulson was panicked. He knew the fallout could be huge. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi came to believe that a bailout of the banks would prevent a catastrophic global crash. But she wasn’t going to issue a blank check to Wall Street either, no golden parachutes or bonuses for Wall Street executives who helped create the meltdown, and an option for the president to tax Wall Street if taxpayers were still paying for the bailout after five years. As Speaker of the House, she started getting the votes together for a massive plan to bail out Wall Street, $700 billion, in hopes of preventing another Great Depression. Pelosi knew that this bill could be political kryptonite. She urged Bush to help convince Republicans in the House to support the bill so that both parties would take the hit.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi came to believe that a bailout of the banks would prevent a catastrophic global crash. But she wasn’t going to issue a blank check to Wall Street either, no golden parachutes or bonuses for Wall Street executives who helped create the meltdown, and an option for the president to tax Wall Street if taxpayers were still paying for the bailout after five years. As Speaker of the House, she started getting the votes together for a massive plan to bail out Wall Street, $700 billion, in hopes of preventing another Great Depression. Pelosi knew that this bill could be political kryptonite. She urged Bush to help convince Republicans in the House to support the bill so that both parties would take the hit.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had the majority, so we all do 120. They’ll do 100 votes. We go to do the vote. They’re nowhere in sight, and they blamed it on me.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Paulson was scared the bailout was falling apart. After a disastrous meeting in the cabinet room, he got down on one knee, begging Pelosi to get the deal passed.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: When was the last time anyone ever asked you for $700 billion? It’s a staggering figure.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We have a situation where on Wall Street people are flying high, they’re making unconscionable amounts of money, they privatize the gain, the minute things go tough they nationalize the risk. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’s ripping into Wall Street. That’s who created this mess. But what she’s actually trying to do here is convince Democrats to support bailing out the very people who caused the problem. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’s ripping into Wall Street. That’s who created this mess. But what she’s actually trying to do here is convince Democrats to support bailing out the very people who caused the problem. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We need to stabilize the markets. In doing so, we need to protect the taxpayers. And that’s why I’m so glad that this bill… So when I describe what happened, then they said, well, you lost votes because of what she described. But I wasn’t going to get any votes unless I did that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We need to stabilize the markets. In doing so, we need to protect the taxpayers. And that’s why I’m so glad that this bill… So when I describe what happened, then they said, well, you lost votes because of what she described. But I wasn’t going to get any votes unless I did that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Her plea worked. She got the votes. On October 3, 2008, just a few weeks after Lehman Brothers collapsed, Bush signed the bailout into law. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: There were doubts until this morning about whether there were enough votes to pass the bill and dire Predictions about what would happen if the measure failed again \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was called TARP, the Troubled Asset Relief Program. Wall Street was relieved, but many Americans, who’d been victims of predatory lending, were losing their homes as payments came due. Only a fraction of that money was set aside for them. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: For Barack Obama, that will change our electoral board and in our view President-elect of the United States of America. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I was working in the KQED newsroom that election night. The networks called it for Obama over Senator John McCain at around 11 p.m. Eastern Time. And nationwide, people filled the streets. Barack Obama’s resounding victory came with a mandate for change and a promise to finally try and fix the other crisis millions of Americans were facing – a broken health care system. But there’s a huge difference between winning and governing. I’m Scott Shafer. From KQED, this is The Speaker. Today, the story of this very controversial law – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, what became known as Obamacare. What happens when Pelosi tries to go big, and all the consequences, intended and otherwise? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I was working in the KQED newsroom that election night. The networks called it for Obama over Senator John McCain at around 11 p.m. Eastern Time. And nationwide, people filled the streets. Barack Obama’s resounding victory came with a mandate for change and a promise to finally try and fix the other crisis millions of Americans were facing – a broken health care system. But there’s a huge difference between winning and governing. I’m Scott Shafer. From KQED, this is The Speaker. Today, the story of this very controversial law – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, what became known as Obamacare. What happens when Pelosi tries to go big, and all the consequences, intended and otherwise? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: As Speaker, Nancy Pelosi had a meeting with the new president about health care reform. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name total warfare. We’re going to hear from those who are anti-government, we are going to hear from the insurance industry, we going to hear from every element that is out there, it is going to be tough, it will be very, very hard.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: You wanted to get it all done. We had to. Because. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it was the challenge of a generation, a hundred years people have tried. We had the opportunity. We had The House and we had The Senate. We had intellectual resources. We had determination and we the votes. But most importantly, we had the outside mobilization. We had people.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it was the challenge of a generation, a hundred years people have tried. We had the opportunity. We had The House and we had The Senate. We had intellectual resources. We had determination and we the votes. But most importantly, we had the outside mobilization. We had people.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To Pelosi, now was the time. All these years later, we’re still talking about how broken our healthcare system is, but back before 2009, about 50 million Americans didn’t have health insurance, roughly double what it is today. Companies could deny coverage to people with preexisting conditions, anything from cancer to pregnancy, or offer plans that were way too expensive. Some women were charged as much as 81% more than men. For this same plan. Lives were on the line, and Pelosi was determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To Pelosi, now was the time. All these years later, we’re still talking about how broken our healthcare system is, but back before 2009, about 50 million Americans didn’t have health insurance, roughly double what it is today. Companies could deny coverage to people with preexisting conditions, anything from cancer to pregnancy, or offer plans that were way too expensive. Some women were charged as much as 81% more than men. For this same plan. Lives were on the line, and Pelosi was determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We’re not here to do Incy Wincey Spider. We’re here to anything else. This is a challenge of a generation. We’re going to get this bill done and we’re not doing it part way. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We’re not here to do Incy Wincey Spider. We’re here to anything else. This is a challenge of a generation. We’re going to get this bill done and we’re not doing it part way. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi likes to say that she put on a suit of armor every day and ate nails for breakfast. It would take all that to go up against a mountain of resistance.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were determined that ours would succeed. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The first hurdle was the White House. Rahm Emanuel had been Pelosi’s deputy back in 2006. He helped win back the House that year. But now, he was President Obama’s chief of staff, and he was urging the President not to pursue healthcare right after. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The first hurdle was the White House. Rahm Emanuel had been Pelosi’s deputy back in 2006. He helped win back the House that year. But now, he was President Obama’s chief of staff, and he was urging the President not to pursue healthcare right after. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: I wanted to do financial reform because I thought the country needed to see the president fighting against the banks, needed to the SOBs that created this problem taken to the woodshed. To pass health care, the very interest groups had to be either neutralized or on your side of the table. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: I wanted to do financial reform because I thought the country needed to see the president fighting against the banks, needed to the SOBs that created this problem taken to the woodshed. To pass health care, the very interest groups had to be either neutralized or on your side of the table. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Emanuel wasn’t the only one guiding Obama away from going big.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I was very conflicted because I have a child who has epilepsy and very serious form. We almost went bankrupt when I was a young newspaper man trying to deal with her illness.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s David Axelrod, also known as Ax, less bombastic than Emanuel, but another major player in Obama’s White House. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I experienced the problems with the healthcare system, but I was also there as the president’s political advisor and I had to tell him, look, seven presidents have tried this and we’re in the middle of a epic financial crisis. I said, you really need to think hard about this because there’s great risk associated with it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I experienced the problems with the healthcare system, but I was also there as the president’s political advisor and I had to tell him, look, seven presidents have tried this and we’re in the middle of a epic financial crisis. I said, you really need to think hard about this because there’s great risk associated with it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The risk could be catastrophic. Emanuel and Axelrod had lived through the Clinton years. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The risk could be catastrophic. Emanuel and Axelrod had lived through the Clinton years. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bill Clinton: If Americans are to have the courage to change in a difficult time, we must first be secure in our most basic needs. This health care system of ours is badly broken, and it is time. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Bill Clinton: If Americans are to have the courage to change in a difficult time, we must first be secure in our most basic needs. This health care system of ours is badly broken, and it is time. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 1993, President Clinton unveiled his health care reform plan. The bill was more than 1,300 pages. He put the First Lady, who was already pretty controversial, in charge of selling it to the public and Congress. In 1994, Hillary Care, as it was called by critics, was declared dead. It never came up for a vote. Total collapse. And the backlash was immediate. 1994 was the year Democrats lost their majority in the House for the first time in 40 years. And Hillary Care was blamed. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 1993, President Clinton unveiled his health care reform plan. The bill was more than 1,300 pages. He put the First Lady, who was already pretty controversial, in charge of selling it to the public and Congress. In 1994, Hillary Care, as it was called by critics, was declared dead. It never came up for a vote. Total collapse. And the backlash was immediate. 1994 was the year Democrats lost their majority in the House for the first time in 40 years. And Hillary Care was blamed. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: I am as mad as hell! \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: I am as mad as hell! \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2009, a similar backlash was brewing. The conservative anti-tax Tea Party was forming, in part a reaction to the massive bailout of Wall Street banks.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2009, a similar backlash was brewing. The conservative anti-tax Tea Party was forming, in part a reaction to the massive bailout of Wall Street banks.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Thousands of activists held rallies in cities across the country, protesting big government and big government spin. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Thousands of activists held rallies in cities across the country, protesting big government and big government spin. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Tea Party, which stands for Taxed Enough Already, was modeled after the Boston Tea Party. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Tea Party, which stands for Taxed Enough Already, was modeled after the Boston Tea Party. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: They’re spending our money, our children’s money, our grandchildren’s money. And they’re going to just continue to push this country into debt, and they’re gonna destroy the economy of America. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: They’re spending our money, our children’s money, our grandchildren’s money. And they’re going to just continue to push this country into debt, and they’re gonna destroy the economy of America. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama’s election supercharged the Tea Party, especially the plan to reform health care. After Obama was elected, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin honed in on one aspect of the proposal, to allow Medicare to pay for end-of-life planning. Palin called them death panels, which would decide who would live and who would die. Like if this plan goes through, Democrats are going to pull the plug on grandma and grandpa.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama’s election supercharged the Tea Party, especially the plan to reform health care. After Obama was elected, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin honed in on one aspect of the proposal, to allow Medicare to pay for end-of-life planning. Palin called them death panels, which would decide who would live and who would die. Like if this plan goes through, Democrats are going to pull the plug on grandma and grandpa.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Sarah Palin, you know, said that I was at factor death because I wanted to kill old people. Ha, ha, ha.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Sarah Palin, you know, said that I was at factor death because I wanted to kill old people. Ha, ha, ha.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is Zeke Emanuel, Ram’s brother, and an expert in health policy. He was tapped to help with the new bill, but Zeke ended up becoming the face of death panels, thanks to an article he had written about how to triage who gets liver transplants. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is Zeke Emanuel, Ram’s brother, and an expert in health policy. He was tapped to help with the new bill, but Zeke ended up becoming the face of death panels, thanks to an article he had written about how to triage who gets liver transplants. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Those are the kinds of serious issues that serious people wrestle with and politicians like who are not serious like Sarah Palin, you know, just say stuff that is unsupported and unthought-out.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Those are the kinds of serious issues that serious people wrestle with and politicians like who are not serious like Sarah Palin, you know, just say stuff that is unsupported and unthought-out.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: We were unable to interview President Obama for this series, but in spite of what top aides were telling him, Axelrod said the president was committed. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: We were unable to interview President Obama for this series, but in spite of what top aides were telling him, Axelrod said the president was committed. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: He said, well, what are we supposed to do? Put our approval rating on the shelf and admire it for eight years? Or are we suppose to draw down on it? And he said, if we don’t do it in the first two years, we’re not gonna get it done. This problem’s just gonna fester. I always joke that I loved working for him so much because he listened to me so little. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: He said, well, what are we supposed to do? Put our approval rating on the shelf and admire it for eight years? Or are we suppose to draw down on it? And he said, if we don’t do it in the first two years, we’re not gonna get it done. This problem’s just gonna fester. I always joke that I loved working for him so much because he listened to me so little. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi wasn’t worried about the advisors. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were communicating with the President of the United States. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But he allowed his chief of staff to say less than positive things about the bill. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But he allowed his chief of staff to say less than positive things about the bill. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It didn’t matter to us, or what mattered to us is what the president said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Lawrence was Pelosi’s chief of staff at the time. He was in the room during a lot of the meetings between Pelosi and President Obama.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Lawrence was Pelosi’s chief of staff at the time. He was in the room during a lot of the meetings between Pelosi and President Obama.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: She said something, Mr. President. And he said, look, when it’s just us, just call me Barack. And she said, no, you’re Mr. President. And there was one incident he said Nancy something, and she said in this instance, it’s Madam Speaker. So it was a very clear understanding that we are leaders of co-equal branches of government. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: She said something, Mr. President. And he said, look, when it’s just us, just call me Barack. And she said, no, you’re Mr. President. And there was one incident he said Nancy something, and she said in this instance, it’s Madam Speaker. So it was a very clear understanding that we are leaders of co-equal branches of government. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama came from the Senate, the Pelosi was a creature of the House, and Obama knew she was the one who could get it done. This was not Pelosi’s first rodeo. She’d also been in Congress when Clinton tried to fix health care. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama came from the Senate, the Pelosi was a creature of the House, and Obama knew she was the one who could get it done. This was not Pelosi’s first rodeo. She’d also been in Congress when Clinton tried to fix health care. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>What did you take from that episode?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: With all the respect in the world for them, it wasn’t as if they were ignoring Congress. But the bill has to pass the Congress. What I knew when we went to do health care was that we were going to write the bill in the Congress of the United States. And that makes the difference.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: With all the respect in the world for them, it wasn’t as if they were ignoring Congress. But the bill has to pass the Congress. What I knew when we went to do health care was that we were going to write the bill in the Congress of the United States. And that makes the difference.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that to pass a bill, she’d need to write the bill in Congress. That was the way to get buy-in from her members. That meant getting people together to contribute. She orchestrated her connections on the powerful committees and wrote the bill in the House. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that to pass a bill, she’d need to write the bill in Congress. That was the way to get buy-in from her members. That meant getting people together to contribute. She orchestrated her connections on the powerful committees and wrote the bill in the House. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had a system that everybody was part of this. We had mandated sessions where everybody had to come. The bill would be read. They have questions and all the recoups, so they didn’t read the bill. No, we read it every step of the way. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had a system that everybody was part of this. We had mandated sessions where everybody had to come. The bill would be read. They have questions and all the recoups, so they didn’t read the bill. No, we read it every step of the way. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In July of 2009, you unveiled a thousand-page bill and declared that you’re going to take it up for a vote and it’s going to pass the House. That’s right. Why were you so confident? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In July of 2009, you unveiled a thousand-page bill and declared that you’re going to take it up for a vote and it’s going to pass the House. That’s right. Why were you so confident? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because we work very hard, it’s about prevention, it is about wellness. So members had various degrees of expertise in these.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had her wish list at the top was a public option. It’s a government plan that people can buy rather than private insurance. It’s set up to compete with private insurance companies and can help drive down prices. She whipped aggressively to have it included, but in the end, she couldn’t pick up the votes for the version she wanted. But there was a path forward with another weaker public option, it gave doctors and hospitals more power to negotiate rates, a compromise. She also had to rally more conservative Democrats who opposed abortion. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had her wish list at the top was a public option. It’s a government plan that people can buy rather than private insurance. It’s set up to compete with private insurance companies and can help drive down prices. She whipped aggressively to have it included, but in the end, she couldn’t pick up the votes for the version she wanted. But there was a path forward with another weaker public option, it gave doctors and hospitals more power to negotiate rates, a compromise. She also had to rally more conservative Democrats who opposed abortion. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Current law and vote no on public funding for abortion. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Current law and vote no on public funding for abortion. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After negotiations with Pelosi fell through, a congressman named Bart Stupak co-wrote an amendment to the health care bill. It prohibited abortion coverage under plans that were run or subsidized by the government. Remember Congressman Stupack, he’ll come back later. Pelosi heard of the votes and the House passed their version, November 7, 2009, by a thin margin. With President Obama’s support, it seemed like a public option might be within reach, part of Pelosi’s dream to go big. But soon, an unexpected loss would jeopardize everything she’d fought for. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After negotiations with Pelosi fell through, a congressman named Bart Stupak co-wrote an amendment to the health care bill. It prohibited abortion coverage under plans that were run or subsidized by the government. Remember Congressman Stupack, he’ll come back later. Pelosi heard of the votes and the House passed their version, November 7, 2009, by a thin margin. With President Obama’s support, it seemed like a public option might be within reach, part of Pelosi’s dream to go big. But soon, an unexpected loss would jeopardize everything she’d fought for. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nothing gets to the President’s desk before it passes the House and the Senate. Pelosi doesn’t hide how she feels about the upper chamber.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate, where good bills go to die all the time. The cemetery for legislation. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Senators have the luxury of serving 6-year terms, whereas House members face voters every two years. Here’s Axelrod. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: The Senate were a bunch of dilettantes who didn’t have to run every two years. She would make clear to her caucus and publicly when she was unhappy with the Senate and she would take them on and that helped rally her troops. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: The Senate were a bunch of dilettantes who didn’t have to run every two years. She would make clear to her caucus and publicly when she was unhappy with the Senate and she would take them on and that helped rally her troops. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had just helped pass a monumental House bill, and it included a public option, and Obama was on board. But then something fundamentally changed the equation. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Doctors say Senator Ted Kennedy has a malignant brain tumor. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was discovered after he suffered a seizure. Ted Kennedy, the senator from Massachusetts and a champion of health care reform, was dying from a brain tumor. Without Kennedy, the Democrats would only have 59 seats in the Senate. And that was a big problem. Without 60 seats, Republicans got back a tool. It’s called the filibuster. You may have heard of it. Basically, it’s a speech that goes on for hours to extend debate on a bill. It was once seen as a noble last-ditch effort to delay a vote. Like in the classic 1939 Frank Capra film, Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was discovered after he suffered a seizure. Ted Kennedy, the senator from Massachusetts and a champion of health care reform, was dying from a brain tumor. Without Kennedy, the Democrats would only have 59 seats in the Senate. And that was a big problem. Without 60 seats, Republicans got back a tool. It’s called the filibuster. You may have heard of it. Basically, it’s a speech that goes on for hours to extend debate on a bill. It was once seen as a noble last-ditch effort to delay a vote. Like in the classic 1939 Frank Capra film, Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mr. Smith Goes To Washington: In other words, I’ve got a piece to speak. And blow hot or cold, I’m gonna speak.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But in today’s political landscape, filibusters can border on the absurd, like in this 2013 clip of Senator Ted Cruz filibustering. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: And I love this story, and so I’m going to read it to you.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Sam, I am. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He talked for 21 hours. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: They did not like green eggs and ham and they did not like Obamacare either. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Filibusters are so feared that a senator can basically threaten one and a bill is dead. Democrats had exactly the 60 votes they needed to block a filibuster. But then, on August 25, 2009, Senator Kennedy died. Another Democrat was temporarily named to fill the seat, but now there’d be an election for a permanent new senator. And while you might think Massachusetts is reliably blue, there was a chance Democrats could lose the seat. Time was ticking. They had just a few months to negotiate a bill enough members could live with. Senators had also been working on their own version of a health care reform bill. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Filibusters are so feared that a senator can basically threaten one and a bill is dead. Democrats had exactly the 60 votes they needed to block a filibuster. But then, on August 25, 2009, Senator Kennedy died. Another Democrat was temporarily named to fill the seat, but now there’d be an election for a permanent new senator. And while you might think Massachusetts is reliably blue, there was a chance Democrats could lose the seat. Time was ticking. They had just a few months to negotiate a bill enough members could live with. Senators had also been working on their own version of a health care reform bill. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Earlier on, the Senate had a bill that was terrible. It was terrible!\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: How so?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I mean, compared to our bill, terrible. And I wasn’t even going to vote for it. A member said, you’ve asked us to do all these things, don’t ask us to vote this bill. I said, I’m not going to ask you to vote it. I wouldn’t even vote for myself. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi chose to whisper the name of the senator who helped write it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Oh, Max Baucus, you gotta whisper it? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Max Baucus, a relatively conservative Democrat from Montana, chaired the crucial Senate Finance Committee. The Senate bill did not include a public option. Pelosi is known for her savvy. Even if she knew the House bill had no chance, she wasn’t going to admit that without a fight. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: When we have a big meeting in the Oval, before anybody’s sitting down, Nancy is screaming. Screaming is not the right word. She is very strong about that the Senate bill, they forget about it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And that’s when we had a little disagreement with the White House. The president said, this is the best we can do. I said, it is not. It takes us backwards. It’s a missed opportunity. We cannot do that. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And that’s when we had a little disagreement with the White House. The president said, this is the best we can do. I said, it is not. It takes us backwards. It’s a missed opportunity. We cannot do that. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Through it all, Pelosi was confident they would get it done. But to have any fighting chance of passing the bill, she knew she would have to make a deal with Senate Democrats. As time passed, the likelihood of Democrats losing their filibuster-proof 60 seats was becoming more real. Democratic leaders from the House and Senate would meet until the wee hours of morning. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Through it all, Pelosi was confident they would get it done. But to have any fighting chance of passing the bill, she knew she would have to make a deal with Senate Democrats. As time passed, the likelihood of Democrats losing their filibuster-proof 60 seats was becoming more real. Democratic leaders from the House and Senate would meet until the wee hours of morning. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: We had a big meeting one night. It’s two weeks before the Massachusetts special election, but we know the clock’s ticking. That goes on until two in the morning. What was being hashed out? The whole bill. They had a lot going on. Okay, thank you. You’re giving me PTSD.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: We had a big meeting one night. It’s two weeks before the Massachusetts special election, but we know the clock’s ticking. That goes on until two in the morning. What was being hashed out? The whole bill. They had a lot going on. Okay, thank you. You’re giving me PTSD.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: If it had been a challenge to wrangle House Democrats, the Senate was impossible.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate just went, well, it probably was Joe Lieberman.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, from Connecticut. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Of insurance companies. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, the independent senator from Connecticut, had been refusing to support Pelosi’s public option for a year, even threatening to join Republicans to filibuster any bill with a public option.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, the independent senator from Connecticut, had been refusing to support Pelosi’s public option for a year, even threatening to join Republicans to filibuster any bill with a public option.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Joe Lieberman: I think that a public option will actually hurt the economic recovery and our long-term fiscal situation, because it will end up causing the government to raise taxes, we’ll probably raise premiums. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Joe Lieberman: I think that a public option will actually hurt the economic recovery and our long-term fiscal situation, because it will end up causing the government to raise taxes, we’ll probably raise premiums. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over his career, Lieberman had accepted millions of dollars from the insurance and healthcare lobby. His home state of Connecticut was known as the insurance capital of the world, home to companies like Aetna and Cigna. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over his career, Lieberman had accepted millions of dollars from the insurance and healthcare lobby. His home state of Connecticut was known as the insurance capital of the world, home to companies like Aetna and Cigna. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It would have been competition for the insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s powerful ally in the Senate was Majority Leader Harry Reid. But even the wily former boxer from Nevada failed to convince a single Republican to get on board for her public option. Pelosi grew up with the legacy of the New Deal. She knew it was possible to enact big programs if the timing was right. But at that moment, she had to accept that it wasn’t, a bitter pill to swallow. But it was hard for me to get Pelosi to reflect on that loss. She was pretty focused on what the bill did do. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: This bill was not just about 20 million more people getting health care. It’s about 150 million families who have health care through their job, and they would get infinitely more benefits. No pre-existing condition. Being a woman, no longer a pre- existing medical condition. Sometimes women were charged almost twice as much. When your child is 26, it could be on your plan.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: This bill was not just about 20 million more people getting health care. It’s about 150 million families who have health care through their job, and they would get infinitely more benefits. No pre-existing condition. Being a woman, no longer a pre- existing medical condition. Sometimes women were charged almost twice as much. When your child is 26, it could be on your plan.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But the public option was gone. Even with the compromises, lawmakers couldn’t get the bill to a vote in the Senate fast enough. The Democrats had bungled the race for Ted Kennedy’s seat, lost it to an insurgent backed by the Tea Party named Scott Brown. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Scott Brown.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown promised to block the Democrats’ health care plan. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: I will work to reform healthcare in an open and honest way. No more closed-door meetings, back-room deals, backroom deals. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: His victory speech ended with the black eyed peas, I got a feeling. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: That tonight’s gonna be a good night \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The press said to me, you’re dead, it’s over for you. You don’t have 60 votes, it over for your. And I said, we’re gonna get this bill passed. Again, I say it over and over, a challenge of a generation. If there’s a fence in our way, if there’s a barrier, we’ll break open the gate, push through the gate. If that doesn’t work, we climb the fence. If that does not work, pull vault in. If that don’t work we’ll parachute in. But we’re not letting anything stand in our way. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I was determined we were going to get this done.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Losing Kennedy’s seat was a big blow. Now they had to figure out how to get this done without 60 votes in the Senate. After the special election, Obama called Pelosi. They agreed the fight wasn’t over. They decided to get their healthcare bill passed through something called budget reconciliation. It’s a side door, a process that would allow the Democrats to pass the bill and avoid the filibuster. John Lawrence remembers in a meeting, Obama asked the speaker for her gut instinct. Should we go for the bill? Referencing the 1991 film that ends with the two heroines plummeting off a cliff, he said, I’m Thelma, you’re Louise. Pelosi said, let’s go for it. Now Pelosi would have to go back to her members in the House, convince them to accept the Senate version of the bill and amend it through reconciliation. Pelosi had a rule, never bring a bill to the House floor unless you know you have the votes. Now many House members agreed with Pelosi that the Senate bill was terrible or far from perfect to say the least. But now she would have to convince them to vote for it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Losing Kennedy’s seat was a big blow. Now they had to figure out how to get this done without 60 votes in the Senate. After the special election, Obama called Pelosi. They agreed the fight wasn’t over. They decided to get their healthcare bill passed through something called budget reconciliation. It’s a side door, a process that would allow the Democrats to pass the bill and avoid the filibuster. John Lawrence remembers in a meeting, Obama asked the speaker for her gut instinct. Should we go for the bill? Referencing the 1991 film that ends with the two heroines plummeting off a cliff, he said, I’m Thelma, you’re Louise. Pelosi said, let’s go for it. Now Pelosi would have to go back to her members in the House, convince them to accept the Senate version of the bill and amend it through reconciliation. Pelosi had a rule, never bring a bill to the House floor unless you know you have the votes. Now many House members agreed with Pelosi that the Senate bill was terrible or far from perfect to say the least. But now she would have to convince them to vote for it. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: That was the worst. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Yeah, with the worst in what sense?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: To get them to vote for that because it was a terrible bill.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Senate bill didn’t have the public option, a key to giving insurance companies competition to keep premiums down. That meant they had to come up with another way to make health care coverage affordable. Remember, it’s called the Affordable Care Act. Pelosi had no choice but to use the Senate version as her starting point. And she asked every single Democratic senator to personally sign a letter, pledging to accept the House’s amendments as part of the deal. It was her way of protecting her members from taking tough votes. With nothing to show for it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Senate bill didn’t have the public option, a key to giving insurance companies competition to keep premiums down. That meant they had to come up with another way to make health care coverage affordable. Remember, it’s called the Affordable Care Act. Pelosi had no choice but to use the Senate version as her starting point. And she asked every single Democratic senator to personally sign a letter, pledging to accept the House’s amendments as part of the deal. It was her way of protecting her members from taking tough votes. With nothing to show for it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I go to the members and I say, okay, we have it now. We have their bill, but this is the correction that they have agreed to. So when we came back together under reconciliation, which doesn’t need 60 votes, we had already negotiated the terms. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I go to the members and I say, okay, we have it now. We have their bill, but this is the correction that they have agreed to. So when we came back together under reconciliation, which doesn’t need 60 votes, we had already negotiated the terms. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Zeke Emanuel remembers watching her shepherd the caucus\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: I have to say, you know, just watching her do that and everyone’s hair’s on fire and she’s not losing her cool.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The MVP. Still short of votes, she visited new members from swing districts to make a final plea. They knew that a vote for Obamacare might cost them re-election. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People knew that they were taking a risk, and they were very courageous. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s former chief of staff, John Lawrence, again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: Tom Piriello, who was elected to a very, very tough seat in central Virginia, he was in for the whole ride, you know, and he was pretty certain he was going to lose his seat if he stuck with her.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: Tom Piriello, who was elected to a very, very tough seat in central Virginia, he was in for the whole ride, you know, and he was pretty certain he was going to lose his seat if he stuck with her.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And he did. Pelosi made countless personal calls to House members, listening, cajoling, pleading, to whip the votes she needed. Here’s a story she always tells. Joe Donnelly was a congressman from Indiana. He was conflicted about voting for the Senate version of the Affordable Care Act. So she called the Catholic priest and a former president of Notre Dame in his home state, but one person Donnelly would listen to. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And he did. Pelosi made countless personal calls to House members, listening, cajoling, pleading, to whip the votes she needed. Here’s a story she always tells. Joe Donnelly was a congressman from Indiana. He was conflicted about voting for the Senate version of the Affordable Care Act. So she called the Catholic priest and a former president of Notre Dame in his home state, but one person Donnelly would listen to. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I could say to Father Hesburgh, Oberstar, well, I need you to talk to the member of Congress from your district. What’s his number? So, I give him the number, he calls, he says, Congressman, the Speaker and I need your vote on the healthcare bill. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I could say to Father Hesburgh, Oberstar, well, I need you to talk to the member of Congress from your district. What’s his number? So, I give him the number, he calls, he says, Congressman, the Speaker and I need your vote on the healthcare bill. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Donnelly voted for the ACA. One of many, Pelosi had to personally convince to go out on a limb. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I walk into the cloakroom and they’re saying, she called this one on me, she called that one on Me. And he said, you should see what she did to Me. It was like she called the Pope. She called Father Hesburgh. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I walk into the cloakroom and they’re saying, she called this one on me, she called that one on Me. And he said, you should see what she did to Me. It was like she called the Pope. She called Father Hesburgh. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Well, we’ve just taken you on a tour of the Sausage Factory, where legislation is created, sometimes changed beyond recognition, just to get it passed. Pelosi went up against some of the most powerful groups in Washington – Obama’s staffers, the Senate, her conflicted caucus. But this was the one thing she told me really got under her skin.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: One disappointment that I had, really big disappointment, was with the Catholic bishops. They made it seem as if we had abortion in the bill, which we did not. And one day that almost brought me to tears, which is a big thing to say about me, is when they said, I’ve never seen the bishops so united as they are, united against affordable care. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Why did that almost bring you to tears? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it said two things. You haven’t even read it. You’re making up something. You’ve sold your soul to the Republicans. When I say your soul, all the things that you would want people to have, healthcare, especially poor people, and this is your compact. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it said two things. You haven’t even read it. You’re making up something. You’ve sold your soul to the Republicans. When I say your soul, all the things that you would want people to have, healthcare, especially poor people, and this is your compact. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the eleventh hour, Pelosi still needed the support of a handful of anti-abortion House Democrats. And Congressman Bart Stupak, remember he authored the anti-aboration amendment in the House bill, he was still holding out. Pelosi made some calls. She promised him that Obama would sign an executive order. Federal health care funds would not be used for abortions. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the eleventh hour, Pelosi still needed the support of a handful of anti-abortion House Democrats. And Congressman Bart Stupak, remember he authored the anti-aboration amendment in the House bill, he was still holding out. Pelosi made some calls. She promised him that Obama would sign an executive order. Federal health care funds would not be used for abortions. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: I’m not sure that there’s any other person in Congress who could have managed to do that. And it had a profound effect on the nation.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s congressional scholar Norm Orenstein. He hasn’t been a voice in this episode so far, but I’m bringing him in now because he had this insight. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s congressional scholar Norm Orenstein. He hasn’t been a voice in this episode so far, but I’m bringing him in now because he had this insight. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: He understood Bart Stupak and his family, and one part of this is Bart Stupaak had lost a child. Part… Had a son who was taking this anti-acne medication, which as it turned out, had a side effect of suicidal ideation. And there’s no, I can tell you from personal experience, there’s still greater tragedy than losing a child. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: He understood Bart Stupak and his family, and one part of this is Bart Stupaak had lost a child. Part… Had a son who was taking this anti-acne medication, which as it turned out, had a side effect of suicidal ideation. And there’s no, I can tell you from personal experience, there’s still greater tragedy than losing a child. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Ornstein had lost a child too, and when he did, Pelosi was there for him. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: We had the funeral on January 6th, and the Shiva that evening here in this house, the house, she was the leader, the house was in session. She not only came here, she stayed for three hours. She didn’t have to do that. She could have sent flowers. She could’ve come, said hi, and then gone back. She didn’t do that, I’m not a member of the house. I wasn’t. I was a friend of hers, that’s who Nancy Pelosi is. Nancy was there for Bart and his wife and the rest of the family. So he trusted her. And he trusted when she said, we can make this. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: We had the funeral on January 6th, and the Shiva that evening here in this house, the house, she was the leader, the house was in session. She not only came here, she stayed for three hours. She didn’t have to do that. She could have sent flowers. She could’ve come, said hi, and then gone back. She didn’t do that, I’m not a member of the house. I wasn’t. I was a friend of hers, that’s who Nancy Pelosi is. Nancy was there for Bart and his wife and the rest of the family. So he trusted her. And he trusted when she said, we can make this. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s alliance with Stupak really pissed off some pro-choice House Democrats. But to John Lawrence, Pelosi’s former chief of staff… \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s alliance with Stupak really pissed off some pro-choice House Democrats. But to John Lawrence, Pelosi’s former chief of staff… \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: This is really critical, I think, in understanding Pelosi as speaker. She had such unimpeachable credibility with the left wing of the party that when she went to you and she said, look, I’ve done everything I can do. I can’t get complete abortion coverage, but the bill is bigger than that and we to win here. She had the credibility where people believed because she had spoken with them, because she had the ideological alignment with them. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: This is really critical, I think, in understanding Pelosi as speaker. She had such unimpeachable credibility with the left wing of the party that when she went to you and she said, look, I’ve done everything I can do. I can’t get complete abortion coverage, but the bill is bigger than that and we to win here. She had the credibility where people believed because she had spoken with them, because she had the ideological alignment with them. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She is willing to compromise, and she’s got the credibility to convince the members that it’s the best she can do. Finally, Pelosi had the House votes she needed. On March 21, 2010, in a lavender suit, Pelosi took the Senate bill to the floor. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, my colleague.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival: The distinguished speaker of the House is recognized, and the House will be in order. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank all of you for bringing us to this moment. It’s great with great humility and with great pride that we tonight will make history for our country and progress for the American people. Just think, we will be joining those who established Social Security, Medicare, and now tonight, healthcare for all Americans. On this vote, the yeas are 220, the nays are 211, the bill is passed. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank all of you for bringing us to this moment. It’s great with great humility and with great pride that we tonight will make history for our country and progress for the American people. Just think, we will be joining those who established Social Security, Medicare, and now tonight, healthcare for all Americans. On this vote, the yeas are 220, the nays are 211, the bill is passed. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was glorious. It was, it was absolutely glorious. And the president was so happy. He calls and he says, I’m happier tonight than I was the night I was elected president. I said, well, Mr. President, I’m pretty happy tonight, but if you were not elected president, we would not have this legislation. I thought that was a beautiful thing. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was glorious. It was, it was absolutely glorious. And the president was so happy. He calls and he says, I’m happier tonight than I was the night I was elected president. I said, well, Mr. President, I’m pretty happy tonight, but if you were not elected president, we would not have this legislation. I thought that was a beautiful thing. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: When the final votes came in, I went into my office and closed the door. I sat in my office at the White House and I sobbed because I remembered the terrifying experience my family had with the healthcare system when my own child was ill. So after I wept alone, I wouldn’t found the president. And I said, thank you on behalf of all the families like mine who’ve gone through this awful nightmare. And put his hand on my shoulder and he said, that’s why we do the work.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: When the final votes came in, I went into my office and closed the door. I sat in my office at the White House and I sobbed because I remembered the terrifying experience my family had with the healthcare system when my own child was ill. So after I wept alone, I wouldn’t found the president. And I said, thank you on behalf of all the families like mine who’ve gone through this awful nightmare. And put his hand on my shoulder and he said, that’s why we do the work.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer:John Lawrence, Pelosi’s Chief of Staff, he remembers the joy, but also some resentment. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: I remember when we were in the thrall of having passed the Affordable Care Act. Even at that moment, she made clear her dissatisfaction with the fact that the president had not acknowledged some of the House members who had played a key role, and that she actually said, you know, your problem. He said, why are you angry with me? And she said, because you don’t respect the house.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: I remember when we were in the thrall of having passed the Affordable Care Act. Even at that moment, she made clear her dissatisfaction with the fact that the president had not acknowledged some of the House members who had played a key role, and that she actually said, you know, your problem. He said, why are you angry with me? And she said, because you don’t respect the house.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi more than anyone knew how heavy a lift it had been. Anger over the Affordable Care Act was a big reason Democrats lost their majority in the House and Pelosi would lose the speakership. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi more than anyone knew how heavy a lift it had been. Anger over the Affordable Care Act was a big reason Democrats lost their majority in the House and Pelosi would lose the speakership. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: But I’d gone over to one of those town hall meetings that they had started to do to try and sell the Affordable Care Act. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Mick Mulvaney. It was 2009, President Obama’s first year in office. At the time, Mulvany was a part-time Republican state senator, part- time businessman. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Mick Mulvaney. It was 2009, President Obama’s first year in office. At the time, Mulvany was a part-time Republican state senator, part- time businessman. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I remember walking up there, 30 or 40 people around me, all of whom knew who we were. It’s a small town. People think that South Carolina is ruby red. It’s not. It’s conservative. And for the longest time, we were represented by conservative Southern Democrats. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Spratt was leading the meeting. He’d been the congressman from South Carolina’s fifth congressional district since the 80s, a Democrat. As chair of the budget committee, he introduced the Affordable Care Act on the House floor. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And John Spratt began the meeting by saying, if you think your healthcare is great now, just wait until the government runs it for you. And there was this collective sigh in the room. And that’s when I walked out that night, I actually asked my wife if I could run for Congress. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In his campaign, Mulvaney criticized Spratt’s relationship with Pelosi. He claims Spratt voted with her 98 percent of the time.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: Reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place. Just tough, really, really tough. And that was her reputation, that if you crossed her, you would pay a huge price. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mulvaney thought Pelosi and Democrats were taking the country in the wrong direction.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And the party at that time started going pretty hard left under, you know, Barack Obama’s leadership, but also Nancy’s stewardship in the House. And that upset a lot of people back home. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrat John Spratt, he was out. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I ended up beating him in that tea party wave in 2010.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2010, Republicans won 63 seats held by Democrats. Obama called it a shellacking. Pelosi lost the speakership, and Republican John Boehner took the gavel. Rahm Emanuel again. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: People with pre-existing condition, got a peace of mind. We also got the Tea Party. Welcome to governing. There’s only two decisions that end up in the Oval Office, bad and worse. And those are the decisions you get. And more back.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: People with pre-existing condition, got a peace of mind. We also got the Tea Party. Welcome to governing. There’s only two decisions that end up in the Oval Office, bad and worse. And those are the decisions you get. And more back.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Archival – Donald Trump: When we win on November 8th. And elect a Republican Congress, we will be able to immediately repeal and replace Obamacare. Have to do it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Archival – Donald Trump: When we win on November 8th. And elect a Republican Congress, we will be able to immediately repeal and replace Obamacare. Have to do it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2016, Donald Trump became the president, disrupting Pelosi’s plan to retire from Congress.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi:I had been thinking I would be leaving because she would be in charge. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hillary Clinton. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Affordable Care Act would be protected. But after Trump won, there was no way that we could leave it be at the mercy of him.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over the next four years, Democrats fought against repeated votes to repeal or weaken the ACA. In Pelosi’s 2024 autobiography, The Art of Power, she describes one failed attempt. The speaker of the House at that time was Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan. Ryan had to kill his own bill and explain to Donald Trump that he didn’t have the votes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi – Audiobook: The speaker should only bring a bill to the floor when he has the vote, not simply on the anniversary of when I had the vote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, the ACA is far more popular than when it passed. And when it comes to repealing, the Republicans don’t have a Nancy Pelosi. Revisiting this story and all the compromises she made to get things done, it brought up a question for me. Is it worth it? Oh, absolutely. Pelosi’s whole brand was the politics of the possible, but at what cost? I’m wondering if you felt like you ever had to betray your values.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, never, never. I mean, the city of San Francisco, I’m pretty much in sync with our community here. Stay close. If your community trusts you and you have to take a different vote, they trust you.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, never, never. I mean, the city of San Francisco, I’m pretty much in sync with our community here. Stay close. If your community trusts you and you have to take a different vote, they trust you.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Like what, like, cause I have a couple, like I’m thinking, I know you were, you felt strongly about the public option, you know, and you didn’t get it. And, but you see.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When we got it in the House, the Senate didn’t get it for reasons which are obnoxious to me. We should have been able to get a public option. It would have saved money. But we did put in the bill the opportunity for states to develop their own public option, it’s hard. It’s hard to do. But that seems so simple to me, you know, that we could have done that. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When we got it in the House, the Senate didn’t get it for reasons which are obnoxious to me. We should have been able to get a public option. It would have saved money. But we did put in the bill the opportunity for states to develop their own public option, it’s hard. It’s hard to do. But that seems so simple to me, you know, that we could have done that. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s tough to get Pelosi to reflect on hard choices, like the Wall Street bailout we started the episode with. I guess I’m thinking also about TARP. Is that an example of, you know, I don’t know if I’ll say betray might be a strong word, but betray your values, like doing something.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had to do that. No, we didn’t vote against our values when we voted for it. The chairman of the Fed said, if we don’t act immediately, we won’t even have an economy by Monday. So, no, that wasn’t a betrayal of values, and we made sure that we got paid back. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But when it comes to making a tough decision, even when it’s unpopular, Pelosi knows where she stands.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When you have to take a tough vote that is good for the country but is not fully appreciated locally, that’s not betraying your values, that is just being courageous. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the COVID pandemic, Democrats and President Biden increased subsidies to help make health care more affordable. In 2024, the last year of the Biden administration, the ACA provided insurance for 44 million Americans. And those subsidies expired and were not renewed under President Trump. Health care costs continue rising, making insurance increasingly out of reach for millions of Americans. Health care policy expert Zeke Emanuel again.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: The system Is falling apart, costs are going up, people are getting pissed off every time I hear someone say something also stupid like, America is the best healthcare system in the world. I said, yeah, I got two words for you. Luigi Mangione. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Luigi Mangione, the 28-year-old who admitted to killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. To Zeke Emanuel, he represents the anger millions of Americans feel toward the health care system.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: If you think we’ve got the best system, then you explain him, and more importantly, the internet support for him, you can’t. And that’s, I think, just a symbol of how dissatisfied people are. Costs are up, uninsurance is going up, the public recognizes a problem. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi and Democrats had their chance in the majority to make change for Americans. But next episode, we’re looking at the consequences of her time in power, and one big shadow on Pelosi’s legacy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ariella Markowitz: What comes to mind when you think of Nancy Pelosi? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Vox: Stocks, stock trades, that’s about it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s coming up next on the Speaker. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. It’s reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Locals. \u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Transcript\">View Full Episode Transcript\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2008, with the historic election of President Barack Obama and Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, Speaker Pelosi saw a huge opening for healthcare reform. She knew it would be hard-fought, but this was not Pelosi’s first battle. She had lived through other historic attempts to reform healthcare — to disastrous results. This time, she was determined to succeed. But to go big in Washington, Pelosi had to master the art of sacrifice.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"Transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: I accept this gavel in the spirit of partnership, not partisanship, and I look forward to working \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s 2007. Nancy Pelosi had just become Speaker of the House, the first woman ever. Her goal? A new direction for America.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: A new America with a vibrant and strengthened middle class for whom college is affordable, healthcare is accessible, and retirement reliable.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Meanwhile, a senator from Illinois, Barack Obama, was poised to make history at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: Change is what’s happening in America. Yes, we.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama campaigned on a promise to fix a problem that affected millions of Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Barack Obama: What I see are people who would love to have health care. They desperately want it. But the problem is they can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But a little over a month before the 2008 presidential election, everything would be upended.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: At this hour, the Lehman Brothers Investment Bank appears headed toward bankruptcy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Fueled by cheap credit and predatory lending, subprime mortgages got mixed into the economy and falsely rated by so-called experts as safe. Wall Street was making money hand over fist. But then people began defaulting on their mortgaged. The bubble burst, threatening to bring down the entire world economy with it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Worst housing crisis since the Depression.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Three of the five biggest independent firms on Wall Street have now disappeared. Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and Merrill Lynch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: More than half a trillion dollars in mortgage investments have gone bad.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi blamed the bankers, the party is over, and President Bush.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: When President Bush was president, he didn’t have any supervision, no oversight, no markets, no nothing, and this happened.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But as the top Democrat in the House, she would have to choose. Set aside politics and address the crisis, or let Bush and the Republicans deal with it\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Our members, it’s his problem, he should be solving the problem with his members. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: [00:02:08 Democrats controlled the House, and as Speaker Pelosi had lots of power, and a direct line to the White House, including President Bush’s Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, who was also the former CEO of Goldman Sachs. Paulson was panicked. He knew the fallout could be huge. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: We knew we had to change it, you know, we had to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nancy Pelosi came to believe that a bailout of the banks would prevent a catastrophic global crash. But she wasn’t going to issue a blank check to Wall Street either, no golden parachutes or bonuses for Wall Street executives who helped create the meltdown, and an option for the president to tax Wall Street if taxpayers were still paying for the bailout after five years. As Speaker of the House, she started getting the votes together for a massive plan to bail out Wall Street, $700 billion, in hopes of preventing another Great Depression. Pelosi knew that this bill could be political kryptonite. She urged Bush to help convince Republicans in the House to support the bill so that both parties would take the hit.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had the majority, so we all do 120. They’ll do 100 votes. We go to do the vote. They’re nowhere in sight, and they blamed it on me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Paulson was scared the bailout was falling apart. After a disastrous meeting in the cabinet room, he got down on one knee, begging Pelosi to get the deal passed.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: When was the last time anyone ever asked you for $700 billion? It’s a staggering figure.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is a floor speech Pelosi gave leading up to the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We have a situation where on Wall Street people are flying high, they’re making unconscionable amounts of money, they privatize the gain, the minute things go tough they nationalize the risk. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She’s ripping into Wall Street. That’s who created this mess. But what she’s actually trying to do here is convince Democrats to support bailing out the very people who caused the problem. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: We need to stabilize the markets. In doing so, we need to protect the taxpayers. And that’s why I’m so glad that this bill… So when I describe what happened, then they said, well, you lost votes because of what she described. But I wasn’t going to get any votes unless I did that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Her plea worked. She got the votes. On October 3, 2008, just a few weeks after Lehman Brothers collapsed, Bush signed the bailout into law. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: There were doubts until this morning about whether there were enough votes to pass the bill and dire Predictions about what would happen if the measure failed again \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was called TARP, the Troubled Asset Relief Program. Wall Street was relieved, but many Americans, who’d been victims of predatory lending, were losing their homes as payments came due. Only a fraction of that money was set aside for them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Bailing out Wall Street, not Main Street, but we had to do that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: For Barack Obama, that will change our electoral board and in our view President-elect of the United States of America. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: I was working in the KQED newsroom that election night. The networks called it for Obama over Senator John McCain at around 11 p.m. Eastern Time. And nationwide, people filled the streets. Barack Obama’s resounding victory came with a mandate for change and a promise to finally try and fix the other crisis millions of Americans were facing – a broken health care system. But there’s a huge difference between winning and governing. I’m Scott Shafer. From KQED, this is The Speaker. Today, the story of this very controversial law – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, what became known as Obamacare. What happens when Pelosi tries to go big, and all the consequences, intended and otherwise? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: As Speaker, Nancy Pelosi had a meeting with the new president about health care reform. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I said, Mr. President, we’re so excited about doing health care, but understand this, it’s going to be carpet bombing, take no prisoners, you name total warfare. We’re going to hear from those who are anti-government, we are going to hear from the insurance industry, we going to hear from every element that is out there, it is going to be tough, it will be very, very hard.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: You wanted to get it all done. We had to. Because. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it was the challenge of a generation, a hundred years people have tried. We had the opportunity. We had The House and we had The Senate. We had intellectual resources. We had determination and we the votes. But most importantly, we had the outside mobilization. We had people.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: To Pelosi, now was the time. All these years later, we’re still talking about how broken our healthcare system is, but back before 2009, about 50 million Americans didn’t have health insurance, roughly double what it is today. Companies could deny coverage to people with preexisting conditions, anything from cancer to pregnancy, or offer plans that were way too expensive. Some women were charged as much as 81% more than men. For this same plan. Lives were on the line, and Pelosi was determined to change that.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We’re not here to do Incy Wincey Spider. We’re here to anything else. This is a challenge of a generation. We’re going to get this bill done and we’re not doing it part way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi likes to say that she put on a suit of armor every day and ate nails for breakfast. It would take all that to go up against a mountain of resistance.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were determined that ours would succeed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The first hurdle was the White House. Rahm Emanuel had been Pelosi’s deputy back in 2006. He helped win back the House that year. But now, he was President Obama’s chief of staff, and he was urging the President not to pursue healthcare right after. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: I wanted to do financial reform because I thought the country needed to see the president fighting against the banks, needed to the SOBs that created this problem taken to the woodshed. To pass health care, the very interest groups had to be either neutralized or on your side of the table. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Emanuel wasn’t the only one guiding Obama away from going big.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I was very conflicted because I have a child who has epilepsy and very serious form. We almost went bankrupt when I was a young newspaper man trying to deal with her illness.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s David Axelrod, also known as Ax, less bombastic than Emanuel, but another major player in Obama’s White House. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: I experienced the problems with the healthcare system, but I was also there as the president’s political advisor and I had to tell him, look, seven presidents have tried this and we’re in the middle of a epic financial crisis. I said, you really need to think hard about this because there’s great risk associated with it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The risk could be catastrophic. Emanuel and Axelrod had lived through the Clinton years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bill Clinton: If Americans are to have the courage to change in a difficult time, we must first be secure in our most basic needs. This health care system of ours is badly broken, and it is time. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 1993, President Clinton unveiled his health care reform plan. The bill was more than 1,300 pages. He put the First Lady, who was already pretty controversial, in charge of selling it to the public and Congress. In 1994, Hillary Care, as it was called by critics, was declared dead. It never came up for a vote. Total collapse. And the backlash was immediate. 1994 was the year Democrats lost their majority in the House for the first time in 40 years. And Hillary Care was blamed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: I am as mad as hell! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2009, a similar backlash was brewing. The conservative anti-tax Tea Party was forming, in part a reaction to the massive bailout of Wall Street banks.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Thousands of activists held rallies in cities across the country, protesting big government and big government spin. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Tea Party, which stands for Taxed Enough Already, was modeled after the Boston Tea Party. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: They’re spending our money, our children’s money, our grandchildren’s money. And they’re going to just continue to push this country into debt, and they’re gonna destroy the economy of America. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama’s election supercharged the Tea Party, especially the plan to reform health care. After Obama was elected, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin honed in on one aspect of the proposal, to allow Medicare to pay for end-of-life planning. Palin called them death panels, which would decide who would live and who would die. Like if this plan goes through, Democrats are going to pull the plug on grandma and grandpa.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Sarah Palin, you know, said that I was at factor death because I wanted to kill old people. Ha, ha, ha.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: This is Zeke Emanuel, Ram’s brother, and an expert in health policy. He was tapped to help with the new bill, but Zeke ended up becoming the face of death panels, thanks to an article he had written about how to triage who gets liver transplants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: Those are the kinds of serious issues that serious people wrestle with and politicians like who are not serious like Sarah Palin, you know, just say stuff that is unsupported and unthought-out.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: We were unable to interview President Obama for this series, but in spite of what top aides were telling him, Axelrod said the president was committed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: He said, well, what are we supposed to do? Put our approval rating on the shelf and admire it for eight years? Or are we suppose to draw down on it? And he said, if we don’t do it in the first two years, we’re not gonna get it done. This problem’s just gonna fester. I always joke that I loved working for him so much because he listened to me so little. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi wasn’t worried about the advisors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We were communicating with the President of the United States. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But he allowed his chief of staff to say less than positive things about the bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It didn’t matter to us, or what mattered to us is what the president said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Lawrence was Pelosi’s chief of staff at the time. He was in the room during a lot of the meetings between Pelosi and President Obama.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: She said something, Mr. President. And he said, look, when it’s just us, just call me Barack. And she said, no, you’re Mr. President. And there was one incident he said Nancy something, and she said in this instance, it’s Madam Speaker. So it was a very clear understanding that we are leaders of co-equal branches of government. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Obama came from the Senate, the Pelosi was a creature of the House, and Obama knew she was the one who could get it done. This was not Pelosi’s first rodeo. She’d also been in Congress when Clinton tried to fix health care. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>What did you take from that episode?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: With all the respect in the world for them, it wasn’t as if they were ignoring Congress. But the bill has to pass the Congress. What I knew when we went to do health care was that we were going to write the bill in the Congress of the United States. And that makes the difference.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi knew that to pass a bill, she’d need to write the bill in Congress. That was the way to get buy-in from her members. That meant getting people together to contribute. She orchestrated her connections on the powerful committees and wrote the bill in the House. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had a system that everybody was part of this. We had mandated sessions where everybody had to come. The bill would be read. They have questions and all the recoups, so they didn’t read the bill. No, we read it every step of the way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In July of 2009, you unveiled a thousand-page bill and declared that you’re going to take it up for a vote and it’s going to pass the House. That’s right. Why were you so confident? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because we work very hard, it’s about prevention, it is about wellness. So members had various degrees of expertise in these.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had her wish list at the top was a public option. It’s a government plan that people can buy rather than private insurance. It’s set up to compete with private insurance companies and can help drive down prices. She whipped aggressively to have it included, but in the end, she couldn’t pick up the votes for the version she wanted. But there was a path forward with another weaker public option, it gave doctors and hospitals more power to negotiate rates, a compromise. She also had to rally more conservative Democrats who opposed abortion. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Current law and vote no on public funding for abortion. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: After negotiations with Pelosi fell through, a congressman named Bart Stupak co-wrote an amendment to the health care bill. It prohibited abortion coverage under plans that were run or subsidized by the government. Remember Congressman Stupack, he’ll come back later. Pelosi heard of the votes and the House passed their version, November 7, 2009, by a thin margin. With President Obama’s support, it seemed like a public option might be within reach, part of Pelosi’s dream to go big. But soon, an unexpected loss would jeopardize everything she’d fought for. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Nothing gets to the President’s desk before it passes the House and the Senate. Pelosi doesn’t hide how she feels about the upper chamber.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate, where good bills go to die all the time. The cemetery for legislation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Senators have the luxury of serving 6-year terms, whereas House members face voters every two years. Here’s Axelrod. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: The Senate were a bunch of dilettantes who didn’t have to run every two years. She would make clear to her caucus and publicly when she was unhappy with the Senate and she would take them on and that helped rally her troops. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi had just helped pass a monumental House bill, and it included a public option, and Obama was on board. But then something fundamentally changed the equation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Doctors say Senator Ted Kennedy has a malignant brain tumor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It was discovered after he suffered a seizure. Ted Kennedy, the senator from Massachusetts and a champion of health care reform, was dying from a brain tumor. Without Kennedy, the Democrats would only have 59 seats in the Senate. And that was a big problem. Without 60 seats, Republicans got back a tool. It’s called the filibuster. You may have heard of it. Basically, it’s a speech that goes on for hours to extend debate on a bill. It was once seen as a noble last-ditch effort to delay a vote. Like in the classic 1939 Frank Capra film, Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mr. Smith Goes To Washington: In other words, I’ve got a piece to speak. And blow hot or cold, I’m gonna speak.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But in today’s political landscape, filibusters can border on the absurd, like in this 2013 clip of Senator Ted Cruz filibustering. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: And I love this story, and so I’m going to read it to you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Sam, I am. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: He talked for 21 hours. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ted Cruz: They did not like green eggs and ham and they did not like Obamacare either. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Filibusters are so feared that a senator can basically threaten one and a bill is dead. Democrats had exactly the 60 votes they needed to block a filibuster. But then, on August 25, 2009, Senator Kennedy died. Another Democrat was temporarily named to fill the seat, but now there’d be an election for a permanent new senator. And while you might think Massachusetts is reliably blue, there was a chance Democrats could lose the seat. Time was ticking. They had just a few months to negotiate a bill enough members could live with. Senators had also been working on their own version of a health care reform bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Earlier on, the Senate had a bill that was terrible. It was terrible!\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: How so?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I mean, compared to our bill, terrible. And I wasn’t even going to vote for it. A member said, you’ve asked us to do all these things, don’t ask us to vote this bill. I said, I’m not going to ask you to vote it. I wouldn’t even vote for myself. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi chose to whisper the name of the senator who helped write it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Oh, Max Baucus, you gotta whisper it? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Max Baucus, a relatively conservative Democrat from Montana, chaired the crucial Senate Finance Committee. The Senate bill did not include a public option. Pelosi is known for her savvy. Even if she knew the House bill had no chance, she wasn’t going to admit that without a fight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: When we have a big meeting in the Oval, before anybody’s sitting down, Nancy is screaming. Screaming is not the right word. She is very strong about that the Senate bill, they forget about it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: And that’s when we had a little disagreement with the White House. The president said, this is the best we can do. I said, it is not. It takes us backwards. It’s a missed opportunity. We cannot do that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Through it all, Pelosi was confident they would get it done. But to have any fighting chance of passing the bill, she knew she would have to make a deal with Senate Democrats. As time passed, the likelihood of Democrats losing their filibuster-proof 60 seats was becoming more real. Democratic leaders from the House and Senate would meet until the wee hours of morning. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: We had a big meeting one night. It’s two weeks before the Massachusetts special election, but we know the clock’s ticking. That goes on until two in the morning. What was being hashed out? The whole bill. They had a lot going on. Okay, thank you. You’re giving me PTSD.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: If it had been a challenge to wrangle House Democrats, the Senate was impossible.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The Senate just went, well, it probably was Joe Lieberman.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, from Connecticut. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Of insurance companies. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Lieberman, the independent senator from Connecticut, had been refusing to support Pelosi’s public option for a year, even threatening to join Republicans to filibuster any bill with a public option.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Joe Lieberman: I think that a public option will actually hurt the economic recovery and our long-term fiscal situation, because it will end up causing the government to raise taxes, we’ll probably raise premiums. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over his career, Lieberman had accepted millions of dollars from the insurance and healthcare lobby. His home state of Connecticut was known as the insurance capital of the world, home to companies like Aetna and Cigna. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It would have been competition for the insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s powerful ally in the Senate was Majority Leader Harry Reid. But even the wily former boxer from Nevada failed to convince a single Republican to get on board for her public option. Pelosi grew up with the legacy of the New Deal. She knew it was possible to enact big programs if the timing was right. But at that moment, she had to accept that it wasn’t, a bitter pill to swallow. But it was hard for me to get Pelosi to reflect on that loss. She was pretty focused on what the bill did do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: This bill was not just about 20 million more people getting health care. It’s about 150 million families who have health care through their job, and they would get infinitely more benefits. No pre-existing condition. Being a woman, no longer a pre- existing medical condition. Sometimes women were charged almost twice as much. When your child is 26, it could be on your plan.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But the public option was gone. Even with the compromises, lawmakers couldn’t get the bill to a vote in the Senate fast enough. The Democrats had bungled the race for Ted Kennedy’s seat, lost it to an insurgent backed by the Tea Party named Scott Brown. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – News Broadcast: Scott Brown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: Go, Scott! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Brown promised to block the Democrats’ health care plan. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: I will work to reform healthcare in an open and honest way. No more closed-door meetings, back-room deals, backroom deals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: His victory speech ended with the black eyed peas, I got a feeling. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: I got a feeling \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Brown Rally: That tonight’s gonna be a good night \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: The press said to me, you’re dead, it’s over for you. You don’t have 60 votes, it over for your. And I said, we’re gonna get this bill passed. Again, I say it over and over, a challenge of a generation. If there’s a fence in our way, if there’s a barrier, we’ll break open the gate, push through the gate. If that doesn’t work, we climb the fence. If that does not work, pull vault in. If that don’t work we’ll parachute in. But we’re not letting anything stand in our way. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Did you believe it? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Yes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I was determined we were going to get this done.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Losing Kennedy’s seat was a big blow. Now they had to figure out how to get this done without 60 votes in the Senate. After the special election, Obama called Pelosi. They agreed the fight wasn’t over. They decided to get their healthcare bill passed through something called budget reconciliation. It’s a side door, a process that would allow the Democrats to pass the bill and avoid the filibuster. John Lawrence remembers in a meeting, Obama asked the speaker for her gut instinct. Should we go for the bill? Referencing the 1991 film that ends with the two heroines plummeting off a cliff, he said, I’m Thelma, you’re Louise. Pelosi said, let’s go for it. Now Pelosi would have to go back to her members in the House, convince them to accept the Senate version of the bill and amend it through reconciliation. Pelosi had a rule, never bring a bill to the House floor unless you know you have the votes. Now many House members agreed with Pelosi that the Senate bill was terrible or far from perfect to say the least. But now she would have to convince them to vote for it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: That was the worst. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Yeah, with the worst in what sense?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: To get them to vote for that because it was a terrible bill.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The Senate bill didn’t have the public option, a key to giving insurance companies competition to keep premiums down. That meant they had to come up with another way to make health care coverage affordable. Remember, it’s called the Affordable Care Act. Pelosi had no choice but to use the Senate version as her starting point. And she asked every single Democratic senator to personally sign a letter, pledging to accept the House’s amendments as part of the deal. It was her way of protecting her members from taking tough votes. With nothing to show for it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I go to the members and I say, okay, we have it now. We have their bill, but this is the correction that they have agreed to. So when we came back together under reconciliation, which doesn’t need 60 votes, we had already negotiated the terms. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Zeke Emanuel remembers watching her shepherd the caucus\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: I have to say, you know, just watching her do that and everyone’s hair’s on fire and she’s not losing her cool.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: The MVP. Still short of votes, she visited new members from swing districts to make a final plea. They knew that a vote for Obamacare might cost them re-election. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: People knew that they were taking a risk, and they were very courageous. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s former chief of staff, John Lawrence, again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: Tom Piriello, who was elected to a very, very tough seat in central Virginia, he was in for the whole ride, you know, and he was pretty certain he was going to lose his seat if he stuck with her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: And he did. Pelosi made countless personal calls to House members, listening, cajoling, pleading, to whip the votes she needed. Here’s a story she always tells. Joe Donnelly was a congressman from Indiana. He was conflicted about voting for the Senate version of the Affordable Care Act. So she called the Catholic priest and a former president of Notre Dame in his home state, but one person Donnelly would listen to. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: So I could say to Father Hesburgh, Oberstar, well, I need you to talk to the member of Congress from your district. What’s his number? So, I give him the number, he calls, he says, Congressman, the Speaker and I need your vote on the healthcare bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Joe Donnelly voted for the ACA. One of many, Pelosi had to personally convince to go out on a limb. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: I walk into the cloakroom and they’re saying, she called this one on me, she called that one on Me. And he said, you should see what she did to Me. It was like she called the Pope. She called Father Hesburgh. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Well, we’ve just taken you on a tour of the Sausage Factory, where legislation is created, sometimes changed beyond recognition, just to get it passed. Pelosi went up against some of the most powerful groups in Washington – Obama’s staffers, the Senate, her conflicted caucus. But this was the one thing she told me really got under her skin.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: One disappointment that I had, really big disappointment, was with the Catholic bishops. They made it seem as if we had abortion in the bill, which we did not. And one day that almost brought me to tears, which is a big thing to say about me, is when they said, I’ve never seen the bishops so united as they are, united against affordable care. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Why did that almost bring you to tears? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Because it said two things. You haven’t even read it. You’re making up something. You’ve sold your soul to the Republicans. When I say your soul, all the things that you would want people to have, healthcare, especially poor people, and this is your compact. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In the eleventh hour, Pelosi still needed the support of a handful of anti-abortion House Democrats. And Congressman Bart Stupak, remember he authored the anti-aboration amendment in the House bill, he was still holding out. Pelosi made some calls. She promised him that Obama would sign an executive order. Federal health care funds would not be used for abortions. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: I’m not sure that there’s any other person in Congress who could have managed to do that. And it had a profound effect on the nation.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s congressional scholar Norm Orenstein. He hasn’t been a voice in this episode so far, but I’m bringing him in now because he had this insight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: He understood Bart Stupak and his family, and one part of this is Bart Stupaak had lost a child. Part… Had a son who was taking this anti-acne medication, which as it turned out, had a side effect of suicidal ideation. And there’s no, I can tell you from personal experience, there’s still greater tragedy than losing a child. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Ornstein had lost a child too, and when he did, Pelosi was there for him. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Norm Ornstein: We had the funeral on January 6th, and the Shiva that evening here in this house, the house, she was the leader, the house was in session. She not only came here, she stayed for three hours. She didn’t have to do that. She could have sent flowers. She could’ve come, said hi, and then gone back. She didn’t do that, I’m not a member of the house. I wasn’t. I was a friend of hers, that’s who Nancy Pelosi is. Nancy was there for Bart and his wife and the rest of the family. So he trusted her. And he trusted when she said, we can make this. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi’s alliance with Stupak really pissed off some pro-choice House Democrats. But to John Lawrence, Pelosi’s former chief of staff… \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: This is really critical, I think, in understanding Pelosi as speaker. She had such unimpeachable credibility with the left wing of the party that when she went to you and she said, look, I’ve done everything I can do. I can’t get complete abortion coverage, but the bill is bigger than that and we to win here. She had the credibility where people believed because she had spoken with them, because she had the ideological alignment with them. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: She is willing to compromise, and she’s got the credibility to convince the members that it’s the best she can do. Finally, Pelosi had the House votes she needed. On March 21, 2010, in a lavender suit, Pelosi took the Senate bill to the floor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, my colleague.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival: The distinguished speaker of the House is recognized, and the House will be in order. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Nancy Pelosi: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank all of you for bringing us to this moment. It’s great with great humility and with great pride that we tonight will make history for our country and progress for the American people. Just think, we will be joining those who established Social Security, Medicare, and now tonight, healthcare for all Americans. On this vote, the yeas are 220, the nays are 211, the bill is passed. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: It was glorious. It was, it was absolutely glorious. And the president was so happy. He calls and he says, I’m happier tonight than I was the night I was elected president. I said, well, Mr. President, I’m pretty happy tonight, but if you were not elected president, we would not have this legislation. I thought that was a beautiful thing. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>David Axelrod: When the final votes came in, I went into my office and closed the door. I sat in my office at the White House and I sobbed because I remembered the terrifying experience my family had with the healthcare system when my own child was ill. So after I wept alone, I wouldn’t found the president. And I said, thank you on behalf of all the families like mine who’ve gone through this awful nightmare. And put his hand on my shoulder and he said, that’s why we do the work.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer:John Lawrence, Pelosi’s Chief of Staff, he remembers the joy, but also some resentment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>John Lawrence: I remember when we were in the thrall of having passed the Affordable Care Act. Even at that moment, she made clear her dissatisfaction with the fact that the president had not acknowledged some of the House members who had played a key role, and that she actually said, you know, your problem. He said, why are you angry with me? And she said, because you don’t respect the house.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi more than anyone knew how heavy a lift it had been. Anger over the Affordable Care Act was a big reason Democrats lost their majority in the House and Pelosi would lose the speakership. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: But I’d gone over to one of those town hall meetings that they had started to do to try and sell the Affordable Care Act. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s Mick Mulvaney. It was 2009, President Obama’s first year in office. At the time, Mulvany was a part-time Republican state senator, part- time businessman. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I remember walking up there, 30 or 40 people around me, all of whom knew who we were. It’s a small town. People think that South Carolina is ruby red. It’s not. It’s conservative. And for the longest time, we were represented by conservative Southern Democrats. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: John Spratt was leading the meeting. He’d been the congressman from South Carolina’s fifth congressional district since the 80s, a Democrat. As chair of the budget committee, he introduced the Affordable Care Act on the House floor. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And John Spratt began the meeting by saying, if you think your healthcare is great now, just wait until the government runs it for you. And there was this collective sigh in the room. And that’s when I walked out that night, I actually asked my wife if I could run for Congress. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In his campaign, Mulvaney criticized Spratt’s relationship with Pelosi. He claims Spratt voted with her 98 percent of the time.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: Reminded me of a mafia boss. That’s how she ran the place. Just tough, really, really tough. And that was her reputation, that if you crossed her, you would pay a huge price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Mulvaney thought Pelosi and Democrats were taking the country in the wrong direction.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: And the party at that time started going pretty hard left under, you know, Barack Obama’s leadership, but also Nancy’s stewardship in the House. And that upset a lot of people back home. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Democrat John Spratt, he was out. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mick Mulvaney: I ended up beating him in that tea party wave in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2010, Republicans won 63 seats held by Democrats. Obama called it a shellacking. Pelosi lost the speakership, and Republican John Boehner took the gavel. Rahm Emanuel again. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Rahm Emanuel: People with pre-existing condition, got a peace of mind. We also got the Tea Party. Welcome to governing. There’s only two decisions that end up in the Oval Office, bad and worse. And those are the decisions you get. And more back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Clash was coming.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Archival – Donald Trump: When we win on November 8th. And elect a Republican Congress, we will be able to immediately repeal and replace Obamacare. Have to do it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: In 2016, Donald Trump became the president, disrupting Pelosi’s plan to retire from Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi:I had been thinking I would be leaving because she would be in charge. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Hillary Clinton. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: Affordable Care Act would be protected. But after Trump won, there was no way that we could leave it be at the mercy of him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Over the next four years, Democrats fought against repeated votes to repeal or weaken the ACA. In Pelosi’s 2024 autobiography, The Art of Power, she describes one failed attempt. The speaker of the House at that time was Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan. Ryan had to kill his own bill and explain to Donald Trump that he didn’t have the votes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi – Audiobook: The speaker should only bring a bill to the floor when he has the vote, not simply on the anniversary of when I had the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Today, the ACA is far more popular than when it passed. And when it comes to repealing, the Republicans don’t have a Nancy Pelosi. Revisiting this story and all the compromises she made to get things done, it brought up a question for me. Is it worth it? Oh, absolutely. Pelosi’s whole brand was the politics of the possible, but at what cost? I’m wondering if you felt like you ever had to betray your values.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: No, never, never. I mean, the city of San Francisco, I’m pretty much in sync with our community here. Stay close. If your community trusts you and you have to take a different vote, they trust you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Like what, like, cause I have a couple, like I’m thinking, I know you were, you felt strongly about the public option, you know, and you didn’t get it. And, but you see.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When we got it in the House, the Senate didn’t get it for reasons which are obnoxious to me. We should have been able to get a public option. It would have saved money. But we did put in the bill the opportunity for states to develop their own public option, it’s hard. It’s hard to do. But that seems so simple to me, you know, that we could have done that. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: It’s tough to get Pelosi to reflect on hard choices, like the Wall Street bailout we started the episode with. I guess I’m thinking also about TARP. Is that an example of, you know, I don’t know if I’ll say betray might be a strong word, but betray your values, like doing something.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: We had to do that. No, we didn’t vote against our values when we voted for it. The chairman of the Fed said, if we don’t act immediately, we won’t even have an economy by Monday. So, no, that wasn’t a betrayal of values, and we made sure that we got paid back. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: But when it comes to making a tough decision, even when it’s unpopular, Pelosi knows where she stands.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi: When you have to take a tough vote that is good for the country but is not fully appreciated locally, that’s not betraying your values, that is just being courageous. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: During the COVID pandemic, Democrats and President Biden increased subsidies to help make health care more affordable. In 2024, the last year of the Biden administration, the ACA provided insurance for 44 million Americans. And those subsidies expired and were not renewed under President Trump. Health care costs continue rising, making insurance increasingly out of reach for millions of Americans. Health care policy expert Zeke Emanuel again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: The system Is falling apart, costs are going up, people are getting pissed off every time I hear someone say something also stupid like, America is the best healthcare system in the world. I said, yeah, I got two words for you. Luigi Mangione. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Luigi Mangione, the 28-year-old who admitted to killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. To Zeke Emanuel, he represents the anger millions of Americans feel toward the health care system.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Zeke Emanuel: If you think we’ve got the best system, then you explain him, and more importantly, the internet support for him, you can’t. And that’s, I think, just a symbol of how dissatisfied people are. Costs are up, uninsurance is going up, the public recognizes a problem. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: Pelosi and Democrats had their chance in the majority to make change for Americans. But next episode, we’re looking at the consequences of her time in power, and one big shadow on Pelosi’s legacy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ariella Markowitz: What comes to mind when you think of Nancy Pelosi? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vox: Stocks, stock trades, that’s about it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vox: Insider stock trading he defends that got quite real thing \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Scott Shafer: That’s coming up next on the Speaker. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Speaker is a production of KQED in San Francisco and distributed by NPR. It’s hosted and reported by me, Scott Shafer. It’s reported and produced by Ariella Markowitz. It’s edited by Padmini Raghunath. Final mix and sound design by Christopher Beale. Fact checking by Mark Betancourt. Additional editing from Anna Sussman and Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts. Original theme song composed by Cedric Wilson. Additional music from APM. Maha Sanad is KQED’s podcast engagement producer. Ethan Toven-Lindsey is KQED’s editor-in-chief. Special thanks to our partners from the Oral History Center at the University of California, Berkeley. Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television, and radio artists, San Francisco, Northern California Locals. \u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "prop-4-allows-cities-to-create-public-campaign-financing-programs",
"title": "Prop 4: Allows Cities to Create Public Campaign Financing Programs",
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"headTitle": "Prop 4: Allows Cities to Create Public Campaign Financing Programs | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Episode Transcript:\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>If you want to get elected to office in California, it’s no big secret that you’ll need to raise money.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And in some cases, a lot of money. State legislative campaigns can run into the million.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That puts candidates who don’t come from money or have rich connections at a disadvantage, some say. And that’s the issue that creators of Proposition 4 are trying to address. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Proposition four, repeals prohibition against public funding of election campaigns. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz Guevara. This is Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious, where we break down the propositions on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s a marathon this year with 14 initiatives. So let’s get right to it, shall we? Here to talk campaign finance with us is reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s politics desk. Welcome, Izzy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Hi, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so Prop 4 would repeal part of a proposition that was passed by voters back in 1988. What was the deal with that prop?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in 1988, there was a feeling very similar to right now that there’s too much money in politics, especially corporate money, special interest money. On top of that, the mood in the 80s when Reagan was president was very pro-business, anti-tax, anti-spending. So in 1988, Prop 73 banned public funds for campaign expenses. Basically, that meant governments can’t allow politicians to use taxpayer money for their campaigns. And then that proposition did a second thing, which is set new limits on campaign contributions. But a few years later, a federal judge threw out that second tenant, and just the public financing ban remained. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So then how do we get from there to Prop 4? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So state Senator Tom Umberg wrote the bill that ended up becoming Prop 4. It’s similarly a response to this growing feeling that big money and corporate interests and super PACs have too much influence in politics. And that public financing helps candidates who don’t have a ton of personal wealth or access to those special interests. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s look under the hood. How does this actually work if passed? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>What it does is repeal the ban from Prop 73 to allow state and local governments to set up public financing programs for election campaigns. Candidates would have to meet certain eligibility criteria and agree to spending limits. And the initiative also spells out that the funds could not be used for legal defense costs, fines, or repayment of personal loans. It also has this provision that allows the legislature to amend the rules about how public financing works, like the mechanics and eligibility requirements without needing to go back to the ballot and ask voters to approve it again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Does this mean that automatically there will be a pool of money for political candidates to pull from?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, it’s basically just allowing governments to create programs and they will have, you know, specific eligibility requirements that they’ll have to decide for themselves, like raising a certain amount of small dollar donations or not accepting PAC money or capping how many personal funds they donate to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>But I understand that there are some cities that have already been providing public funding for campaigns. Is that true? And if so, like how?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Yeah, so there’s an exception in Prop 73 for charter cities, which have their own constitution and that gives the state less authority over them. A lot of the biggest cities in California are charter cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. And so they already have public financing programs. Supporters of this initiative point to the success of candidates like Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karen Bass: \u003c/strong>Thanks to L.A.’s Supermatch program, every qualified donation from Los Angeles residents is matched 6-1 by the city.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Or New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani who accessed public finance systems and won their elections.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Us through how one of these programs works so we can kind of get a sense for it. Let’s take a look at San Francisco, for example.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>There are a lot of hurdles a candidate has to pass to qualify for the money. So a candidate for mayor in San Francisco can receive up to $1.2 million in public funds. There are minimum qualifying contributions. So you have to show you have support from actual voters. You need to be opposed by a candidate who raises or spends at least $50,000. You have to agree to a spending limit of roughly $1,500,000 and agree to limits on how much. You donate to your own campaign. And then it’s a match program in San Francisco. That’s a lot, but essentially there are many rules and you need to prove you’re a serious candidate. And the program can’t favor candidates in one party over the other.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is that how all the programs in California would look if Proposition 4 passes? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, there’s a lot of different ways a state or local government could set up a program like this. Like in Seattle, Washington, they have democracy vouchers, giving residents $100. They get to decide which candidates to distribute that money to. And that’s supposed to encourage candidates to engage with the people they hope to represent instead of appealing to special interests.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>While we pause for a quick break, won’t you consider becoming a member of KQED? Donate whatever works for your budget at donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. One-time gifts, ongoing donations, we are here for it all. Thanks! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And we’re back talking about proposition four, the public funding for campaigns prop with KQED’s Izzy Bloom. Izzy, who is supporting this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>This measure is supported by the California Democratic Party, California Common Cause, the League of Women Voters of California, California Clean Money Campaign. Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League for Women Voters of California said this.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jenny Farrell: \u003c/strong>Public financing can make it possible for someone who is deeply connected to their community, but doesn’t have a Rolodex full of wealthy donors to run a viable campaign. Before public financing, women made up a minority of Los Angeles City Council. Once Los Angeles put public financing in place, 14 or 15 of the members were elected using matching funds, and a majority of members now are women, a majority members are people of color. And it’s the most diverse city council in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Who is opposing this measure and why? Anti-tax groups like the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers’ Association, as well as the PAC Reform California run by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a former chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, Dan Schnurr, and they all argue that the measure is written too broadly. It leaves each government to set its own eligibility criteria and spending limits, and that makes the system vulnerable to abuse. David Kline is spokesperson for the California Taxpayers Association, and he thinks taxpayer dollars shouldn’t be used for campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Kline: \u003c/strong>The whole idea on its face is bad. Tax dollars should be used to help the taxpayers, to help constituents by promoting reasonable, efficient government services. Not to give money to a candidate to then put out a hit piece mailer on an opponent, and not to flood our mailboxes with even more junk mail from campaigns every election season.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Also, candidates already have to file campaign finance reports disclosing contributions and expenditures, which Kline says creates a lot of transparency around where big money is putting their influence and voters can decide for themselves whether they support that or not. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like on this spending prop? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Not much spending on this initiative, just $7,500 in opposition from Reform California. As for the cost to the state, the Nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates it could cost the state a few hundred thousand dollars a year just to cover the additional hours and staffing for the Fair Political Practices Commission to answer state and local government’s questions about the programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s Politics Desk, thank you for walking us through this one.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 4 means you want to remove the ban on public funding for election campaigns, opening the door for state or local governments to create new programs. A vote no means you wanna keep the ban in place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s all for our episode on Prop Four. Also in your podcast feed today is our show on Prop Five, which takes on statewide recalls. And we’ll be back with even more tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Erica Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck,Pauline Bartolone, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme and me, Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>If you want to get elected to office in California, it’s no big secret that you’ll need to raise money.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>If you want to get elected to office in California, it’s no big secret that you’ll need to raise money.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And in some cases, a lot of money. State legislative campaigns can run into the million.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And in some cases, a lot of money. State legislative campaigns can run into the million.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That puts candidates who don’t come from money or have rich connections at a disadvantage, some say. And that’s the issue that creators of Proposition 4 are trying to address. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That puts candidates who don’t come from money or have rich connections at a disadvantage, some say. And that’s the issue that creators of Proposition 4 are trying to address. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Proposition four, repeals prohibition against public funding of election campaigns. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Proposition four, repeals prohibition against public funding of election campaigns. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz Guevara. This is Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious, where we break down the propositions on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz Guevara. This is Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious, where we break down the propositions on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s a marathon this year with 14 initiatives. So let’s get right to it, shall we? Here to talk campaign finance with us is reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s politics desk. Welcome, Izzy.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s a marathon this year with 14 initiatives. So let’s get right to it, shall we? Here to talk campaign finance with us is reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s politics desk. Welcome, Izzy.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Hi, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Hi, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so Prop 4 would repeal part of a proposition that was passed by voters back in 1988. What was the deal with that prop?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so Prop 4 would repeal part of a proposition that was passed by voters back in 1988. What was the deal with that prop?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in 1988, there was a feeling very similar to right now that there’s too much money in politics, especially corporate money, special interest money. On top of that, the mood in the 80s when Reagan was president was very pro-business, anti-tax, anti-spending. So in 1988, Prop 73 banned public funds for campaign expenses. Basically, that meant governments can’t allow politicians to use taxpayer money for their campaigns. And then that proposition did a second thing, which is set new limits on campaign contributions. But a few years later, a federal judge threw out that second tenant, and just the public financing ban remained. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in 1988, there was a feeling very similar to right now that there’s too much money in politics, especially corporate money, special interest money. On top of that, the mood in the 80s when Reagan was president was very pro-business, anti-tax, anti-spending. So in 1988, Prop 73 banned public funds for campaign expenses. Basically, that meant governments can’t allow politicians to use taxpayer money for their campaigns. And then that proposition did a second thing, which is set new limits on campaign contributions. But a few years later, a federal judge threw out that second tenant, and just the public financing ban remained. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So then how do we get from there to Prop 4? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So then how do we get from there to Prop 4? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So state Senator Tom Umberg wrote the bill that ended up becoming Prop 4. It’s similarly a response to this growing feeling that big money and corporate interests and super PACs have too much influence in politics. And that public financing helps candidates who don’t have a ton of personal wealth or access to those special interests. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So state Senator Tom Umberg wrote the bill that ended up becoming Prop 4. It’s similarly a response to this growing feeling that big money and corporate interests and super PACs have too much influence in politics. And that public financing helps candidates who don’t have a ton of personal wealth or access to those special interests. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s look under the hood. How does this actually work if passed? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s look under the hood. How does this actually work if passed? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>What it does is repeal the ban from Prop 73 to allow state and local governments to set up public financing programs for election campaigns. Candidates would have to meet certain eligibility criteria and agree to spending limits. And the initiative also spells out that the funds could not be used for legal defense costs, fines, or repayment of personal loans. It also has this provision that allows the legislature to amend the rules about how public financing works, like the mechanics and eligibility requirements without needing to go back to the ballot and ask voters to approve it again.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>What it does is repeal the ban from Prop 73 to allow state and local governments to set up public financing programs for election campaigns. Candidates would have to meet certain eligibility criteria and agree to spending limits. And the initiative also spells out that the funds could not be used for legal defense costs, fines, or repayment of personal loans. It also has this provision that allows the legislature to amend the rules about how public financing works, like the mechanics and eligibility requirements without needing to go back to the ballot and ask voters to approve it again.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Does this mean that automatically there will be a pool of money for political candidates to pull from?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Does this mean that automatically there will be a pool of money for political candidates to pull from?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, it’s basically just allowing governments to create programs and they will have, you know, specific eligibility requirements that they’ll have to decide for themselves, like raising a certain amount of small dollar donations or not accepting PAC money or capping how many personal funds they donate to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, it’s basically just allowing governments to create programs and they will have, you know, specific eligibility requirements that they’ll have to decide for themselves, like raising a certain amount of small dollar donations or not accepting PAC money or capping how many personal funds they donate to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>But I understand that there are some cities that have already been providing public funding for campaigns. Is that true? And if so, like how?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>But I understand that there are some cities that have already been providing public funding for campaigns. Is that true? And if so, like how?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Yeah, so there’s an exception in Prop 73 for charter cities, which have their own constitution and that gives the state less authority over them. A lot of the biggest cities in California are charter cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. And so they already have public financing programs. Supporters of this initiative point to the success of candidates like Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Yeah, so there’s an exception in Prop 73 for charter cities, which have their own constitution and that gives the state less authority over them. A lot of the biggest cities in California are charter cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. And so they already have public financing programs. Supporters of this initiative point to the success of candidates like Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karen Bass: \u003c/strong>Thanks to L.A.’s Supermatch program, every qualified donation from Los Angeles residents is matched 6-1 by the city.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karen Bass: \u003c/strong>Thanks to L.A.’s Supermatch program, every qualified donation from Los Angeles residents is matched 6-1 by the city.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Or New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani who accessed public finance systems and won their elections.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Or New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani who accessed public finance systems and won their elections.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Us through how one of these programs works so we can kind of get a sense for it. Let’s take a look at San Francisco, for example.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Us through how one of these programs works so we can kind of get a sense for it. Let’s take a look at San Francisco, for example.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>There are a lot of hurdles a candidate has to pass to qualify for the money. So a candidate for mayor in San Francisco can receive up to $1.2 million in public funds. There are minimum qualifying contributions. So you have to show you have support from actual voters. You need to be opposed by a candidate who raises or spends at least $50,000. You have to agree to a spending limit of roughly $1,500,000 and agree to limits on how much. You donate to your own campaign. And then it’s a match program in San Francisco. That’s a lot, but essentially there are many rules and you need to prove you’re a serious candidate. And the program can’t favor candidates in one party over the other.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>There are a lot of hurdles a candidate has to pass to qualify for the money. So a candidate for mayor in San Francisco can receive up to $1.2 million in public funds. There are minimum qualifying contributions. So you have to show you have support from actual voters. You need to be opposed by a candidate who raises or spends at least $50,000. You have to agree to a spending limit of roughly $1,500,000 and agree to limits on how much. You donate to your own campaign. And then it’s a match program in San Francisco. That’s a lot, but essentially there are many rules and you need to prove you’re a serious candidate. And the program can’t favor candidates in one party over the other.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is that how all the programs in California would look if Proposition 4 passes? \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is that how all the programs in California would look if Proposition 4 passes? \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, there’s a lot of different ways a state or local government could set up a program like this. Like in Seattle, Washington, they have democracy vouchers, giving residents $100. They get to decide which candidates to distribute that money to. And that’s supposed to encourage candidates to engage with the people they hope to represent instead of appealing to special interests.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, there’s a lot of different ways a state or local government could set up a program like this. Like in Seattle, Washington, they have democracy vouchers, giving residents $100. They get to decide which candidates to distribute that money to. And that’s supposed to encourage candidates to engage with the people they hope to represent instead of appealing to special interests.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>While we pause for a quick break, won’t you consider becoming a member of KQED? Donate whatever works for your budget at donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. One-time gifts, ongoing donations, we are here for it all. Thanks! \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>While we pause for a quick break, won’t you consider becoming a member of KQED? Donate whatever works for your budget at donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. One-time gifts, ongoing donations, we are here for it all. Thanks! \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And we’re back talking about proposition four, the public funding for campaigns prop with KQED’s Izzy Bloom. Izzy, who is supporting this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>This measure is supported by the California Democratic Party, California Common Cause, the League of Women Voters of California, California Clean Money Campaign. Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League for Women Voters of California said this.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>This measure is supported by the California Democratic Party, California Common Cause, the League of Women Voters of California, California Clean Money Campaign. Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League for Women Voters of California said this.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jenny Farrell: \u003c/strong>Public financing can make it possible for someone who is deeply connected to their community, but doesn’t have a Rolodex full of wealthy donors to run a viable campaign. Before public financing, women made up a minority of Los Angeles City Council. Once Los Angeles put public financing in place, 14 or 15 of the members were elected using matching funds, and a majority of members now are women, a majority members are people of color. And it’s the most diverse city council in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jenny Farrell: \u003c/strong>Public financing can make it possible for someone who is deeply connected to their community, but doesn’t have a Rolodex full of wealthy donors to run a viable campaign. Before public financing, women made up a minority of Los Angeles City Council. Once Los Angeles put public financing in place, 14 or 15 of the members were elected using matching funds, and a majority of members now are women, a majority members are people of color. And it’s the most diverse city council in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Who is opposing this measure and why? Anti-tax groups like the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers’ Association, as well as the PAC Reform California run by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a former chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, Dan Schnurr, and they all argue that the measure is written too broadly. It leaves each government to set its own eligibility criteria and spending limits, and that makes the system vulnerable to abuse. David Kline is spokesperson for the California Taxpayers Association, and he thinks taxpayer dollars shouldn’t be used for campaigns.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Who is opposing this measure and why? Anti-tax groups like the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers’ Association, as well as the PAC Reform California run by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a former chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, Dan Schnurr, and they all argue that the measure is written too broadly. It leaves each government to set its own eligibility criteria and spending limits, and that makes the system vulnerable to abuse. David Kline is spokesperson for the California Taxpayers Association, and he thinks taxpayer dollars shouldn’t be used for campaigns.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Kline: \u003c/strong>The whole idea on its face is bad. Tax dollars should be used to help the taxpayers, to help constituents by promoting reasonable, efficient government services. Not to give money to a candidate to then put out a hit piece mailer on an opponent, and not to flood our mailboxes with even more junk mail from campaigns every election season.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Kline: \u003c/strong>The whole idea on its face is bad. Tax dollars should be used to help the taxpayers, to help constituents by promoting reasonable, efficient government services. Not to give money to a candidate to then put out a hit piece mailer on an opponent, and not to flood our mailboxes with even more junk mail from campaigns every election season.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Also, candidates already have to file campaign finance reports disclosing contributions and expenditures, which Kline says creates a lot of transparency around where big money is putting their influence and voters can decide for themselves whether they support that or not. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Also, candidates already have to file campaign finance reports disclosing contributions and expenditures, which Kline says creates a lot of transparency around where big money is putting their influence and voters can decide for themselves whether they support that or not. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like on this spending prop? \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Not much spending on this initiative, just $7,500 in opposition from Reform California. As for the cost to the state, the Nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates it could cost the state a few hundred thousand dollars a year just to cover the additional hours and staffing for the Fair Political Practices Commission to answer state and local government’s questions about the programs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Not much spending on this initiative, just $7,500 in opposition from Reform California. As for the cost to the state, the Nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates it could cost the state a few hundred thousand dollars a year just to cover the additional hours and staffing for the Fair Political Practices Commission to answer state and local government’s questions about the programs.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s Politics Desk, thank you for walking us through this one.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s Politics Desk, thank you for walking us through this one.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 4 means you want to remove the ban on public funding for election campaigns, opening the door for state or local governments to create new programs. A vote no means you wanna keep the ban in place.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 4 means you want to remove the ban on public funding for election campaigns, opening the door for state or local governments to create new programs. A vote no means you wanna keep the ban in place.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s all for our episode on Prop Four. Also in your podcast feed today is our show on Prop Five, which takes on statewide recalls. And we’ll be back with even more tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s all for our episode on Prop Four. Also in your podcast feed today is our show on Prop Five, which takes on statewide recalls. And we’ll be back with even more tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Erica Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck,Pauline Bartolone, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme and me, Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Erica Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck,Pauline Bartolone, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme and me, Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Episode Transcript:\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>If you want to get elected to office in California, it’s no big secret that you’ll need to raise money.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And in some cases, a lot of money. State legislative campaigns can run into the million.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That puts candidates who don’t come from money or have rich connections at a disadvantage, some say. And that’s the issue that creators of Proposition 4 are trying to address. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Here’s how it reads on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Proposition four, repeals prohibition against public funding of election campaigns. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I’m Erika Cruz Guevara. This is Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious, where we break down the propositions on the statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s a marathon this year with 14 initiatives. So let’s get right to it, shall we? Here to talk campaign finance with us is reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s politics desk. Welcome, Izzy.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Hi, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Okay, so Prop 4 would repeal part of a proposition that was passed by voters back in 1988. What was the deal with that prop?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in 1988, there was a feeling very similar to right now that there’s too much money in politics, especially corporate money, special interest money. On top of that, the mood in the 80s when Reagan was president was very pro-business, anti-tax, anti-spending. So in 1988, Prop 73 banned public funds for campaign expenses. Basically, that meant governments can’t allow politicians to use taxpayer money for their campaigns. And then that proposition did a second thing, which is set new limits on campaign contributions. But a few years later, a federal judge threw out that second tenant, and just the public financing ban remained. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So then how do we get from there to Prop 4? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>So state Senator Tom Umberg wrote the bill that ended up becoming Prop 4. It’s similarly a response to this growing feeling that big money and corporate interests and super PACs have too much influence in politics. And that public financing helps candidates who don’t have a ton of personal wealth or access to those special interests. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Let’s look under the hood. How does this actually work if passed? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>What it does is repeal the ban from Prop 73 to allow state and local governments to set up public financing programs for election campaigns. Candidates would have to meet certain eligibility criteria and agree to spending limits. And the initiative also spells out that the funds could not be used for legal defense costs, fines, or repayment of personal loans. It also has this provision that allows the legislature to amend the rules about how public financing works, like the mechanics and eligibility requirements without needing to go back to the ballot and ask voters to approve it again.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Does this mean that automatically there will be a pool of money for political candidates to pull from?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, it’s basically just allowing governments to create programs and they will have, you know, specific eligibility requirements that they’ll have to decide for themselves, like raising a certain amount of small dollar donations or not accepting PAC money or capping how many personal funds they donate to their campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>But I understand that there are some cities that have already been providing public funding for campaigns. Is that true? And if so, like how?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Yeah, so there’s an exception in Prop 73 for charter cities, which have their own constitution and that gives the state less authority over them. A lot of the biggest cities in California are charter cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. And so they already have public financing programs. Supporters of this initiative point to the success of candidates like Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karen Bass: \u003c/strong>Thanks to L.A.’s Supermatch program, every qualified donation from Los Angeles residents is matched 6-1 by the city.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Or New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani who accessed public finance systems and won their elections.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Us through how one of these programs works so we can kind of get a sense for it. Let’s take a look at San Francisco, for example.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>There are a lot of hurdles a candidate has to pass to qualify for the money. So a candidate for mayor in San Francisco can receive up to $1.2 million in public funds. There are minimum qualifying contributions. So you have to show you have support from actual voters. You need to be opposed by a candidate who raises or spends at least $50,000. You have to agree to a spending limit of roughly $1,500,000 and agree to limits on how much. You donate to your own campaign. And then it’s a match program in San Francisco. That’s a lot, but essentially there are many rules and you need to prove you’re a serious candidate. And the program can’t favor candidates in one party over the other.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is that how all the programs in California would look if Proposition 4 passes? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>No, there’s a lot of different ways a state or local government could set up a program like this. Like in Seattle, Washington, they have democracy vouchers, giving residents $100. They get to decide which candidates to distribute that money to. And that’s supposed to encourage candidates to engage with the people they hope to represent instead of appealing to special interests.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>While we pause for a quick break, won’t you consider becoming a member of KQED? Donate whatever works for your budget at donate.kqed.org slash podcasts. One-time gifts, ongoing donations, we are here for it all. Thanks! \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor messages\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And we’re back talking about proposition four, the public funding for campaigns prop with KQED’s Izzy Bloom. Izzy, who is supporting this measure and why?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>This measure is supported by the California Democratic Party, California Common Cause, the League of Women Voters of California, California Clean Money Campaign. Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League for Women Voters of California said this.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jenny Farrell: \u003c/strong>Public financing can make it possible for someone who is deeply connected to their community, but doesn’t have a Rolodex full of wealthy donors to run a viable campaign. Before public financing, women made up a minority of Los Angeles City Council. Once Los Angeles put public financing in place, 14 or 15 of the members were elected using matching funds, and a majority of members now are women, a majority members are people of color. And it’s the most diverse city council in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Who is opposing this measure and why? Anti-tax groups like the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers’ Association, as well as the PAC Reform California run by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio, a former chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, Dan Schnurr, and they all argue that the measure is written too broadly. It leaves each government to set its own eligibility criteria and spending limits, and that makes the system vulnerable to abuse. David Kline is spokesperson for the California Taxpayers Association, and he thinks taxpayer dollars shouldn’t be used for campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Kline: \u003c/strong>The whole idea on its face is bad. Tax dollars should be used to help the taxpayers, to help constituents by promoting reasonable, efficient government services. Not to give money to a candidate to then put out a hit piece mailer on an opponent, and not to flood our mailboxes with even more junk mail from campaigns every election season.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Also, candidates already have to file campaign finance reports disclosing contributions and expenditures, which Kline says creates a lot of transparency around where big money is putting their influence and voters can decide for themselves whether they support that or not. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>What does spending look like on this spending prop? \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Not much spending on this initiative, just $7,500 in opposition from Reform California. As for the cost to the state, the Nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office estimates it could cost the state a few hundred thousand dollars a year just to cover the additional hours and staffing for the Fair Political Practices Commission to answer state and local government’s questions about the programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Reporter Izzy Bloom from KQED’s Politics Desk, thank you for walking us through this one.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Izzy Bloom: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In a nutshell, a vote yes on Prop 4 means you want to remove the ban on public funding for election campaigns, opening the door for state or local governments to create new programs. A vote no means you wanna keep the ban in place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That’s all for our episode on Prop Four. Also in your podcast feed today is our show on Prop Five, which takes on statewide recalls. And we’ll be back with even more tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>PropFest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s produced by Erica Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriella Glueck,Pauline Bartolone, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme and me, Olivia Allen Price. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>We get extra support from Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey, and everyone on Team KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Some members of the KQD podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco, Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Support for The Bay is provided in part by the Osher Production Fund. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen Price. And I’m Erika Cruz-Gavarra. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a slate of 21 bills on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097637/lawmakers-send-immigration-detention-bills-to-gov-newsom\">aimed at increasing oversight\u003c/a> of federal immigration detention and reining in what he called the “Orwellian” tactics of the Trump administration’s approach to immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The enactment of the new laws comes as immigration arrests have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097313/northern-california-ice-arrests-surged-this-summer\">soared to new levels\u003c/a>, with nearly 50,000 arrests nationwide in July. California had the third-highest number of those arrests, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has recently expanded detention capacity in the state as part of President Donald Trump’s campaign to achieve “mass deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/09/29/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-push-back-on-trumps-orwellian-immigration-tactics-to-protect-immigrant-communities/\">wide-ranging laws\u003c/a>, authored by Democrats from across the state, included measures to restrict law enforcement use of electroshock gloves, masks and flash-bang grenades, enable individuals to sue federal officials in state court over rights violations and require local agencies to release 911 call records originating from ICE facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several bills focused on expanding the state’s power to enforce health and safety standards in immigration detention, restrict construction of new detention centers and tax private detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101938\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents walk outside the Ventura County Government Center in Ventura, California, on July 27, 2026. (Blake Fagan/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In his signing statement, Newsom noted that the underlying authority for immigration enforcement lies with the federal government. But he insisted that facilities in California are subject to the state’s standards and oversight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Trump has put his political interests above the health, safety and livelihood of American families,” Newsom said. “California is taking action to strengthen transparency, accountability, and oversight around immigration enforcement in our state. This is about stepping up where the federal government has failed our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At a time when the number of people who died in ICE custody hit a two-decade high last year and continues to surge, legal watchdogs are raising alarms about the conditions inside the eight immigration jails in California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One of the new laws, SB 942, authored by Central Valley Sen. Ana Caballero, creates a bill of rights for people in all forms of civil custody in California, including immigration detention. It establishes minimum standards for medical care, food, water, sanitation, religious practice, contact with family and access to legal counsel. And it gives the state attorney general new powers to enforce those standards.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hamid Yazdan Panah, co-director of Immigrant Defense Advocates, called it a “first of its kind” law.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“California in many ways is leading the nation when it comes to pushing the envelope in terms of protecting the health and safety of immigrants in detention,” he said. “For years, we’ve passed bills that have been the first of their kind in the entire country and other states have followed suit and taken inspiration from those bills. This year is no different.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta co-sponsored that bill with Immigrant Defense Advocates in conjunction with another bill that extends existing state inspections of ICE facilities. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we know our diversity is our strength. There is no room in California for President Trump’s hateful mass deportation and detention agenda,” Bonta said in a statement. “We will continue to fight to provide immigrants with the rights, necessities, and respect that they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Neither Core Civic nor GEO Group, the largest private prison companies operating ICE detention in California, responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Advocates who work with California immigrant families applauded the legislature and the governor for backing new legal protections at a time when fear is coursing through immigrant communities — even for individuals who have lawful status or have lived in the U.S. for decades.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Todd Benson, executive director of the multi-denominational community organization Faith in Action East Bay, credited the grassroots efforts of his members and others, who met with lawmakers and wrote letters to the governor, for the passage of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’ve all seen examples of the brutality of ICE agents. This goes against our faith values,” he said. “We believe that all human beings have dignity and should be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He said increasing ICE arrests unnecessarily separate families and traumatize California children, and inhumane conditions in detention appear to be a “deliberate effort to get people to self deport.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A bill from San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney will impose a 25% tax on the gross income of for-profit companies that operate immigration detention facilities — and put the money into a state fund to support immigration services.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12027566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center, called it a win for accountability. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“No one should profit from tearing families apart,” Fouladi said. “Private detention corporations make hundreds of millions of dollars every year in California by separating parents from their children and locking up our neighbors in inhumane conditions. AB 1633 makes them pay for the trauma and suffering they inflict.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He urged the governor to also sign a companion bill, AB 2465, that would bar private detention contractors from receiving state grants or loans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The move to halt the use of electric shock gloves came as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-electric-shock-gloves-immigration-680c6f8a96736f46529287178c57b44b\">ICE awarded a nearly $17 million contract\u003c/a> last month to purchase 6,000 pairs. California sheriffs and other law enforcement groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-ice-electric-shock-gloves/\">opposed the ban\u003c/a>, which they consider a “less lethal” de-escalation tool. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener celebrated the signing of his bill to bar law enforcement officers from wearing masks, as well as another, dubbed the “No Kings Act,” to allow people to sue in state court over allegations that immigration agents have violated their civil rights. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California State Senator Scott Weiner in Sacramento on May 15, 2017. (Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>He said that’s needed because of cases across the country where immigration agents have violently pulled people from their cars and homes, and have fatally shot both immigrants and U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ICE and Border Patrol have terrorized California communities with impunity. That ends today,” Wiener said. “When federal agents act lawlessly, they should be held accountable the same as any other lawbreaker.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wiener’s office said they expect a few individuals to file suit shortly under the new law, which takes effect immediately and applies to incidents going back to March 2025. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, legal analysts expect the Trump administration to challenge a number of the new laws in court. Kevin Johnson, an emeritus professor at the UC Davis School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gloves-shock-law-newsom-bill-91b68ae4fbd44065256fb5e6b06891ad\">told the Associated Press\u003c/a> that courts are likely to rule that the state cannot bar federal officers from wearing shock gloves or face coverings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The state has very limited, if any, powers in dictating to the federal government how its officers are armed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A few measures passed by the legislature were not among the 21 bills signed. They included a bill — vetoed by Newsom on Sunday night — that would have fortified a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101563/newsom-vetoes-bill-to-fund-immigration-attorneys-in-rural-california\">pipeline of new immigration lawyers\u003c/a> to work in rural parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Also not signed were bills to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb941\">cap at 35% the markup private facilities can charge \u003c/a>detainees for commissary items, and the one to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2465\">bar private detention contractors\u003c/a> from receiving state grants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Newsom has until midnight on Sep. 30 to act on the remaining bills on his desk, in his last year as California’s governor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The enactment of the new laws comes as immigration arrests have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097313/northern-california-ice-arrests-surged-this-summer\">soared to new levels\u003c/a>, with nearly 50,000 arrests nationwide in July. California had the third-highest number of those arrests, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has recently expanded detention capacity in the state as part of President Donald Trump’s campaign to achieve “mass deportation.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/09/29/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-push-back-on-trumps-orwellian-immigration-tactics-to-protect-immigrant-communities/\">wide-ranging laws\u003c/a>, authored by Democrats from across the state, included measures to restrict law enforcement use of electroshock gloves, masks and flash-bang grenades, enable individuals to sue federal officials in state court over rights violations and require local agencies to release 911 call records originating from ICE facilities.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/09/29/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-push-back-on-trumps-orwellian-immigration-tactics-to-protect-immigrant-communities/\">wide-ranging laws\u003c/a>, authored by Democrats from across the state, included measures to restrict law enforcement use of electroshock gloves, masks and flash-bang grenades, enable individuals to sue federal officials in state court over rights violations and require local agencies to release 911 call records originating from ICE facilities.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Several bills focused on expanding the state’s power to enforce health and safety standards in immigration detention, restrict construction of new detention centers and tax private detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Several bills focused on expanding the state’s power to enforce health and safety standards in immigration detention, restrict construction of new detention centers and tax private detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101938\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents walk outside the Ventura County Government Center in Ventura, California, on July 27, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Blake Fagan/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In his signing statement, Newsom noted that the underlying authority for immigration enforcement lies with the federal government. But he insisted that facilities in California are subject to the state’s standards and oversight. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Trump has put his political interests above the health, safety and livelihood of American families,” Newsom said. “California is taking action to strengthen transparency, accountability, and oversight around immigration enforcement in our state. This is about stepping up where the federal government has failed our communities.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Trump has put his political interests above the health, safety and livelihood of American families,” Newsom said. “California is taking action to strengthen transparency, accountability, and oversight around immigration enforcement in our state. This is about stepping up where the federal government has failed our communities.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>At a time when the number of people who died in ICE custody hit a two-decade high last year and continues to surge, legal watchdogs are raising alarms about the conditions inside the eight immigration jails in California. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>At a time when the number of people who died in ICE custody hit a two-decade high last year and continues to surge, legal watchdogs are raising alarms about the conditions inside the eight immigration jails in California. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One of the new laws, SB 942, authored by Central Valley Sen. Ana Caballero, creates a bill of rights for people in all forms of civil custody in California, including immigration detention. It establishes minimum standards for medical care, food, water, sanitation, religious practice, contact with family and access to legal counsel. And it gives the state attorney general new powers to enforce those standards.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>One of the new laws, SB 942, authored by Central Valley Sen. Ana Caballero, creates a bill of rights for people in all forms of civil custody in California, including immigration detention. It establishes minimum standards for medical care, food, water, sanitation, religious practice, contact with family and access to legal counsel. And it gives the state attorney general new powers to enforce those standards.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Hamid Yazdan Panah, co-director of Immigrant Defense Advocates, called it a “first of its kind” law.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“California in many ways is leading the nation when it comes to pushing the envelope in terms of protecting the health and safety of immigrants in detention,” he said. “For years, we’ve passed bills that have been the first of their kind in the entire country and other states have followed suit and taken inspiration from those bills. This year is no different.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“California in many ways is leading the nation when it comes to pushing the envelope in terms of protecting the health and safety of immigrants in detention,” he said. “For years, we’ve passed bills that have been the first of their kind in the entire country and other states have followed suit and taken inspiration from those bills. This year is no different.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta co-sponsored that bill with Immigrant Defense Advocates in conjunction with another bill that extends existing state inspections of ICE facilities. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we know our diversity is our strength. There is no room in California for President Trump’s hateful mass deportation and detention agenda,” Bonta said in a statement. “We will continue to fight to provide immigrants with the rights, necessities, and respect that they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we know our diversity is our strength. There is no room in California for President Trump’s hateful mass deportation and detention agenda,” Bonta said in a statement. “We will continue to fight to provide immigrants with the rights, necessities, and respect that they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Neither Core Civic nor GEO Group, the largest private prison companies operating ICE detention in California, responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Neither Core Civic nor GEO Group, the largest private prison companies operating ICE detention in California, responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Advocates who work with California immigrant families applauded the legislature and the governor for backing new legal protections at a time when fear is coursing through immigrant communities — even for individuals who have lawful status or have lived in the U.S. for decades.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Advocates who work with California immigrant families applauded the legislature and the governor for backing new legal protections at a time when fear is coursing through immigrant communities — even for individuals who have lawful status or have lived in the U.S. for decades.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Todd Benson, executive director of the multi-denominational community organization Faith in Action East Bay, credited the grassroots efforts of his members and others, who met with lawmakers and wrote letters to the governor, for the passage of the bills.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Todd Benson, executive director of the multi-denominational community organization Faith in Action East Bay, credited the grassroots efforts of his members and others, who met with lawmakers and wrote letters to the governor, for the passage of the bills.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We’ve all seen examples of the brutality of ICE agents. This goes against our faith values,” he said. “We believe that all human beings have dignity and should be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We’ve all seen examples of the brutality of ICE agents. This goes against our faith values,” he said. “We believe that all human beings have dignity and should be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>He said increasing ICE arrests unnecessarily separate families and traumatize California children, and inhumane conditions in detention appear to be a “deliberate effort to get people to self deport.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A bill from San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney will impose a 25% tax on the gross income of for-profit companies that operate immigration detention facilities — and put the money into a state fund to support immigration services.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>A bill from San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney will impose a 25% tax on the gross income of for-profit companies that operate immigration detention facilities — and put the money into a state fund to support immigration services.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12027566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12027566\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center, called it a win for accountability. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“No one should profit from tearing families apart,” Fouladi said. “Private detention corporations make hundreds of millions of dollars every year in California by separating parents from their children and locking up our neighbors in inhumane conditions. AB 1633 makes them pay for the trauma and suffering they inflict.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“No one should profit from tearing families apart,” Fouladi said. “Private detention corporations make hundreds of millions of dollars every year in California by separating parents from their children and locking up our neighbors in inhumane conditions. AB 1633 makes them pay for the trauma and suffering they inflict.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>He urged the governor to also sign a companion bill, AB 2465, that would bar private detention contractors from receiving state grants or loans.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The move to halt the use of electric shock gloves came as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-electric-shock-gloves-immigration-680c6f8a96736f46529287178c57b44b\">ICE awarded a nearly $17 million contract\u003c/a> last month to purchase 6,000 pairs. California sheriffs and other law enforcement groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-ice-electric-shock-gloves/\">opposed the ban\u003c/a>, which they consider a “less lethal” de-escalation tool. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The move to halt the use of electric shock gloves came as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-electric-shock-gloves-immigration-680c6f8a96736f46529287178c57b44b\">ICE awarded a nearly $17 million contract\u003c/a> last month to purchase 6,000 pairs. California sheriffs and other law enforcement groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-ice-electric-shock-gloves/\">opposed the ban\u003c/a>, which they consider a “less lethal” de-escalation tool. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener celebrated the signing of his bill to bar law enforcement officers from wearing masks, as well as another, dubbed the “No Kings Act,” to allow people to sue in state court over allegations that immigration agents have violated their civil rights. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener celebrated the signing of his bill to bar law enforcement officers from wearing masks, as well as another, dubbed the “No Kings Act,” to allow people to sue in state court over allegations that immigration agents have violated their civil rights. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California State Senator Scott Weiner in Sacramento on May 15, 2017.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101942\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California State Senator Scott Weiner in Sacramento on May 15, 2017.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>He said that’s needed because of cases across the country where immigration agents have violently pulled people from their cars and homes, and have fatally shot both immigrants and U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>He said that’s needed because of cases across the country where immigration agents have violently pulled people from their cars and homes, and have fatally shot both immigrants and U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“ICE and Border Patrol have terrorized California communities with impunity. That ends today,” Wiener said. “When federal agents act lawlessly, they should be held accountable the same as any other lawbreaker.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“ICE and Border Patrol have terrorized California communities with impunity. That ends today,” Wiener said. “When federal agents act lawlessly, they should be held accountable the same as any other lawbreaker.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wiener’s office said they expect a few individuals to file suit shortly under the new law, which takes effect immediately and applies to incidents going back to March 2025. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Wiener’s office said they expect a few individuals to file suit shortly under the new law, which takes effect immediately and applies to incidents going back to March 2025. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, legal analysts expect the Trump administration to challenge a number of the new laws in court. Kevin Johnson, an emeritus professor at the UC Davis School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gloves-shock-law-newsom-bill-91b68ae4fbd44065256fb5e6b06891ad\">told the Associated Press\u003c/a> that courts are likely to rule that the state cannot bar federal officers from wearing shock gloves or face coverings.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, legal analysts expect the Trump administration to challenge a number of the new laws in court. Kevin Johnson, an emeritus professor at the UC Davis School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gloves-shock-law-newsom-bill-91b68ae4fbd44065256fb5e6b06891ad\">told the Associated Press\u003c/a> that courts are likely to rule that the state cannot bar federal officers from wearing shock gloves or face coverings.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The state has very limited, if any, powers in dictating to the federal government how its officers are armed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The state has very limited, if any, powers in dictating to the federal government how its officers are armed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A few measures passed by the legislature were not among the 21 bills signed. They included a bill — vetoed by Newsom on Sunday night — that would have fortified a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101563/newsom-vetoes-bill-to-fund-immigration-attorneys-in-rural-california\">pipeline of new immigration lawyers\u003c/a> to work in rural parts of California.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>A few measures passed by the legislature were not among the 21 bills signed. They included a bill — vetoed by Newsom on Sunday night — that would have fortified a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101563/newsom-vetoes-bill-to-fund-immigration-attorneys-in-rural-california\">pipeline of new immigration lawyers\u003c/a> to work in rural parts of California.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Also not signed were bills to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb941\">cap at 35% the markup private facilities can charge \u003c/a>detainees for commissary items, and the one to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2465\">bar private detention contractors\u003c/a> from receiving state grants. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Also not signed were bills to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb941\">cap at 35% the markup private facilities can charge \u003c/a>detainees for commissary items, and the one to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2465\">bar private detention contractors\u003c/a> from receiving state grants. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Newsom has until midnight on Sep. 30 to act on the remaining bills on his desk, in his last year as California’s governor.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The governor signed more than 20 bills related to immigration.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a slate of 21 bills on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097637/lawmakers-send-immigration-detention-bills-to-gov-newsom\">aimed at increasing oversight\u003c/a> of federal immigration detention and reining in what he called the “Orwellian” tactics of the Trump administration’s approach to immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The enactment of the new laws comes as immigration arrests have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12097313/northern-california-ice-arrests-surged-this-summer\">soared to new levels\u003c/a>, with nearly 50,000 arrests nationwide in July. California had the third-highest number of those arrests, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has recently expanded detention capacity in the state as part of President Donald Trump’s campaign to achieve “mass deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/09/29/governor-newsom-signs-bills-to-push-back-on-trumps-orwellian-immigration-tactics-to-protect-immigrant-communities/\">wide-ranging laws\u003c/a>, authored by Democrats from across the state, included measures to restrict law enforcement use of electroshock gloves, masks and flash-bang grenades, enable individuals to sue federal officials in state court over rights violations and require local agencies to release 911 call records originating from ICE facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several bills focused on expanding the state’s power to enforce health and safety standards in immigration detention, restrict construction of new detention centers and tax private detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101938\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/GettyImages-2287296637-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents walk outside the Ventura County Government Center in Ventura, California, on July 27, 2026. (Blake Fagan/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In his signing statement, Newsom noted that the underlying authority for immigration enforcement lies with the federal government. But he insisted that facilities in California are subject to the state’s standards and oversight. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Trump has put his political interests above the health, safety and livelihood of American families,” Newsom said. “California is taking action to strengthen transparency, accountability, and oversight around immigration enforcement in our state. This is about stepping up where the federal government has failed our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At a time when the number of people who died in ICE custody hit a two-decade high last year and continues to surge, legal watchdogs are raising alarms about the conditions inside the eight immigration jails in California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One of the new laws, SB 942, authored by Central Valley Sen. Ana Caballero, creates a bill of rights for people in all forms of civil custody in California, including immigration detention. It establishes minimum standards for medical care, food, water, sanitation, religious practice, contact with family and access to legal counsel. And it gives the state attorney general new powers to enforce those standards.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Hamid Yazdan Panah, co-director of Immigrant Defense Advocates, called it a “first of its kind” law.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“California in many ways is leading the nation when it comes to pushing the envelope in terms of protecting the health and safety of immigrants in detention,” he said. “For years, we’ve passed bills that have been the first of their kind in the entire country and other states have followed suit and taken inspiration from those bills. This year is no different.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta co-sponsored that bill with Immigrant Defense Advocates in conjunction with another bill that extends existing state inspections of ICE facilities. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Here in California, we know our diversity is our strength. There is no room in California for President Trump’s hateful mass deportation and detention agenda,” Bonta said in a statement. “We will continue to fight to provide immigrants with the rights, necessities, and respect that they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Neither Core Civic nor GEO Group, the largest private prison companies operating ICE detention in California, responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Advocates who work with California immigrant families applauded the legislature and the governor for backing new legal protections at a time when fear is coursing through immigrant communities — even for individuals who have lawful status or have lived in the U.S. for decades.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Todd Benson, executive director of the multi-denominational community organization Faith in Action East Bay, credited the grassroots efforts of his members and others, who met with lawmakers and wrote letters to the governor, for the passage of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’ve all seen examples of the brutality of ICE agents. This goes against our faith values,” he said. “We believe that all human beings have dignity and should be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He said increasing ICE arrests unnecessarily separate families and traumatize California children, and inhumane conditions in detention appear to be a “deliberate effort to get people to self deport.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A bill from San Francisco Assemblymember Matt Haney will impose a 25% tax on the gross income of for-profit companies that operate immigration detention facilities — and put the money into a state fund to support immigration services.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12027566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center, called it a win for accountability. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“No one should profit from tearing families apart,” Fouladi said. “Private detention corporations make hundreds of millions of dollars every year in California by separating parents from their children and locking up our neighbors in inhumane conditions. AB 1633 makes them pay for the trauma and suffering they inflict.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>He urged the governor to also sign a companion bill, AB 2465, that would bar private detention contractors from receiving state grants or loans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The move to halt the use of electric shock gloves came as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ice-electric-shock-gloves-immigration-680c6f8a96736f46529287178c57b44b\">ICE awarded a nearly $17 million contract\u003c/a> last month to purchase 6,000 pairs. California sheriffs and other law enforcement groups \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-ice-electric-shock-gloves/\">opposed the ban\u003c/a>, which they consider a “less lethal” de-escalation tool. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco Sen. Scott Wiener celebrated the signing of his bill to bar law enforcement officers from wearing masks, as well as another, dubbed the “No Kings Act,” to allow people to sue in state court over allegations that immigration agents have violated their civil rights. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12101942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/09/20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California State Senator Scott Weiner in Sacramento on May 15, 2017. (Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>He said that’s needed because of cases across the country where immigration agents have violently pulled people from their cars and homes, and have fatally shot both immigrants and U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ICE and Border Patrol have terrorized California communities with impunity. That ends today,” Wiener said. “When federal agents act lawlessly, they should be held accountable the same as any other lawbreaker.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wiener’s office said they expect a few individuals to file suit shortly under the new law, which takes effect immediately and applies to incidents going back to March 2025. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, legal analysts expect the Trump administration to challenge a number of the new laws in court. Kevin Johnson, an emeritus professor at the UC Davis School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gloves-shock-law-newsom-bill-91b68ae4fbd44065256fb5e6b06891ad\">told the Associated Press\u003c/a> that courts are likely to rule that the state cannot bar federal officers from wearing shock gloves or face coverings.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The state has very limited, if any, powers in dictating to the federal government how its officers are armed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A few measures passed by the legislature were not among the 21 bills signed. They included a bill — vetoed by Newsom on Sunday night — that would have fortified a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12101563/newsom-vetoes-bill-to-fund-immigration-attorneys-in-rural-california\">pipeline of new immigration lawyers\u003c/a> to work in rural parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Also not signed were bills to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb941\">cap at 35% the markup private facilities can charge \u003c/a>detainees for commissary items, and the one to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2465\">bar private detention contractors\u003c/a> from receiving state grants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Newsom has until midnight on Sep. 30 to act on the remaining bills on his desk, in his last year as California’s governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-jose-leaders-consider-increasing-parking-rates",
"title": "San José Leaders Back Off Parking Rate Increase",
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"headTitle": "San José Leaders Back Off Parking Rate Increase | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> City Council balked at raising parking meter rates and extending parking enforcement hours over broad concerns about the potential harm to downtown businesses and workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After a nearly two-hour meeting, city leaders chose instead Tuesday to increase special event and hourly rates for city parking garages, but to leave city meters at their current rate of $2 per hour, with parking enforcement hours continuing to end at 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Councilmember George Casey said the proposed policy change didn’t seem to consider the impact on small businesses downtown, which often operate on thin margins, and whose customers and employees often rely on metered parking. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These small business owners have come into our downtown where we don’t, frankly, have the critical mass we’d like to see. And when we take steps that would negatively impact their businesses, I take umbrage with it,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The decision follows months of discussion and outreach by city staff prompted by a backlash in June, when San José quietly tried to double parking meter rates as part of the annual budget, much to the chagrin of downtown business advocates, restaurant and bar owners and workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088568\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking meter in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In an effort to help shore up ongoing budget deficits, and to account for the rising cost of providing parking infrastructure, city transportation officials this month proposed a phased plan that would bump the city’s downtown parking meters rates to $3 per hour next year, and $4 per hour beginning in 2030. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Outside of downtown, rates would have increased from $2 per hour to $3 per hour in 2030, and the hours downtown meters are active would have extended until 9 p.m. beginning in 2028, according to city reports. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city has pulled $1.2 million from parking funds to help support the city’s general fund, a move approved by the council to help close a $50 million shortfall in the current budget, and expects to continue redirecting a similar amount to the general fund in coming years. City officials also said some of the additional revenue would go back into making upgrades to parking structures and upgrading meters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brendan Rawson, the director of San Jose Jazz, referenced a 2026 City Pulse report from \u003ca href=\"https://www.gensler.com/doc/research-city-pulse-survey-2026.pdf\">Gensler\u003c/a>, saying that San José’s downtown ranked near the bottom in several categories including vibrancy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Parking is the gatekeeper issue that holds many residents back from even giving downtown a try. This proposal to raid the parking fund in order to pay for a recurring general fund deficit is penny-wise and pound-foolish,” Rawson told the council at the meeting. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After two different split votes, with Mayor Matt Mahan absent, the council couldn’t come to an agreement on any meter rate increases, including a compromise proposal from Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who suggested limiting increases to just $3. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think part of what has made this process challenging is that we’re trying to balance a number of goals, some of which feel like they are competing with one another,” Tordillos said, noting the need for revenue to support the general fund, parking facilities maintenance and future improvements, and the need to protect businesses who are still in a long tail of post-pandemic recovery. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The council ultimately supported portions of a plan from Tordillos that directed staff to come back next year with a detailed parking analysis, and a pathway to lessen the transfer of parking funds to the general fund in the future. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city hasn’t raised downtown parking meter rates since 2014, according to Colin Heyne, a spokesperson for San José’s Department of Transportation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We know people don’t want to pay more for parking. So this is something that we’ve just dealt with for many years, even as costs have gone up,” Heyne said. “But with this budget deficit, we felt it was finally time to pull the bandage off.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088569\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking sign in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>City officials tried to approve a quicker doubling of parking meter rates in the downtown core in June, with an item tucked into the consent calendar section of a City Council meeting agenda, a portion of the agenda for items that are considered routine and typically not discussed in depth. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But residents, business owners and the San José Downtown Association raised concerns, and said they weren’t consulted about such a change. The council ultimately put the idea on hold, and asked transportation staff to come up with a different plan, resulting in the phased proposal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Much of the frustration from business owners, advocates and downtown residents stemmed from what they described as a poor process with limited outreach and consideration of the impacts. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Alan “Gumby” Marques, a longtime downtown business owner and former downtown association interim president, told the council he couldn’t support what appeared to be a tax on businesses in the area. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This process has been broken. If there was anything that ever demonstrated that San José was an opaque black box, this process has made that so,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Parking enforcement officers have also seen increases in drivers parking their cars in 2-hour restricted spots well beyond those time limits, by continually feeding the meter, officials said. The city wanted to increase prices in part to encourage more turnover downtown for curbside spots near businesses, which are considered “premier customer parking,” Heyne said, and push people who need to park for longer times to city garages, which would cost less per hour. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tamiko Rast, vice chair of the city’s Downtown Parking Board, and CEO of the Japantown Business Association, vocally opposed extending the hours and supported higher hikes on city garage event rates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>However, Rast said many people do not park in city garages currently because they feel that they aren’t clean or as safe as curbside parking. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“If people feel safe coming to our garages and they have a clean walkway up the stairwells, I don’t think the price is going to matter as much as you would think. But right now, it’s a combination of a higher price and low quality that I think people will notice,” she said, noting some garages, like The Globe garage on South Third Street, smell like urine or other unpleasant odors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the proposal the council shot down was to widen the hours that parking meters are active and require payment. Meters in the city are currently active Monday through Saturday, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m., but the city’s plan would have extended the downtown enforcement time until 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brian Kurtz, CEO of the San José Downtown Association, said the area has not rebounded nearly enough since the pandemic to justify the changes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The idea of increasing parking rates and adding additional barriers of entry for the same visitors that we’re attempting to attract in downtown, I think it’s detrimental to downtown’s progress at the end of the day,” Kurtz said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Heyne said the city planned to use some of the revenue from the increased rates to help pay for a series of ongoing maintenance needs and targeted improvements, including parking garage painting, floor resurfacing and lighting, expanding of security patrols and the installation of an additional elevator at the Second and San Carlos garage.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One portion of the city proposal that found broad support from the downtown association and the council is a plan to expand a program for some lower-wage downtown employees to receive discounted monthly parking at city garages, in an attempt to help protect workers from the pinch of higher parking costs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">program\u003c/a> currently offers a half-price discount on city parking garage monthly permit rates to employees working in meter districts who earn no more than 30% over the minimum wage of $18.45 per hour. Under the proposal, the city program would expand to include people who earn up to 50% more than minimum wage, and would exclude tips from the threshold. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re hoping that one outcome of this whole process is that more people are aware of this program and more people take advantage of it,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After a nearly two-hour meeting, city leaders chose instead Tuesday to increase special event and hourly rates for city parking garages, but to leave city meters at their current rate of $2 per hour, with parking enforcement hours continuing to end at 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>After a nearly two-hour meeting, city leaders chose instead Tuesday to increase special event and hourly rates for city parking garages, but to leave city meters at their current rate of $2 per hour, with parking enforcement hours continuing to end at 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Councilmember George Casey said the proposed policy change didn’t seem to consider the impact on small businesses downtown, which often operate on thin margins, and whose customers and employees often rely on metered parking. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Councilmember George Casey said the proposed policy change didn’t seem to consider the impact on small businesses downtown, which often operate on thin margins, and whose customers and employees often rely on metered parking. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“These small business owners have come into our downtown where we don’t, frankly, have the critical mass we’d like to see. And when we take steps that would negatively impact their businesses, I take umbrage with it,” he said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“These small business owners have come into our downtown where we don’t, frankly, have the critical mass we’d like to see. And when we take steps that would negatively impact their businesses, I take umbrage with it,” he said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The decision follows months of discussion and outreach by city staff prompted by a backlash in June, when San José quietly tried to double parking meter rates as part of the annual budget, much to the chagrin of downtown business advocates, restaurant and bar owners and workers. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The decision follows months of discussion and outreach by city staff prompted by a backlash in June, when San José quietly tried to double parking meter rates as part of the annual budget, much to the chagrin of downtown business advocates, restaurant and bar owners and workers. \u003c/p>\n"
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"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088568\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking meter in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088568\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking meter in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In an effort to help shore up ongoing budget deficits, and to account for the rising cost of providing parking infrastructure, city transportation officials this month proposed a phased plan that would bump the city’s downtown parking meters rates to $3 per hour next year, and $4 per hour beginning in 2030. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In an effort to help shore up ongoing budget deficits, and to account for the rising cost of providing parking infrastructure, city transportation officials this month proposed a phased plan that would bump the city’s downtown parking meters rates to $3 per hour next year, and $4 per hour beginning in 2030. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Outside of downtown, rates would have increased from $2 per hour to $3 per hour in 2030, and the hours downtown meters are active would have extended until 9 p.m. beginning in 2028, according to city reports. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Outside of downtown, rates would have increased from $2 per hour to $3 per hour in 2030, and the hours downtown meters are active would have extended until 9 p.m. beginning in 2028, according to city reports. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The city has pulled $1.2 million from parking funds to help support the city’s general fund, a move approved by the council to help close a $50 million shortfall in the current budget, and expects to continue redirecting a similar amount to the general fund in coming years. City officials also said some of the additional revenue would go back into making upgrades to parking structures and upgrading meters. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The city has pulled $1.2 million from parking funds to help support the city’s general fund, a move approved by the council to help close a $50 million shortfall in the current budget, and expects to continue redirecting a similar amount to the general fund in coming years. City officials also said some of the additional revenue would go back into making upgrades to parking structures and upgrading meters. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Brendan Rawson, the director of San Jose Jazz, referenced a 2026 City Pulse report from \u003ca href=\"https://www.gensler.com/doc/research-city-pulse-survey-2026.pdf\">Gensler\u003c/a>, saying that San José’s downtown ranked near the bottom in several categories including vibrancy. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Parking is the gatekeeper issue that holds many residents back from even giving downtown a try. This proposal to raid the parking fund in order to pay for a recurring general fund deficit is penny-wise and pound-foolish,” Rawson told the council at the meeting. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Parking is the gatekeeper issue that holds many residents back from even giving downtown a try. This proposal to raid the parking fund in order to pay for a recurring general fund deficit is penny-wise and pound-foolish,” Rawson told the council at the meeting. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After two different split votes, with Mayor Matt Mahan absent, the council couldn’t come to an agreement on any meter rate increases, including a compromise proposal from Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who suggested limiting increases to just $3. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>After two different split votes, with Mayor Matt Mahan absent, the council couldn’t come to an agreement on any meter rate increases, including a compromise proposal from Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who suggested limiting increases to just $3. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I think part of what has made this process challenging is that we’re trying to balance a number of goals, some of which feel like they are competing with one another,” Tordillos said, noting the need for revenue to support the general fund, parking facilities maintenance and future improvements, and the need to protect businesses who are still in a long tail of post-pandemic recovery. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I think part of what has made this process challenging is that we’re trying to balance a number of goals, some of which feel like they are competing with one another,” Tordillos said, noting the need for revenue to support the general fund, parking facilities maintenance and future improvements, and the need to protect businesses who are still in a long tail of post-pandemic recovery. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The council ultimately supported portions of a plan from Tordillos that directed staff to come back next year with a detailed parking analysis, and a pathway to lessen the transfer of parking funds to the general fund in the future. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The council ultimately supported portions of a plan from Tordillos that directed staff to come back next year with a detailed parking analysis, and a pathway to lessen the transfer of parking funds to the general fund in the future. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The city hasn’t raised downtown parking meter rates since 2014, according to Colin Heyne, a spokesperson for San José’s Department of Transportation. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The city hasn’t raised downtown parking meter rates since 2014, according to Colin Heyne, a spokesperson for San José’s Department of Transportation. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We know people don’t want to pay more for parking. So this is something that we’ve just dealt with for many years, even as costs have gone up,” Heyne said. “But with this budget deficit, we felt it was finally time to pull the bandage off.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We know people don’t want to pay more for parking. So this is something that we’ve just dealt with for many years, even as costs have gone up,” Heyne said. “But with this budget deficit, we felt it was finally time to pull the bandage off.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088569\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking sign in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>City officials tried to approve a quicker doubling of parking meter rates in the downtown core in June, with an item tucked into the consent calendar section of a City Council meeting agenda, a portion of the agenda for items that are considered routine and typically not discussed in depth. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>City officials tried to approve a quicker doubling of parking meter rates in the downtown core in June, with an item tucked into the consent calendar section of a City Council meeting agenda, a portion of the agenda for items that are considered routine and typically not discussed in depth. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But residents, business owners and the San José Downtown Association raised concerns, and said they weren’t consulted about such a change. The council ultimately put the idea on hold, and asked transportation staff to come up with a different plan, resulting in the phased proposal. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But residents, business owners and the San José Downtown Association raised concerns, and said they weren’t consulted about such a change. The council ultimately put the idea on hold, and asked transportation staff to come up with a different plan, resulting in the phased proposal. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Much of the frustration from business owners, advocates and downtown residents stemmed from what they described as a poor process with limited outreach and consideration of the impacts. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Much of the frustration from business owners, advocates and downtown residents stemmed from what they described as a poor process with limited outreach and consideration of the impacts. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Alan “Gumby” Marques, a longtime downtown business owner and former downtown association interim president, told the council he couldn’t support what appeared to be a tax on businesses in the area. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Alan “Gumby” Marques, a longtime downtown business owner and former downtown association interim president, told the council he couldn’t support what appeared to be a tax on businesses in the area. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This process has been broken. If there was anything that ever demonstrated that San José was an opaque black box, this process has made that so,” he said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“This process has been broken. If there was anything that ever demonstrated that San José was an opaque black box, this process has made that so,” he said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088567\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Parking enforcement officers have also seen increases in drivers parking their cars in 2-hour restricted spots well beyond those time limits, by continually feeding the meter, officials said. The city wanted to increase prices in part to encourage more turnover downtown for curbside spots near businesses, which are considered “premier customer parking,” Heyne said, and push people who need to park for longer times to city garages, which would cost less per hour. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Parking enforcement officers have also seen increases in drivers parking their cars in 2-hour restricted spots well beyond those time limits, by continually feeding the meter, officials said. The city wanted to increase prices in part to encourage more turnover downtown for curbside spots near businesses, which are considered “premier customer parking,” Heyne said, and push people who need to park for longer times to city garages, which would cost less per hour. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Tamiko Rast, vice chair of the city’s Downtown Parking Board, and CEO of the Japantown Business Association, vocally opposed extending the hours and supported higher hikes on city garage event rates. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Tamiko Rast, vice chair of the city’s Downtown Parking Board, and CEO of the Japantown Business Association, vocally opposed extending the hours and supported higher hikes on city garage event rates. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>However, Rast said many people do not park in city garages currently because they feel that they aren’t clean or as safe as curbside parking. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>However, Rast said many people do not park in city garages currently because they feel that they aren’t clean or as safe as curbside parking. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“If people feel safe coming to our garages and they have a clean walkway up the stairwells, I don’t think the price is going to matter as much as you would think. But right now, it’s a combination of a higher price and low quality that I think people will notice,” she said, noting some garages, like The Globe garage on South Third Street, smell like urine or other unpleasant odors. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“If people feel safe coming to our garages and they have a clean walkway up the stairwells, I don’t think the price is going to matter as much as you would think. But right now, it’s a combination of a higher price and low quality that I think people will notice,” she said, noting some garages, like The Globe garage on South Third Street, smell like urine or other unpleasant odors. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the proposal the council shot down was to widen the hours that parking meters are active and require payment. Meters in the city are currently active Monday through Saturday, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m., but the city’s plan would have extended the downtown enforcement time until 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the proposal the council shot down was to widen the hours that parking meters are active and require payment. Meters in the city are currently active Monday through Saturday, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m., but the city’s plan would have extended the downtown enforcement time until 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088566\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Brian Kurtz, CEO of the San José Downtown Association, said the area has not rebounded nearly enough since the pandemic to justify the changes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Brian Kurtz, CEO of the San José Downtown Association, said the area has not rebounded nearly enough since the pandemic to justify the changes.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The idea of increasing parking rates and adding additional barriers of entry for the same visitors that we’re attempting to attract in downtown, I think it’s detrimental to downtown’s progress at the end of the day,” Kurtz said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The idea of increasing parking rates and adding additional barriers of entry for the same visitors that we’re attempting to attract in downtown, I think it’s detrimental to downtown’s progress at the end of the day,” Kurtz said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Heyne said the city planned to use some of the revenue from the increased rates to help pay for a series of ongoing maintenance needs and targeted improvements, including parking garage painting, floor resurfacing and lighting, expanding of security patrols and the installation of an additional elevator at the Second and San Carlos garage.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Heyne said the city planned to use some of the revenue from the increased rates to help pay for a series of ongoing maintenance needs and targeted improvements, including parking garage painting, floor resurfacing and lighting, expanding of security patrols and the installation of an additional elevator at the Second and San Carlos garage.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One portion of the city proposal that found broad support from the downtown association and the council is a plan to expand a program for some lower-wage downtown employees to receive discounted monthly parking at city garages, in an attempt to help protect workers from the pinch of higher parking costs. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>One portion of the city proposal that found broad support from the downtown association and the council is a plan to expand a program for some lower-wage downtown employees to receive discounted monthly parking at city garages, in an attempt to help protect workers from the pinch of higher parking costs. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">program\u003c/a> currently offers a half-price discount on city parking garage monthly permit rates to employees working in meter districts who earn no more than 30% over the minimum wage of $18.45 per hour. Under the proposal, the city program would expand to include people who earn up to 50% more than minimum wage, and would exclude tips from the threshold. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">program\u003c/a> currently offers a half-price discount on city parking garage monthly permit rates to employees working in meter districts who earn no more than 30% over the minimum wage of $18.45 per hour. Under the proposal, the city program would expand to include people who earn up to 50% more than minimum wage, and would exclude tips from the threshold. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We’re hoping that one outcome of this whole process is that more people are aware of this program and more people take advantage of it,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We’re hoping that one outcome of this whole process is that more people are aware of this program and more people take advantage of it,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "The San José City Council opposed increasing parking meter rates over concerns about impacts on downtown businesses. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> City Council balked at raising parking meter rates and extending parking enforcement hours over broad concerns about the potential harm to downtown businesses and workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After a nearly two-hour meeting, city leaders chose instead Tuesday to increase special event and hourly rates for city parking garages, but to leave city meters at their current rate of $2 per hour, with parking enforcement hours continuing to end at 6 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Councilmember George Casey said the proposed policy change didn’t seem to consider the impact on small businesses downtown, which often operate on thin margins, and whose customers and employees often rely on metered parking. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These small business owners have come into our downtown where we don’t, frankly, have the critical mass we’d like to see. And when we take steps that would negatively impact their businesses, I take umbrage with it,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The decision follows months of discussion and outreach by city staff prompted by a backlash in June, when San José quietly tried to double parking meter rates as part of the annual budget, much to the chagrin of downtown business advocates, restaurant and bar owners and workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088568\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking meter in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In an effort to help shore up ongoing budget deficits, and to account for the rising cost of providing parking infrastructure, city transportation officials this month proposed a phased plan that would bump the city’s downtown parking meters rates to $3 per hour next year, and $4 per hour beginning in 2030. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Outside of downtown, rates would have increased from $2 per hour to $3 per hour in 2030, and the hours downtown meters are active would have extended until 9 p.m. beginning in 2028, according to city reports. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city has pulled $1.2 million from parking funds to help support the city’s general fund, a move approved by the council to help close a $50 million shortfall in the current budget, and expects to continue redirecting a similar amount to the general fund in coming years. City officials also said some of the additional revenue would go back into making upgrades to parking structures and upgrading meters. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brendan Rawson, the director of San Jose Jazz, referenced a 2026 City Pulse report from \u003ca href=\"https://www.gensler.com/doc/research-city-pulse-survey-2026.pdf\">Gensler\u003c/a>, saying that San José’s downtown ranked near the bottom in several categories including vibrancy. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Parking is the gatekeeper issue that holds many residents back from even giving downtown a try. This proposal to raid the parking fund in order to pay for a recurring general fund deficit is penny-wise and pound-foolish,” Rawson told the council at the meeting. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After two different split votes, with Mayor Matt Mahan absent, the council couldn’t come to an agreement on any meter rate increases, including a compromise proposal from Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who suggested limiting increases to just $3. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think part of what has made this process challenging is that we’re trying to balance a number of goals, some of which feel like they are competing with one another,” Tordillos said, noting the need for revenue to support the general fund, parking facilities maintenance and future improvements, and the need to protect businesses who are still in a long tail of post-pandemic recovery. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The council ultimately supported portions of a plan from Tordillos that directed staff to come back next year with a detailed parking analysis, and a pathway to lessen the transfer of parking funds to the general fund in the future. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The city hasn’t raised downtown parking meter rates since 2014, according to Colin Heyne, a spokesperson for San José’s Department of Transportation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We know people don’t want to pay more for parking. So this is something that we’ve just dealt with for many years, even as costs have gone up,” Heyne said. “But with this budget deficit, we felt it was finally time to pull the bandage off.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088569\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking sign in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>City officials tried to approve a quicker doubling of parking meter rates in the downtown core in June, with an item tucked into the consent calendar section of a City Council meeting agenda, a portion of the agenda for items that are considered routine and typically not discussed in depth. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But residents, business owners and the San José Downtown Association raised concerns, and said they weren’t consulted about such a change. The council ultimately put the idea on hold, and asked transportation staff to come up with a different plan, resulting in the phased proposal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Much of the frustration from business owners, advocates and downtown residents stemmed from what they described as a poor process with limited outreach and consideration of the impacts. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Alan “Gumby” Marques, a longtime downtown business owner and former downtown association interim president, told the council he couldn’t support what appeared to be a tax on businesses in the area. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This process has been broken. If there was anything that ever demonstrated that San José was an opaque black box, this process has made that so,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Parking enforcement officers have also seen increases in drivers parking their cars in 2-hour restricted spots well beyond those time limits, by continually feeding the meter, officials said. The city wanted to increase prices in part to encourage more turnover downtown for curbside spots near businesses, which are considered “premier customer parking,” Heyne said, and push people who need to park for longer times to city garages, which would cost less per hour. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tamiko Rast, vice chair of the city’s Downtown Parking Board, and CEO of the Japantown Business Association, vocally opposed extending the hours and supported higher hikes on city garage event rates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>However, Rast said many people do not park in city garages currently because they feel that they aren’t clean or as safe as curbside parking. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“If people feel safe coming to our garages and they have a clean walkway up the stairwells, I don’t think the price is going to matter as much as you would think. But right now, it’s a combination of a higher price and low quality that I think people will notice,” she said, noting some garages, like The Globe garage on South Third Street, smell like urine or other unpleasant odors. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the proposal the council shot down was to widen the hours that parking meters are active and require payment. Meters in the city are currently active Monday through Saturday, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m., but the city’s plan would have extended the downtown enforcement time until 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088566\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Brian Kurtz, CEO of the San José Downtown Association, said the area has not rebounded nearly enough since the pandemic to justify the changes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The idea of increasing parking rates and adding additional barriers of entry for the same visitors that we’re attempting to attract in downtown, I think it’s detrimental to downtown’s progress at the end of the day,” Kurtz said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Heyne said the city planned to use some of the revenue from the increased rates to help pay for a series of ongoing maintenance needs and targeted improvements, including parking garage painting, floor resurfacing and lighting, expanding of security patrols and the installation of an additional elevator at the Second and San Carlos garage.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One portion of the city proposal that found broad support from the downtown association and the council is a plan to expand a program for some lower-wage downtown employees to receive discounted monthly parking at city garages, in an attempt to help protect workers from the pinch of higher parking costs. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">program\u003c/a> currently offers a half-price discount on city parking garage monthly permit rates to employees working in meter districts who earn no more than 30% over the minimum wage of $18.45 per hour. Under the proposal, the city program would expand to include people who earn up to 50% more than minimum wage, and would exclude tips from the threshold. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We’re hoping that one outcome of this whole process is that more people are aware of this program and more people take advantage of it,” Heyne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-3-would-make-the-income-tax-rate-on-high-earners-permanent",
"title": "Prop 3: Making the Income Tax Rate on High Earners Permanent",
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"headTitle": "Prop 3: Making the Income Tax Rate on High Earners Permanent | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] California has what’s known as a progressive tax system. Basically, the more money you make, the more you pay in income taxes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:09] For years, California voters have approved certain tax rates for high-income earners. And now, Prop 3 could make some of those rates permanent.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:20] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:23] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Welcome to Prop Fest. For two weeks, our teams at The Bay and Bay Curious are bringing you breakdowns of each statewide proposition on the California ballot, so you can vote smart this November.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] There are 14 propositions on the ballot this year, and we’ll be taking you through all of them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Today, we’re talking about Proposition 3. A bill that aims to lock in tax rates for high-income earners to pay for schools and health care in California. Here’s how it’ll read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:00:56] Prop 3 provides permanent funding for schools and health care by extending existing tax on high incomes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Here to walk us through Proposition 3 is politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati. What’s up, Guy?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:10] Hey, you may remember me from Prop 2.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] I sure do. Thank you so much again for joining us on this one. This one seems pretty straightforward, I gotta say. But walk us through what Proposition 3 might do.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:24] Yeah, so this would permanently extend California’s current income tax rates on our top earners. So back in 2012, California voters approved a new higher tax bracket for the top 2% of income earners, California. Voters extended those taxes in 2016. Now it’s on the ballot again to make it permanent.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Who are we talking about when we say high earners in California?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:49] Yeah, that’s a great question. So the folks who pay these taxes that are being proposed to be permanent under Proposition 3 are really just the top 2% of California income tax filers. Those individuals and families pay a marginal tax rate of a little over 10% on income above $371,000 for an individual or $743,000 for a family. And there are higher rates of just over 11% and 12% as you go up the income ladder to families making more than $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] So when you’re saying top earners also, just to be clear, we’re not talking about the billionaire’s tax.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:29] That’s right. No, we are not talking about Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax. That is a measure about overall wealth for California billionaires. Proposition 3 is just about income taxes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] And how much money could this bring in for California every year? And what are the kinds of things that this money would pay for?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:52] Yeah, so the California Budget and Policy Center has went back and looked at what kind of impact these higher tax rates have had. And basically, since they were enacted in 2012, these higher taxes have brought in about $120 billion for the state. In recent years, that’s been about $10 billion a year, so roughly like 4% of the overall state general fund. And so the big winners of these taxes are schools and health care because the vast majority of California state spending from the general fund goes to schools and goes to health care.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] And when you say health, Guy, you mean health and human services, so things like Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:33] Yeah, so the biggest piece of that is Medi-Cal, which is our Medicaid system in California, basically our healthcare safety net for low-income working-class Californians.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:45] And let’s get into the politics of this measure. Who are the main proponents of preposition three and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:53] So the main proponents of Proposition 3 are Democrats and Democrat-aligned groups, specifically the California Teachers Association, which is the biggest single proponent of Proposition 3. Their argument is these taxes are working. We’ve had them in place for more than a decade. They’re bringing in billions of dollars, and they really have championed California’s progressive tax system, saying it’s fair for the folks who earn the most income in state to pay at a higher rate. They’re also the biggest beneficiaries of these taxes. Again, the biggest slice of the pie for a California tax revenue is going to schools. And so I think it’s no surprise that you see the state’s biggest teachers unions getting behind Proposition 3 and wanting to make it permanent. Here’s David Goldberg, who’s president of the California Teachers Association, making an appeal for Prop 3 on Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Goldberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:45] Prop 3 will make permanent an already existing tax on wealthy Californians. We’re making out like gangbusters right now. We have to make the case to make sure that people know that investing and voting for Prop 3 is investing in us, in our communities, in our students, in our families, and in education.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:05] And then the California Budget and Policy Center has said that if the income tax on top earners doesn’t extend, the state’s income tax would become more regressive. Can you explain what they mean by that?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:19] Yeah, so basically the way that the state’s income tax system is set up right now is you have top earners paying at a higher rate, not just paying more because they earn more, but actually paying at higher rate than lower income earners. And so what that does is it creates a system that supporters say is fair, that you have people who are making the most money, paying a higher share into the state government. What that also does create though is more volatility because the people who were who the largest share of state taxation, it’s a smaller group. So if the stock market goes down or the economy goes down and that group is affected, you’re gonna see these swings up and down in state tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Or if our top earners leave California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:07] Yes, and that’s I mean, this this kind of ties into the arguments that we’re seeing around Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, but this idea that if you know those high earners leave the state, then that could have an outsize impact on how much money the state is able to bring in because the state is relying so much on that kind of smaller group of wealthy individuals.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:31] We’ll have more on Proposition 3 with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. If you appreciate the work we’re doing here on Prop Fest, consider supporting the journalism we do here at KQED by becoming a sustaining member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:07] Who’s coming out against Proposition 3, and what’s the argument on their end?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:12] Yeah, you really see an opposition from Republicans and kind of taxpayer advocacy groups, including the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, who have basically made the argument that Californians face too much of a burden in taxes, and that the state needs to start doing things to lower the tax burden on individuals. There is a group reform California led by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio. He has come out against Proposition 3, but also against Proposition 40, which is the billionaire wealth tax. And here he is kind of wrapping up his opposition to multiple tax ideas that are on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:07:54] I know some of you are probably saying, well, if it’s just going to apply to the rich, why not do it? They’re coming for you. But it also has a negative impact on our state budget. What happens when a high income earner leaves the state? Instead of paying a little bit more in taxes with the higher Prop 3 or Prop 40 tax rates, They take a hundred percent of their tax increment to another state and that state gets the revenue. We get zero.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:26] You also hear the argument that this tax was never meant to be permanent. When it was initially enacted back in 2012, it was championed by former Governor Jerry Brown. It came after Brown’s first two years in office where he really made some difficult cuts to state programs. And he turned to voters and said, look, I’ve been frugal. I’ve made these cuts. Now I need to ask you to pay more in order to kind of make the budget more stable. Voters approved that, but it was pitched as a temporary increase. Uh, that temporary increase was extended again in 2016 as a temporary increase. Now proposition three would make those higher income taxes permanent. So opponents of this say, you know, This is a bait and switch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:13] Let’s talk about the money here. Is there anyone coming out to spend any money for or against this measure?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:20] We’ve seen funding for Proposition 3 overwhelmingly on the Yes campaign. There’s been over $40 million in support so far, and the vast majority of that — $33 million of the $43 million comes from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] What about any of California’s highest earners, Guy? I mean, have they spoken out against this tax or have they been, for the most part, pretty quiet?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:52] No, we really haven’t heard any kind of organized opposition to Proposition 3, nothing like the money that we’re seeing coming in in support of prop three, especially from the teachers unions. And I think a big reason for that is the richest Californians, they might be a little bit more focused on another measure, which is Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, we are seeing some of the wealthiest residents of the state organized against that. And really not as much of a big campaign around proposition three.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:22] Yeah, and I mean, as you said earlier, this proposition builds on previous ballot initiatives that Californians have approved in the past. So how likely do you think is this one to pass?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:35] You know, we had initial support for this back in 2012. I think as this has just become part of the state budget and part of the way California taxation works, you’re likely to see voters kind of just like get used to it and say, look, this has been in place, you know, only the top 2% of income earners are paying this. I do think one potential iceberg for this measure is just voter confusion because we are seeing so many different measures on the ballot related to taxes. Maybe this gets confused or conflated with Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, and voters who are opposed to that turn against this. That’s speculation. But certainly, taking the last two elections where this was on the ballot, 2012 and 2016, voters said yes to this idea of taxing our highest income earners in California have more.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] Guy, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:30] Yeah, thank you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\"> https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] California has what’s known as a progressive tax system. Basically, the more money you make, the more you pay in income taxes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] California has what’s known as a progressive tax system. Basically, the more money you make, the more you pay in income taxes.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:09] For years, California voters have approved certain tax rates for high-income earners. And now, Prop 3 could make some of those rates permanent.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:09] For years, California voters have approved certain tax rates for high-income earners. And now, Prop 3 could make some of those rates permanent.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:20] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:20] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:23] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Welcome to Prop Fest. For two weeks, our teams at The Bay and Bay Curious are bringing you breakdowns of each statewide proposition on the California ballot, so you can vote smart this November.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:23] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Welcome to Prop Fest. For two weeks, our teams at The Bay and Bay Curious are bringing you breakdowns of each statewide proposition on the California ballot, so you can vote smart this November.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] There are 14 propositions on the ballot this year, and we’ll be taking you through all of them.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] There are 14 propositions on the ballot this year, and we’ll be taking you through all of them.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Today, we’re talking about Proposition 3. A bill that aims to lock in tax rates for high-income earners to pay for schools and health care in California. Here’s how it’ll read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Today, we’re talking about Proposition 3. A bill that aims to lock in tax rates for high-income earners to pay for schools and health care in California. Here’s how it’ll read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:00:56] Prop 3 provides permanent funding for schools and health care by extending existing tax on high incomes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:00:56] Prop 3 provides permanent funding for schools and health care by extending existing tax on high incomes.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Here to walk us through Proposition 3 is politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati. What’s up, Guy?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Here to walk us through Proposition 3 is politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati. What’s up, Guy?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:10] Hey, you may remember me from Prop 2.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:10] Hey, you may remember me from Prop 2.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] I sure do. Thank you so much again for joining us on this one. This one seems pretty straightforward, I gotta say. But walk us through what Proposition 3 might do.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] I sure do. Thank you so much again for joining us on this one. This one seems pretty straightforward, I gotta say. But walk us through what Proposition 3 might do.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:24] Yeah, so this would permanently extend California’s current income tax rates on our top earners. So back in 2012, California voters approved a new higher tax bracket for the top 2% of income earners, California. Voters extended those taxes in 2016. Now it’s on the ballot again to make it permanent.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:24] Yeah, so this would permanently extend California’s current income tax rates on our top earners. So back in 2012, California voters approved a new higher tax bracket for the top 2% of income earners, California. Voters extended those taxes in 2016. Now it’s on the ballot again to make it permanent.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Who are we talking about when we say high earners in California?\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:49] Yeah, that’s a great question. So the folks who pay these taxes that are being proposed to be permanent under Proposition 3 are really just the top 2% of California income tax filers. Those individuals and families pay a marginal tax rate of a little over 10% on income above $371,000 for an individual or $743,000 for a family. And there are higher rates of just over 11% and 12% as you go up the income ladder to families making more than $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:49] Yeah, that’s a great question. So the folks who pay these taxes that are being proposed to be permanent under Proposition 3 are really just the top 2% of California income tax filers. Those individuals and families pay a marginal tax rate of a little over 10% on income above $371,000 for an individual or $743,000 for a family. And there are higher rates of just over 11% and 12% as you go up the income ladder to families making more than $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] So when you’re saying top earners also, just to be clear, we’re not talking about the billionaire’s tax.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] So when you’re saying top earners also, just to be clear, we’re not talking about the billionaire’s tax.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:29] That’s right. No, we are not talking about Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax. That is a measure about overall wealth for California billionaires. Proposition 3 is just about income taxes.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:29] That’s right. No, we are not talking about Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax. That is a measure about overall wealth for California billionaires. Proposition 3 is just about income taxes.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] And how much money could this bring in for California every year? And what are the kinds of things that this money would pay for?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] And how much money could this bring in for California every year? And what are the kinds of things that this money would pay for?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:52] Yeah, so the California Budget and Policy Center has went back and looked at what kind of impact these higher tax rates have had. And basically, since they were enacted in 2012, these higher taxes have brought in about $120 billion for the state. In recent years, that’s been about $10 billion a year, so roughly like 4% of the overall state general fund. And so the big winners of these taxes are schools and health care because the vast majority of California state spending from the general fund goes to schools and goes to health care.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:52] Yeah, so the California Budget and Policy Center has went back and looked at what kind of impact these higher tax rates have had. And basically, since they were enacted in 2012, these higher taxes have brought in about $120 billion for the state. In recent years, that’s been about $10 billion a year, so roughly like 4% of the overall state general fund. And so the big winners of these taxes are schools and health care because the vast majority of California state spending from the general fund goes to schools and goes to health care.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] And when you say health, Guy, you mean health and human services, so things like Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] And when you say health, Guy, you mean health and human services, so things like Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:33] Yeah, so the biggest piece of that is Medi-Cal, which is our Medicaid system in California, basically our healthcare safety net for low-income working-class Californians.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:33] Yeah, so the biggest piece of that is Medi-Cal, which is our Medicaid system in California, basically our healthcare safety net for low-income working-class Californians.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:45] And let’s get into the politics of this measure. Who are the main proponents of preposition three and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:45] And let’s get into the politics of this measure. Who are the main proponents of preposition three and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:53] So the main proponents of Proposition 3 are Democrats and Democrat-aligned groups, specifically the California Teachers Association, which is the biggest single proponent of Proposition 3. Their argument is these taxes are working. We’ve had them in place for more than a decade. They’re bringing in billions of dollars, and they really have championed California’s progressive tax system, saying it’s fair for the folks who earn the most income in state to pay at a higher rate. They’re also the biggest beneficiaries of these taxes. Again, the biggest slice of the pie for a California tax revenue is going to schools. And so I think it’s no surprise that you see the state’s biggest teachers unions getting behind Proposition 3 and wanting to make it permanent. Here’s David Goldberg, who’s president of the California Teachers Association, making an appeal for Prop 3 on Instagram.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:53] So the main proponents of Proposition 3 are Democrats and Democrat-aligned groups, specifically the California Teachers Association, which is the biggest single proponent of Proposition 3. Their argument is these taxes are working. We’ve had them in place for more than a decade. They’re bringing in billions of dollars, and they really have championed California’s progressive tax system, saying it’s fair for the folks who earn the most income in state to pay at a higher rate. They’re also the biggest beneficiaries of these taxes. Again, the biggest slice of the pie for a California tax revenue is going to schools. And so I think it’s no surprise that you see the state’s biggest teachers unions getting behind Proposition 3 and wanting to make it permanent. Here’s David Goldberg, who’s president of the California Teachers Association, making an appeal for Prop 3 on Instagram.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Goldberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:45] Prop 3 will make permanent an already existing tax on wealthy Californians. We’re making out like gangbusters right now. We have to make the case to make sure that people know that investing and voting for Prop 3 is investing in us, in our communities, in our students, in our families, and in education.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Goldberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:45] Prop 3 will make permanent an already existing tax on wealthy Californians. We’re making out like gangbusters right now. We have to make the case to make sure that people know that investing and voting for Prop 3 is investing in us, in our communities, in our students, in our families, and in education.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:05] And then the California Budget and Policy Center has said that if the income tax on top earners doesn’t extend, the state’s income tax would become more regressive. Can you explain what they mean by that?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:05] And then the California Budget and Policy Center has said that if the income tax on top earners doesn’t extend, the state’s income tax would become more regressive. Can you explain what they mean by that?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:19] Yeah, so basically the way that the state’s income tax system is set up right now is you have top earners paying at a higher rate, not just paying more because they earn more, but actually paying at higher rate than lower income earners. And so what that does is it creates a system that supporters say is fair, that you have people who are making the most money, paying a higher share into the state government. What that also does create though is more volatility because the people who were who the largest share of state taxation, it’s a smaller group. So if the stock market goes down or the economy goes down and that group is affected, you’re gonna see these swings up and down in state tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:19] Yeah, so basically the way that the state’s income tax system is set up right now is you have top earners paying at a higher rate, not just paying more because they earn more, but actually paying at higher rate than lower income earners. And so what that does is it creates a system that supporters say is fair, that you have people who are making the most money, paying a higher share into the state government. What that also does create though is more volatility because the people who were who the largest share of state taxation, it’s a smaller group. So if the stock market goes down or the economy goes down and that group is affected, you’re gonna see these swings up and down in state tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Or if our top earners leave California.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Or if our top earners leave California.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:07] Yes, and that’s I mean, this this kind of ties into the arguments that we’re seeing around Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, but this idea that if you know those high earners leave the state, then that could have an outsize impact on how much money the state is able to bring in because the state is relying so much on that kind of smaller group of wealthy individuals.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:07] Yes, and that’s I mean, this this kind of ties into the arguments that we’re seeing around Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, but this idea that if you know those high earners leave the state, then that could have an outsize impact on how much money the state is able to bring in because the state is relying so much on that kind of smaller group of wealthy individuals.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:31] We’ll have more on Proposition 3 with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. If you appreciate the work we’re doing here on Prop Fest, consider supporting the journalism we do here at KQED by becoming a sustaining member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:31] We’ll have more on Proposition 3 with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. If you appreciate the work we’re doing here on Prop Fest, consider supporting the journalism we do here at KQED by becoming a sustaining member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:07] Who’s coming out against Proposition 3, and what’s the argument on their end?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:07] Who’s coming out against Proposition 3, and what’s the argument on their end?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:12] Yeah, you really see an opposition from Republicans and kind of taxpayer advocacy groups, including the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, who have basically made the argument that Californians face too much of a burden in taxes, and that the state needs to start doing things to lower the tax burden on individuals. There is a group reform California led by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio. He has come out against Proposition 3, but also against Proposition 40, which is the billionaire wealth tax. And here he is kind of wrapping up his opposition to multiple tax ideas that are on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:12] Yeah, you really see an opposition from Republicans and kind of taxpayer advocacy groups, including the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, who have basically made the argument that Californians face too much of a burden in taxes, and that the state needs to start doing things to lower the tax burden on individuals. There is a group reform California led by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio. He has come out against Proposition 3, but also against Proposition 40, which is the billionaire wealth tax. And here he is kind of wrapping up his opposition to multiple tax ideas that are on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:07:54] I know some of you are probably saying, well, if it’s just going to apply to the rich, why not do it? They’re coming for you. But it also has a negative impact on our state budget. What happens when a high income earner leaves the state? Instead of paying a little bit more in taxes with the higher Prop 3 or Prop 40 tax rates, They take a hundred percent of their tax increment to another state and that state gets the revenue. We get zero.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:07:54] I know some of you are probably saying, well, if it’s just going to apply to the rich, why not do it? They’re coming for you. But it also has a negative impact on our state budget. What happens when a high income earner leaves the state? Instead of paying a little bit more in taxes with the higher Prop 3 or Prop 40 tax rates, They take a hundred percent of their tax increment to another state and that state gets the revenue. We get zero.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:26] You also hear the argument that this tax was never meant to be permanent. When it was initially enacted back in 2012, it was championed by former Governor Jerry Brown. It came after Brown’s first two years in office where he really made some difficult cuts to state programs. And he turned to voters and said, look, I’ve been frugal. I’ve made these cuts. Now I need to ask you to pay more in order to kind of make the budget more stable. Voters approved that, but it was pitched as a temporary increase. Uh, that temporary increase was extended again in 2016 as a temporary increase. Now proposition three would make those higher income taxes permanent. So opponents of this say, you know, This is a bait and switch.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:26] You also hear the argument that this tax was never meant to be permanent. When it was initially enacted back in 2012, it was championed by former Governor Jerry Brown. It came after Brown’s first two years in office where he really made some difficult cuts to state programs. And he turned to voters and said, look, I’ve been frugal. I’ve made these cuts. Now I need to ask you to pay more in order to kind of make the budget more stable. Voters approved that, but it was pitched as a temporary increase. Uh, that temporary increase was extended again in 2016 as a temporary increase. Now proposition three would make those higher income taxes permanent. So opponents of this say, you know, This is a bait and switch.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:13] Let’s talk about the money here. Is there anyone coming out to spend any money for or against this measure?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:13] Let’s talk about the money here. Is there anyone coming out to spend any money for or against this measure?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:20] We’ve seen funding for Proposition 3 overwhelmingly on the Yes campaign. There’s been over $40 million in support so far, and the vast majority of that — $33 million of the $43 million comes from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:20] We’ve seen funding for Proposition 3 overwhelmingly on the Yes campaign. There’s been over $40 million in support so far, and the vast majority of that — $33 million of the $43 million comes from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] What about any of California’s highest earners, Guy? I mean, have they spoken out against this tax or have they been, for the most part, pretty quiet?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] What about any of California’s highest earners, Guy? I mean, have they spoken out against this tax or have they been, for the most part, pretty quiet?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:52] No, we really haven’t heard any kind of organized opposition to Proposition 3, nothing like the money that we’re seeing coming in in support of prop three, especially from the teachers unions. And I think a big reason for that is the richest Californians, they might be a little bit more focused on another measure, which is Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, we are seeing some of the wealthiest residents of the state organized against that. And really not as much of a big campaign around proposition three.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:52] No, we really haven’t heard any kind of organized opposition to Proposition 3, nothing like the money that we’re seeing coming in in support of prop three, especially from the teachers unions. And I think a big reason for that is the richest Californians, they might be a little bit more focused on another measure, which is Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, we are seeing some of the wealthiest residents of the state organized against that. And really not as much of a big campaign around proposition three.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:22] Yeah, and I mean, as you said earlier, this proposition builds on previous ballot initiatives that Californians have approved in the past. So how likely do you think is this one to pass?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:22] Yeah, and I mean, as you said earlier, this proposition builds on previous ballot initiatives that Californians have approved in the past. So how likely do you think is this one to pass?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:35] You know, we had initial support for this back in 2012. I think as this has just become part of the state budget and part of the way California taxation works, you’re likely to see voters kind of just like get used to it and say, look, this has been in place, you know, only the top 2% of income earners are paying this. I do think one potential iceberg for this measure is just voter confusion because we are seeing so many different measures on the ballot related to taxes. Maybe this gets confused or conflated with Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, and voters who are opposed to that turn against this. That’s speculation. But certainly, taking the last two elections where this was on the ballot, 2012 and 2016, voters said yes to this idea of taxing our highest income earners in California have more.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:35] You know, we had initial support for this back in 2012. I think as this has just become part of the state budget and part of the way California taxation works, you’re likely to see voters kind of just like get used to it and say, look, this has been in place, you know, only the top 2% of income earners are paying this. I do think one potential iceberg for this measure is just voter confusion because we are seeing so many different measures on the ballot related to taxes. Maybe this gets confused or conflated with Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, and voters who are opposed to that turn against this. That’s speculation. But certainly, taking the last two elections where this was on the ballot, 2012 and 2016, voters said yes to this idea of taxing our highest income earners in California have more.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] Guy, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] Guy, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:30] Yeah, thank you.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:30] Yeah, thank you.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\"> https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "Proposition 3 would lock in a marginal tax rate of 10.3% to 12.3% for the state's highest earners.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] California has what’s known as a progressive tax system. Basically, the more money you make, the more you pay in income taxes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:09] For years, California voters have approved certain tax rates for high-income earners. And now, Prop 3 could make some of those rates permanent.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:20] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:23] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Welcome to Prop Fest. For two weeks, our teams at The Bay and Bay Curious are bringing you breakdowns of each statewide proposition on the California ballot, so you can vote smart this November.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:37] There are 14 propositions on the ballot this year, and we’ll be taking you through all of them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:43] Today, we’re talking about Proposition 3. A bill that aims to lock in tax rates for high-income earners to pay for schools and health care in California. Here’s how it’ll read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover \u003c/strong>[00:00:56] Prop 3 provides permanent funding for schools and health care by extending existing tax on high incomes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Here to walk us through Proposition 3 is politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati. What’s up, Guy?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:10] Hey, you may remember me from Prop 2.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] I sure do. Thank you so much again for joining us on this one. This one seems pretty straightforward, I gotta say. But walk us through what Proposition 3 might do.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:24] Yeah, so this would permanently extend California’s current income tax rates on our top earners. So back in 2012, California voters approved a new higher tax bracket for the top 2% of income earners, California. Voters extended those taxes in 2016. Now it’s on the ballot again to make it permanent.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Who are we talking about when we say high earners in California?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:01:49] Yeah, that’s a great question. So the folks who pay these taxes that are being proposed to be permanent under Proposition 3 are really just the top 2% of California income tax filers. Those individuals and families pay a marginal tax rate of a little over 10% on income above $371,000 for an individual or $743,000 for a family. And there are higher rates of just over 11% and 12% as you go up the income ladder to families making more than $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] So when you’re saying top earners also, just to be clear, we’re not talking about the billionaire’s tax.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:29] That’s right. No, we are not talking about Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax. That is a measure about overall wealth for California billionaires. Proposition 3 is just about income taxes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] And how much money could this bring in for California every year? And what are the kinds of things that this money would pay for?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:02:52] Yeah, so the California Budget and Policy Center has went back and looked at what kind of impact these higher tax rates have had. And basically, since they were enacted in 2012, these higher taxes have brought in about $120 billion for the state. In recent years, that’s been about $10 billion a year, so roughly like 4% of the overall state general fund. And so the big winners of these taxes are schools and health care because the vast majority of California state spending from the general fund goes to schools and goes to health care.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:27] And when you say health, Guy, you mean health and human services, so things like Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:33] Yeah, so the biggest piece of that is Medi-Cal, which is our Medicaid system in California, basically our healthcare safety net for low-income working-class Californians.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:45] And let’s get into the politics of this measure. Who are the main proponents of preposition three and what are their arguments?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:03:53] So the main proponents of Proposition 3 are Democrats and Democrat-aligned groups, specifically the California Teachers Association, which is the biggest single proponent of Proposition 3. Their argument is these taxes are working. We’ve had them in place for more than a decade. They’re bringing in billions of dollars, and they really have championed California’s progressive tax system, saying it’s fair for the folks who earn the most income in state to pay at a higher rate. They’re also the biggest beneficiaries of these taxes. Again, the biggest slice of the pie for a California tax revenue is going to schools. And so I think it’s no surprise that you see the state’s biggest teachers unions getting behind Proposition 3 and wanting to make it permanent. Here’s David Goldberg, who’s president of the California Teachers Association, making an appeal for Prop 3 on Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Goldberg \u003c/strong>[00:04:45] Prop 3 will make permanent an already existing tax on wealthy Californians. We’re making out like gangbusters right now. We have to make the case to make sure that people know that investing and voting for Prop 3 is investing in us, in our communities, in our students, in our families, and in education.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:05] And then the California Budget and Policy Center has said that if the income tax on top earners doesn’t extend, the state’s income tax would become more regressive. Can you explain what they mean by that?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:05:19] Yeah, so basically the way that the state’s income tax system is set up right now is you have top earners paying at a higher rate, not just paying more because they earn more, but actually paying at higher rate than lower income earners. And so what that does is it creates a system that supporters say is fair, that you have people who are making the most money, paying a higher share into the state government. What that also does create though is more volatility because the people who were who the largest share of state taxation, it’s a smaller group. So if the stock market goes down or the economy goes down and that group is affected, you’re gonna see these swings up and down in state tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Or if our top earners leave California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:06:07] Yes, and that’s I mean, this this kind of ties into the arguments that we’re seeing around Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, but this idea that if you know those high earners leave the state, then that could have an outsize impact on how much money the state is able to bring in because the state is relying so much on that kind of smaller group of wealthy individuals.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:31] We’ll have more on Proposition 3 with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after this break. If you appreciate the work we’re doing here on Prop Fest, consider supporting the journalism we do here at KQED by becoming a sustaining member. We can’t do this work without you. Just go to donate.kqed.org/podcasts. We’ll be right back.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:07] Who’s coming out against Proposition 3, and what’s the argument on their end?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:07:12] Yeah, you really see an opposition from Republicans and kind of taxpayer advocacy groups, including the California Taxpayers Association, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, who have basically made the argument that Californians face too much of a burden in taxes, and that the state needs to start doing things to lower the tax burden on individuals. There is a group reform California led by Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio. He has come out against Proposition 3, but also against Proposition 40, which is the billionaire wealth tax. And here he is kind of wrapping up his opposition to multiple tax ideas that are on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carl DeMaio \u003c/strong>[00:07:54] I know some of you are probably saying, well, if it’s just going to apply to the rich, why not do it? They’re coming for you. But it also has a negative impact on our state budget. What happens when a high income earner leaves the state? Instead of paying a little bit more in taxes with the higher Prop 3 or Prop 40 tax rates, They take a hundred percent of their tax increment to another state and that state gets the revenue. We get zero.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:08:26] You also hear the argument that this tax was never meant to be permanent. When it was initially enacted back in 2012, it was championed by former Governor Jerry Brown. It came after Brown’s first two years in office where he really made some difficult cuts to state programs. And he turned to voters and said, look, I’ve been frugal. I’ve made these cuts. Now I need to ask you to pay more in order to kind of make the budget more stable. Voters approved that, but it was pitched as a temporary increase. Uh, that temporary increase was extended again in 2016 as a temporary increase. Now proposition three would make those higher income taxes permanent. So opponents of this say, you know, This is a bait and switch.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:13] Let’s talk about the money here. Is there anyone coming out to spend any money for or against this measure?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:20] We’ve seen funding for Proposition 3 overwhelmingly on the Yes campaign. There’s been over $40 million in support so far, and the vast majority of that — $33 million of the $43 million comes from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] What about any of California’s highest earners, Guy? I mean, have they spoken out against this tax or have they been, for the most part, pretty quiet?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:09:52] No, we really haven’t heard any kind of organized opposition to Proposition 3, nothing like the money that we’re seeing coming in in support of prop three, especially from the teachers unions. And I think a big reason for that is the richest Californians, they might be a little bit more focused on another measure, which is Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, we are seeing some of the wealthiest residents of the state organized against that. And really not as much of a big campaign around proposition three.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:22] Yeah, and I mean, as you said earlier, this proposition builds on previous ballot initiatives that Californians have approved in the past. So how likely do you think is this one to pass?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:10:35] You know, we had initial support for this back in 2012. I think as this has just become part of the state budget and part of the way California taxation works, you’re likely to see voters kind of just like get used to it and say, look, this has been in place, you know, only the top 2% of income earners are paying this. I do think one potential iceberg for this measure is just voter confusion because we are seeing so many different measures on the ballot related to taxes. Maybe this gets confused or conflated with Prop 40, the billionaire wealth tax, and voters who are opposed to that turn against this. That’s speculation. But certainly, taking the last two elections where this was on the ballot, 2012 and 2016, voters said yes to this idea of taxing our highest income earners in California have more.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] Guy, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati \u003c/strong>[00:11:30] Yeah, thank you.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Your support makes KQED podcasts possible. You can show your love by going to\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\"> https://kqed.org/donate/podcasts\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This story was reported by Guy Marzorati. Prop Fest is a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay. It’s made by Olivia Allen-Price, Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale, Anna Casalme, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Alan Montecillo, Gabriela Glueck and Pauline Bartolone. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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