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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Department of Education will soon be under the control of the governor’s office, drastically changing the role of the next state superintendent, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086044/conservative-activist-sonja-shaw-advances-in-state-superintendent-race\">will be elected in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change, pushed through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069239/newsom-proposal-to-restructure-california-education-department-catches-state-superintendent-off-guard\">by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> as part of negotiations over the state budget signed this week, makes major revisions to the state’s education governance system, stripping day-to-day management from the elected superintendent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the governor’s office, via an appointed commissioner, will assume more power over the state’s public school system, which serves more than 6 million students from pre-kindergarten through 12th grade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the change will increase efficiency and accountability throughout the state’s school system, but opponents — including both candidates running for state superintendent of public instruction — argue that the governor bypassed voters to pass an unpopular reform that strips them of a voice in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that have to deal with the Department of Education every day, that seek their guidance, that need their support — all of those groups strongly support this change,” said Ted Lempert, who heads the research and policy organization Children Now, which backed the proposal. “They’re the ones that are relying on the Department of Education on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the overhaul eliminates a “‘double-headed’ system” in which the Board of Education sets policy, but the superintendent is in charge of implementing it. Lempert agreed that setup “can be really problematic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of a classroom at Carquinez Garden School in Crockett on May 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are going to modernize the governance system by unifying the policy-making State Board with the Department of Education that implements those policies,” Newsom said in a statement about his proposal in February. “These critical reforms will bring greater accountability, clarity, and coherence to how we serve our students and schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association, which has a long record of launching its preferred candidates to the state superintendent’s office, criticized the change as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/WeAreCTA/posts/four-times-california-voters-have-rejected-attempts-to-strip-them-of-an-elected-/1481282244040424/\">undemocratic\u003c/a>.” President David Goldberg said removing the superintendent from a managerial role puts “one more roadblock to making the system more accountable to educators and students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, said California’s existing system gives the superintendent more power when they disagree with the governor’s office on legislative priorities.[aside postID=news_12088215 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2255523853.jpg']Though the superintendent doesn’t set policy, they have decided where to direct the department’s dollars, and how rules and programs are enforced in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That dynamic is now going to be completely upended, so the administration is going to have control over all aspects of running the state school system,” Snider told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new structure, the state superintendent will act primarily as an independent advocate for public schools. Executive and administrative functions of the Department of Education will be transferred to the new education commissioner, replacing the state superintendent as the ex officio director of education beginning Jan. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent will gain a vote on the state Board of Education, which will be expanded from 11 to 13 members, including two appointed by the Senate president pro tempore and the speaker of the Assembly. At the collegiate level, the superintendent will join California’s community college board and continue to act in existing roles as a California State University trustee and University of California regent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly appointed education commissioner will be required to submit a report recommending further governance streamlining to the governor and Legislature by October 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students read during class at Sylvia Mendez Elementary School in Berkeley on June 3, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is one of only a dozen states with a fractured education governance system, and state policy analysts have long argued that the leadership structure should be overhauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a report by \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/sites/default/files/2025-11/r_myung-dec2025.pdf\">Policy Analysis of California Education\u003c/a> (PACE) found the state’s system “fragmented,” with unclear roles and division of authority. The governor’s new structure incorporates its proposals for redefining the superintendent’s responsibilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question ‘Who is responsible to whom, and for what?’ remains unresolved in California’s education governance system, resulting in blurred lines of responsibility and difficulty making systemic improvement,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrator organizations, including the Association of California School Administrators and California County Superintendents, also support the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates running for the elected superintendent’s seat have come out against the new governance structure. Republican Sonja Shaw, who serves as Chino Valley’s school board president, said the change is an “unprecedented, unconstitutional power grab” by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters elect their State Superintendent to serve as an independent voice for California education, not as a figurehead,” she said in a statement. “This bill strips that office of its core duties and hands them to a political appointee. It removes critical checks and balances, and tells parents their votes no longer matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086196\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonja Shaw, Chino Valley Unified School District Board President, speaks at the California Policy Center and PERK (Protection of the Educational Rights of Kids) event, “A Line in the Sand A Rally for Parental Rights,” at Rancho Madera Community Park in Simi Valley, California, on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic candidate and San Diego school board president Richard Barrera said that changing the role of state superintendent has been proposed to voters and rejected multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This end-around attempt to take away responsibility from the person that the voters are electing to improve our public schools is a bad idea,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snider said he doesn’t think the changes will have a significant effect on the outcome of November’s election, but the winner will be forced to step into a role far different from the one they set out to run for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to be an interesting new dynamic — both how does the next administration implement this change, and then how does the next state superintendent exercise what is now more limited authority … through a bully pulpit, if nothing else,” he said. “We’re in totally new territory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the change will increase efficiency and accountability throughout the state’s school system, but opponents — including both candidates running for state superintendent of public instruction — argue that the governor bypassed voters to pass an unpopular reform that strips them of a voice in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people that have to deal with the Department of Education every day, that seek their guidance, that need their support — all of those groups strongly support this change,” said Ted Lempert, who heads the research and policy organization Children Now, which backed the proposal. “They’re the ones that are relying on the Department of Education on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the overhaul eliminates a “‘double-headed’ system” in which the Board of Education sets policy, but the superintendent is in charge of implementing it. Lempert agreed that setup “can be really problematic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260508-EXPANSIONCONSEQUENCE-TV-05235-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of a classroom at Carquinez Garden School in Crockett on May 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are going to modernize the governance system by unifying the policy-making State Board with the Department of Education that implements those policies,” Newsom said in a statement about his proposal in February. “These critical reforms will bring greater accountability, clarity, and coherence to how we serve our students and schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association, which has a long record of launching its preferred candidates to the state superintendent’s office, criticized the change as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/WeAreCTA/posts/four-times-california-voters-have-rejected-attempts-to-strip-them-of-an-elected-/1481282244040424/\">undemocratic\u003c/a>.” President David Goldberg said removing the superintendent from a managerial role puts “one more roadblock to making the system more accountable to educators and students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, said California’s existing system gives the superintendent more power when they disagree with the governor’s office on legislative priorities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Though the superintendent doesn’t set policy, they have decided where to direct the department’s dollars, and how rules and programs are enforced in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That dynamic is now going to be completely upended, so the administration is going to have control over all aspects of running the state school system,” Snider told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new structure, the state superintendent will act primarily as an independent advocate for public schools. Executive and administrative functions of the Department of Education will be transferred to the new education commissioner, replacing the state superintendent as the ex officio director of education beginning Jan. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent will gain a vote on the state Board of Education, which will be expanded from 11 to 13 members, including two appointed by the Senate president pro tempore and the speaker of the Assembly. At the collegiate level, the superintendent will join California’s community college board and continue to act in existing roles as a California State University trustee and University of California regent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The newly appointed education commissioner will be required to submit a report recommending further governance streamlining to the governor and Legislature by October 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260603-BerkeleySchoolsLiteracy-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students read during class at Sylvia Mendez Elementary School in Berkeley on June 3, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is one of only a dozen states with a fractured education governance system, and state policy analysts have long argued that the leadership structure should be overhauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, a report by \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/sites/default/files/2025-11/r_myung-dec2025.pdf\">Policy Analysis of California Education\u003c/a> (PACE) found the state’s system “fragmented,” with unclear roles and division of authority. The governor’s new structure incorporates its proposals for redefining the superintendent’s responsibilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question ‘Who is responsible to whom, and for what?’ remains unresolved in California’s education governance system, resulting in blurred lines of responsibility and difficulty making systemic improvement,” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrator organizations, including the Association of California School Administrators and California County Superintendents, also support the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates running for the elected superintendent’s seat have come out against the new governance structure. Republican Sonja Shaw, who serves as Chino Valley’s school board president, said the change is an “unprecedented, unconstitutional power grab” by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters elect their State Superintendent to serve as an independent voice for California education, not as a figurehead,” she said in a statement. “This bill strips that office of its core duties and hands them to a political appointee. It removes critical checks and balances, and tells parents their votes no longer matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086196\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Sonja-Shaw-Getty-1-1536x1054.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonja Shaw, Chino Valley Unified School District Board President, speaks at the California Policy Center and PERK (Protection of the Educational Rights of Kids) event, “A Line in the Sand A Rally for Parental Rights,” at Rancho Madera Community Park in Simi Valley, California, on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic candidate and San Diego school board president Richard Barrera said that changing the role of state superintendent has been proposed to voters and rejected multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This end-around attempt to take away responsibility from the person that the voters are electing to improve our public schools is a bad idea,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snider said he doesn’t think the changes will have a significant effect on the outcome of November’s election, but the winner will be forced to step into a role far different from the one they set out to run for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is going to be an interesting new dynamic — both how does the next administration implement this change, and then how does the next state superintendent exercise what is now more limited authority … through a bully pulpit, if nothing else,” he said. “We’re in totally new territory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As America celebrates its 250th birthday, a new KQED radio special turns to the next generation for perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Featuring original audio commentaries by middle and high school students from across the country, the special explores how young people are thinking about democracy, community and the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drawn from KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://youthmedia.kqed.org/podcastingdemocracy\">Podcasting Democracy: Understanding the Constitution to Inspire Civic Change\u003c/a> project, these student-created stories offer thoughtful, personal reflections on the issues shaping their lives and the nation they hope to inherit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen now to hear what young people imagine for America’s next 250 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the first time in months, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033789/lets-fight-back-127-years-after-momentous-supreme-court-ruling-san-francisco-honors-wong-kim-ark\">Norman Wong\u003c/a> breathed a sigh of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area resident and great-grandson of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a> — a San Francisco-born Chinese American cook whose case helped establish birthright citizenship 128 years ago — spent the last year crisscrossing the country, defending a right he couldn’t believe was in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086891/supreme-court-upholds-birthright-citizenship\">rejected President Donald Trump’s efforts\u003c/a> to undo the right with a 2025 executive order, Norman Wong allowed himself a rare moment of celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice not to be mad. It is nice to be happy,” Norman Wong said. “I don’t consider it a personal victory. I consider it a victory for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em> preserved a constitutional right that has stood for more than a century: that nearly anyone born on U.S. soil is a citizen. For Norman Wong and other immigrants-rights advocates, and local officials who helped challenge Trump’s order, the decision was a vindication and a warning. While they hailed the ruling as an affirmation of the 14th Amendment, some noted that the ideological divide on the court and a broad wave of restrictive immigration rulings signaled the fight was far from over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark legal victory \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088650/how-chinese-immigrants-from-san-francisco-helped-establish-birthright-citizenship\">traces back to 1898, when Wong\u003c/a>, a cook born in San Francisco to Chinese immigrant parents, was detained on a steamship when he tried to return from visiting China. Wong sued the U.S. government and his case went all the way to the Supreme Court — which affirmed that the Constitution recognized Wong as a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural made by Twin and Walls Mural Company depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, was unaware of his connection to the landmark Supreme Court case won by his great-grandfather for most of his life, but now works to share his family’s story and history. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norman Wong grew up knowing none of this family history. His father rarely spoke of the past, and Norman Wong only learned of his connection to the landmark case in his 50s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I grew up, even when I was five years old, I knew I was American,” he said. He compared the executive order to suddenly relitigating whether women can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was settled law for over a hundred years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was the central authority cited by the justices in issuing their opinions, though each used it differently, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2026/06/breaking-down-the-birthright-citizenship-decision/\">\u003cem>SCOTUSblog\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12086891 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/BirthrightCitizenshipAP.jpg']Chief Justice John Roberts referenced \u003cem>Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em> 16 times, and Justice Clarence Thomas, in his more than 27,000-word dissent, referenced it a remarkable 49 times, both arguing that the case supported their opinions. As a citizen, Norman Wong said standing up for the right was his responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Birthright citizenship for the few, when the few are actually being targeted, that means everybody’s right is being jeopardized. So we need to stand for everyone, because ultimately that’s our own rights too that are at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco was the first city in the country to sue over Trump’s order, filing within 24 hours of his second inauguration, according to City Attorney David Chiu — a birthright citizen and the first Asian American to lead the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my place in this country is possible because of the 14th Amendment and the courage of Wong Kim Ark 128 years ago, and immigrants like my parents,” said Chiu, whose parents immigrated from Taiwan in the 1960s. The story of birthright citizenship, he said, “is the story of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winnie Kao, senior counsel at the Asian Law Caucus and part of the legal team for the plaintiffs, said the executive order “felt very personal.” Wong Kim Ark “was born just blocks from our Chinatown office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083331\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at the parking lot on 3rd and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She noted that the Wong Kim Ark ruling came during a period of extreme hostility toward Chinese immigrants. Wong’s victory came at the height of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the 1882 law restricting Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14th Amendment, initially introduced in response to laws restricting the freedoms of Black Americans after slavery, was meant to guarantee “a broader principle that applied to others,” as Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said in her concurrence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had the court ruled the other way, Chiu said the decision would have created “a permanent multi-generational underclass” of stateless children, who would be unable to naturalize here or obtain citizenship elsewhere, living “under constant threat of deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kao said the consequences would have rippled far beyond immigrant families, forcing a re-examination of “vast swaths of U.S. law” premised on birthright citizenship — and creating “a total administrative and bureaucratic nightmare for everyone, even for parents who are U.S. citizens,” if the government had to verify a newborn’s citizenship by checking a parent’s status rather than a birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Every child born in the United States is a U.S. citizen,” UC Davis law professor Gabriel “Jack” Chin said, with narrow exceptions for children of diplomats or occupying forces. His advice, given heightened immigration enforcement “that often is based on race”: get a birth certificate and hold onto it. “Every individual has to be prepared — particularly non-white individuals — to prove that they are U.S. citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though legal scholars described the decision as decisive on the law, questions were left open about whether birthright citizenship could ever not be constitutionally guaranteed. Huy Tran, executive director of the San José immigrant rights group SIREN, noted that in Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s opinion, he concluded that Congress could amend laws to create exceptions to birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those cases that should have been a slam dunk,” Tran said. “Instead, what we have now is that Justice Kavanaugh has basically rolled out a blueprint for how birthright citizenship can be challenged again in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now, the ruling continues to cover almost anyone born in the territory of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is basically Wong Kim Ark II,” Chin said. “It comes out the same way, and it will put the issue to rest as a legal matter for a couple of generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu acknowledged the victory but reminded that “this past week the same Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088417/supreme-court-immigration-decision-leaves-thousands-of-californians-in-limbo\">told asylum seekers\u003c/a> that they could be turned away, told millions of immigrants with\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088898/supreme-court-ruling-leaves-tps-holders-confronting-an-uncertain-future\"> temporary protected status\u003c/a> … that they might have to go back to violent, unstable countries. We cannot normalize these attacks on immigrant communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Norman Wong, the ruling, days before the Fourth of July, will give the holiday a new meaning. He said he planned to celebrate “what it stands for,” not “the pomp and ceremony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about taking real pride in our country,” he said. “Not the flag — our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">\u003cem>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">\u003cem>Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the first time in months, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033789/lets-fight-back-127-years-after-momentous-supreme-court-ruling-san-francisco-honors-wong-kim-ark\">Norman Wong\u003c/a> breathed a sigh of relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area resident and great-grandson of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a> — a San Francisco-born Chinese American cook whose case helped establish birthright citizenship 128 years ago — spent the last year crisscrossing the country, defending a right he couldn’t believe was in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12086891/supreme-court-upholds-birthright-citizenship\">rejected President Donald Trump’s efforts\u003c/a> to undo the right with a 2025 executive order, Norman Wong allowed himself a rare moment of celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice not to be mad. It is nice to be happy,” Norman Wong said. “I don’t consider it a personal victory. I consider it a victory for America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em> preserved a constitutional right that has stood for more than a century: that nearly anyone born on U.S. soil is a citizen. For Norman Wong and other immigrants-rights advocates, and local officials who helped challenge Trump’s order, the decision was a vindication and a warning. While they hailed the ruling as an affirmation of the 14th Amendment, some noted that the ideological divide on the court and a broad wave of restrictive immigration rulings signaled the fight was far from over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark legal victory \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088650/how-chinese-immigrants-from-san-francisco-helped-establish-birthright-citizenship\">traces back to 1898, when Wong\u003c/a>, a cook born in San Francisco to Chinese immigrant parents, was detained on a steamship when he tried to return from visiting China. Wong sued the U.S. government and his case went all the way to the Supreme Court — which affirmed that the Constitution recognized Wong as a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural made by Twin and Walls Mural Company depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, was unaware of his connection to the landmark Supreme Court case won by his great-grandfather for most of his life, but now works to share his family’s story and history. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norman Wong grew up knowing none of this family history. His father rarely spoke of the past, and Norman Wong only learned of his connection to the landmark case in his 50s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I grew up, even when I was five years old, I knew I was American,” he said. He compared the executive order to suddenly relitigating whether women can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was settled law for over a hundred years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was the central authority cited by the justices in issuing their opinions, though each used it differently, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2026/06/breaking-down-the-birthright-citizenship-decision/\">\u003cem>SCOTUSblog\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chief Justice John Roberts referenced \u003cem>Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em> 16 times, and Justice Clarence Thomas, in his more than 27,000-word dissent, referenced it a remarkable 49 times, both arguing that the case supported their opinions. As a citizen, Norman Wong said standing up for the right was his responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Birthright citizenship for the few, when the few are actually being targeted, that means everybody’s right is being jeopardized. So we need to stand for everyone, because ultimately that’s our own rights too that are at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco was the first city in the country to sue over Trump’s order, filing within 24 hours of his second inauguration, according to City Attorney David Chiu — a birthright citizen and the first Asian American to lead the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my place in this country is possible because of the 14th Amendment and the courage of Wong Kim Ark 128 years ago, and immigrants like my parents,” said Chiu, whose parents immigrated from Taiwan in the 1960s. The story of birthright citizenship, he said, “is the story of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Winnie Kao, senior counsel at the Asian Law Caucus and part of the legal team for the plaintiffs, said the executive order “felt very personal.” Wong Kim Ark “was born just blocks from our Chinatown office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12083331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12083331\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260511-YICKWOCOMMEMORATION-JY-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at the parking lot on 3rd and Harrison streets to commemorate the 140th anniversary of the landmark Supreme Court case Yick Wo v. Hopkins in San Francisco on Monday, May 11, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She noted that the Wong Kim Ark ruling came during a period of extreme hostility toward Chinese immigrants. Wong’s victory came at the height of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the 1882 law restricting Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14th Amendment, initially introduced in response to laws restricting the freedoms of Black Americans after slavery, was meant to guarantee “a broader principle that applied to others,” as Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said in her concurrence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had the court ruled the other way, Chiu said the decision would have created “a permanent multi-generational underclass” of stateless children, who would be unable to naturalize here or obtain citizenship elsewhere, living “under constant threat of deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kao said the consequences would have rippled far beyond immigrant families, forcing a re-examination of “vast swaths of U.S. law” premised on birthright citizenship — and creating “a total administrative and bureaucratic nightmare for everyone, even for parents who are U.S. citizens,” if the government had to verify a newborn’s citizenship by checking a parent’s status rather than a birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Every child born in the United States is a U.S. citizen,” UC Davis law professor Gabriel “Jack” Chin said, with narrow exceptions for children of diplomats or occupying forces. His advice, given heightened immigration enforcement “that often is based on race”: get a birth certificate and hold onto it. “Every individual has to be prepared — particularly non-white individuals — to prove that they are U.S. citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though legal scholars described the decision as decisive on the law, questions were left open about whether birthright citizenship could ever not be constitutionally guaranteed. Huy Tran, executive director of the San José immigrant rights group SIREN, noted that in Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s opinion, he concluded that Congress could amend laws to create exceptions to birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of those cases that should have been a slam dunk,” Tran said. “Instead, what we have now is that Justice Kavanaugh has basically rolled out a blueprint for how birthright citizenship can be challenged again in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now, the ruling continues to cover almost anyone born in the territory of the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is basically Wong Kim Ark II,” Chin said. “It comes out the same way, and it will put the issue to rest as a legal matter for a couple of generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu acknowledged the victory but reminded that “this past week the same Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088417/supreme-court-immigration-decision-leaves-thousands-of-californians-in-limbo\">told asylum seekers\u003c/a> that they could be turned away, told millions of immigrants with\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088898/supreme-court-ruling-leaves-tps-holders-confronting-an-uncertain-future\"> temporary protected status\u003c/a> … that they might have to go back to violent, unstable countries. We cannot normalize these attacks on immigrant communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Norman Wong, the ruling, days before the Fourth of July, will give the holiday a new meaning. He said he planned to celebrate “what it stands for,” not “the pomp and ceremony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about taking real pride in our country,” he said. “Not the flag — our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">\u003cem>Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">\u003cem>Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/jackie-fielder\">Jackie Fielder\u003c/a> is asking the police department, Mayor Daniel Lurie and other city officials to release more information after officers in riot gear stormed the unpermitted Stud Alley block party during last weekend’s Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Fielder submitted an official \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/65023928e628bd272e752a09/t/6a431dd60898a511080e40e1/1782783446423/LOI+into+SFPD+re_+pride.pdf\">letter of inquiry\u003c/a> about the timeline of events that led to the clashes between police and partygoers on Saturday night, as well as after the Trans March on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was deeply concerned to see video footage and reports of San Francisco police officers clashing with San Francisco residents and visitors participating in Pride activities in two separate incidents,” Fielder’s memo to law enforcement and city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For six years, the Stud Alley block party has taken place in the South of Market neighborhood during Pride weekend. The event drew hundreds last year, as well as some criticism from neighbors, but police \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2025/07/01/san-francisco-pride-stud-alley-vandalism-soma/\">monitored the party\u003c/a> then rather than shutting it down or making arrests on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said they responded to the Stud Alley block party on Kissling Street on Saturday night after 11 p.m., where officers ordered the crowd to disperse. Officers arrested a total of 20 people, who they said obstructed police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco Police Department officer in San Francisco on April 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Officers gave an order to disperse for the unlawful assembly and also directed the DJ who was performing at the event to vacate the premises,” said Robert Rueca, a spokesperson for SFPD. “The DJ eventually stopped performing and left the premises, but the crowd refused to comply with the lawful orders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anti-police graffiti was observed spray-painted on walls, and makeshift barricades had been erected in an effort to prevent officers from entering the area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Video footage from the event shows dozens of officers in riot gear marching down the street where the block party was taking place, with visitors shoved and forcefully moved away from the premises.[aside postID=news_12089163 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260628-SFPride-JY-03_qed.jpg']Saturday night’s encounter came just one day after police also arrested five people in the Tenderloin, following the Trans March. In a statement, SFPD said they were responding to vandalism complaints that day, and that one individual assaulted and sprayed paint on a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Video footage from that night shows officers shoving a person to the ground in what appeared to be a chaotic response to police entering the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fielder has requested the city controller to report by Monday, July 14, on the number of overtime hours and costs associated with the Pride police response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blog post in May, organizers of the Stud Alley event wrote that this year, the party would not unfold in its usual form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hearts long for the liberatory beauty, the freaky, outrageous, decadent, and depraved dreams-turned-into-actions, of the militant queers who show up,” the unknown organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’re starting to feel that the alley has outgrown itself. Each year it gets bigger, more people show up and not all of them share our dreams,” they said, later nodding to “rebellious play” and LGBTQ+ protests throughout history like Compton’s Cafeteria Riot and Stonewall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/jackie-fielder\">Jackie Fielder\u003c/a> is asking the police department, Mayor Daniel Lurie and other city officials to release more information after officers in riot gear stormed the unpermitted Stud Alley block party during last weekend’s Pride events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Fielder submitted an official \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/65023928e628bd272e752a09/t/6a431dd60898a511080e40e1/1782783446423/LOI+into+SFPD+re_+pride.pdf\">letter of inquiry\u003c/a> about the timeline of events that led to the clashes between police and partygoers on Saturday night, as well as after the Trans March on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was deeply concerned to see video footage and reports of San Francisco police officers clashing with San Francisco residents and visitors participating in Pride activities in two separate incidents,” Fielder’s memo to law enforcement and city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For six years, the Stud Alley block party has taken place in the South of Market neighborhood during Pride weekend. The event drew hundreds last year, as well as some criticism from neighbors, but police \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2025/07/01/san-francisco-pride-stud-alley-vandalism-soma/\">monitored the party\u003c/a> then rather than shutting it down or making arrests on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said they responded to the Stud Alley block party on Kissling Street on Saturday night after 11 p.m., where officers ordered the crowd to disperse. Officers arrested a total of 20 people, who they said obstructed police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250418-SFPDFile-39-BL_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco Police Department officer in San Francisco on April 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Officers gave an order to disperse for the unlawful assembly and also directed the DJ who was performing at the event to vacate the premises,” said Robert Rueca, a spokesperson for SFPD. “The DJ eventually stopped performing and left the premises, but the crowd refused to comply with the lawful orders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anti-police graffiti was observed spray-painted on walls, and makeshift barricades had been erected in an effort to prevent officers from entering the area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Video footage from the event shows dozens of officers in riot gear marching down the street where the block party was taking place, with visitors shoved and forcefully moved away from the premises.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Saturday night’s encounter came just one day after police also arrested five people in the Tenderloin, following the Trans March. In a statement, SFPD said they were responding to vandalism complaints that day, and that one individual assaulted and sprayed paint on a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Video footage from that night shows officers shoving a person to the ground in what appeared to be a chaotic response to police entering the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fielder has requested the city controller to report by Monday, July 14, on the number of overtime hours and costs associated with the Pride police response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blog post in May, organizers of the Stud Alley event wrote that this year, the party would not unfold in its usual form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hearts long for the liberatory beauty, the freaky, outrageous, decadent, and depraved dreams-turned-into-actions, of the militant queers who show up,” the unknown organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’re starting to feel that the alley has outgrown itself. Each year it gets bigger, more people show up and not all of them share our dreams,” they said, later nodding to “rebellious play” and LGBTQ+ protests throughout history like Compton’s Cafeteria Riot and Stonewall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court term has come to an end with a flurry of blockbuster rulings. Today, the justices preserved birthright citizenship, striking down the executive order President Trump issued on the first day of his second term seeking to end it. They also ruled that states can bar transgender athletes from girls’ and women’s sports and loosened campaign finance restrictions by allowing candidates and political parties to coordinate their spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In earlier decisions, the court also undercut protections for immigrants and yesterday, it handed the president sweeping power to fire leaders of independent federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa sorts through the decisions with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Melissa Murray, a law professor at New York University and cohost of the Strict Scrutiny podcast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court term has come to an end with a flurry of blockbuster rulings. Today, the justices preserved birthright citizenship, striking down the executive order President Trump issued on the first day of his second term seeking to end it. They also ruled that states can bar transgender athletes from girls’ and women’s sports and loosened campaign finance restrictions by allowing candidates and political parties to coordinate their spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In earlier decisions, the court also undercut protections for immigrants and yesterday, it handed the president sweeping power to fire leaders of independent federal agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa sorts through the decisions with \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Melissa Murray, a law professor at New York University and cohost of the Strict Scrutiny podcast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> ruled Tuesday that states can bar transgender people from competing in girls’ and women’s sports, California student-athletes will continue to be allowed to participate on teams that match their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to uphold a pair of laws in Idaho and West Virginia prohibiting transgender student-athletes’ participation in women and girls’ sports kicks the decision to states. In recent years, 27 have passed laws affirming that Title IX allows schools “to provide separate women’s and men’s sports teams defined by biological sex,” while others, including California, have created protections for trans students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision is heartbreaking for transgender student athletes and their families,” said Tony Hoang, the executive director of Equality California. “At the same time, the court did not give states or schools a blank check to discriminate against transgender people … schools and states like California can continue to adopt inclusive policies that ensure every student is treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices ruled that Title IX allows for schools to determine eligibility for women and girls’ sports based on biological sex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women and girls should be allowed to compete for those life-changing opportunities on an equal playing field, without fear of physical injury from biological males or being forced to compete against biological males,” wrote Justice Brent Kavanaugh on behalf of the court’s conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Lindsay Hecox and Becky Pepper-Jackson, transgender student-athletes in Idaho and West Virginia, had argued that the bans violate Title IX of the Education Amendments, which bars sex discrimination in education. Pepper-Jackson also alleged that West Virginia’s law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12089301\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12089301 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defenders of female sports categories gather in front of the U.S. Supreme Court as they wait for rulings on June 30, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Today, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a ban on birthright citizenship, upheld state restrictions on transgender athletes in female sports, and eliminated federal limits on coordinated campaign spending. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Hecox, then a Boise State University student, sued Idaho after it became the first state in the nation to pass a law banning transgender women and girls from participating on girls’ sports teams. She alleged that the ban violated her rights by preventing her from trying out for the university’s NCAA track and cross country teams as a freshman. Hecox’s case was also joined by a cisgender high school athlete, who said she feared that her sex might be “disputed” under the act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper-Jackson, a 15-year-old shot put and discus athlete in West Virginia, sued the state in 2021 over its similar “Save Women in Sports” Law, which prohibited her from joining her middle school’s track and cross country teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Ketanji Brown Jackson and Elena Kagan issued a partial dissent, saying that while Pepper-Jackson’s Title IX claim failed, her challenge under the Equal Protection Clause should be returned to the district court to address “unresolved factual questions.”[aside postID=news_12081357 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']While the case doesn’t overturn state laws protecting transgender student-athletes, it could have ramifications in California, which was\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> sued in 2025 by the Trump administration\u003c/a> over its policies allowing trans students to compete on teams consistent with their gender identity. Already, conservative activists have taken to social media, threatening to push legislation barring transgender athletes from girls’ sports in more states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Blue states with boys on girls’ podiums … you’re next,” Kristen Waggoner, the CEO of parents’ rights group Alliance Defending Freedom, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/KristenWaggoner/status/2071958155127382026\">wrote on the social media platform X\u003c/a> on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Norcross, whose transgender daughter is a track and field athlete in the Central Coast town of Arroyo Grande, said he’s afraid Democratic lawmakers could bow to that political pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s become a very politically sensitive discussion,” he said. “Our own governor, Governor Newsom, has made some very poorly worded and poorly thought-through comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom questioned the fairness of transgender students’ participation on girls’ sports teams in an episode of his podcast in 2025, and later told KQED’s Political Breakdown that he believes there should be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061434/newsom-trump-sending-troops-to-monitor-californias-election-is-a-2026-preview\">changes in state law\u003c/a> clarifying when and how transgender women and girls can compete in women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lily, left, and her father, Trevor Norcross, attend a meeting of the California Interscholastic Federation’s executive committee in Oakland on April 24, 2026. \u003ccite>(Desmond Meagley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norcross’s daughter, Lily, 17, worries that Newsom could move to do so before his term ends in November. She also said that the state’s likely gubernatorial elect, Xavier Bacerra, “has refused to give a definitive comment on whether or not he will protect trans athletes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Collegiate Athletic Association and U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committees have also banned transgender women from women’s sports, following an executive order from President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/keeping-men-out-of-womens-sports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">threatening to withhold federal funding\u003c/a> from educational institutions that allow trans women to compete on girls’ teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of school sports, the ruling could inform other cases surrounding trans rights — like litigation currently playing out across the country regarding federal funding for schools with protections for transgender students and healthcare centers that offer gender-affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dale Melchert, an attorney with the Transgender Law Center, said the decision “takes off the table one of the powerful legal tools we have at our disposal to advocate for trans communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the Supreme Court says that the Constitution doesn’t protect trans people, that is clearly devastating, regardless of whether you live in a state that is supportive or not,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> ruled Tuesday that states can bar transgender people from competing in girls’ and women’s sports, California student-athletes will continue to be allowed to participate on teams that match their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to uphold a pair of laws in Idaho and West Virginia prohibiting transgender student-athletes’ participation in women and girls’ sports kicks the decision to states. In recent years, 27 have passed laws affirming that Title IX allows schools “to provide separate women’s and men’s sports teams defined by biological sex,” while others, including California, have created protections for trans students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision is heartbreaking for transgender student athletes and their families,” said Tony Hoang, the executive director of Equality California. “At the same time, the court did not give states or schools a blank check to discriminate against transgender people … schools and states like California can continue to adopt inclusive policies that ensure every student is treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices ruled that Title IX allows for schools to determine eligibility for women and girls’ sports based on biological sex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women and girls should be allowed to compete for those life-changing opportunities on an equal playing field, without fear of physical injury from biological males or being forced to compete against biological males,” wrote Justice Brent Kavanaugh on behalf of the court’s conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Lindsay Hecox and Becky Pepper-Jackson, transgender student-athletes in Idaho and West Virginia, had argued that the bans violate Title IX of the Education Amendments, which bars sex discrimination in education. Pepper-Jackson also alleged that West Virginia’s law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12089301\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12089301 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TransgenderAthletesSCOTUSGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defenders of female sports categories gather in front of the U.S. Supreme Court as they wait for rulings on June 30, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Today, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a ban on birthright citizenship, upheld state restrictions on transgender athletes in female sports, and eliminated federal limits on coordinated campaign spending. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Hecox, then a Boise State University student, sued Idaho after it became the first state in the nation to pass a law banning transgender women and girls from participating on girls’ sports teams. She alleged that the ban violated her rights by preventing her from trying out for the university’s NCAA track and cross country teams as a freshman. Hecox’s case was also joined by a cisgender high school athlete, who said she feared that her sex might be “disputed” under the act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper-Jackson, a 15-year-old shot put and discus athlete in West Virginia, sued the state in 2021 over its similar “Save Women in Sports” Law, which prohibited her from joining her middle school’s track and cross country teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Ketanji Brown Jackson and Elena Kagan issued a partial dissent, saying that while Pepper-Jackson’s Title IX claim failed, her challenge under the Equal Protection Clause should be returned to the district court to address “unresolved factual questions.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While the case doesn’t overturn state laws protecting transgender student-athletes, it could have ramifications in California, which was\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> sued in 2025 by the Trump administration\u003c/a> over its policies allowing trans students to compete on teams consistent with their gender identity. Already, conservative activists have taken to social media, threatening to push legislation barring transgender athletes from girls’ sports in more states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Blue states with boys on girls’ podiums … you’re next,” Kristen Waggoner, the CEO of parents’ rights group Alliance Defending Freedom, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/KristenWaggoner/status/2071958155127382026\">wrote on the social media platform X\u003c/a> on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Norcross, whose transgender daughter is a track and field athlete in the Central Coast town of Arroyo Grande, said he’s afraid Democratic lawmakers could bow to that political pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s become a very politically sensitive discussion,” he said. “Our own governor, Governor Newsom, has made some very poorly worded and poorly thought-through comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom questioned the fairness of transgender students’ participation on girls’ sports teams in an episode of his podcast in 2025, and later told KQED’s Political Breakdown that he believes there should be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061434/newsom-trump-sending-troops-to-monitor-californias-election-is-a-2026-preview\">changes in state law\u003c/a> clarifying when and how transgender women and girls can compete in women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260429-CIF-Trans-Athletes-01-KQED-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lily, left, and her father, Trevor Norcross, attend a meeting of the California Interscholastic Federation’s executive committee in Oakland on April 24, 2026. \u003ccite>(Desmond Meagley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Norcross’s daughter, Lily, 17, worries that Newsom could move to do so before his term ends in November. She also said that the state’s likely gubernatorial elect, Xavier Bacerra, “has refused to give a definitive comment on whether or not he will protect trans athletes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Collegiate Athletic Association and U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committees have also banned transgender women from women’s sports, following an executive order from President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/keeping-men-out-of-womens-sports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">threatening to withhold federal funding\u003c/a> from educational institutions that allow trans women to compete on girls’ teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of school sports, the ruling could inform other cases surrounding trans rights — like litigation currently playing out across the country regarding federal funding for schools with protections for transgender students and healthcare centers that offer gender-affirming care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dale Melchert, an attorney with the Transgender Law Center, said the decision “takes off the table one of the powerful legal tools we have at our disposal to advocate for trans communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the Supreme Court says that the Constitution doesn’t protect trans people, that is clearly devastating, regardless of whether you live in a state that is supportive or not,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Supreme Court Upholds Birthright Citizenship in Case With San Francisco Roots",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> upheld equal citizenship for all born on American soil on Tuesday, in a landmark victory for the country’s immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long-awaited decision in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em> delivers a huge blow to the immigration agenda of President Donald Trump, who issued an executive order challenging birthright citizenship on his first day in office. The court rejected the administration’s argument that children whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents aren’t subject to the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Citizenship, then and now,” Chief Justice John Roberts concluded, “was the right to have rights–to freely participate in our political community. The Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment extended that promise to ‘every free-born person in this land.’ We keep that promise today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was largely decided along ideological lines. Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil M. Gorsuch and Samuel A. Alito Jr. dissented. In Alito’s dissent, he wrote: “[t]his is one of the most important decisions in the history of the Court, and in my judgment, the Court has made a serious mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Brett Kavanaugh agreed in the decision but under different reasoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a century, babies born in the U.S. have been granted citizenship based on the 14th Amendment, which says that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.”[aside postID=news_12088125 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg']Initially introduced in response to laws in Southern states restricting the rights of formerly enslaved Black Americans after the Civil War, the Supreme Court ruled in 1898 that the 14th Amendment applies to all children born in the U.S. to parents “domiciled” within the country. This case was brought by Wong Kim Ark, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">a San Francisco-born man\u003c/a> who successfully defended his claim to citizenship — after officials claimed that the fact that his parents were Chinese nationals at the time of his birth disqualified him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, only narrow exceptions existed for children whose parents were high-ranking foreign diplomats or were in the U.S. as an invading army.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-365/383785/20251106155818044_25-365%20Trump%20v.%20Barbara.pdf\">case briefs\u003c/a>, the Trump administration argued that the 14th Amendment was never intended to be extended to “the children of aliens illegally or temporarily” in the U.S. \u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>, they argued, involved a child with parents who had “permanent domicil and residence,” and therefore Trump’s order is lawful and constitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court held that, in\u003cem> Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>, the 14th Amendment was “‘declaratory’ of the ‘fundamental rule of citizenship by birth’ that prevailed at common law … Under that understanding, aliens who traveled to the United States for ‘business or pleasure’ received no ‘exemption from the jurisdiction of the country.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the contrary, they were subject to that jurisdiction for as long as they remained here — and any children born to them were American citizens under the Fourteenth Amendment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 cities across the U.S., including San José and San Francisco, filed briefs with the court in support of birthright citizenship. San José Mayor Matt Mahan, a former public school teacher, said a ruling in the opposite direction would have created immense uncertainty for many local school children whose parents are undocumented or are on temporary visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would have opened the question of are they, in fact, citizens or not,” Mahan said. “And imagine the fear of being someone who was born here as a U.S. Citizen, as per the Constitution, now having that questioned and what the consequences of that could be… It’s horrific that we’re even contemplating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "For more than a century, babies born in the U.S. have been granted citizenship based on the 14th Amendment, thanks to a prior ruling in favor of a Chinese American man born in the Bay Area. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> upheld equal citizenship for all born on American soil on Tuesday, in a landmark victory for the country’s immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long-awaited decision in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em> delivers a huge blow to the immigration agenda of President Donald Trump, who issued an executive order challenging birthright citizenship on his first day in office. The court rejected the administration’s argument that children whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents aren’t subject to the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Citizenship, then and now,” Chief Justice John Roberts concluded, “was the right to have rights–to freely participate in our political community. The Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment extended that promise to ‘every free-born person in this land.’ We keep that promise today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was largely decided along ideological lines. Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil M. Gorsuch and Samuel A. Alito Jr. dissented. In Alito’s dissent, he wrote: “[t]his is one of the most important decisions in the history of the Court, and in my judgment, the Court has made a serious mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Brett Kavanaugh agreed in the decision but under different reasoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a century, babies born in the U.S. have been granted citizenship based on the 14th Amendment, which says that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Initially introduced in response to laws in Southern states restricting the rights of formerly enslaved Black Americans after the Civil War, the Supreme Court ruled in 1898 that the 14th Amendment applies to all children born in the U.S. to parents “domiciled” within the country. This case was brought by Wong Kim Ark, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">a San Francisco-born man\u003c/a> who successfully defended his claim to citizenship — after officials claimed that the fact that his parents were Chinese nationals at the time of his birth disqualified him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, only narrow exceptions existed for children whose parents were high-ranking foreign diplomats or were in the U.S. as an invading army.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-365/383785/20251106155818044_25-365%20Trump%20v.%20Barbara.pdf\">case briefs\u003c/a>, the Trump administration argued that the 14th Amendment was never intended to be extended to “the children of aliens illegally or temporarily” in the U.S. \u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>, they argued, involved a child with parents who had “permanent domicil and residence,” and therefore Trump’s order is lawful and constitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court held that, in\u003cem> Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>, the 14th Amendment was “‘declaratory’ of the ‘fundamental rule of citizenship by birth’ that prevailed at common law … Under that understanding, aliens who traveled to the United States for ‘business or pleasure’ received no ‘exemption from the jurisdiction of the country.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the contrary, they were subject to that jurisdiction for as long as they remained here — and any children born to them were American citizens under the Fourteenth Amendment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 cities across the U.S., including San José and San Francisco, filed briefs with the court in support of birthright citizenship. San José Mayor Matt Mahan, a former public school teacher, said a ruling in the opposite direction would have created immense uncertainty for many local school children whose parents are undocumented or are on temporary visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would have opened the question of are they, in fact, citizens or not,” Mahan said. “And imagine the fear of being someone who was born here as a U.S. Citizen, as per the Constitution, now having that questioned and what the consequences of that could be… It’s horrific that we’re even contemplating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Deputy Public Defender Sierra Villaran set out to explain to a judge just how sweeping a single police warrant could be, she cited a striking estimate: to comply with the warrant, Google likely had to search the location data of some 500 million people — all to identify six possible suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have location history enabled on your phone, they searched you,” Villaran said. “They searched me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of data dragnet is subject to the Fourth Amendment, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> ruled Monday, in a decision civil liberties advocates are calling a significant, if incomplete, victory in the fight over digital surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Chatrie v. United States\u003c/em>, the justices held 6-3 that people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy in records of where their phones have been, even in public. Writing for the majority, Justice Elena Kagan said police “intrude on that constitutionally protected interest when they demand the information,” even briefly and from a third-party company like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of naming a suspect and requesting their records, as they would in a traditional warrant, police draw a virtual boundary around a place and a span of time, then ask a company to turn over data on every device inside it — whether or not those people had any link to the crime. In the \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>case, police in Richmond, Virginia, used a so-called “geofence warrant” covering more than 70,000 square meters — more than 13 football fields — of a busy area to find an armed bank robber, vacuuming up data of everyone else nearby in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Geofence warrants are] the equivalent of going to every home, every apartment, every tent in the city,” Villaran said. “I have no reason to suspect that you were there; I’m going to search your phone anyway. That’s the broadest imaginable search.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, which filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-112/399720/20260302152050137_25-112%20Amicus%20Brief.pdf\">brief\u003c/a> in Monday’s case, has fought these warrants for years, arguing they amount to unconstitutional general searches by design. The group \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2026/06/victory-supreme-court-says-constitution-protects-peoples-location-data\">welcomed \u003c/a>the ruling, saying even brief tracking can reveal intimate details of a person’s life — where they worship, who they associate with, their political activity, their relationships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EFF said the ruling was important because the justices affirmed that data generated by the apps on a phone belongs to the owner and is protected, even when shared with a tech company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadeir Abbas, attorney for the Council on American-Islamic Relations who has represented clients challenging the seizure and search of their phones, said the ruling matters far beyond geofencing. For decades, courts have generally held that information a person gives to a third party, such as a phone carrier or an internet provider, isn’t constitutionally protected — a principle known as the third-party doctrine. The court’s reasoning, he said, breaks from that assumption, at least for location data.[aside postID=news_12088503 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJFile-02-BL-KQED.jpg']“It’s data that your phone gives to another company automatically as you move about the world,” Abbas said, adding that the court found that sharing it doesn’t surrender a person’s expectation of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is narrow in scope. The justices ruled only that accessing the data is a search; they left it to a lower court to decide whether the specific warrant in the \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>case was valid, a process Abbas estimated could take another five to seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion is also limited to smartphone location data, leaving open how it applies to laptops, IP addresses or other digital records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abbas sees broader stakes for anyone whose devices can be searched, especially travelers. He has represented clients whose phones were seized repeatedly at the border; one man, he said, had five devices taken before the government relented. Abbas noted that Customs and Border Protection agents can currently search and seize a phone based on what he called a vaguely defined “national security concern,” and that this is a standard he said falls short of reasonable suspicion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ruling like this one, he said, “foretells the end of that practice.” He called it “another brick in the wall against that kind of lawless government surveillance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaran noted that the Bay Area has long been a testing ground for this fight. In 2022, a San Francisco court ruled in \u003cem>People v. Dawes\u003c/em> — a case Villaran litigated for the public defender’s office — that a geofence warrant issued to the San Francisco Police Department violated both the Fourth Amendment and California’s electronic privacy law. It was the first time a state court suppressed evidence from such a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071979\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071979 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Chatrie v. United States, the justices held 6-3 that people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy in records of where their phones have been, even in public. \u003ccite>(D3sign/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That California law, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/policerecords\">CalECPA\u003c/a>, is part of what makes the state’s protections stronger than what the Supreme Court just established nationally, Villaran said. \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>rests on the Fourth Amendment alone. California layers CalECPA on top, spelling out specific rules the government must follow to obtain electronic data and offering remedies beyond what the Fourth Amendment provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaran said lasting change is more likely to come from legislation like CalECPA than from individual defendants fighting warrants one at a time. She also noted that Google has largely stopped responding to geofence warrants. However, law enforcement agencies have made the request of other tech companies like Apple, Lyft, Snapchat, Microsoft and Yahoo, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/29/us/politics/supreme-court-geofence-warrant-cell-phones.html\">\u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which makes the ruling still relevant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that most folks would be horrified to know they were part of a huge dragnet search to see if they were in a certain part of the city at a certain time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Deputy Public Defender Sierra Villaran set out to explain to a judge just how sweeping a single police warrant could be, she cited a striking estimate: to comply with the warrant, Google likely had to search the location data of some 500 million people — all to identify six possible suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have location history enabled on your phone, they searched you,” Villaran said. “They searched me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of data dragnet is subject to the Fourth Amendment, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court-of-the-united-states\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> ruled Monday, in a decision civil liberties advocates are calling a significant, if incomplete, victory in the fight over digital surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Chatrie v. United States\u003c/em>, the justices held 6-3 that people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy in records of where their phones have been, even in public. Writing for the majority, Justice Elena Kagan said police “intrude on that constitutionally protected interest when they demand the information,” even briefly and from a third-party company like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of naming a suspect and requesting their records, as they would in a traditional warrant, police draw a virtual boundary around a place and a span of time, then ask a company to turn over data on every device inside it — whether or not those people had any link to the crime. In the \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>case, police in Richmond, Virginia, used a so-called “geofence warrant” covering more than 70,000 square meters — more than 13 football fields — of a busy area to find an armed bank robber, vacuuming up data of everyone else nearby in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Geofence warrants are] the equivalent of going to every home, every apartment, every tent in the city,” Villaran said. “I have no reason to suspect that you were there; I’m going to search your phone anyway. That’s the broadest imaginable search.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, which filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-112/399720/20260302152050137_25-112%20Amicus%20Brief.pdf\">brief\u003c/a> in Monday’s case, has fought these warrants for years, arguing they amount to unconstitutional general searches by design. The group \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2026/06/victory-supreme-court-says-constitution-protects-peoples-location-data\">welcomed \u003c/a>the ruling, saying even brief tracking can reveal intimate details of a person’s life — where they worship, who they associate with, their political activity, their relationships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EFF said the ruling was important because the justices affirmed that data generated by the apps on a phone belongs to the owner and is protected, even when shared with a tech company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gadeir Abbas, attorney for the Council on American-Islamic Relations who has represented clients challenging the seizure and search of their phones, said the ruling matters far beyond geofencing. For decades, courts have generally held that information a person gives to a third party, such as a phone carrier or an internet provider, isn’t constitutionally protected — a principle known as the third-party doctrine. The court’s reasoning, he said, breaks from that assumption, at least for location data.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s data that your phone gives to another company automatically as you move about the world,” Abbas said, adding that the court found that sharing it doesn’t surrender a person’s expectation of privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is narrow in scope. The justices ruled only that accessing the data is a search; they left it to a lower court to decide whether the specific warrant in the \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>case was valid, a process Abbas estimated could take another five to seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion is also limited to smartphone location data, leaving open how it applies to laptops, IP addresses or other digital records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abbas sees broader stakes for anyone whose devices can be searched, especially travelers. He has represented clients whose phones were seized repeatedly at the border; one man, he said, had five devices taken before the government relented. Abbas noted that Customs and Border Protection agents can currently search and seize a phone based on what he called a vaguely defined “national security concern,” and that this is a standard he said falls short of reasonable suspicion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A ruling like this one, he said, “foretells the end of that practice.” He called it “another brick in the wall against that kind of lawless government surveillance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaran noted that the Bay Area has long been a testing ground for this fight. In 2022, a San Francisco court ruled in \u003cem>People v. Dawes\u003c/em> — a case Villaran litigated for the public defender’s office — that a geofence warrant issued to the San Francisco Police Department violated both the Fourth Amendment and California’s electronic privacy law. It was the first time a state court suppressed evidence from such a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071979\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071979 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/LaptopCellphoneGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Chatrie v. United States, the justices held 6-3 that people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy in records of where their phones have been, even in public. \u003ccite>(D3sign/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That California law, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/policerecords\">CalECPA\u003c/a>, is part of what makes the state’s protections stronger than what the Supreme Court just established nationally, Villaran said. \u003cem>Chatrie \u003c/em>rests on the Fourth Amendment alone. California layers CalECPA on top, spelling out specific rules the government must follow to obtain electronic data and offering remedies beyond what the Fourth Amendment provides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaran said lasting change is more likely to come from legislation like CalECPA than from individual defendants fighting warrants one at a time. She also noted that Google has largely stopped responding to geofence warrants. However, law enforcement agencies have made the request of other tech companies like Apple, Lyft, Snapchat, Microsoft and Yahoo, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/29/us/politics/supreme-court-geofence-warrant-cell-phones.html\">\u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which makes the ruling still relevant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that most folks would be horrified to know they were part of a huge dragnet search to see if they were in a certain part of the city at a certain time,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "supreme-court-ruling-allows-california-to-continue-accepting-ballots-after-election-day",
"title": "Supreme Court Ruling Allows California to Continue Accepting Ballots After Election Day",
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"content": "\u003cp>California and other states can continue to count \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">vote-by-mail ballots\u003c/a> that are postmarked by Election Day but arrive later, after the Supreme Court on Monday rejected a challenge to a similar law in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, \u003cem>Watson v. RNC\u003c/em>, centered on a suit brought by the Republican National Committee against grace periods for ballot arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservatives and Trump administration officials have argued that the practice erodes confidence in elections by slowing down the vote count and opening the door for voter fraud. But supporters of California’s law, which allows election officials to count ballots received up to a week after Election Day, celebrated the decision for protecting ballot access for hundreds of thousands of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s ruling today was a win for voting rights,” Sen. Alex Padilla said at a news conference on Monday morning in San Francisco. “And I think a clear message is that Donald Trump does not control elections. It’s the people who drive our democracy, not this president who has a tendency to overreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the court’s 5-4 decision, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee, wrote that the Election Day laws written by Congress only established a uniform day of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election-day statutes say nothing about ballot receipt, and we cannot add to the words Congress chose,” Barrett wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/gettyimages-2209056030-4-scaled-e1772572598710.jpeg\" alt=\"The U.S. Supreme Court\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court on April 7, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Barrett’s opinion was joined by justices Ketanji Brown Jackson, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor and Chief Justice John Roberts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing absentee ballots to pour in over the days and weeks after election day, by which point preliminary election returns are being publicly reported, creates greater opportunity for fraud and risks further undermining the public’s confidence in election integrity,” Alito wrote.[aside postID=news_12089029 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2261843469-scaled.jpg']President Donald Trump called the ruling “a tremendous loss” in a social media \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116834002761429397\">post\u003c/a>, and he urged Congress to pass legislation that would require voter identification and limit mail-in voting. The Trump administration filed a “friend of the court” brief in the \u003cem>Watson \u003c/em>case, supporting the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in March, Alito pointed to arguments that late-arriving ballots can also erode public confidence by slowing down the counting of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the prolonged vote count in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">is the result\u003c/a> of the large numbers of vote-by-mail ballots received \u003cem>before\u003c/em> the end of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after the June 2 primary, California election officials reported 2.5 million uncounted ballots received through Election Day, compared to under 400,000 uncounted ballots received in the days after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials have spent years urging voters to return their ballots early — or to a ballot dropbox — to avoid missing the postmark deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in the 2024 general election, 406,132 ballots were received after Election Day in California, accounting for 2.5% of the overall turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still a lot of ballots and a lot of voters, and so we’re really relieved to know that our grace period is protected,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers receive vote-by-mail ballots to be tallied at the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk Ballot Processing Center on May 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state budget agreement announced by Newsom and legislative leaders on Friday \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB111\">sets aside\u003c/a> $29 million to help counties hire staff and purchase equipment to help speed up the counting of ballots, as well as $10 million for the secretary of state and counties to encourage voters to return their ballots early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said challenges to California’s vote-by-mail system will continue beyond the \u003cem>Watson\u003c/em> case — including the Trump administration’s effort to have the U.S. Postal Service check vote-by-mail ballots against a list of eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which is currently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">being challenged\u003c/a> in court by California, was blasted by Democratic senators \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsgac.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/260623_USPS_Absentee_EO_Letter.pdf\">in a letter last week\u003c/a> as an effort to “allow USPS to adjudicate who can and cannot vote by mail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that while this [\u003cem>Watson]\u003c/em> decision is great news for California voters and California elections, we aren’t out of the woods yet with regards to the U.S. Postal Service,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s law allowing ballots postmarked by Election Day to arrive up to a week later will stand after the court’s ruling in Watson v. RNC.",
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"title": "Supreme Court Ruling Allows California to Continue Accepting Ballots After Election Day | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California and other states can continue to count \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077491/california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies\">vote-by-mail ballots\u003c/a> that are postmarked by Election Day but arrive later, after the Supreme Court on Monday rejected a challenge to a similar law in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case, \u003cem>Watson v. RNC\u003c/em>, centered on a suit brought by the Republican National Committee against grace periods for ballot arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservatives and Trump administration officials have argued that the practice erodes confidence in elections by slowing down the vote count and opening the door for voter fraud. But supporters of California’s law, which allows election officials to count ballots received up to a week after Election Day, celebrated the decision for protecting ballot access for hundreds of thousands of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s ruling today was a win for voting rights,” Sen. Alex Padilla said at a news conference on Monday morning in San Francisco. “And I think a clear message is that Donald Trump does not control elections. It’s the people who drive our democracy, not this president who has a tendency to overreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the court’s 5-4 decision, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee, wrote that the Election Day laws written by Congress only established a uniform day of voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The election-day statutes say nothing about ballot receipt, and we cannot add to the words Congress chose,” Barrett wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/gettyimages-2209056030-4-scaled-e1772572598710.jpeg\" alt=\"The U.S. Supreme Court\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court on April 7, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Barrett’s opinion was joined by justices Ketanji Brown Jackson, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor and Chief Justice John Roberts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Allowing absentee ballots to pour in over the days and weeks after election day, by which point preliminary election returns are being publicly reported, creates greater opportunity for fraud and risks further undermining the public’s confidence in election integrity,” Alito wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>President Donald Trump called the ruling “a tremendous loss” in a social media \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116834002761429397\">post\u003c/a>, and he urged Congress to pass legislation that would require voter identification and limit mail-in voting. The Trump administration filed a “friend of the court” brief in the \u003cem>Watson \u003c/em>case, supporting the RNC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in March, Alito pointed to arguments that late-arriving ballots can also erode public confidence by slowing down the counting of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, the prolonged vote count in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12087984/three-ways-california-could-speed-up-vote-counting\">is the result\u003c/a> of the large numbers of vote-by-mail ballots received \u003cem>before\u003c/em> the end of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after the June 2 primary, California election officials reported 2.5 million uncounted ballots received through Election Day, compared to under 400,000 uncounted ballots received in the days after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials have spent years urging voters to return their ballots early — or to a ballot dropbox — to avoid missing the postmark deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in the 2024 general election, 406,132 ballots were received after Election Day in California, accounting for 2.5% of the overall turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s still a lot of ballots and a lot of voters, and so we’re really relieved to know that our grace period is protected,” said Kim Alexander, president of the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12085440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12085440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2278677958-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election workers receive vote-by-mail ballots to be tallied at the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk Ballot Processing Center on May 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state budget agreement announced by Newsom and legislative leaders on Friday \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB111\">sets aside\u003c/a> $29 million to help counties hire staff and purchase equipment to help speed up the counting of ballots, as well as $10 million for the secretary of state and counties to encourage voters to return their ballots early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander said challenges to California’s vote-by-mail system will continue beyond the \u003cem>Watson\u003c/em> case — including the Trump administration’s effort to have the U.S. Postal Service check vote-by-mail ballots against a list of eligible voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, which is currently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">being challenged\u003c/a> in court by California, was blasted by Democratic senators \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsgac.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/260623_USPS_Absentee_EO_Letter.pdf\">in a letter last week\u003c/a> as an effort to “allow USPS to adjudicate who can and cannot vote by mail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that while this [\u003cem>Watson]\u003c/em> decision is great news for California voters and California elections, we aren’t out of the woods yet with regards to the U.S. Postal Service,” Alexander said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "what-is-the-california-legislature-doing-about-homelessness-this-year-here-are-the-bills-to-watch",
"title": "What Is the California Legislature Doing About Homelessness This Year? Here Are the Bills to Watch",
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"headTitle": "What Is the California Legislature Doing About Homelessness This Year? Here Are the Bills to Watch | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As this year’s legislative session speeds to a close, a handful of bills focused on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a> crisis have made the cut so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though homelessness improved slightly last year, there are still an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/05/point-in-time-homelessness-report/\">estimated 182,000\u003c/a> Californians with nowhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is top of mind for many lawmakers in Sacramento, who are pushing a range of laws that would do everything from free up state funds for sober housing, dispose of RVs on city streets and create a plan for homelessness prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the bills to watch as they approach their final votes and await a potential signature from the governor:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State-funded sober homeless housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a> with a surprise veto last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/10/newsom-ab-255-veto/\">blocking his bill\u003c/a> that would have allowed state funding to pay for sober homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney is back with a similar bill, which he says will give people recovering from drug and alcohol addiction the choice to live in an environment free from dangerous temptations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who are on the street right now or exiting shelter programs would prefer drug-free housing options,” the San Francisco Democrat said. “And right now there are few options, if any, for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Bill 255 would have allowed cities and counties to spend up to 10% of their state funding on “recovery housing” where people are required to stay sober. That was a tweak to California’s “housing first” strategy, which emphasizes a no-strings-attached approach to housing and generally frowns on barriers that require people to stay clean or participate in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said the state already allows the state to fund sober housing. His office pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/11/sober-housing-ca-texas/\">new set of guidelines\u003c/a> on the subject, published online the day after Newsom’s veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haney says that guidance is unclear, and housing providers still believe state funds are off-limits for sober housing. The proof: Haney said that as far as he knows, no one has used state funds to pay for sober housing since the governor’s veto last year.[aside postID=news_12088488 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240801-ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-MD-02-KQED.jpg?ver=1722631109']His new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1556\">Assembly bill 1556\u003c/a>, lays out the rules a sober housing provider must follow to be eligible for state funding. Each provider must have a policy to handle relapses, which is supposed to help the resident get sober again, but also can include evicting them if they continue to use alcohol or drugs and do not follow the policy. That worries critics, including Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing, who fears it could put people back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike last year’s bill, AB 1556 doesn’t limit the amount of state money that could go to sober housing. The bill comes with no additional funding, meaning the more money that goes to sober housing, the less will be left for the low-barrier housing needed for people who aren’t ready to overcome their addiction, Rapport said. That’s even more worrying because the Trump administration also is prioritizing sober housing for federal funds – creating an even bigger gap in low-barrier housing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really want to see Trump policy implemented in California at the state level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Haney is expecting a more positive reaction from Newsom. “The governor’s office has been very collaborative and responsive from the beginning this time around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Solutions to homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most people in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-concern-about-homelessness-has-softened/\">agree that homelessness\u003c/a> is a problem. But exactly how much would it cost to solve it? And how could California get there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out, the state has never actually done that math publicly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1165\">Assembly Bill 1165\u003c/a> would force the state to do just that. The bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mike-gipson-28\">Assemblymember Mike Gipson\u003c/a>, a Gardena Democrat, would require the California Department of Housing and Community Development to create a financial plan to solve homelessness, as well as performance metrics for success, by January 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would include determining how much money the state would need to meet the housing needs of everyone who is homeless now or expected to become homeless in the future, and how the state could achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Department of Public Works employees clean up debris after a sweep of an encampment on Merlin Street in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on Jan. 27, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated California must plan for 2.5 million homes over the next eight years to meet demand and ease the state’s affordable housing shortage. AB 1165 would require the state to go into more detail about what resources are needed, and lay out a plan to meet that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Corporation for Supportive Housing \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">estimates\u003c/a> it would take $8.1 billion a year for 12 years to solve homelessness. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-budget-legislature-deal/\">budget\u003c/a> the legislature proposed this month includes $900 million for Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention funds – the state’s main source of homeless funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, AB 1165 could help hold legislators and the next governor accountable and push the state to spend its homelessness funds more wisely, Rapport said. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">2024 audit\u003c/a> found the state failed to track its homelessness spending or measure results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t come with new resources to fight homelessness, meaning implementing a plan to end homelessness could be tough in the current tight budget environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a>, would require the California Interagency Council on Homelessness to establish a statewide strategy to prevent homelessness before it happens. If passed, the plan would need to be in place by July 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevention has become an increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">popular way to tackle homelessness\u003c/a>, as it’s much easier and cheaper to help someone hold onto their housing than it is to re-house them once they wind up on the streets. Organizations already using this strategy have found that giving someone several thousand dollars can allow them to avoid homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like AB 1165, the prevention bill also comes with no new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Forcing cities to report homelessness and housing data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How much data on homelessness should California cities that aren’t getting state funds be required to report to the state? That’s the question behind a bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senator Catherine Blakespear\u003c/a>, which has received pushback from some of her colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties, continuums of care (regional groups that coordinate homelessness services) and the 14 largest cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/05/13/governor-newsom-delivers-760-million-in-hhap-funding-to-support-communities-efforts-in-reducing-homelessness/\">are eligible\u003c/a> for money from the state’s Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention program. In exchange for the funds, those entities must report certain data about their homeless populations, the services they offer, and the progress they’ve made getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blakespear, a Democrat from Encinitas, wants the rest of California’s cities, even if they get no funding, to report that data, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072191\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072191\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teesha Baldree (left) and Jacob Miles go through their belongings after moving from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is a regional problem that does not stop at city or county boundaries,” she said during a recent Senate floor hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senate Bill 866\u003c/a> alarmed some city leaders, who complained they don’t have the staff or money to compile that extensive amount of data. Dozens of cities oppose the bill, as does the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a concession, Blakespear agreed to exempt all cities with 50,000 or fewer people – eliminating about half of California’s cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t enough to appease some of her colleagues, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/marie-alvarado-gil-165433\">Republican Senator Marie Alvarado-Gil\u003c/a> from Modesto, who called the bill an un-funded mandate for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to ask,” she said, “if we have this level of opposition, not just from rural communities, not just from Republican-represented communities, but from cities across the state, why do we have a half-cooked bill on this Legislature’s floor?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No arrest warrants for people who miss court dates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">Assembly Bill 2122\u003c/a> doesn’t specifically mention unhoused Californians, but advocates say it would have big implications for people who sleep outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around California are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/06/homelessness-enforcement-data/\">cracking down\u003c/a> on street homelessness, leading to increasing numbers of arrests and citations in some places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are ticketed for unauthorized camping, but they can also be cited for other offenses such as loitering, trespassing, public urination, violating park rules, and more. Typically, the police hand them a paper citation that says when they are supposed to show up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Felony, a Chihuahua-poodle mix, stands on a leash beside owner Kali Donlin outside the Gubbio Project at St. John’s the Evangelist Episcopal Church on Feb. 2, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s common for unhoused people to miss those court dates – they may lack transportation, be unable to leave their belongings or pets unattended, or simply lose track of the date amid the unpredictability of life on the street. When that happens, the court issues a bench warrant for their arrest. The next time they encounter the police, they could go to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does that cost the city money, but it also could make it harder for the person to get housing, Rapport said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2122, by Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, would change that. If someone is cited for an infraction (which could include loitering or other minor offenses) and then misses their court date, they could not be jailed as a result. It would also prohibit courts from issuing arrest warrants for people who fail to pay traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill applies only to infractions. Different cities classify crimes differently – in some places, an offense such as loitering might be an infraction, while in other places it could be a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">opposed to the bill\u003c/a>, and says it sends the message that it’s acceptable to fail to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>RVs on city streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As unhoused Californians increasingly turn to vehicles for shelter, multiple legislators have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/09/homeless-enforcement-cars-rvs/\">turned their attention to addressing\u003c/a> the resulting rows of RVs, trailers and lived-in cars lining streets up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mark-gonzalez-187427\">Assemblymember Mark Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, pushed through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab630\">a bill\u003c/a> intended to make it easier for local governments to dispose of inoperable RVs parked on their streets. The goal was to address vehicles that create blight in neighborhoods and are breeding grounds for bad behavior, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ended up amending the bill to apply only in Los Angeles and Alameda counties. But by making that change, Gonzalez inadvertently made the law basically unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Kauffman, 70, closes the blinds to his RV in San Francisco, Calif., on Jan. 21, 2026. Kauffman has been towed three times since the city’s Large Vehicle Refuge Permit Program, and has been navigating new parking restrictions that aim to eliminate RVs in the city. Since his RV is inoperable, he’s had to pay $700 to tow it out of the city’s tow-yard, and paying $107 in San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority fees. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the counties of Alameda and Los Angeles themselves could use the law to dispose of RVs, the cities within them could not. The Los Angeles City Council found that out the hard way, when it voted to establish an RV disposal program, only to have it \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-02-22/la-wanted-to-dismantle-homeless-rvs-judge-just-shut-that-down\">shot down\u003c/a> in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab647\">Assembly Bill 647\u003c/a> fixes that oversight by allowing cities within those two counties to destroy RVs valued at $4,000 or less. Opponents worry the bill will lead local governments to seize more lived-in RVs, forcing people out of the relative safety of a vehicle and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/06/legislature-homelessness-bills-2026/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bills moving through the Legislature this year address state-funded sober housing, RVs parked on city streets and homelessness prevention.",
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"title": "What Is the California Legislature Doing About Homelessness This Year? Here Are the Bills to Watch | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As this year’s legislative session speeds to a close, a handful of bills focused on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a> crisis have made the cut so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though homelessness improved slightly last year, there are still an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/05/point-in-time-homelessness-report/\">estimated 182,000\u003c/a> Californians with nowhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is top of mind for many lawmakers in Sacramento, who are pushing a range of laws that would do everything from free up state funds for sober housing, dispose of RVs on city streets and create a plan for homelessness prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the bills to watch as they approach their final votes and await a potential signature from the governor:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State-funded sober homeless housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a> with a surprise veto last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/10/newsom-ab-255-veto/\">blocking his bill\u003c/a> that would have allowed state funding to pay for sober homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney is back with a similar bill, which he says will give people recovering from drug and alcohol addiction the choice to live in an environment free from dangerous temptations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who are on the street right now or exiting shelter programs would prefer drug-free housing options,” the San Francisco Democrat said. “And right now there are few options, if any, for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Bill 255 would have allowed cities and counties to spend up to 10% of their state funding on “recovery housing” where people are required to stay sober. That was a tweak to California’s “housing first” strategy, which emphasizes a no-strings-attached approach to housing and generally frowns on barriers that require people to stay clean or participate in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said the state already allows the state to fund sober housing. His office pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/11/sober-housing-ca-texas/\">new set of guidelines\u003c/a> on the subject, published online the day after Newsom’s veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haney says that guidance is unclear, and housing providers still believe state funds are off-limits for sober housing. The proof: Haney said that as far as he knows, no one has used state funds to pay for sober housing since the governor’s veto last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>His new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1556\">Assembly bill 1556\u003c/a>, lays out the rules a sober housing provider must follow to be eligible for state funding. Each provider must have a policy to handle relapses, which is supposed to help the resident get sober again, but also can include evicting them if they continue to use alcohol or drugs and do not follow the policy. That worries critics, including Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing, who fears it could put people back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike last year’s bill, AB 1556 doesn’t limit the amount of state money that could go to sober housing. The bill comes with no additional funding, meaning the more money that goes to sober housing, the less will be left for the low-barrier housing needed for people who aren’t ready to overcome their addiction, Rapport said. That’s even more worrying because the Trump administration also is prioritizing sober housing for federal funds – creating an even bigger gap in low-barrier housing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really want to see Trump policy implemented in California at the state level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Haney is expecting a more positive reaction from Newsom. “The governor’s office has been very collaborative and responsive from the beginning this time around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Solutions to homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most people in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-concern-about-homelessness-has-softened/\">agree that homelessness\u003c/a> is a problem. But exactly how much would it cost to solve it? And how could California get there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out, the state has never actually done that math publicly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1165\">Assembly Bill 1165\u003c/a> would force the state to do just that. The bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mike-gipson-28\">Assemblymember Mike Gipson\u003c/a>, a Gardena Democrat, would require the California Department of Housing and Community Development to create a financial plan to solve homelessness, as well as performance metrics for success, by January 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would include determining how much money the state would need to meet the housing needs of everyone who is homeless now or expected to become homeless in the future, and how the state could achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Department of Public Works employees clean up debris after a sweep of an encampment on Merlin Street in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on Jan. 27, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated California must plan for 2.5 million homes over the next eight years to meet demand and ease the state’s affordable housing shortage. AB 1165 would require the state to go into more detail about what resources are needed, and lay out a plan to meet that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Corporation for Supportive Housing \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">estimates\u003c/a> it would take $8.1 billion a year for 12 years to solve homelessness. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-budget-legislature-deal/\">budget\u003c/a> the legislature proposed this month includes $900 million for Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention funds – the state’s main source of homeless funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, AB 1165 could help hold legislators and the next governor accountable and push the state to spend its homelessness funds more wisely, Rapport said. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">2024 audit\u003c/a> found the state failed to track its homelessness spending or measure results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t come with new resources to fight homelessness, meaning implementing a plan to end homelessness could be tough in the current tight budget environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a>, would require the California Interagency Council on Homelessness to establish a statewide strategy to prevent homelessness before it happens. If passed, the plan would need to be in place by July 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevention has become an increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">popular way to tackle homelessness\u003c/a>, as it’s much easier and cheaper to help someone hold onto their housing than it is to re-house them once they wind up on the streets. Organizations already using this strategy have found that giving someone several thousand dollars can allow them to avoid homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like AB 1165, the prevention bill also comes with no new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Forcing cities to report homelessness and housing data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How much data on homelessness should California cities that aren’t getting state funds be required to report to the state? That’s the question behind a bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senator Catherine Blakespear\u003c/a>, which has received pushback from some of her colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties, continuums of care (regional groups that coordinate homelessness services) and the 14 largest cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/05/13/governor-newsom-delivers-760-million-in-hhap-funding-to-support-communities-efforts-in-reducing-homelessness/\">are eligible\u003c/a> for money from the state’s Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention program. In exchange for the funds, those entities must report certain data about their homeless populations, the services they offer, and the progress they’ve made getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blakespear, a Democrat from Encinitas, wants the rest of California’s cities, even if they get no funding, to report that data, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072191\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072191\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teesha Baldree (left) and Jacob Miles go through their belongings after moving from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is a regional problem that does not stop at city or county boundaries,” she said during a recent Senate floor hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senate Bill 866\u003c/a> alarmed some city leaders, who complained they don’t have the staff or money to compile that extensive amount of data. Dozens of cities oppose the bill, as does the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a concession, Blakespear agreed to exempt all cities with 50,000 or fewer people – eliminating about half of California’s cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t enough to appease some of her colleagues, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/marie-alvarado-gil-165433\">Republican Senator Marie Alvarado-Gil\u003c/a> from Modesto, who called the bill an un-funded mandate for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to ask,” she said, “if we have this level of opposition, not just from rural communities, not just from Republican-represented communities, but from cities across the state, why do we have a half-cooked bill on this Legislature’s floor?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No arrest warrants for people who miss court dates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">Assembly Bill 2122\u003c/a> doesn’t specifically mention unhoused Californians, but advocates say it would have big implications for people who sleep outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around California are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/06/homelessness-enforcement-data/\">cracking down\u003c/a> on street homelessness, leading to increasing numbers of arrests and citations in some places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are ticketed for unauthorized camping, but they can also be cited for other offenses such as loitering, trespassing, public urination, violating park rules, and more. Typically, the police hand them a paper citation that says when they are supposed to show up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Felony, a Chihuahua-poodle mix, stands on a leash beside owner Kali Donlin outside the Gubbio Project at St. John’s the Evangelist Episcopal Church on Feb. 2, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s common for unhoused people to miss those court dates – they may lack transportation, be unable to leave their belongings or pets unattended, or simply lose track of the date amid the unpredictability of life on the street. When that happens, the court issues a bench warrant for their arrest. The next time they encounter the police, they could go to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does that cost the city money, but it also could make it harder for the person to get housing, Rapport said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2122, by Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, would change that. If someone is cited for an infraction (which could include loitering or other minor offenses) and then misses their court date, they could not be jailed as a result. It would also prohibit courts from issuing arrest warrants for people who fail to pay traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill applies only to infractions. Different cities classify crimes differently – in some places, an offense such as loitering might be an infraction, while in other places it could be a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">opposed to the bill\u003c/a>, and says it sends the message that it’s acceptable to fail to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>RVs on city streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As unhoused Californians increasingly turn to vehicles for shelter, multiple legislators have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/09/homeless-enforcement-cars-rvs/\">turned their attention to addressing\u003c/a> the resulting rows of RVs, trailers and lived-in cars lining streets up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mark-gonzalez-187427\">Assemblymember Mark Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, pushed through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab630\">a bill\u003c/a> intended to make it easier for local governments to dispose of inoperable RVs parked on their streets. The goal was to address vehicles that create blight in neighborhoods and are breeding grounds for bad behavior, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ended up amending the bill to apply only in Los Angeles and Alameda counties. But by making that change, Gonzalez inadvertently made the law basically unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Kauffman, 70, closes the blinds to his RV in San Francisco, Calif., on Jan. 21, 2026. Kauffman has been towed three times since the city’s Large Vehicle Refuge Permit Program, and has been navigating new parking restrictions that aim to eliminate RVs in the city. Since his RV is inoperable, he’s had to pay $700 to tow it out of the city’s tow-yard, and paying $107 in San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority fees. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the counties of Alameda and Los Angeles themselves could use the law to dispose of RVs, the cities within them could not. The Los Angeles City Council found that out the hard way, when it voted to establish an RV disposal program, only to have it \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-02-22/la-wanted-to-dismantle-homeless-rvs-judge-just-shut-that-down\">shot down\u003c/a> in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab647\">Assembly Bill 647\u003c/a> fixes that oversight by allowing cities within those two counties to destroy RVs valued at $4,000 or less. Opponents worry the bill will lead local governments to seize more lived-in RVs, forcing people out of the relative safety of a vehicle and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/06/legislature-homelessness-bills-2026/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration said Friday it will review \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-coast\">California’s coastal\u003c/a> management powers, the White House’s latest attempt to undermine the state’s environmental protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration announced it will perform a thorough\u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/06/26/2026-12907/evaluation-of-the-california-coastal-management-program-notice-of-public-meetings-request-for\"> evaluation\u003c/a> of the state’s coastal management practices, including how watchdogs have addressed — or “failed to address … spaceport infrastructure, offshore oil production, pipeline maintenance, desalination projects, undersea cables, and other key priorities of national importance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America must continue to lead in innovation, space exploration, and economic strength,” said U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick in a May \u003ca href=\"https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2026/05/commerce-department-initiates-review-california-coastal-management\">press release\u003c/a>. “Obstructionist policies that delay critical national infrastructure in the name of environmental extremism are unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Coastal Management Program includes the California Coastal Commission, the California Coastal Conservancy and the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. NOAA will hold an in-person meeting and two virtual public hearings on the topic in August and will accept comments through Aug. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coastal experts said the probe is a not-so-veiled political ploy to force open the door to federal projects that align with the administration’s views and run counter to the state’s environmental goals. But they said the pathway to changing California’s authority isn’t an easy one and would likely result in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blatantly political move,” said Mark Lubell, an environmental science and policy professor at UC Davis. “It may be political smoke and mirrors in the long run, but it’s going to take effort to kind of push back on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058095 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2236330121-scaled-e1782512781402.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick (center) delivers remarks as President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office at the White House on Sept. 19, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration said it will review the state’s compliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45460\">Coastal Zone Management Act.\u003c/a> The federal law, established in 1972, allows states to develop programs to protect coastal resources and minimize hazards such as flooding and sea-level rise. It also gives states the power to review federal projects to ensure they comply with state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warner Chabot was part of the campaign that led to the act’s passage. He said the review is a way for the federal government to bypass the state’s objections to developing coastal waters for oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration wants to gut or decapitate the Coastal Commission so they can have free rein for auctioning California coastal waters for offshore oil drilling, plain and simple,” Chabot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary for Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot called the review a “new attack” on the state and federal “collaborative relationship” in managing the coastline.[aside postID=news_12087600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CoalOaklandGetty.jpg']“The federal government is already working to open California’s coast to new offshore drilling,” Crowfoot said in a statement. “Our $51 billion coastal economy serves as a powerful engine for the state’s prosperity, and the people of our state must keep a seat at the table to protect it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Savage, California policy associate director for Surfrider Foundation, a conservation group, said the review is “an incredibly serious issue” and an attempt to take the state’s authority from managing its coastline. Savage said \u003ca href=\"https://www.surfrider.org/news/the-federal-government-is-reviewing-californias-coastal-management-program.-heres-what-that-means-for-beaches-everywhere\">the outcome\u003c/a> could lead to the removal of oversight of federal projects and the loss of funding for those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear this is the Trump administration using a federal process to punish California,” Savage said. “We know that the Trump administration does not have California’s protections as their primary interest, and so we need to push back as hard as possible against this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kristina Hill, a UC Berkeley environmental planning professor and expert in sea level rise issues, said federal efforts to undermine the state could lead to “contamination of the environment, lead to public health risks, beach quality and water quality issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary to see states’ abilities to protect public health and the environment [potentially] weakened,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill said that a decision to strip the state of the power to protect the environment would place the onus on local communities to push back against the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Coastal Management Program includes the California Coastal Commission, the California Coastal Conservancy and the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. NOAA will hold an in-person meeting and two virtual public hearings on the topic in August and will accept comments through Aug. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coastal experts said the probe is a not-so-veiled political ploy to force open the door to federal projects that align with the administration’s views and run counter to the state’s environmental goals. But they said the pathway to changing California’s authority isn’t an easy one and would likely result in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blatantly political move,” said Mark Lubell, an environmental science and policy professor at UC Davis. “It may be political smoke and mirrors in the long run, but it’s going to take effort to kind of push back on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058095 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2236330121-scaled-e1782512781402.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick (center) delivers remarks as President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office at the White House on Sept. 19, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration said it will review the state’s compliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45460\">Coastal Zone Management Act.\u003c/a> The federal law, established in 1972, allows states to develop programs to protect coastal resources and minimize hazards such as flooding and sea-level rise. It also gives states the power to review federal projects to ensure they comply with state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warner Chabot was part of the campaign that led to the act’s passage. He said the review is a way for the federal government to bypass the state’s objections to developing coastal waters for oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration wants to gut or decapitate the Coastal Commission so they can have free rein for auctioning California coastal waters for offshore oil drilling, plain and simple,” Chabot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary for Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot called the review a “new attack” on the state and federal “collaborative relationship” in managing the coastline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The federal government is already working to open California’s coast to new offshore drilling,” Crowfoot said in a statement. “Our $51 billion coastal economy serves as a powerful engine for the state’s prosperity, and the people of our state must keep a seat at the table to protect it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Savage, California policy associate director for Surfrider Foundation, a conservation group, said the review is “an incredibly serious issue” and an attempt to take the state’s authority from managing its coastline. Savage said \u003ca href=\"https://www.surfrider.org/news/the-federal-government-is-reviewing-californias-coastal-management-program.-heres-what-that-means-for-beaches-everywhere\">the outcome\u003c/a> could lead to the removal of oversight of federal projects and the loss of funding for those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear this is the Trump administration using a federal process to punish California,” Savage said. “We know that the Trump administration does not have California’s protections as their primary interest, and so we need to push back as hard as possible against this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kristina Hill, a UC Berkeley environmental planning professor and expert in sea level rise issues, said federal efforts to undermine the state could lead to “contamination of the environment, lead to public health risks, beach quality and water quality issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary to see states’ abilities to protect public health and the environment [potentially] weakened,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill said that a decision to strip the state of the power to protect the environment would place the onus on local communities to push back against the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
},
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
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