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"slug": "what-is-the-california-legislature-doing-about-homelessness-this-year-here-are-the-bills-to-watch",
"title": "What Is the California Legislature Doing About Homelessness This Year? Here Are the Bills to Watch",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As this year’s legislative session speeds to a close, a handful of bills focused on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a> crisis have made the cut so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though homelessness improved slightly last year, there are still an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/05/point-in-time-homelessness-report/\">estimated 182,000\u003c/a> Californians with nowhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is top of mind for many lawmakers in Sacramento, who are pushing a range of laws that would do everything from free up state funds for sober housing, dispose of RVs on city streets and create a plan for homelessness prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the bills to watch as they approach their final votes and await a potential signature from the governor:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State-funded sober homeless housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a> with a surprise veto last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/10/newsom-ab-255-veto/\">blocking his bill\u003c/a> that would have allowed state funding to pay for sober homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney is back with a similar bill, which he says will give people recovering from drug and alcohol addiction the choice to live in an environment free from dangerous temptations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who are on the street right now or exiting shelter programs would prefer drug-free housing options,” the San Francisco Democrat said. “And right now there are few options, if any, for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Bill 255 would have allowed cities and counties to spend up to 10% of their state funding on “recovery housing” where people are required to stay sober. That was a tweak to California’s “housing first” strategy, which emphasizes a no-strings-attached approach to housing and generally frowns on barriers that require people to stay clean or participate in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said the state already allows the state to fund sober housing. His office pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/11/sober-housing-ca-texas/\">new set of guidelines\u003c/a> on the subject, published online the day after Newsom’s veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haney says that guidance is unclear, and housing providers still believe state funds are off-limits for sober housing. The proof: Haney said that as far as he knows, no one has used state funds to pay for sober housing since the governor’s veto last year.[aside postID=news_12088488 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240801-ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-MD-02-KQED.jpg?ver=1722631109']His new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1556\">Assembly bill 1556\u003c/a>, lays out the rules a sober housing provider must follow to be eligible for state funding. Each provider must have a policy to handle relapses, which is supposed to help the resident get sober again, but also can include evicting them if they continue to use alcohol or drugs and do not follow the policy. That worries critics, including Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing, who fears it could put people back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike last year’s bill, AB 1556 doesn’t limit the amount of state money that could go to sober housing. The bill comes with no additional funding, meaning the more money that goes to sober housing, the less will be left for the low-barrier housing needed for people who aren’t ready to overcome their addiction, Rapport said. That’s even more worrying because the Trump administration also is prioritizing sober housing for federal funds – creating an even bigger gap in low-barrier housing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really want to see Trump policy implemented in California at the state level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Haney is expecting a more positive reaction from Newsom. “The governor’s office has been very collaborative and responsive from the beginning this time around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Solutions to homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most people in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-concern-about-homelessness-has-softened/\">agree that homelessness\u003c/a> is a problem. But exactly how much would it cost to solve it? And how could California get there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out, the state has never actually done that math publicly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1165\">Assembly Bill 1165\u003c/a> would force the state to do just that. The bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mike-gipson-28\">Assemblymember Mike Gipson\u003c/a>, a Gardena Democrat, would require the California Department of Housing and Community Development to create a financial plan to solve homelessness, as well as performance metrics for success, by January 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would include determining how much money the state would need to meet the housing needs of everyone who is homeless now or expected to become homeless in the future, and how the state could achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Department of Public Works employees clean up debris after a sweep of an encampment on Merlin Street in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on Jan. 27, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated California must plan for 2.5 million homes over the next eight years to meet demand and ease the state’s affordable housing shortage. AB 1165 would require the state to go into more detail about what resources are needed, and lay out a plan to meet that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Corporation for Supportive Housing \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">estimates\u003c/a> it would take $8.1 billion a year for 12 years to solve homelessness. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-budget-legislature-deal/\">budget\u003c/a> the legislature proposed this month includes $900 million for Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention funds – the state’s main source of homeless funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, AB 1165 could help hold legislators and the next governor accountable and push the state to spend its homelessness funds more wisely, Rapport said. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">2024 audit\u003c/a> found the state failed to track its homelessness spending or measure results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t come with new resources to fight homelessness, meaning implementing a plan to end homelessness could be tough in the current tight budget environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a>, would require the California Interagency Council on Homelessness to establish a statewide strategy to prevent homelessness before it happens. If passed, the plan would need to be in place by July 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevention has become an increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">popular way to tackle homelessness\u003c/a>, as it’s much easier and cheaper to help someone hold onto their housing than it is to re-house them once they wind up on the streets. Organizations already using this strategy have found that giving someone several thousand dollars can allow them to avoid homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like AB 1165, the prevention bill also comes with no new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Forcing cities to report homelessness and housing data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How much data on homelessness should California cities that aren’t getting state funds be required to report to the state? That’s the question behind a bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senator Catherine Blakespear\u003c/a>, which has received pushback from some of her colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties, continuums of care (regional groups that coordinate homelessness services) and the 14 largest cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/05/13/governor-newsom-delivers-760-million-in-hhap-funding-to-support-communities-efforts-in-reducing-homelessness/\">are eligible\u003c/a> for money from the state’s Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention program. In exchange for the funds, those entities must report certain data about their homeless populations, the services they offer, and the progress they’ve made getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blakespear, a Democrat from Encinitas, wants the rest of California’s cities, even if they get no funding, to report that data, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072191\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072191\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teesha Baldree (left) and Jacob Miles go through their belongings after moving from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is a regional problem that does not stop at city or county boundaries,” she said during a recent Senate floor hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senate Bill 866\u003c/a> alarmed some city leaders, who complained they don’t have the staff or money to compile that extensive amount of data. Dozens of cities oppose the bill, as does the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a concession, Blakespear agreed to exempt all cities with 50,000 or fewer people – eliminating about half of California’s cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t enough to appease some of her colleagues, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/marie-alvarado-gil-165433\">Republican Senator Marie Alvarado-Gil\u003c/a> from Modesto, who called the bill an un-funded mandate for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to ask,” she said, “if we have this level of opposition, not just from rural communities, not just from Republican-represented communities, but from cities across the state, why do we have a half-cooked bill on this Legislature’s floor?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No arrest warrants for people who miss court dates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">Assembly Bill 2122\u003c/a> doesn’t specifically mention unhoused Californians, but advocates say it would have big implications for people who sleep outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around California are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/06/homelessness-enforcement-data/\">cracking down\u003c/a> on street homelessness, leading to increasing numbers of arrests and citations in some places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are ticketed for unauthorized camping, but they can also be cited for other offenses such as loitering, trespassing, public urination, violating park rules, and more. Typically, the police hand them a paper citation that says when they are supposed to show up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Felony, a Chihuahua-poodle mix, stands on a leash beside owner Kali Donlin outside the Gubbio Project at St. John’s the Evangelist Episcopal Church on Feb. 2, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s common for unhoused people to miss those court dates – they may lack transportation, be unable to leave their belongings or pets unattended, or simply lose track of the date amid the unpredictability of life on the street. When that happens, the court issues a bench warrant for their arrest. The next time they encounter the police, they could go to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does that cost the city money, but it also could make it harder for the person to get housing, Rapport said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2122, by Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, would change that. If someone is cited for an infraction (which could include loitering or other minor offenses) and then misses their court date, they could not be jailed as a result. It would also prohibit courts from issuing arrest warrants for people who fail to pay traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill applies only to infractions. Different cities classify crimes differently – in some places, an offense such as loitering might be an infraction, while in other places it could be a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">opposed to the bill\u003c/a>, and says it sends the message that it’s acceptable to fail to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>RVs on city streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As unhoused Californians increasingly turn to vehicles for shelter, multiple legislators have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/09/homeless-enforcement-cars-rvs/\">turned their attention to addressing\u003c/a> the resulting rows of RVs, trailers and lived-in cars lining streets up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mark-gonzalez-187427\">Assemblymember Mark Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, pushed through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab630\">a bill\u003c/a> intended to make it easier for local governments to dispose of inoperable RVs parked on their streets. The goal was to address vehicles that create blight in neighborhoods and are breeding grounds for bad behavior, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ended up amending the bill to apply only in Los Angeles and Alameda counties. But by making that change, Gonzalez inadvertently made the law basically unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Kauffman, 70, closes the blinds to his RV in San Francisco, Calif., on Jan. 21, 2026. Kauffman has been towed three times since the city’s Large Vehicle Refuge Permit Program, and has been navigating new parking restrictions that aim to eliminate RVs in the city. Since his RV is inoperable, he’s had to pay $700 to tow it out of the city’s tow-yard, and paying $107 in San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority fees. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the counties of Alameda and Los Angeles themselves could use the law to dispose of RVs, the cities within them could not. The Los Angeles City Council found that out the hard way, when it voted to establish an RV disposal program, only to have it \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-02-22/la-wanted-to-dismantle-homeless-rvs-judge-just-shut-that-down\">shot down\u003c/a> in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab647\">Assembly Bill 647\u003c/a> fixes that oversight by allowing cities within those two counties to destroy RVs valued at $4,000 or less. Opponents worry the bill will lead local governments to seize more lived-in RVs, forcing people out of the relative safety of a vehicle and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/06/legislature-homelessness-bills-2026/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bills moving through the Legislature this year address state-funded sober housing, RVs parked on city streets and homelessness prevention.",
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"title": "What Is the California Legislature Doing About Homelessness This Year? Here Are the Bills to Watch | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As this year’s legislative session speeds to a close, a handful of bills focused on the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a> crisis have made the cut so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though homelessness improved slightly last year, there are still an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/05/point-in-time-homelessness-report/\">estimated 182,000\u003c/a> Californians with nowhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue is top of mind for many lawmakers in Sacramento, who are pushing a range of laws that would do everything from free up state funds for sober housing, dispose of RVs on city streets and create a plan for homelessness prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few of the bills to watch as they approach their final votes and await a potential signature from the governor:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State-funded sober homeless housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hit \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a> with a surprise veto last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/10/newsom-ab-255-veto/\">blocking his bill\u003c/a> that would have allowed state funding to pay for sober homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney is back with a similar bill, which he says will give people recovering from drug and alcohol addiction the choice to live in an environment free from dangerous temptations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who are on the street right now or exiting shelter programs would prefer drug-free housing options,” the San Francisco Democrat said. “And right now there are few options, if any, for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference announcing legislation to increase nightlife in Downtown San Francisco to help the recovery of the neighborhood, in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Bill 255 would have allowed cities and counties to spend up to 10% of their state funding on “recovery housing” where people are required to stay sober. That was a tweak to California’s “housing first” strategy, which emphasizes a no-strings-attached approach to housing and generally frowns on barriers that require people to stay clean or participate in treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message, Newsom said the state already allows the state to fund sober housing. His office pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/11/sober-housing-ca-texas/\">new set of guidelines\u003c/a> on the subject, published online the day after Newsom’s veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haney says that guidance is unclear, and housing providers still believe state funds are off-limits for sober housing. The proof: Haney said that as far as he knows, no one has used state funds to pay for sober housing since the governor’s veto last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>His new bill, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1556\">Assembly bill 1556\u003c/a>, lays out the rules a sober housing provider must follow to be eligible for state funding. Each provider must have a policy to handle relapses, which is supposed to help the resident get sober again, but also can include evicting them if they continue to use alcohol or drugs and do not follow the policy. That worries critics, including Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing, who fears it could put people back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike last year’s bill, AB 1556 doesn’t limit the amount of state money that could go to sober housing. The bill comes with no additional funding, meaning the more money that goes to sober housing, the less will be left for the low-barrier housing needed for people who aren’t ready to overcome their addiction, Rapport said. That’s even more worrying because the Trump administration also is prioritizing sober housing for federal funds – creating an even bigger gap in low-barrier housing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t really want to see Trump policy implemented in California at the state level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Haney is expecting a more positive reaction from Newsom. “The governor’s office has been very collaborative and responsive from the beginning this time around,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Solutions to homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most people in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-concern-about-homelessness-has-softened/\">agree that homelessness\u003c/a> is a problem. But exactly how much would it cost to solve it? And how could California get there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out, the state has never actually done that math publicly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1165\">Assembly Bill 1165\u003c/a> would force the state to do just that. The bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mike-gipson-28\">Assemblymember Mike Gipson\u003c/a>, a Gardena Democrat, would require the California Department of Housing and Community Development to create a financial plan to solve homelessness, as well as performance metrics for success, by January 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would include determining how much money the state would need to meet the housing needs of everyone who is homeless now or expected to become homeless in the future, and how the state could achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Department of Public Works employees clean up debris after a sweep of an encampment on Merlin Street in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on Jan. 27, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated California must plan for 2.5 million homes over the next eight years to meet demand and ease the state’s affordable housing shortage. AB 1165 would require the state to go into more detail about what resources are needed, and lay out a plan to meet that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Corporation for Supportive Housing \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">estimates\u003c/a> it would take $8.1 billion a year for 12 years to solve homelessness. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/06/california-budget-legislature-deal/\">budget\u003c/a> the legislature proposed this month includes $900 million for Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention funds – the state’s main source of homeless funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, AB 1165 could help hold legislators and the next governor accountable and push the state to spend its homelessness funds more wisely, Rapport said. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">2024 audit\u003c/a> found the state failed to track its homelessness spending or measure results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t come with new resources to fight homelessness, meaning implementing a plan to end homelessness could be tough in the current tight budget environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another measure, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a>, would require the California Interagency Council on Homelessness to establish a statewide strategy to prevent homelessness before it happens. If passed, the plan would need to be in place by July 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prevention has become an increasingly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">popular way to tackle homelessness\u003c/a>, as it’s much easier and cheaper to help someone hold onto their housing than it is to re-house them once they wind up on the streets. Organizations already using this strategy have found that giving someone several thousand dollars can allow them to avoid homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like AB 1165, the prevention bill also comes with no new funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Forcing cities to report homelessness and housing data\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>How much data on homelessness should California cities that aren’t getting state funds be required to report to the state? That’s the question behind a bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senator Catherine Blakespear\u003c/a>, which has received pushback from some of her colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties, continuums of care (regional groups that coordinate homelessness services) and the 14 largest cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/05/13/governor-newsom-delivers-760-million-in-hhap-funding-to-support-communities-efforts-in-reducing-homelessness/\">are eligible\u003c/a> for money from the state’s Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention program. In exchange for the funds, those entities must report certain data about their homeless populations, the services they offer, and the progress they’ve made getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blakespear, a Democrat from Encinitas, wants the rest of California’s cities, even if they get no funding, to report that data, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072191\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072191\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teesha Baldree (left) and Jacob Miles go through their belongings after moving from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is a regional problem that does not stop at city or county boundaries,” she said during a recent Senate floor hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb866\">Senate Bill 866\u003c/a> alarmed some city leaders, who complained they don’t have the staff or money to compile that extensive amount of data. Dozens of cities oppose the bill, as does the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a concession, Blakespear agreed to exempt all cities with 50,000 or fewer people – eliminating about half of California’s cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t enough to appease some of her colleagues, including \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/marie-alvarado-gil-165433\">Republican Senator Marie Alvarado-Gil\u003c/a> from Modesto, who called the bill an un-funded mandate for cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to ask,” she said, “if we have this level of opposition, not just from rural communities, not just from Republican-represented communities, but from cities across the state, why do we have a half-cooked bill on this Legislature’s floor?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No arrest warrants for people who miss court dates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">Assembly Bill 2122\u003c/a> doesn’t specifically mention unhoused Californians, but advocates say it would have big implications for people who sleep outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities around California are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/06/homelessness-enforcement-data/\">cracking down\u003c/a> on street homelessness, leading to increasing numbers of arrests and citations in some places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are ticketed for unauthorized camping, but they can also be cited for other offenses such as loitering, trespassing, public urination, violating park rules, and more. Typically, the police hand them a paper citation that says when they are supposed to show up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072181\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072181\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/020226SUPER-BOWL-HOMELESSNESS-_GH_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Felony, a Chihuahua-poodle mix, stands on a leash beside owner Kali Donlin outside the Gubbio Project at St. John’s the Evangelist Episcopal Church on Feb. 2, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s common for unhoused people to miss those court dates – they may lack transportation, be unable to leave their belongings or pets unattended, or simply lose track of the date amid the unpredictability of life on the street. When that happens, the court issues a bench warrant for their arrest. The next time they encounter the police, they could go to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does that cost the city money, but it also could make it harder for the person to get housing, Rapport said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 2122, by Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, would change that. If someone is cited for an infraction (which could include loitering or other minor offenses) and then misses their court date, they could not be jailed as a result. It would also prohibit courts from issuing arrest warrants for people who fail to pay traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill applies only to infractions. Different cities classify crimes differently – in some places, an offense such as loitering might be an infraction, while in other places it could be a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Sheriffs’ Association is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab2122\">opposed to the bill\u003c/a>, and says it sends the message that it’s acceptable to fail to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>RVs on city streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As unhoused Californians increasingly turn to vehicles for shelter, multiple legislators have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/09/homeless-enforcement-cars-rvs/\">turned their attention to addressing\u003c/a> the resulting rows of RVs, trailers and lived-in cars lining streets up and down the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/mark-gonzalez-187427\">Assemblymember Mark Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, pushed through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab630\">a bill\u003c/a> intended to make it easier for local governments to dispose of inoperable RVs parked on their streets. The goal was to address vehicles that create blight in neighborhoods and are breeding grounds for bad behavior, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ended up amending the bill to apply only in Los Angeles and Alameda counties. But by making that change, Gonzalez inadvertently made the law basically unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1317\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/01212026-BOBRVTOW-ET-PU-29-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Kauffman, 70, closes the blinds to his RV in San Francisco, Calif., on Jan. 21, 2026. Kauffman has been towed three times since the city’s Large Vehicle Refuge Permit Program, and has been navigating new parking restrictions that aim to eliminate RVs in the city. Since his RV is inoperable, he’s had to pay $700 to tow it out of the city’s tow-yard, and paying $107 in San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority fees. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the counties of Alameda and Los Angeles themselves could use the law to dispose of RVs, the cities within them could not. The Los Angeles City Council found that out the hard way, when it voted to establish an RV disposal program, only to have it \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-02-22/la-wanted-to-dismantle-homeless-rvs-judge-just-shut-that-down\">shot down\u003c/a> in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab647\">Assembly Bill 647\u003c/a> fixes that oversight by allowing cities within those two counties to destroy RVs valued at $4,000 or less. Opponents worry the bill will lead local governments to seize more lived-in RVs, forcing people out of the relative safety of a vehicle and onto the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/06/legislature-homelessness-bills-2026/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088883/california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures\">14 ballot measures\u003c/a> this November, including a voter ID initiative, two housing affordability bonds and an overhaul of the California Environmental Quality Act. The most dramatic negotiations ahead of the ballot finalization were over a billionaire wealth tax and a measure that will make it harder to pass local taxes. Marisa and Guy talk with Politico’s senior politics correspondent Jeremy B. White to dig into the showdowns in Sacramento that shaped the final ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration said Friday it will review \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-coast\">California’s coastal\u003c/a> management powers, the White House’s latest attempt to undermine the state’s environmental protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration announced it will perform a thorough\u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/06/26/2026-12907/evaluation-of-the-california-coastal-management-program-notice-of-public-meetings-request-for\"> evaluation\u003c/a> of the state’s coastal management practices, including how watchdogs have addressed — or “failed to address … spaceport infrastructure, offshore oil production, pipeline maintenance, desalination projects, undersea cables, and other key priorities of national importance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America must continue to lead in innovation, space exploration, and economic strength,” said U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick in a May \u003ca href=\"https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2026/05/commerce-department-initiates-review-california-coastal-management\">press release\u003c/a>. “Obstructionist policies that delay critical national infrastructure in the name of environmental extremism are unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Coastal Management Program includes the California Coastal Commission, the California Coastal Conservancy and the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. NOAA will hold an in-person meeting and two virtual public hearings on the topic in August and will accept comments through Aug. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coastal experts said the probe is a not-so-veiled political ploy to force open the door to federal projects that align with the administration’s views and run counter to the state’s environmental goals. But they said the pathway to changing California’s authority isn’t an easy one and would likely result in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blatantly political move,” said Mark Lubell, an environmental science and policy professor at UC Davis. “It may be political smoke and mirrors in the long run, but it’s going to take effort to kind of push back on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058095 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2236330121-scaled-e1782512781402.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick (center) delivers remarks as President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office at the White House on Sept. 19, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration said it will review the state’s compliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45460\">Coastal Zone Management Act.\u003c/a> The federal law, established in 1972, allows states to develop programs to protect coastal resources and minimize hazards such as flooding and sea-level rise. It also gives states the power to review federal projects to ensure they comply with state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warner Chabot was part of the campaign that led to the act’s passage. He said the review is a way for the federal government to bypass the state’s objections to developing coastal waters for oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration wants to gut or decapitate the Coastal Commission so they can have free rein for auctioning California coastal waters for offshore oil drilling, plain and simple,” Chabot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary for Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot called the review a “new attack” on the state and federal “collaborative relationship” in managing the coastline.[aside postID=news_12087600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/CoalOaklandGetty.jpg']“The federal government is already working to open California’s coast to new offshore drilling,” Crowfoot said in a statement. “Our $51 billion coastal economy serves as a powerful engine for the state’s prosperity, and the people of our state must keep a seat at the table to protect it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Savage, California policy associate director for Surfrider Foundation, a conservation group, said the review is “an incredibly serious issue” and an attempt to take the state’s authority from managing its coastline. Savage said \u003ca href=\"https://www.surfrider.org/news/the-federal-government-is-reviewing-californias-coastal-management-program.-heres-what-that-means-for-beaches-everywhere\">the outcome\u003c/a> could lead to the removal of oversight of federal projects and the loss of funding for those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear this is the Trump administration using a federal process to punish California,” Savage said. “We know that the Trump administration does not have California’s protections as their primary interest, and so we need to push back as hard as possible against this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kristina Hill, a UC Berkeley environmental planning professor and expert in sea level rise issues, said federal efforts to undermine the state could lead to “contamination of the environment, lead to public health risks, beach quality and water quality issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary to see states’ abilities to protect public health and the environment [potentially] weakened,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill said that a decision to strip the state of the power to protect the environment would place the onus on local communities to push back against the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration said Friday it will review \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-coast\">California’s coastal\u003c/a> management powers, the White House’s latest attempt to undermine the state’s environmental protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration announced it will perform a thorough\u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/06/26/2026-12907/evaluation-of-the-california-coastal-management-program-notice-of-public-meetings-request-for\"> evaluation\u003c/a> of the state’s coastal management practices, including how watchdogs have addressed — or “failed to address … spaceport infrastructure, offshore oil production, pipeline maintenance, desalination projects, undersea cables, and other key priorities of national importance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America must continue to lead in innovation, space exploration, and economic strength,” said U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick in a May \u003ca href=\"https://www.commerce.gov/news/press-releases/2026/05/commerce-department-initiates-review-california-coastal-management\">press release\u003c/a>. “Obstructionist policies that delay critical national infrastructure in the name of environmental extremism are unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Coastal Management Program includes the California Coastal Commission, the California Coastal Conservancy and the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission. NOAA will hold an in-person meeting and two virtual public hearings on the topic in August and will accept comments through Aug. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coastal experts said the probe is a not-so-veiled political ploy to force open the door to federal projects that align with the administration’s views and run counter to the state’s environmental goals. But they said the pathway to changing California’s authority isn’t an easy one and would likely result in litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a blatantly political move,” said Mark Lubell, an environmental science and policy professor at UC Davis. “It may be political smoke and mirrors in the long run, but it’s going to take effort to kind of push back on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12058095\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12058095 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2236330121-scaled-e1782512781402.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick (center) delivers remarks as President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office at the White House on Sept. 19, 2025, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The administration said it will review the state’s compliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45460\">Coastal Zone Management Act.\u003c/a> The federal law, established in 1972, allows states to develop programs to protect coastal resources and minimize hazards such as flooding and sea-level rise. It also gives states the power to review federal projects to ensure they comply with state rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warner Chabot was part of the campaign that led to the act’s passage. He said the review is a way for the federal government to bypass the state’s objections to developing coastal waters for oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration wants to gut or decapitate the Coastal Commission so they can have free rein for auctioning California coastal waters for offshore oil drilling, plain and simple,” Chabot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary for Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot called the review a “new attack” on the state and federal “collaborative relationship” in managing the coastline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The federal government is already working to open California’s coast to new offshore drilling,” Crowfoot said in a statement. “Our $51 billion coastal economy serves as a powerful engine for the state’s prosperity, and the people of our state must keep a seat at the table to protect it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Savage, California policy associate director for Surfrider Foundation, a conservation group, said the review is “an incredibly serious issue” and an attempt to take the state’s authority from managing its coastline. Savage said \u003ca href=\"https://www.surfrider.org/news/the-federal-government-is-reviewing-californias-coastal-management-program.-heres-what-that-means-for-beaches-everywhere\">the outcome\u003c/a> could lead to the removal of oversight of federal projects and the loss of funding for those projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear this is the Trump administration using a federal process to punish California,” Savage said. “We know that the Trump administration does not have California’s protections as their primary interest, and so we need to push back as hard as possible against this effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kristina Hill, a UC Berkeley environmental planning professor and expert in sea level rise issues, said federal efforts to undermine the state could lead to “contamination of the environment, lead to public health risks, beach quality and water quality issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary to see states’ abilities to protect public health and the environment [potentially] weakened,” Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill said that a decision to strip the state of the power to protect the environment would place the onus on local communities to push back against the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors gave their stamp of approval on the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085729/with-layoffs-ahead-san-francisco-mayor-lurie-unveils-17-billion-city-budget\">$16.9 billion budget\u003c/a> early Thursday evening, after a relatively quick final round of negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said the agreement moves the city toward closing its $600 million deficit, reverses layoffs and restores $28 million for public services for immigrants, LGBTQ+ residents, people with mental health and substance use issues, and homelessness programs, among other items previously on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuts from the federal government to food and healthcare assistance programs have worsened the city’s financial shortfalls. However, the final budget passed this week also includes over $1 billion in reserve to protect against further cuts from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last summer, just as our city was getting back on track, the federal government cut hundreds of millions of dollars from healthcare and food assistance that San Franciscans rely on,” Mayor Daniel Lurie said in a statement. “Facing those cuts and threats of more, we chose to strengthen the social safety net and invest in our LGBTQ+ and immigrant communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal came after weeks of protests from advocates, city union members, and nonprofits all aimed at stopping reductions to government services and proposed cuts to nonprofits that contract with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968734\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut.jpg\" alt='A person walks toward a building labeled \"Creative Arts\" on a campus with trees, sidewalks and the street in view.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student walks through the City College of San Francisco community college campus in San Francisco on Aug. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The funding restored at the final hour also continues support for Free City College, funding for HIV prevention work and the California Academy of Sciences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s initial budget proposal had included around 500 layoffs. Earlier this year, 127 workers received pink slips, and others were notified about changes to their positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final add-back, the mayor and supervisors agreed to reverse layoffs for workers at the 311 call center, Laguna Honda Hospital, and the Human Services Agency, according to the office of Supervisor Connie Chan, who chairs the budget committee.[aside postID=news_12088662 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260624-ShipyardCleanupRally-10-BL-KQED.jpg']“This budget represents a remarkable victory for every single San Francisco resident,” said Anya Worley-Ziegmann, coordinator for the San Francisco People’s Budget Coalition, a group representing unions, social services advocates and other community groups protesting the proposed cuts. “It shows that public pressure works. Showing up works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is set to go before the full Board of Supervisors on July 21. Few changes are expected for the final budget vote next month following Thursday’s agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 4 fiscal years, my work as budget chair has been centered on reducing wasteful spending, creating guardrails against corruption, saving for the future by putting reasonable dollars on reserve, reversing cuts for the most vulnerable San Franciscans and saving essential city jobs and services,” Chan, who has served as budget chair since 2023, said in a statement. This is her final budget as chair. “We have been successful with this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor and advocates said there is still much work to do to get the city on a stronger financial footing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2278646743-scaled-e1782502896455.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie during a news conference on his budget proposal in San Francisco on June 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Lurie said the city must still focus on strengthening Muni and affordable public transportation “to keep our recovery moving forward.” Throughout the budget cycle, the mayor has emphasized that difficult decisions and cuts are necessary in order for the city to stop spending money that it doesn’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others say the solution should not be to trim down essential programs and cut jobs, but instead to increase city revenue through taxes and other measures. Worley-Ziegmann pointed out that not all of the proposed cuts were restored, and next year’s fiscal budget is still projected to be a deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is one of the wealthiest cities in the wealthiest country in the world, and with the AI boom, it’s only getting richer,” Worley-Ziegmann said. “We need to be talking about IPO taxes, wealth taxes, mansion taxes and every policy tool available to close future deficits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors gave their stamp of approval on the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085729/with-layoffs-ahead-san-francisco-mayor-lurie-unveils-17-billion-city-budget\">$16.9 billion budget\u003c/a> early Thursday evening, after a relatively quick final round of negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said the agreement moves the city toward closing its $600 million deficit, reverses layoffs and restores $28 million for public services for immigrants, LGBTQ+ residents, people with mental health and substance use issues, and homelessness programs, among other items previously on the chopping block.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuts from the federal government to food and healthcare assistance programs have worsened the city’s financial shortfalls. However, the final budget passed this week also includes over $1 billion in reserve to protect against further cuts from the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last summer, just as our city was getting back on track, the federal government cut hundreds of millions of dollars from healthcare and food assistance that San Franciscans rely on,” Mayor Daniel Lurie said in a statement. “Facing those cuts and threats of more, we chose to strengthen the social safety net and invest in our LGBTQ+ and immigrant communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal came after weeks of protests from advocates, city union members, and nonprofits all aimed at stopping reductions to government services and proposed cuts to nonprofits that contract with the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11968734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11968734\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut.jpg\" alt='A person walks toward a building labeled \"Creative Arts\" on a campus with trees, sidewalks and the street in view.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/230822-CCSFCampus-01-BL-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student walks through the City College of San Francisco community college campus in San Francisco on Aug. 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The funding restored at the final hour also continues support for Free City College, funding for HIV prevention work and the California Academy of Sciences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s initial budget proposal had included around 500 layoffs. Earlier this year, 127 workers received pink slips, and others were notified about changes to their positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final add-back, the mayor and supervisors agreed to reverse layoffs for workers at the 311 call center, Laguna Honda Hospital, and the Human Services Agency, according to the office of Supervisor Connie Chan, who chairs the budget committee.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This budget represents a remarkable victory for every single San Francisco resident,” said Anya Worley-Ziegmann, coordinator for the San Francisco People’s Budget Coalition, a group representing unions, social services advocates and other community groups protesting the proposed cuts. “It shows that public pressure works. Showing up works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is set to go before the full Board of Supervisors on July 21. Few changes are expected for the final budget vote next month following Thursday’s agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 4 fiscal years, my work as budget chair has been centered on reducing wasteful spending, creating guardrails against corruption, saving for the future by putting reasonable dollars on reserve, reversing cuts for the most vulnerable San Franciscans and saving essential city jobs and services,” Chan, who has served as budget chair since 2023, said in a statement. This is her final budget as chair. “We have been successful with this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor and advocates said there is still much work to do to get the city on a stronger financial footing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086413\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2278646743-scaled-e1782502896455.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie during a news conference on his budget proposal in San Francisco on June 1, 2026. \u003ccite>(Santiago Mejia/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Lurie said the city must still focus on strengthening Muni and affordable public transportation “to keep our recovery moving forward.” Throughout the budget cycle, the mayor has emphasized that difficult decisions and cuts are necessary in order for the city to stop spending money that it doesn’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others say the solution should not be to trim down essential programs and cut jobs, but instead to increase city revenue through taxes and other measures. Worley-Ziegmann pointed out that not all of the proposed cuts were restored, and next year’s fiscal budget is still projected to be a deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is one of the wealthiest cities in the wealthiest country in the world, and with the AI boom, it’s only getting richer,” Worley-Ziegmann said. “We need to be talking about IPO taxes, wealth taxes, mansion taxes and every policy tool available to close future deficits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried",
"title": "Exclusive: The Bay Area’s National Archives Office Is Closing. Researchers Are Worried",
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"content": "\u003cp>The National Archives plans to close its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> facility, along with another in Chicago. An email to staff on Wednesday obtained by KQED said the move would begin “within the next few months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Archives at San Francisco, located just south of the city in San Bruno, holds more than 75,000 cubic feet of immigration, court and genealogical records, some dating back to before California became an official state. The archival holdings include documents from federal agencies spanning Northern California, Guam, Hawaii, Nevada and American Samoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Archives and Records Administration has not provided details on how or where these records will be relocated. Officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This just feels like an attack on access to key government records,” said Kris Kasianovitz, library director at the Institute of Governmental Studies Library at UC Berkeley. “They are there in order to provide evidence for the historical record for the long-term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area collection includes original immigration and court records for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">\u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> a landmark case which reaffirmed citizenship under the 14th Amendment, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alcatraz-island\">Alcatraz\u003c/a> inmate records of Al Capone, Machine Gun Kelly and others, and Bruce Lee’s immigration records to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The National Archives and Records Administration facility in San Bruno, on June 25, 2026, stores historical federal records from Northern California and the Pacific region. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The email to staff said the effort could improve “efficiency and effectiveness,” and that the move would support “the long-term financial health and viability of the Federal Records Centers Program’s revolving fund,” which has supported the operation of facilities across the country since it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2008/spring/frc.html\">established\u003c/a> in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost-cutting has been an excuse to close other regional facilities in recent years. In 2024, the federal agency announced it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/press/press-releases/2024/nr24-37\">shut down\u003c/a> centers in New York, Illinois and Ohio to save more than $5 million in facility costs per year. Some of the records were digitized while others were relocated to other centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an anonymous source close to the matter told KQED that some records — especially those related to Indigenous tribes — cannot be digitized because they contain private information and cannot be released online.[aside postID=news_12088125 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg']These documents are particularly important when trying to enroll in an Indigenous tribe, a process that often requires extensive genealogical data to prove ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caitlin Keliiaa, an associate professor of history at UC Santa Cruz, said she has worked with staff at the San Bruno facility for research on Native women domestic workers in San Francisco. She has also used it to track her own family history, including obtaining records of her grandparents’ enrollment in the Stewart Indian School, a boarding school in Carson City, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally don’t know what to do,” she said. “What will happen with these records? What will happen with my grandparents’ records? What will happen with the records of all the Native peoples whose lives I’ve looked into in the past several years?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the email sent to staff, the records will be relocated to other facilities, though it did not specify where they will go. Regardless, Keliiaa said she has relied on the archivists in each facility, who often become experts on the records within their collection. And, she said, it’s important for these records to be easily accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that these should be available to your average person,” she said. “They should be able to go in and say, I need to verify my grandfather’s identity or my great-grandfather’s history. That’s what these repositories are for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088981\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088981\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The National Archives and Records Administration facility in San Bruno on June 25, 2026, stores historical federal records from Northern California and the Pacific region. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There is precedent for these closure decisions to be reversed. In October 2019, the National Archives announced plans to sell its facility \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.wa.gov/archives/explore-our-collection/nara-seattle-facility-decision-close-and-subsequent-reversal\">in Seattle\u003c/a> to remain in compliance with a federal statute requiring agencies to identify opportunities for the government to reduce inventory of civilian real property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sale was expected to take 18 months. However, in the 15 months following the announcement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.wa.gov/sites/default/files/2025-02/letter_naraseattleclosure_012720.pdf\">state\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://gallery.mailchimp.com/4cc76b29ebd6084a20161a5f6/files/4051de1b-b9b9-4e9b-992f-732fc6a80355/Congressional_Letter_to_OMB_Director_Vought_re_Seattle_Archives.pdf\">national\u003c/a> lawmakers and representatives from local tribes urged the federal agency to reverse its decision. In April 2021, the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, which had previously approved the sale of the property, reversed its decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is of vital importance to transparency, accountability, even if it comes 10 and 20 years later,” Kasianovitz said. “If you start getting rid of this material, if you don’t make it accessible … then it’s as good as lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Bay Area collection includes original records from landmark birthright citizenship case United States v. Wong Kim Ark, and inmate records from Alcatraz. Federal officials didn’t provide details about where the records would go.",
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"title": "Exclusive: The Bay Area’s National Archives Office Is Closing. Researchers Are Worried | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The National Archives plans to close its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> facility, along with another in Chicago. An email to staff on Wednesday obtained by KQED said the move would begin “within the next few months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Archives at San Francisco, located just south of the city in San Bruno, holds more than 75,000 cubic feet of immigration, court and genealogical records, some dating back to before California became an official state. The archival holdings include documents from federal agencies spanning Northern California, Guam, Hawaii, Nevada and American Samoa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Archives and Records Administration has not provided details on how or where these records will be relocated. Officials did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This just feels like an attack on access to key government records,” said Kris Kasianovitz, library director at the Institute of Governmental Studies Library at UC Berkeley. “They are there in order to provide evidence for the historical record for the long-term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area collection includes original immigration and court records for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">\u003cem>United States v. Wong Kim Ark\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> a landmark case which reaffirmed citizenship under the 14th Amendment, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alcatraz-island\">Alcatraz\u003c/a> inmate records of Al Capone, Machine Gun Kelly and others, and Bruce Lee’s immigration records to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The National Archives and Records Administration facility in San Bruno, on June 25, 2026, stores historical federal records from Northern California and the Pacific region. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The email to staff said the effort could improve “efficiency and effectiveness,” and that the move would support “the long-term financial health and viability of the Federal Records Centers Program’s revolving fund,” which has supported the operation of facilities across the country since it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2008/spring/frc.html\">established\u003c/a> in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost-cutting has been an excuse to close other regional facilities in recent years. In 2024, the federal agency announced it would \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/press/press-releases/2024/nr24-37\">shut down\u003c/a> centers in New York, Illinois and Ohio to save more than $5 million in facility costs per year. Some of the records were digitized while others were relocated to other centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But an anonymous source close to the matter told KQED that some records — especially those related to Indigenous tribes — cannot be digitized because they contain private information and cannot be released online.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>These documents are particularly important when trying to enroll in an Indigenous tribe, a process that often requires extensive genealogical data to prove ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caitlin Keliiaa, an associate professor of history at UC Santa Cruz, said she has worked with staff at the San Bruno facility for research on Native women domestic workers in San Francisco. She has also used it to track her own family history, including obtaining records of her grandparents’ enrollment in the Stewart Indian School, a boarding school in Carson City, Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally don’t know what to do,” she said. “What will happen with these records? What will happen with my grandparents’ records? What will happen with the records of all the Native peoples whose lives I’ve looked into in the past several years?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the email sent to staff, the records will be relocated to other facilities, though it did not specify where they will go. Regardless, Keliiaa said she has relied on the archivists in each facility, who often become experts on the records within their collection. And, she said, it’s important for these records to be easily accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that these should be available to your average person,” she said. “They should be able to go in and say, I need to verify my grandfather’s identity or my great-grandfather’s history. That’s what these repositories are for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088981\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088981\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260625-NATIONALARCHIVESCLOSURE-03-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The National Archives and Records Administration facility in San Bruno on June 25, 2026, stores historical federal records from Northern California and the Pacific region. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There is precedent for these closure decisions to be reversed. In October 2019, the National Archives announced plans to sell its facility \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.wa.gov/archives/explore-our-collection/nara-seattle-facility-decision-close-and-subsequent-reversal\">in Seattle\u003c/a> to remain in compliance with a federal statute requiring agencies to identify opportunities for the government to reduce inventory of civilian real property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sale was expected to take 18 months. However, in the 15 months following the announcement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.wa.gov/sites/default/files/2025-02/letter_naraseattleclosure_012720.pdf\">state\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://gallery.mailchimp.com/4cc76b29ebd6084a20161a5f6/files/4051de1b-b9b9-4e9b-992f-732fc6a80355/Congressional_Letter_to_OMB_Director_Vought_re_Seattle_Archives.pdf\">national\u003c/a> lawmakers and representatives from local tribes urged the federal agency to reverse its decision. In April 2021, the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, which had previously approved the sale of the property, reversed its decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is of vital importance to transparency, accountability, even if it comes 10 and 20 years later,” Kasianovitz said. “If you start getting rid of this material, if you don’t make it accessible … then it’s as good as lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-billionaire-tax-november-ballot-measures",
"title": "California Billionaire Tax Will Be on November’s Ballot, Along With These 13 Measures",
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"headTitle": "California Billionaire Tax Will Be on November’s Ballot, Along With These 13 Measures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. Currently, only charter cities (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco) can enact public financing for local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A home for sale on Hillside Road in San Carlos on May 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Homebuyer assistance: \u003c/strong>Backed by former Assembly Speaker Bob Hertzberg, this $25 billion bond measure would fund mortgages for middle-income Californians who are purchasing a newly constructed home worth less than $1.5 million. The loans would act as a second mortgage for the buyer, covering up to 17% of the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing bond: \u003c/strong>The state Legislature passed this $11.2 billion bond measure on Thursday, and Gov. Gavin Newsom quickly signed it onto the ballot. If voters approve it, $10 billion will be spent on building, acquiring or preserving affordable housing, while $1.25 billion will go toward home loans for California veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Income tax: \u003c/strong>In 2012, California voters approved boosting income tax rates on high-income residents, and then they extended those rates in 2016. This measure, backed by unions representing California teachers, would make those higher income tax rates permanent.[aside postID=news_12088417 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSGetty.jpg']\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A one-time wealth tax on California’s billionaires, voter ID requirements, and changes to environmental and election law are among the propositions heading to the ballot this fall.",
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"title": "California Billionaire Tax Will Be on November’s Ballot, Along With These 13 Measures | KQED",
"description": "A one-time wealth tax on California’s billionaires, voter ID requirements, and changes to environmental and election law are among the propositions heading to the ballot this fall.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/electionsnews\">California voters\u003c/a> this fall will decide whether to levy a one-off wealth tax on billionaires, require identification to vote and expand the state’s rainy day fund — among the 14 measures on the November ballot, the secretary of state announced on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot is packed with showdowns between business and labor, requests for borrowing and changes to the state’s election laws. The result could be high-profile and expensive campaigns that are likely to overshadow the races for governor and many other statewide offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a first look at the measures on the ballot, according to the list finalized Thursday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax: \u003c/strong>It’s hard to remember a measure with this much buzz before it even \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088063/5-things-to-know-about-californias-new-billionaire-tax-measure\">qualified for the ballot\u003c/a>. This initiative, brought to the ballot by the healthcare workers union SEIU-UHW, would enact a one-time 5% tax on the wealth of California billionaires who were living in the state on Jan. 1, 2026. Proponents kept the measure on the ballot despite a flurry of last-minute negotiations with state leaders who oppose the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: Opponents of the billionaire tax, led by Google co-founder Sergey Brin, gathered the signatures for two measures written to invalidate the wealth tax. This initiative would ban taxes that target financial assets, personal property or that are enacted retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Another billionaire wealth tax poison pill\u003c/strong>: A second measure introduced to counter the billionaire tax would ban new taxes that exempt their revenue from California’s state spending limit, which the proposed wealth tax does. It would also require audits of state tax proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062365\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-06-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter is given a sticker after dropping his ballot at City Hall in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voter ID: \u003c/strong>This measure, backed by California Republicans, would require Californians to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081404/voter-id-initiative-qualifies-for-californias-november-election\">provide a government ID to vote \u003c/a>in person or provide the last four digits of a government-issued number if voting by mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Local taxes: \u003c/strong>In a deal struck late Thursday, the Legislature placed a measure on the ballot that would require two-thirds voter approval for any local tax that earmarks revenue for a specific purpose. Currently, local taxes can pass with a majority vote if they were placed on the ballot by citizens. In response, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association agreed to withdraw a measure from the ballot that would have also limited local real estate taxes — both retroactively and moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recall rules: \u003c/strong>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11888736/newsom-crushed-the-recall-now-democrats-want-to-change-the-system\">gubernatorial recall elections\u003c/a>, California voters are asked two questions: Should the governor be recalled? And, if the recall is successful, who should be the next governor? This measure, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would eliminate that second question and instead replace a recalled governor with the lieutenant governor — or through a subsequent special election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public campaign financing: \u003c/strong>Under this measure, more local governments in California would be allowed to establish systems of public campaign financing — in which candidates can receive taxpayer dollars for their campaigns if they demonstrate a certain level of viability. Currently, only charter cities (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco) can enact public financing for local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240508_WHATTOMAKETOBUYHOMECA-11-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A home for sale on Hillside Road in San Carlos on May 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Homebuyer assistance: \u003c/strong>Backed by former Assembly Speaker Bob Hertzberg, this $25 billion bond measure would fund mortgages for middle-income Californians who are purchasing a newly constructed home worth less than $1.5 million. The loans would act as a second mortgage for the buyer, covering up to 17% of the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing bond: \u003c/strong>The state Legislature passed this $11.2 billion bond measure on Thursday, and Gov. Gavin Newsom quickly signed it onto the ballot. If voters approve it, $10 billion will be spent on building, acquiring or preserving affordable housing, while $1.25 billion will go toward home loans for California veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Income tax: \u003c/strong>In 2012, California voters approved boosting income tax rates on high-income residents, and then they extended those rates in 2016. This measure, backed by unions representing California teachers, would make those higher income tax rates permanent.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Healthcare spending\u003c/strong>: Another SEIU-UHW-backed measure would require health clinics, which traditionally serve low-income patients in areas with limited healthcare services, to spend 90% of their revenue on patient services, rather than administrative costs. Failure to adhere to the measure would force clinics to pay fines and penalties that eventually would be used for clinic workforce programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>CEQA overhaul: \u003c/strong>Under this proposal, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">California Environmental Quality Act\u003c/a>, or CEQA, would be changed to speed up environmental reviews for certain projects and limit legal challenges under the law. The California Chamber of Commerce would spearhead the proposal and would apply to developments including housing, transportation, clean energy projects, hospitals, schools and water systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rainy day fund\u003c/strong>: The Legislature voted Thursday to place this measure on the ballot in order to boost the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083617/newsom-touts-dominance-of-california-in-final-budget-proposal\">ability to save money\u003c/a> during flush budget years. The constitutional amendment would increase the cap on rainy day fund deposits from 10% of general fund revenue to 20% and exempt those deposits from counting against the state spending limit. Higher deposits would also be triggered in years with higher capital gains tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immunology bond: \u003c/strong>This $8.4 billion bond would fund research into immunology and immunotherapy — earmarking half of the money for work on cancer, heart disease and Alzheimer’s disease. The measure’s main sponsor is Dr. Gary Michelson, an investor and philanthropist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Supreme Court Ruling Leaves TPS Holders Confronting an Uncertain Future",
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"headTitle": "Supreme Court Ruling Leaves TPS Holders Confronting an Uncertain Future | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Haitian nurse who has spent three decades \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">in the United States\u003c/a> couldn’t get out of bed for most of Thursday. By late afternoon, she had finally showered and eaten something and was ready to crawl back under the covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That morning, Harlaine, who asked to be identified only by her first name, learned that the U.S. Supreme Court had cleared the way for the Trump administration to end Temporary Protected Status for hundreds of thousands of people from Haiti and Syria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hurting for my loved ones, for so many other people. I’m mourning for them, and I’m scared for them,” said Harlaine, who has held TPS status since the 2010 Haiti earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088417/supreme-court-immigration-decision-leaves-thousands-of-californians-in-limbo\">6-3 ruling\u003c/a> means that as soon as next month, people like Harlaine could lose their work permits — the protection that has shielded them from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing we ask for is the ability to work so we can eat,” she said. “Even if deportation doesn’t come first, they’re starving us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She left Haiti at age five and came to the U.S. in 1995 when she was seven, growing up in South Florida. Harlaine’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> status barred her from attending college despite being offered a nearly full-ride scholarship, so she paid out of pocket. Taking one class per semester, she was forced to pause repeatedly when her work permit expired between terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prerequisites that took most students a year took Harlaine seven. She earned her associate degree in 2019 and has worked the front lines ever since: during COVID, as a traveling nurse in underserved hospitals, in cardiac care, the ICU and now the emergency room, with an oncology certificate to administer chemotherapy to cancer patients. Last year, she had a son, a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Harlaine is forced to leave, she fears she’ll lose him. “My issue is separation. I would be separated from my young son if I had to leave this country,” she said. “Leaving with him is not even an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress established TPS as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, for immigrants already in the U.S. whose home countries are experiencing armed conflict, natural disasters or other “extraordinary conditions.” It provides a shield from deportation and a work permit, but not permanent legal status. Protections last six to 18 months and can be renewed or terminated, depending on conditions back home.[aside postID=news_12088417 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSGetty.jpg']In the cases decided Thursday, the court ruled that a provision of the TPS statute bars courts from reviewing whether the administration followed the law when it ended protections for Haiti and Syria. According to Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy and an attorney on the Syrian case, the decision does not say the terminations were lawful, only that judges have no power to check them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Aguirre, deputy director of U.S. litigation for the International Refugee Assistance Project, called it potentially the largest “de-documentation effort in history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision takes effect in 32 days, Arulanantham said. At that point, unless a lower court intervenes, Haitians and Syrians who held work authorization through TPS will most likely lose it. As many as 350,000 Haitians and 6,000 Syrians in the U.S. could be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling did not directly touch the roughly 170,000 Salvadorans whose protections are due for review in September. Until recently, Cristina Morales was one of them. A Bay Area educator, Morales held TPS for over two decades before becoming a permanent resident in March. She and her daughter, Crista Ramos, were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">named plaintiffs\u003c/a> in a 2018 lawsuit that staved off TPS termination during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with her own status secure, Morales said the ruling left her shaken. “There’s a lot of agony, and there’s a lot of people feeling in limbo,” she said. Many longtime holders are nearing retirement and could lose access to their benefits. “We need Congress to do something for the families. We need permanent residency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714405\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714405\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos sits on a park bench with her dad Edgar Ramos (left), brother Diego and mom Cristina Morales in Richmond, California, on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The TPS decision did not arrive in isolation. The same day, the court issued a separate ruling allowing the administration to sharply limit who can seek asylum at the southern border. A day earlier, it gave border officers more power to detain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088676/supreme-court-ruling-brings-new-challenges-for-green-card-holders-advocates-warn\">returning green card holders\u003c/a>. And still pending is a decision on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> — the constitutional guarantee that virtually anyone born on U.S. soil is a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Arulanantham, the cases form a pattern. The administration “wanted to kill off the TPS statute,” he said, and “this victory allows them to accomplish much the same result without having to go through Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates and analysts caution against assuming the birthright case will follow suit. Theresa Cardinal Brown, an immigration policy expert and nonresident fellow at Cornell Law School, said the TPS, asylum and green card rulings all relied on interpretations of existing immigration statutes — while birthright citizenship “is a fundamentally constitutional question,” requiring the court to overturn an over century-old precedent rooted in the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people that I know, including people who would like to see birthright go away, think it’s a long shot,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty-1536x1033.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the National TPS Alliance rally at the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 29, 2026. \u003ccite>(Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What the rulings share in common, Brown said, is their target: people living in the U.S. under discretionary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who have spent a lot of time in the United States in these kinds of discretionary statuses — whether it’s humanitarian parole, deferred action, temporary protected status — are all at risk,” Brown said. Her advice is to “find competent immigration counsel” and explore other options rather than wait on litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Harlaine, the hardest part is the gap between how she is classified and the life she’s built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that they have about us, that we’re all criminals, that we’re using resources from this country. All of that is inaccurate,” she said. “This country does not give me anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlaine and her family own their home and pay taxes, she said, money that funds the very hospitals and police she counts as neighbors. “We’re actually who you would probably want to have around, because we uplift, not destroy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Haitian nurse who has spent three decades \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">in the United States\u003c/a> couldn’t get out of bed for most of Thursday. By late afternoon, she had finally showered and eaten something and was ready to crawl back under the covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That morning, Harlaine, who asked to be identified only by her first name, learned that the U.S. Supreme Court had cleared the way for the Trump administration to end Temporary Protected Status for hundreds of thousands of people from Haiti and Syria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hurting for my loved ones, for so many other people. I’m mourning for them, and I’m scared for them,” said Harlaine, who has held TPS status since the 2010 Haiti earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088417/supreme-court-immigration-decision-leaves-thousands-of-californians-in-limbo\">6-3 ruling\u003c/a> means that as soon as next month, people like Harlaine could lose their work permits — the protection that has shielded them from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only thing we ask for is the ability to work so we can eat,” she said. “Even if deportation doesn’t come first, they’re starving us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She left Haiti at age five and came to the U.S. in 1995 when she was seven, growing up in South Florida. Harlaine’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> status barred her from attending college despite being offered a nearly full-ride scholarship, so she paid out of pocket. Taking one class per semester, she was forced to pause repeatedly when her work permit expired between terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prerequisites that took most students a year took Harlaine seven. She earned her associate degree in 2019 and has worked the front lines ever since: during COVID, as a traveling nurse in underserved hospitals, in cardiac care, the ICU and now the emergency room, with an oncology certificate to administer chemotherapy to cancer patients. Last year, she had a son, a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Harlaine is forced to leave, she fears she’ll lose him. “My issue is separation. I would be separated from my young son if I had to leave this country,” she said. “Leaving with him is not even an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress established TPS as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, for immigrants already in the U.S. whose home countries are experiencing armed conflict, natural disasters or other “extraordinary conditions.” It provides a shield from deportation and a work permit, but not permanent legal status. Protections last six to 18 months and can be renewed or terminated, depending on conditions back home.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the cases decided Thursday, the court ruled that a provision of the TPS statute bars courts from reviewing whether the administration followed the law when it ended protections for Haiti and Syria. According to Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy and an attorney on the Syrian case, the decision does not say the terminations were lawful, only that judges have no power to check them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Aguirre, deputy director of U.S. litigation for the International Refugee Assistance Project, called it potentially the largest “de-documentation effort in history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision takes effect in 32 days, Arulanantham said. At that point, unless a lower court intervenes, Haitians and Syrians who held work authorization through TPS will most likely lose it. As many as 350,000 Haitians and 6,000 Syrians in the U.S. could be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling did not directly touch the roughly 170,000 Salvadorans whose protections are due for review in September. Until recently, Cristina Morales was one of them. A Bay Area educator, Morales held TPS for over two decades before becoming a permanent resident in March. She and her daughter, Crista Ramos, were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">named plaintiffs\u003c/a> in a 2018 lawsuit that staved off TPS termination during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with her own status secure, Morales said the ruling left her shaken. “There’s a lot of agony, and there’s a lot of people feeling in limbo,” she said. Many longtime holders are nearing retirement and could lose access to their benefits. “We need Congress to do something for the families. We need permanent residency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11714405\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11714405\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS34533_IMG_2059-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crista Ramos sits on a park bench with her dad Edgar Ramos (left), brother Diego and mom Cristina Morales in Richmond, California, on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The TPS decision did not arrive in isolation. The same day, the court issued a separate ruling allowing the administration to sharply limit who can seek asylum at the southern border. A day earlier, it gave border officers more power to detain \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088676/supreme-court-ruling-brings-new-challenges-for-green-card-holders-advocates-warn\">returning green card holders\u003c/a>. And still pending is a decision on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> — the constitutional guarantee that virtually anyone born on U.S. soil is a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Arulanantham, the cases form a pattern. The administration “wanted to kill off the TPS statute,” he said, and “this victory allows them to accomplish much the same result without having to go through Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates and analysts caution against assuming the birthright case will follow suit. Theresa Cardinal Brown, an immigration policy expert and nonresident fellow at Cornell Law School, said the TPS, asylum and green card rulings all relied on interpretations of existing immigration statutes — while birthright citizenship “is a fundamentally constitutional question,” requiring the court to overturn an over century-old precedent rooted in the 14th Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people that I know, including people who would like to see birthright go away, think it’s a long shot,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1345\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSSCOTUSGetty-1536x1033.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the National TPS Alliance rally at the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 29, 2026. \u003ccite>(Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What the rulings share in common, Brown said, is their target: people living in the U.S. under discretionary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people who have spent a lot of time in the United States in these kinds of discretionary statuses — whether it’s humanitarian parole, deferred action, temporary protected status — are all at risk,” Brown said. Her advice is to “find competent immigration counsel” and explore other options rather than wait on litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Harlaine, the hardest part is the gap between how she is classified and the life she’s built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that they have about us, that we’re all criminals, that we’re using resources from this country. All of that is inaccurate,” she said. “This country does not give me anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlaine and her family own their home and pay taxes, she said, money that funds the very hospitals and police she counts as neighbors. “We’re actually who you would probably want to have around, because we uplift, not destroy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant advocates say that a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> decision will bring new risks for green card holders at the border and abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Court ruled 6-3 in Blanche v. Lau that border officers do not need “clear and convincing evidence” that a returning green card holder committed a crime before treating them as someone “seeking admission” to the country. That temporary status provides far fewer protections that can lead to detention, parole or being turned away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court decided to give border officials a lot more power and less oversight to decide who can and cannot safely come back into the country,” said Evelyn Wiese, director of the Immigrant Justice Program at the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “And this really erodes the due process rights of lawful permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case centered on Muk Choi Lau, a longtime green card holder who briefly traveled to China while facing a New Jersey charge for selling counterfeit goods. When he returned, a border officer placed him on parole based on that pending charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lau hadn’t been convicted yet on these charges, Wiese said that the border patrol officers are unqualified to make these decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Border officials are not lawyers. Border officials are oftentimes not deeply steeped in immigration law, and they get it wrong,” Wiese said. “Giving them more power and less of a requirement that they have any level of proof really increases the risk of lawful permanent residents being wrongfully detained.”[aside postID=news_12088417 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/TPSGetty.jpg']Maddie Boyd, a staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, said the ruling does not affect every green card holder — rather, those with criminal charges or past offenses that could qualify as what the law vaguely calls a “crime involving moral turpitude.” She urged anyone with a pending case or criminal history to consult a lawyer before traveling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyd said the deeper problem is that the ruling allows the government to supply evidence of a crime after the fact, rather than at the border. “It erodes the presumption of innocence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are especially high in California, where roughly three million green card holders reside. Mariam Arif, director of communications and development at SIREN in San José, said the timing is especially painful for South Bay families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the immigrant families or community, we often travel to our home countries to visit family, to attend a loved one’s funeral or just simply to reunite with our loved ones,” Arif said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arif said the ruling compounds fears that already run high amid increased \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ice-raids\">immigration enforcement\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/u-s-immigration-and-customs-enforcement\">proposed detention sites\u003c/a> in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wiese, the green card case cannot be understood in isolation. She pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088650/how-chinese-immigrants-from-san-francisco-helped-establish-birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship case\u003c/a> still pending before the Court and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084545/bay-area-democrats-demand-answers-on-daca-processing-backlog\">ongoing DACA renewal delays\u003c/a> as pieces of the same picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are kind of tied together, and they really are part of this broader project of this administration to define who belongs and who doesn’t belong,” Wiese said. “This isn’t just a case about green card holders at the border. This is a case about due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates urged any green card holder with a criminal record, regardless of how dated or seemingly minor, to seek legal advice before leaving the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant advocates say that a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> decision will bring new risks for green card holders at the border and abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Court ruled 6-3 in Blanche v. Lau that border officers do not need “clear and convincing evidence” that a returning green card holder committed a crime before treating them as someone “seeking admission” to the country. That temporary status provides far fewer protections that can lead to detention, parole or being turned away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court decided to give border officials a lot more power and less oversight to decide who can and cannot safely come back into the country,” said Evelyn Wiese, director of the Immigrant Justice Program at the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “And this really erodes the due process rights of lawful permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case centered on Muk Choi Lau, a longtime green card holder who briefly traveled to China while facing a New Jersey charge for selling counterfeit goods. When he returned, a border officer placed him on parole based on that pending charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lau hadn’t been convicted yet on these charges, Wiese said that the border patrol officers are unqualified to make these decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Border officials are not lawyers. Border officials are oftentimes not deeply steeped in immigration law, and they get it wrong,” Wiese said. “Giving them more power and less of a requirement that they have any level of proof really increases the risk of lawful permanent residents being wrongfully detained.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Maddie Boyd, a staff attorney at the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, said the ruling does not affect every green card holder — rather, those with criminal charges or past offenses that could qualify as what the law vaguely calls a “crime involving moral turpitude.” She urged anyone with a pending case or criminal history to consult a lawyer before traveling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boyd said the deeper problem is that the ruling allows the government to supply evidence of a crime after the fact, rather than at the border. “It erodes the presumption of innocence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are especially high in California, where roughly three million green card holders reside. Mariam Arif, director of communications and development at SIREN in San José, said the timing is especially painful for South Bay families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the immigrant families or community, we often travel to our home countries to visit family, to attend a loved one’s funeral or just simply to reunite with our loved ones,” Arif said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arif said the ruling compounds fears that already run high amid increased \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ice-raids\">immigration enforcement\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/u-s-immigration-and-customs-enforcement\">proposed detention sites\u003c/a> in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wiese, the green card case cannot be understood in isolation. She pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088650/how-chinese-immigrants-from-san-francisco-helped-establish-birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship case\u003c/a> still pending before the Court and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084545/bay-area-democrats-demand-answers-on-daca-processing-backlog\">ongoing DACA renewal delays\u003c/a> as pieces of the same picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are kind of tied together, and they really are part of this broader project of this administration to define who belongs and who doesn’t belong,” Wiese said. “This isn’t just a case about green card holders at the border. This is a case about due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates urged any green card holder with a criminal record, regardless of how dated or seemingly minor, to seek legal advice before leaving the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> residents who have relied on longstanding immigration protections may now face deportation after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Thursday that the Trump administration has the power to terminate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020620/thebay-tps-trump\">Temporary Protected Status\u003c/a> without court oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 6-3 decision, the court cleared the way for the administration to end TPS for hundreds of thousands of people from Haiti and Syria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Aguirre, deputy director of U.S. Litigation for the International Refugee Assistance Project, described the move as potentially the largest “de-documentation effort in history.” The decision came as a shock for immigrants who, for years or even decades, have been allowed to live and work lawfully in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After you’ve been here for like 20 years, it’s not temporary anymore. It’s part of who you are,” said Cristina Morales, a Bay Area educator from El Salvador who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">protected under TPS\u003c/a> for over two decades until March, when she became a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with her own status now secure, she said the ruling left her shaken: “It made me feel so broken, because not many people have the opportunity to adjust their status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/101st-congress/senate-bill/358\">Congress\u003c/a> established the program as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, for immigrants already living in the U.S. whose home countries are experiencing armed conflict, natural disasters or other “extraordinary conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations have granted these protections to people from countries in crisis — including many who live in the U.S. without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision takes effect in 32 days, said Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy and an attorney who presented the case on behalf of the Syrian refugees. At that point, Haitians and Syrians who held work authorization through TPS will most likely lose it — unless a district court intervenes.[aside postID=news_12084545 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/20250129_UCBERKELEYRALLY_GC-44-KQED.jpg']TPS provides a shield from deportation and a work permit, but it doesn’t represent permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections last from six to 18 months, and the government can renew them repeatedly — or terminate them — depending on country conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal data shows that as of March 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/RS20844/79\">roughly 1.3 million people from 17 countries\u003c/a>, ranging from Venezuela and Honduras to Afghanistan and Nepal, have held TPS. Since then, the Trump administration has ended, or tried to end, TPS designations for 13 of those countries, which could expose 1 million people to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2026/04/court-considers-whether-trump-administration-properly-ended-temporary-protected-status-for-haiti/\">two cases\u003c/a> before the Supreme Court involved \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/04/29/nx-s1-5794042/supeme-court-tps\">migrants from Haiti and Syria\u003c/a>. More than 300,000 Haitians have been living legally in the U.S. since a 2010 earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has repeatedly extended their TPS, in light of a cholera epidemic and a political collapse that involved the assassination of Haiti’s president and widespread gang violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syrians were first granted TPS in 2012, during a crackdown on dissent by former Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/RS20844#_Ref202881937\">Roughly 3,800\u003c/a> Syrians still hold the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Syrian and Haitian lawsuits are among \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/practice-alert-tps-and-parole-status-updates-chart\">several\u003c/a> filed by TPS holders challenging Trump administration terminations, on the grounds that the government had not followed proper procedures and, in the Haitian case, that it was motivated by an illegal racial animus toward immigrants from Haiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases before the high court challenged the way DHS terminated the TPS designations for Syrians and Haitians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued that it had made those decisions properly, and it went much further, insisting that the courts had no authority to determine whether it was implementing the program as Congress intended. And most justices agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing for the majority, Justice Samuel Alito wrote that the administration’s statements were not “overtly racial,” and that the language of the TPS statute prohibiting judicial review “is clear, and its plain meaning is very broad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blistering dissent led by Justice Elena Kagan, she wrote that the Haitian and Syrian TPS beneficiaries “ask for only one thing: that they may stay in this country while they continue to litigate their claims. … [T]hey are entitled to that relief, and should not instead be consigned to devastating, and indeed life-threatening, injury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088878\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1312\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the National TPS Alliance rally at the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 29, 2026. The Supreme Court is examining the revocation of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitian and Syrian migrants. \u003ccite>(Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today’s ruling could essentially give the administration carte blanche to swiftly end TPS for every country — without any judicial review of whether it was complying with the process Congress laid out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s worth understanding this administration is obviously trying to extend its discretionary authority to the broadest extent,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, an immigration policy expert and nonresident fellow and scholar at Cornell Law School. “And a lot of people who have spent a lot of time in the U.S. in these kinds of discretionary statuses — whether it’s humanitarian parole, deferred action, temporary protected status — are all at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said that people who are in the U.S. under discretionary status “should be thinking and talking to immigration attorneys about what options they may have under the law to try to stay and not necessarily wait on litigation to save them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court’s ruling is not the end of the road for advocates defending the rights of TPS holders to remain in the U.S. lawfully, Arulanantham said. Because the ruling sends the cases back to the lower courts rather than striking the protections outright, a judge must still issue an order before the terminations take effect — though courts could act sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of TPS holders nationwide could lose their work permits, forcing their employers to choose between keeping them on illegally or letting them go. And those TPS holders now face the possibility of immigration officers arresting and deporting them at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the ruling didn’t address El Salvador, the country’s protections cover roughly 170,000 people, and are up for review in September. Some 100,000 Ukrainians have TPS until October. Many of those immigrants, Brown said, will lose their TPS status if they haven’t already, and will have to find other means to stay in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales, who along with her daughter was a plaintiff in a 2018 case to protect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020620/thebay-tps-trump\">TPS during the first Trump administration\u003c/a>, said many in the community feel caught in limbo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That shadow of deportation, that shadow that family can split; it’s been like a big umbrella around TPS families,” Morales said. “It feels so powerful. But we can pick it up. We have to hold on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> residents who have relied on longstanding immigration protections may now face deportation after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Thursday that the Trump administration has the power to terminate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020620/thebay-tps-trump\">Temporary Protected Status\u003c/a> without court oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 6-3 decision, the court cleared the way for the administration to end TPS for hundreds of thousands of people from Haiti and Syria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lupe Aguirre, deputy director of U.S. Litigation for the International Refugee Assistance Project, described the move as potentially the largest “de-documentation effort in history.” The decision came as a shock for immigrants who, for years or even decades, have been allowed to live and work lawfully in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After you’ve been here for like 20 years, it’s not temporary anymore. It’s part of who you are,” said Cristina Morales, a Bay Area educator from El Salvador who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714388/california-teen-leads-suit-to-keep-hundreds-of-thousands-of-immigrants-in-u-s\">protected under TPS\u003c/a> for over two decades until March, when she became a permanent resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with her own status now secure, she said the ruling left her shaken: “It made me feel so broken, because not many people have the opportunity to adjust their status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/101st-congress/senate-bill/358\">Congress\u003c/a> established the program as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, for immigrants already living in the U.S. whose home countries are experiencing armed conflict, natural disasters or other “extraordinary conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082399\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082399\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Supreme Court building on May 4, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations have granted these protections to people from countries in crisis — including many who live in the U.S. without authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision takes effect in 32 days, said Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy and an attorney who presented the case on behalf of the Syrian refugees. At that point, Haitians and Syrians who held work authorization through TPS will most likely lose it — unless a district court intervenes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>TPS provides a shield from deportation and a work permit, but it doesn’t represent permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections last from six to 18 months, and the government can renew them repeatedly — or terminate them — depending on country conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal data shows that as of March 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/RS20844/79\">roughly 1.3 million people from 17 countries\u003c/a>, ranging from Venezuela and Honduras to Afghanistan and Nepal, have held TPS. Since then, the Trump administration has ended, or tried to end, TPS designations for 13 of those countries, which could expose 1 million people to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2026/04/court-considers-whether-trump-administration-properly-ended-temporary-protected-status-for-haiti/\">two cases\u003c/a> before the Supreme Court involved \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/04/29/nx-s1-5794042/supeme-court-tps\">migrants from Haiti and Syria\u003c/a>. More than 300,000 Haitians have been living legally in the U.S. since a 2010 earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. has repeatedly extended their TPS, in light of a cholera epidemic and a political collapse that involved the assassination of Haiti’s president and widespread gang violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syrians were first granted TPS in 2012, during a crackdown on dissent by former Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/RS20844#_Ref202881937\">Roughly 3,800\u003c/a> Syrians still hold the protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055174\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Brett-Kavanaugh-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts, Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, and retired Justice Anthony Kennedy attend U.S. President Donald Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on March 04, 2025 in Washington, D.C. President Trump was expected to address Congress on his early achievements of his presidency and his upcoming legislative agenda. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Syrian and Haitian lawsuits are among \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/library/practice-alert-tps-and-parole-status-updates-chart\">several\u003c/a> filed by TPS holders challenging Trump administration terminations, on the grounds that the government had not followed proper procedures and, in the Haitian case, that it was motivated by an illegal racial animus toward immigrants from Haiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two cases before the high court challenged the way DHS terminated the TPS designations for Syrians and Haitians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued that it had made those decisions properly, and it went much further, insisting that the courts had no authority to determine whether it was implementing the program as Congress intended. And most justices agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing for the majority, Justice Samuel Alito wrote that the administration’s statements were not “overtly racial,” and that the language of the TPS statute prohibiting judicial review “is clear, and its plain meaning is very broad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a blistering dissent led by Justice Elena Kagan, she wrote that the Haitian and Syrian TPS beneficiaries “ask for only one thing: that they may stay in this country while they continue to litigate their claims. … [T]hey are entitled to that relief, and should not instead be consigned to devastating, and indeed life-threatening, injury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088878\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1312\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2273115711-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the National TPS Alliance rally at the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 29, 2026. The Supreme Court is examining the revocation of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitian and Syrian migrants. \u003ccite>(Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today’s ruling could essentially give the administration carte blanche to swiftly end TPS for every country — without any judicial review of whether it was complying with the process Congress laid out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s worth understanding this administration is obviously trying to extend its discretionary authority to the broadest extent,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, an immigration policy expert and nonresident fellow and scholar at Cornell Law School. “And a lot of people who have spent a lot of time in the U.S. in these kinds of discretionary statuses — whether it’s humanitarian parole, deferred action, temporary protected status — are all at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said that people who are in the U.S. under discretionary status “should be thinking and talking to immigration attorneys about what options they may have under the law to try to stay and not necessarily wait on litigation to save them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court’s ruling is not the end of the road for advocates defending the rights of TPS holders to remain in the U.S. lawfully, Arulanantham said. Because the ruling sends the cases back to the lower courts rather than striking the protections outright, a judge must still issue an order before the terminations take effect — though courts could act sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of TPS holders nationwide could lose their work permits, forcing their employers to choose between keeping them on illegally or letting them go. And those TPS holders now face the possibility of immigration officers arresting and deporting them at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the ruling didn’t address El Salvador, the country’s protections cover roughly 170,000 people, and are up for review in September. Some 100,000 Ukrainians have TPS until October. Many of those immigrants, Brown said, will lose their TPS status if they haven’t already, and will have to find other means to stay in the country legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales, who along with her daughter was a plaintiff in a 2018 case to protect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020620/thebay-tps-trump\">TPS during the first Trump administration\u003c/a>, said many in the community feel caught in limbo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That shadow of deportation, that shadow that family can split; it’s been like a big umbrella around TPS families,” Morales said. “It feels so powerful. But we can pick it up. We have to hold on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> has postponed its plan to double parking meter rates and extend paid hours in the heart of downtown, after small business owners and service workers said the city never consulted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council voted unanimously on Tuesday to defer the proposal until August, giving the city time to do community outreach that several officials acknowledged should have happened months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would raise the hourly meter rate from $2 to $4 for roughly 900 parking spaces located within two blocks of a city parking garage, and extend paid parking hours in the urban core from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. at about 1,600 parking spaces. According to a city memo, the changes were expected to generate roughly $1.2 million in annual revenue, plus an estimated $70,000 in additional citation revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increase had already been built into the 2026-2027 budget adopted earlier this year, which is part of why it arrived for what was supposed to be routine approval on the consent calendar, rather than as a standalone item with dedicated public input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a number of small businesses, ground-floor retail businesses, reach out and express their concern over the lack of public engagement on this item,” said Councilmember George Casey, who made the motion to defer. “Somewhere along the line, the ball got dropped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to capitalize on increased nightlife downtown, most recently due to a surge of traffic from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088198/what-it-was-like-inside-levis-for-the-algeria-vs-jordan-world-cup-match\">FIFA World Cup\u003c/a>, ran afoul of downtown restaurant and bar owners, workers and residents, who said during the meeting the increase would hit the service industry hardest and at exactly the wrong hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>George Lahlouh, an owner of M.O. Hospitality, which operates five bars and restaurants downtown and employs 200 people, told the council the timing of the extended hours was the main issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extending paid meter hours until 9 p.m. and raising key downtown meters to $4 an hour affects the exact hours when restaurants, bars, cafes, venues and events are working to bring people back to downtown,” Lahlouh said. He noted that 90 minutes of free garage parking “does not always cover dinner, drinks, shows, or a full downtown experience. For employees, it does not cover a normal shift by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions from KQED, the city’s Department of Transportation defended the increase as long overdue. Spokesperson Colin Heyne said meter rates had not been raised since 2014, and that the operating hours for most meters had gone unchanged for more than two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said San José’s $2 rate sits below peer cities — Oakland charges up to $4 an hour, Sacramento up to $6, and San Francisco up to $13 — and that even after the increase, San José would remain tied for the lowest meter rates in the region while continuing to offer free parking on Sundays.[aside postID=news_12088143 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251208-BART-SILICON-VALLEY-TOUR-MD-09-KQED.jpg']Low rates and free on-street parking after 6 p.m. appear to allow some cars to park for long stretches, limiting availability for other customers, Heyne said. San José operates \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/\">seven\u003c/a> public garages with more than 6,000 spaces, including roughly 3,600 downtown spaces that offer 90 minutes of free parking, with monthly passes starting at $100. The city also offers a discounted \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">permit\u003c/a> for downtown employees earning less than 30% above minimum wage, though there is no special meter rate for workers, students or commuters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Greer, a longtime restaurant manager who said he spoke on behalf of his back-of-house staff, said the rate hike would eat into already-thin wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the employees are not making over $20 an hour,” Greer said. “Taking $4 is taking a huge portion of their pay, and it’s inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Faria, a small business owner and chair of the SoFA District Committee, a group advocating for downtown businesses, argued the plan assumed the city could pull $1.2 million out of the local economy without changing how people behave — that customers and workers would simply absorb the higher cost rather than spend less or stay away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money has to come from somewhere, and it ultimately comes from the pockets of working people and customers who are already stretched,” Faria said. “If we want a stronger downtown, we should be reducing friction, not adding to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hoshii, deputy director of the Department of Transportation, told the council most outreach had been done internally, through the budget study sessions, and that an email to the Downtown Association in early May offering a meeting had been missed. The department’s full communications push — reaching businesses, updating websites — wasn’t scheduled until July, the month before the change would take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice Mayor Pam Foley called that sequence backward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear the community at large did not know about this increase,” Foley said. “Whether the downtown business association knew or not or attended the meetings, that’s really irrelevant. What is relevant is that the small business owners here didn’t know about it. And really, I think we need to take ownership of that outreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the revenue was already counted in the budget, the deferral carries a cost. Budget Director Jim Shannon said the delay would reduce revenue by roughly $150,000 to $200,000. But he said he did not expect any impact on city services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who represents downtown, floated the idea of spreading a smaller increase across the whole city rather than doubling the cost for the downtown spaces. Foley raised concerns that a citywide change would require far broader outreach than could be done by August. The council also asked staff to study possible parking discounts or set-asides for downtown employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate LeBlanc, economic development director at the San José Downtown Association, had asked for the deferral on similar grounds and noted the proposal skipped a key step by never going before the city’s downtown parking board. He said it’s “probably inevitable that some new revenue needs to be raised,” but argued the city could find a way “without negatively impacting our service industry and our visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> has postponed its plan to double parking meter rates and extend paid hours in the heart of downtown, after small business owners and service workers said the city never consulted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council voted unanimously on Tuesday to defer the proposal until August, giving the city time to do community outreach that several officials acknowledged should have happened months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would raise the hourly meter rate from $2 to $4 for roughly 900 parking spaces located within two blocks of a city parking garage, and extend paid parking hours in the urban core from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. at about 1,600 parking spaces. According to a city memo, the changes were expected to generate roughly $1.2 million in annual revenue, plus an estimated $70,000 in additional citation revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increase had already been built into the 2026-2027 budget adopted earlier this year, which is part of why it arrived for what was supposed to be routine approval on the consent calendar, rather than as a standalone item with dedicated public input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a number of small businesses, ground-floor retail businesses, reach out and express their concern over the lack of public engagement on this item,” said Councilmember George Casey, who made the motion to defer. “Somewhere along the line, the ball got dropped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to capitalize on increased nightlife downtown, most recently due to a surge of traffic from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088198/what-it-was-like-inside-levis-for-the-algeria-vs-jordan-world-cup-match\">FIFA World Cup\u003c/a>, ran afoul of downtown restaurant and bar owners, workers and residents, who said during the meeting the increase would hit the service industry hardest and at exactly the wrong hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A parking compliance vehicle in San José on June 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>George Lahlouh, an owner of M.O. Hospitality, which operates five bars and restaurants downtown and employs 200 people, told the council the timing of the extended hours was the main issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extending paid meter hours until 9 p.m. and raising key downtown meters to $4 an hour affects the exact hours when restaurants, bars, cafes, venues and events are working to bring people back to downtown,” Lahlouh said. He noted that 90 minutes of free garage parking “does not always cover dinner, drinks, shows, or a full downtown experience. For employees, it does not cover a normal shift by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions from KQED, the city’s Department of Transportation defended the increase as long overdue. Spokesperson Colin Heyne said meter rates had not been raised since 2014, and that the operating hours for most meters had gone unchanged for more than two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said San José’s $2 rate sits below peer cities — Oakland charges up to $4 an hour, Sacramento up to $6, and San Francisco up to $13 — and that even after the increase, San José would remain tied for the lowest meter rates in the region while continuing to offer free parking on Sundays.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Low rates and free on-street parking after 6 p.m. appear to allow some cars to park for long stretches, limiting availability for other customers, Heyne said. San José operates \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/\">seven\u003c/a> public garages with more than 6,000 spaces, including roughly 3,600 downtown spaces that offer 90 minutes of free parking, with monthly passes starting at $100. The city also offers a discounted \u003ca href=\"https://parksj.org/info-for-businesses/\">permit\u003c/a> for downtown employees earning less than 30% above minimum wage, though there is no special meter rate for workers, students or commuters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Greer, a longtime restaurant manager who said he spoke on behalf of his back-of-house staff, said the rate hike would eat into already-thin wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the employees are not making over $20 an hour,” Greer said. “Taking $4 is taking a huge portion of their pay, and it’s inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Faria, a small business owner and chair of the SoFA District Committee, a group advocating for downtown businesses, argued the plan assumed the city could pull $1.2 million out of the local economy without changing how people behave — that customers and workers would simply absorb the higher cost rather than spend less or stay away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money has to come from somewhere, and it ultimately comes from the pockets of working people and customers who are already stretched,” Faria said. “If we want a stronger downtown, we should be reducing friction, not adding to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hoshii, deputy director of the Department of Transportation, told the council most outreach had been done internally, through the budget study sessions, and that an email to the Downtown Association in early May offering a meeting had been missed. The department’s full communications push — reaching businesses, updating websites — wasn’t scheduled until July, the month before the change would take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice Mayor Pam Foley called that sequence backward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/260623-SJParking-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parking meters in San José on June 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear the community at large did not know about this increase,” Foley said. “Whether the downtown business association knew or not or attended the meetings, that’s really irrelevant. What is relevant is that the small business owners here didn’t know about it. And really, I think we need to take ownership of that outreach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the revenue was already counted in the budget, the deferral carries a cost. Budget Director Jim Shannon said the delay would reduce revenue by roughly $150,000 to $200,000. But he said he did not expect any impact on city services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Anthony Tordillos, who represents downtown, floated the idea of spreading a smaller increase across the whole city rather than doubling the cost for the downtown spaces. Foley raised concerns that a citywide change would require far broader outreach than could be done by August. The council also asked staff to study possible parking discounts or set-asides for downtown employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate LeBlanc, economic development director at the San José Downtown Association, had asked for the deferral on similar grounds and noted the proposal skipped a key step by never going before the city’s downtown parking board. He said it’s “probably inevitable that some new revenue needs to be raised,” but argued the city could find a way “without negatively impacting our service industry and our visitors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/u-s-supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> decision on Tuesday put an end to\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-china-cisco-falun-gong-lawsuit-30dc0f22af6a571ebf7f1198a6b17859\"> a lawsuit\u003c/a> against Cisco that alleged China’s government used the San José-based company’s tech to persecute members of the spiritual group Falun Gong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 6-3 ruling limited the scope of a law from the 1700s that has been used to bring human rights litigation in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us-supreme-court-ends-suit-alleging-cisco-helped-china-pursue-falun-gong-2026-06-23/\">since the 1980s\u003c/a>. The decision could make it harder to hold corporations and their executives accountable in U.S. courts for human rights abuses committed abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lower court previously ruled that the so-called Alien Tort Statute also covered \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us-supreme-court-ends-suit-alleging-cisco-helped-china-pursue-falun-gong-2026-06-23/\">situations that aided and abetted human rights violations\u003c/a>. However, the ruling read by Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett on Tuesday reversed that decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cisco is correct,” Barrett said. “Courts cannot create new rights of action to remedy violations of international law, so there is necessarily no liability for aiding and abetting such violations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, first filed in 2011, claimed Cisco and its executives “are \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/25pdf/24-856_kjfm.pdf\">liable \u003c/a>for aiding and abetting violations of international law.” One of the plaintiffs also targeted two Cisco executives for being “liable for aiding and abetting violations of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/25pdf/24-856_kjfm.pdf\">the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Falun Gong held a rally on the west lawn of the U.S. Capitol and a march through the city in Washington on June 20, 2018. \u003ccite>(Yasin Ozturk/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese government \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/china-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-policy-and-information-note-falun-gong-china-november-2025-accessible\">banned \u003c/a>Falun Gong in 1999, and those who practice have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/2025/24-856\">detention and torture\u003c/a>. A 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/chinese-surveillance-silicon-valley-uyghurs-tech-xinjiang-8e000601dadb6aea230f18170ed54e88\">\u003cem>AP News\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a>, which found evidence that some American tech companies — such as Cisco — enabled surveillance in China, impacting minorities and religious groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech company said it is deeply committed to human rights and reiterated its long-held position that the “claims are inaccurate and entirely without foundation,” in a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://blogs.cisco.com/news/the-power-and-importance-of-a-free-and-open-internet\">statement \u003c/a>about the case.[aside postID=news_12082390 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2273951119-scaled-e1781111182660.jpg']William Dodge, an international law expert at George Washington University Law School, said the conclusion is “mistaken” and went against \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/542/692/\">precedent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that this decision really puts an end to the modern era of human rights litigation under the Alien Tort Statute,” said Dodge, who wrote an amicus brief on behalf of the plaintiffs in the Cisco case. “There aren’t going to be human rights cases brought under the Alien Tort Statute anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodge said the decision does not rule out human rights litigation entirely, but for future lawsuits, legal groups will now have to look to other statutes or foreign law to make their case, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices also ruled 8-1 that aiding and abetting did not come within the language of the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991 — with only Justice Sonia Sotomayor as the sole dissenting voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision marks yet another low point in this Court’s esteem for its precedents,” Sotomayor wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/609/24-856/\">her opinion.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/u-s-supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> decision on Tuesday put an end to\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-china-cisco-falun-gong-lawsuit-30dc0f22af6a571ebf7f1198a6b17859\"> a lawsuit\u003c/a> against Cisco that alleged China’s government used the San José-based company’s tech to persecute members of the spiritual group Falun Gong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 6-3 ruling limited the scope of a law from the 1700s that has been used to bring human rights litigation in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us-supreme-court-ends-suit-alleging-cisco-helped-china-pursue-falun-gong-2026-06-23/\">since the 1980s\u003c/a>. The decision could make it harder to hold corporations and their executives accountable in U.S. courts for human rights abuses committed abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lower court previously ruled that the so-called Alien Tort Statute also covered \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us-supreme-court-ends-suit-alleging-cisco-helped-china-pursue-falun-gong-2026-06-23/\">situations that aided and abetted human rights violations\u003c/a>. However, the ruling read by Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett on Tuesday reversed that decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cisco is correct,” Barrett said. “Courts cannot create new rights of action to remedy violations of international law, so there is necessarily no liability for aiding and abetting such violations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, first filed in 2011, claimed Cisco and its executives “are \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/25pdf/24-856_kjfm.pdf\">liable \u003c/a>for aiding and abetting violations of international law.” One of the plaintiffs also targeted two Cisco executives for being “liable for aiding and abetting violations of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/25pdf/24-856_kjfm.pdf\">the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12088514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12088514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/Falun-Gong-US-Capitol-Getty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Falun Gong held a rally on the west lawn of the U.S. Capitol and a march through the city in Washington on June 20, 2018. \u003ccite>(Yasin Ozturk/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese government \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/china-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-policy-and-information-note-falun-gong-china-november-2025-accessible\">banned \u003c/a>Falun Gong in 1999, and those who practice have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/2025/24-856\">detention and torture\u003c/a>. A 2025 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/chinese-surveillance-silicon-valley-uyghurs-tech-xinjiang-8e000601dadb6aea230f18170ed54e88\">\u003cem>AP News\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a>, which found evidence that some American tech companies — such as Cisco — enabled surveillance in China, impacting minorities and religious groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech company said it is deeply committed to human rights and reiterated its long-held position that the “claims are inaccurate and entirely without foundation,” in a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://blogs.cisco.com/news/the-power-and-importance-of-a-free-and-open-internet\">statement \u003c/a>about the case.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>William Dodge, an international law expert at George Washington University Law School, said the conclusion is “mistaken” and went against \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/542/692/\">precedent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that this decision really puts an end to the modern era of human rights litigation under the Alien Tort Statute,” said Dodge, who wrote an amicus brief on behalf of the plaintiffs in the Cisco case. “There aren’t going to be human rights cases brought under the Alien Tort Statute anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodge said the decision does not rule out human rights litigation entirely, but for future lawsuits, legal groups will now have to look to other statutes or foreign law to make their case, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices also ruled 8-1 that aiding and abetting did not come within the language of the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991 — with only Justice Sonia Sotomayor as the sole dissenting voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s decision marks yet another low point in this Court’s esteem for its precedents,” Sotomayor wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/609/24-856/\">her opinion.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As America Turns 250, San Francisco’s Role in Defining Citizenship Endures",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was a high-pressure moment when Cecillia Wang stepped into the U.S. Supreme Court in April to deliver oral arguments defending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>. But, she said, she had the spirit of millions of Americans’ ancestors with her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I felt a lot of the weight of all those hopes and aspirations, and really a belief in the promise of this country, that birthright citizenship is so much a part of the fabric of what it means to be an American,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the landmark case \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB11423\">\u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Wang — the national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union — challenged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078161/trump-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court-ruling-who-is-affected-can-citizen-be-revoked\">President Donald Trump’s executive order\u003c/a>, which seeks to deny U.S. citizenship to babies whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents. The Supreme Court is expected to hand down its highly anticipated ruling by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is just one of the landmark legal victories won by 19th-century Chinese immigrants. Their court battles helped secure constitutional protections that remain at the center of today’s debates over citizenship, due process and democracy. As the nation approaches its 250th anniversary, Asian American historians, legal scholars and civil rights advocates say those contributions remain largely absent from the national narrative, even as the rights they helped establish face renewed challenges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The semiquincentennial, they say, offers an opportunity to examine who helped build American democracy — and to recognize that immigrants were not only beneficiaries of constitutional rights, but among their architects.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The right to automatic American citizenship was established in 1898 under the 14th Amendment when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a Chinese cook born in San Francisco, successfully defended his claim to U.S. citizenship after officials argued that his parents’ Chinese citizenship disqualified him from it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As a constitutional lawyer, Wang has worked many cases at the Supreme Court, but she said this was the first one to hit very close to home: Wang is a recipient of birthright citizenship, and her personal history made her role at the nation’s highest court meaningful for many immigrants and second-generation Americans — especially Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088380\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-1536x1040.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">American Civil Liberties Union attorney Cecillia Wang spoke outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 1, 2026. President Donald Trump attended in person as the court heard a landmark case weighing the constitutionality of his effort to end birthright citizenship. (Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many people have told me, both friends and loved ones, but also total strangers: ‘I listened to \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/trump-v-barbara-oral-argument/675665\">that argument;\u003c/a> it’s the first time I’ve ever listened to a Supreme Court argument. My parents, who are immigrants, listened to [it] and they’ve never listened to [one] before,’” Wang said. “‘And we’re all cheering you on.’”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wang said the effort to overturn a centuries-old constitutional right has helped spotlight critical and often overlooked Asian American history, particularly highlighting how the Chinese community’s 19th-century legal victories helped secure foundational protections for both Americans and noncitizens. Many constitutional protections are now under attack by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is only one example. Early Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits to fight discrimination and raised money to hire prominent white lawyers to argue on their behalf. Some cases reached the Supreme Court, and the resulting decisions continue to undergird many modern civil rights cases, including disputes over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">equal protection and due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Efforts to reframe the American story have been fueled by descendants of some of the country’s earliest immigrants. They’ve illuminated little-known chapters of the nation’s history by unearthing family archives and sharing personal stories.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088375\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong walks through Ross Alley in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, is the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, who won birthright citizenship in 1898 in the Supreme Court. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Norman Wong, a Bay Area resident and the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, has been on a media blitz since January to share his family’s legacy and protect birthright citizenship. He’s appeared at public events, been invited to speak on panels and been interviewed by national and local news outlets.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In April, he traveled to Washington, D.C., for birthright citizenship hearings and gave a speech outside of the Supreme Court. It’s work that Wong didn’t expect to do at this stage of his life, but it’s a role and responsibility that he accepts willingly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I consider it a duty and a privilege to, in a sense, serve, because these times need people to volunteer and help,” Wong, 76, said. “I think especially for Chinese Americans who are afraid of [how] their history might implicate them … We need to get out from under that rock.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For most of his life, Wong had no idea he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark. His father, Wong Yook Jim, rarely spoke about his past or their family lineage, let alone who Wong’s great-grandfather was. Wong only discovered the connection in his 50s — but he was no stranger to Asian American history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088377\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-1536x838.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: Wong Yook Jim, grandson of Wong Kim Ark, with his two sons, Gary (left) and Norman Wong (right), during the early 1950s in San Francisco.Right: Wong Yook Jim during the mid-1950s.Norman Wong didn’t know he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark until he was in his 50s because his Chinese family never spoke about their family history. He says of his father, “He didn’t talk about his mother or his father or any of that … We didn’t even know he actually came from China … as far as I knew, he could have been born here.” (Courtesy of Norman Wong.)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>As a UC Berkeley student during the 1970s, Wong was a part of the multiracial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">Third World Liberation Front movement\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, when widespread student strikes helped establish the country’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It was during that period that the Asian American identity was first conceived. Wong also protested the demolition of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DAt5-VRqL3z/\">San Francisco’s International Hotel\u003c/a> — a landmark event widely regarded as the catalyst for the Asian American movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wong said his activism as a young man helped prepare him for his current role as a public advocate for immigrants and other vulnerable groups in America. He’s not only fiery in his efforts to preserve his great-grandfather’s contributions, but also in his critiques of the Trump administration, especially as it prepares to host the nation’s 250th-anniversary celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think it’s ironic that Trump is our president while we’re extolling the virtues of the United States, and he’s showing the worst side of America,” Wong said. “I think the main story is ‘who we should be as a people?’ instead of just celebrating that we’re Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, said having people like Wong speak out exemplifies how vital it is to connect history to the present.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088374\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s really significant to share our stories to change the narrative about Asian Americans, to change the narrative of America,” Jeung said. “I think digging up and reclaiming our history is critical to helping us face the challenges of what we’re dealing with now.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jeung is a co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>, a movement that started during the COVID era, which has helped reshape the way the country views racism against Asians. But Jeung said Asian American activism isn’t new; it’s always been a part of the Asian American experience.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Asians were really unruly when they came. They were engaged in massive disobedience against every law … They used every means available to their disposal to challenge racist laws,” Jeung said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One example is the 1886 U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese laundrymen sued San Francisco\u003c/a> because of an unfair laundry ordinance — one of many discriminatory laws designed to make life and earning a livelihood difficult for Chinese immigrants. With the help of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the laundrymen won and secured 14th Amendment protections, including equal rights and due process for noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People walk through the intersection at Pacific and Stockton streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Jeung said that the current debates over constitutional protections and who qualifies for U.S. citizenship are especially relevant to Asian Americans because 19th-century Asians were, in his words, the “foundational aliens” — the group through which the boundaries of American citizenship were drawn and the limits of constitutional rights were tested. The restrictions imposed on Chinese immigrants helped define who could — and could not — be considered American.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The whole idea of American citizenship and belonging was based on the opposite, the Asian as the paradigmatic alien,” Jeung said. “And so today, the treatment of immigrants is sort of based on how America treated Asians initially as aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That treatment includes being regarded as economic scapegoats, as threats to national security, ineligible for citizenship despite legal ties, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">being denied due process rights\u003c/a> and subjected to hostile political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But Jeung said early Chinese immigrants also created a model of how to seek justice. By organizing across their community and bringing their fights to the courts, they called out the hypocrisy of America and challenged the nation to live up to its espoused values.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to have inalienable rights to the pursuit of happiness … but aliens didn’t get those rights, and the same holds true today. Undocumented people don’t have the right to … due process, habeas corpus; they don’t have the right to be innocent until proven guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Because of the parallels between the past and present, Jeung believes the country’s upcoming celebrations should raise some critical questions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s a question for America on the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Are those rights inalienable, are they sacred to all? Or why do we only hold them for a certain privileged few?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, a legal and civil rights nonprofit in San Francisco, has worked for decades to ensure rights are upheld for some of the most vulnerable groups in the Asian American community. The organization was part of the nationwide class action in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>, and Kohli said this has been a “pivotal moment” for the Asian Law Caucus, as many constitutional protections beyond birthright citizenship are under threat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The ground has really shifted under most civil rights organizations,” Kohli said. “We have to be more strategic, more creative than ever … we need to build a coalition of supporters … we can’t just fight in court. We have to win on the streets as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Kohli pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081927/supreme-court-ruling-on-voting-wont-change-california-districts-but-could-hurt-democrats\">recent weakening of the Voting Rights Act\u003c/a> by the Supreme Court — including decisions limiting the consideration of race in drawing congressional maps — as emblematic of the direction the country is heading towards as it approaches its 250th anniversary. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“[The Trump administration] has revealed to us the vulnerabilities in our democracy,” Kohli said. “The checks and balances of power relied on people acting with integrity … one of the things that was not contemplated … is that an administration could act with such impunity and feel very justified in violating not just norms, but the law.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Because of vulnerabilities in the nation’s democratic institutions, Kohli and other advocates argue that preserving a multiracial democracy will require deeper solidarity across communities and a recognition of the connections between different groups’ struggles for rights and belonging.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For Wang, that broader struggle for rights and belonging stretches beyond the Chinese American experience. That’s why she said there’s another important group of ancestors to acknowledge when discussing birthright citizenship and other constitutional ideals: Black freedom fighters.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088378\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An American flag, a San Francisco flag and the Chinese flag fly on Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“[They] both achieved the end of slavery, and Reconstruction in the form of civil rights legislation in the 1960s…we need to connect those efforts,” Wang said, noting that the constitutional protections invoked by Chinese immigrants originated from Black Americans’ struggle against slavery. Without the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/slavery-by-another-name/themes/reconstruction-amendments/\">Reconstruction Amendments\u003c/a> and the legal framework earned by Black Americans, Chinese litigants wouldn’t have been able to test those guarantees in court – and secure them for generations of Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While the political climate and the ongoing challenges to constitutional protections may easily overshadow the nation’s upcoming 250th anniversary for some, Wang said she still plans to commemorate the milestone.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to let the president take away my joy,” she said. “I remember the bicentennial; I was a little kid and remember the excitement of it … there are a lot of people who have a critique of American exceptionalism and those critiques are very valid. But for me personally, I feel so fortunate to be a U.S. citizen. I feel so fortunate to be American. And I think being a civil rights lawyer is a really profound expression of American patriotism.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wang marvels at the fact that she, a Chinese American lawyer and daughter of immigrants, was able to argue the birthright citizenship case before the Supreme Court at a time when Chinese people like Wong Kim Ark lived in an era when they were barred from testifying in court.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A mural depicting Wong Kim Ark is seen through the Floating Sushi Boat restaurant on the corner of Sacramento and Grant in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>That arc of history is not lost on Norman Wong. It may explain why he’s been so tireless in his efforts to share who his great-grandfather was and what he achieved.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When asked what’s next for his family’s legacy after the Supreme Court issues its ruling, Wong said he hopes there will no longer be a need for such a public role.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When I’m not needed anymore, I’ll just fade away,” Wong said. “People shouldn’t worry about [birthright citizenship], and all of this will be a footnote.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For now, though, Wong believes there are still countless family stories waiting to be told — if others are willing to share them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be ashamed of our personal history. It’s time for us to say who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\n\n\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">As we tell these stories, \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pagzLWLgeFJm7OqcO/form\">we want to hear from you\u003c/a>. Do you have family ties to San Francisco Chinatown or the Bay Area’s early Chinese American communities? Family photographs, letters, documents or stories passed down through generations? Do you know of local histories, legal battles or community contributions that deserve greater attention?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">Reporter Cecilia Lei is collecting stories, memories and historical materials that may inform or be featured in our reporting. Email her at clei@kqed.org and help us preserve and share this history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pagzLWLgeFJm7OqcO/form\">SHARE YOUR STORY\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I felt a lot of the weight of all those hopes and aspirations, and really a belief in the promise of this country, that birthright citizenship is so much a part of the fabric of what it means to be an American,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In the landmark case \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB11423\">\u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Wang — the national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union — challenged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078161/trump-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court-ruling-who-is-affected-can-citizen-be-revoked\">President Donald Trump’s executive order\u003c/a>, which seeks to deny U.S. citizenship to babies whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents. The Supreme Court is expected to hand down its highly anticipated ruling by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In the landmark case \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB11423\">\u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Wang — the national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union — challenged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078161/trump-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court-ruling-who-is-affected-can-citizen-be-revoked\">President Donald Trump’s executive order\u003c/a>, which seeks to deny U.S. citizenship to babies whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents. The Supreme Court is expected to hand down its highly anticipated ruling by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n"
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"title": "Find more of KQED’s coverage of California’s 175th and the United States’ 250th"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is just one of the landmark legal victories won by 19th-century Chinese immigrants. Their court battles helped secure constitutional protections that remain at the center of today’s debates over citizenship, due process and democracy. As the nation approaches its 250th anniversary, Asian American historians, legal scholars and civil rights advocates say those contributions remain largely absent from the national narrative, even as the rights they helped establish face renewed challenges.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is just one of the landmark legal victories won by 19th-century Chinese immigrants. Their court battles helped secure constitutional protections that remain at the center of today’s debates over citizenship, due process and democracy. As the nation approaches its 250th anniversary, Asian American historians, legal scholars and civil rights advocates say those contributions remain largely absent from the national narrative, even as the rights they helped establish face renewed challenges.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The semiquincentennial, they say, offers an opportunity to examine who helped build American democracy — and to recognize that immigrants were not only beneficiaries of constitutional rights, but among their architects.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The semiquincentennial, they say, offers an opportunity to examine who helped build American democracy — and to recognize that immigrants were not only beneficiaries of constitutional rights, but among their architects.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The right to automatic American citizenship was established in 1898 under the 14th Amendment when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a Chinese cook born in San Francisco, successfully defended his claim to U.S. citizenship after officials argued that his parents’ Chinese citizenship disqualified him from it.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The right to automatic American citizenship was established in 1898 under the 14th Amendment when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a Chinese cook born in San Francisco, successfully defended his claim to U.S. citizenship after officials argued that his parents’ Chinese citizenship disqualified him from it.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As a constitutional lawyer, Wang has worked many cases at the Supreme Court, but she said this was the first one to hit very close to home: Wang is a recipient of birthright citizenship, and her personal history made her role at the nation’s highest court meaningful for many immigrants and second-generation Americans — especially Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>As a constitutional lawyer, Wang has worked many cases at the Supreme Court, but she said this was the first one to hit very close to home: Wang is a recipient of birthright citizenship, and her personal history made her role at the nation’s highest court meaningful for many immigrants and second-generation Americans — especially Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088380\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-1536x1040.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">American Civil Liberties Union attorney Cecillia Wang spoke outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 1, 2026. President Donald Trump attended in person as the court heard a landmark case weighing the constitutionality of his effort to end birthright citizenship.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088380\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">American Civil Liberties Union attorney Cecillia Wang spoke outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 1, 2026. President Donald Trump attended in person as the court heard a landmark case weighing the constitutionality of his effort to end birthright citizenship.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many people have told me, both friends and loved ones, but also total strangers: ‘I listened to \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/trump-v-barbara-oral-argument/675665\">that argument;\u003c/a> it’s the first time I’ve ever listened to a Supreme Court argument. My parents, who are immigrants, listened to [it] and they’ve never listened to [one] before,’” Wang said. “‘And we’re all cheering you on.’”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many people have told me, both friends and loved ones, but also total strangers: ‘I listened to \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/trump-v-barbara-oral-argument/675665\">that argument;\u003c/a> it’s the first time I’ve ever listened to a Supreme Court argument. My parents, who are immigrants, listened to [it] and they’ve never listened to [one] before,’” Wang said. “‘And we’re all cheering you on.’”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wang said the effort to overturn a centuries-old constitutional right has helped spotlight critical and often overlooked Asian American history, particularly highlighting how the Chinese community’s 19th-century legal victories helped secure foundational protections for both Americans and noncitizens. Many constitutional protections are now under attack by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Wang said the effort to overturn a centuries-old constitutional right has helped spotlight critical and often overlooked Asian American history, particularly highlighting how the Chinese community’s 19th-century legal victories helped secure foundational protections for both Americans and noncitizens. Many constitutional protections are now under attack by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is only one example. Early Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits to fight discrimination and raised money to hire prominent white lawyers to argue on their behalf. Some cases reached the Supreme Court, and the resulting decisions continue to undergird many modern civil rights cases, including disputes over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">equal protection and due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is only one example. Early Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits to fight discrimination and raised money to hire prominent white lawyers to argue on their behalf. Some cases reached the Supreme Court, and the resulting decisions continue to undergird many modern civil rights cases, including disputes over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">equal protection and due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Efforts to reframe the American story have been fueled by descendants of some of the country’s earliest immigrants. They’ve illuminated little-known chapters of the nation’s history by unearthing family archives and sharing personal stories.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Efforts to reframe the American story have been fueled by descendants of some of the country’s earliest immigrants. They’ve illuminated little-known chapters of the nation’s history by unearthing family archives and sharing personal stories.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088375\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong walks through Ross Alley in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, is the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, who won birthright citizenship in 1898 in the Supreme Court.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088375\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong walks through Ross Alley in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, is the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, who won birthright citizenship in 1898 in the Supreme Court.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Norman Wong, a Bay Area resident and the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, has been on a media blitz since January to share his family’s legacy and protect birthright citizenship. He’s appeared at public events, been invited to speak on panels and been interviewed by national and local news outlets.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Norman Wong, a Bay Area resident and the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, has been on a media blitz since January to share his family’s legacy and protect birthright citizenship. He’s appeared at public events, been invited to speak on panels and been interviewed by national and local news outlets.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In April, he traveled to Washington, D.C., for birthright citizenship hearings and gave a speech outside of the Supreme Court. It’s work that Wong didn’t expect to do at this stage of his life, but it’s a role and responsibility that he accepts willingly.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In April, he traveled to Washington, D.C., for birthright citizenship hearings and gave a speech outside of the Supreme Court. It’s work that Wong didn’t expect to do at this stage of his life, but it’s a role and responsibility that he accepts willingly.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I consider it a duty and a privilege to, in a sense, serve, because these times need people to volunteer and help,” Wong, 76, said. “I think especially for Chinese Americans who are afraid of [how] their history might implicate them … We need to get out from under that rock.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I consider it a duty and a privilege to, in a sense, serve, because these times need people to volunteer and help,” Wong, 76, said. “I think especially for Chinese Americans who are afraid of [how] their history might implicate them … We need to get out from under that rock.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For most of his life, Wong had no idea he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark. His father, Wong Yook Jim, rarely spoke about his past or their family lineage, let alone who Wong’s great-grandfather was. Wong only discovered the connection in his 50s — but he was no stranger to Asian American history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For most of his life, Wong had no idea he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark. His father, Wong Yook Jim, rarely spoke about his past or their family lineage, let alone who Wong’s great-grandfather was. Wong only discovered the connection in his 50s — but he was no stranger to Asian American history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-1536x838.jpg 1536w",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088377\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-1536x838.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: Wong Yook Jim, grandson of Wong Kim Ark, with his two sons, Gary (left) and Norman Wong (right), during the early 1950s in San Francisco.Right: Wong Yook Jim during the mid-1950s.Norman Wong didn’t know he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark until he was in his 50s because his Chinese family never spoke about their family history. He says of his father, “He didn’t talk about his mother or his father or any of that … We didn’t even know he actually came from China … as far as I knew, he could have been born here.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088377\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: Wong Yook Jim, grandson of Wong Kim Ark, with his two sons, Gary (left) and Norman Wong (right), during the early 1950s in San Francisco.Right: Wong Yook Jim during the mid-1950s.Norman Wong didn’t know he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark until he was in his 50s because his Chinese family never spoke about their family history. He says of his father, “He didn’t talk about his mother or his father or any of that … We didn’t even know he actually came from China … as far as I knew, he could have been born here.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As a UC Berkeley student during the 1970s, Wong was a part of the multiracial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">Third World Liberation Front movement\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, when widespread student strikes helped establish the country’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>As a UC Berkeley student during the 1970s, Wong was a part of the multiracial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">Third World Liberation Front movement\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, when widespread student strikes helped establish the country’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It was during that period that the Asian American identity was first conceived. Wong also protested the demolition of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DAt5-VRqL3z/\">San Francisco’s International Hotel\u003c/a> — a landmark event widely regarded as the catalyst for the Asian American movement. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>It was during that period that the Asian American identity was first conceived. Wong also protested the demolition of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DAt5-VRqL3z/\">San Francisco’s International Hotel\u003c/a> — a landmark event widely regarded as the catalyst for the Asian American movement. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wong said his activism as a young man helped prepare him for his current role as a public advocate for immigrants and other vulnerable groups in America. He’s not only fiery in his efforts to preserve his great-grandfather’s contributions, but also in his critiques of the Trump administration, especially as it prepares to host the nation’s 250th-anniversary celebrations.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Wong said his activism as a young man helped prepare him for his current role as a public advocate for immigrants and other vulnerable groups in America. He’s not only fiery in his efforts to preserve his great-grandfather’s contributions, but also in his critiques of the Trump administration, especially as it prepares to host the nation’s 250th-anniversary celebrations.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I think it’s ironic that Trump is our president while we’re extolling the virtues of the United States, and he’s showing the worst side of America,” Wong said. “I think the main story is ‘who we should be as a people?’ instead of just celebrating that we’re Americans.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I think it’s ironic that Trump is our president while we’re extolling the virtues of the United States, and he’s showing the worst side of America,” Wong said. “I think the main story is ‘who we should be as a people?’ instead of just celebrating that we’re Americans.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, said having people like Wong speak out exemplifies how vital it is to connect history to the present.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, said having people like Wong speak out exemplifies how vital it is to connect history to the present.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088374\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088374\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s really significant to share our stories to change the narrative about Asian Americans, to change the narrative of America,” Jeung said. “I think digging up and reclaiming our history is critical to helping us face the challenges of what we’re dealing with now.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“It’s really significant to share our stories to change the narrative about Asian Americans, to change the narrative of America,” Jeung said. “I think digging up and reclaiming our history is critical to helping us face the challenges of what we’re dealing with now.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jeung is a co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>, a movement that started during the COVID era, which has helped reshape the way the country views racism against Asians. But Jeung said Asian American activism isn’t new; it’s always been a part of the Asian American experience.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Jeung is a co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>, a movement that started during the COVID era, which has helped reshape the way the country views racism against Asians. But Jeung said Asian American activism isn’t new; it’s always been a part of the Asian American experience.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Asians were really unruly when they came. They were engaged in massive disobedience against every law … They used every means available to their disposal to challenge racist laws,” Jeung said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Asians were really unruly when they came. They were engaged in massive disobedience against every law … They used every means available to their disposal to challenge racist laws,” Jeung said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>One example is the 1886 U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese laundrymen sued San Francisco\u003c/a> because of an unfair laundry ordinance — one of many discriminatory laws designed to make life and earning a livelihood difficult for Chinese immigrants. With the help of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the laundrymen won and secured 14th Amendment protections, including equal rights and due process for noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>One example is the 1886 U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese laundrymen sued San Francisco\u003c/a> because of an unfair laundry ordinance — one of many discriminatory laws designed to make life and earning a livelihood difficult for Chinese immigrants. With the help of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the laundrymen won and secured 14th Amendment protections, including equal rights and due process for noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People walk through the intersection at Pacific and Stockton streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088373\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People walk through the intersection at Pacific and Stockton streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jeung said that the current debates over constitutional protections and who qualifies for U.S. citizenship are especially relevant to Asian Americans because 19th-century Asians were, in his words, the “foundational aliens” — the group through which the boundaries of American citizenship were drawn and the limits of constitutional rights were tested. The restrictions imposed on Chinese immigrants helped define who could — and could not — be considered American.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Jeung said that the current debates over constitutional protections and who qualifies for U.S. citizenship are especially relevant to Asian Americans because 19th-century Asians were, in his words, the “foundational aliens” — the group through which the boundaries of American citizenship were drawn and the limits of constitutional rights were tested. The restrictions imposed on Chinese immigrants helped define who could — and could not — be considered American.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The whole idea of American citizenship and belonging was based on the opposite, the Asian as the paradigmatic alien,” Jeung said. “And so today, the treatment of immigrants is sort of based on how America treated Asians initially as aliens.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The whole idea of American citizenship and belonging was based on the opposite, the Asian as the paradigmatic alien,” Jeung said. “And so today, the treatment of immigrants is sort of based on how America treated Asians initially as aliens.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>That treatment includes being regarded as economic scapegoats, as threats to national security, ineligible for citizenship despite legal ties, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">being denied due process rights\u003c/a> and subjected to hostile political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>That treatment includes being regarded as economic scapegoats, as threats to national security, ineligible for citizenship despite legal ties, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">being denied due process rights\u003c/a> and subjected to hostile political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But Jeung said early Chinese immigrants also created a model of how to seek justice. By organizing across their community and bringing their fights to the courts, they called out the hypocrisy of America and challenged the nation to live up to its espoused values.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But Jeung said early Chinese immigrants also created a model of how to seek justice. By organizing across their community and bringing their fights to the courts, they called out the hypocrisy of America and challenged the nation to live up to its espoused values.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088372\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to have inalienable rights to the pursuit of happiness … but aliens didn’t get those rights, and the same holds true today. Undocumented people don’t have the right to … due process, habeas corpus; they don’t have the right to be innocent until proven guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to have inalienable rights to the pursuit of happiness … but aliens didn’t get those rights, and the same holds true today. Undocumented people don’t have the right to … due process, habeas corpus; they don’t have the right to be innocent until proven guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Because of the parallels between the past and present, Jeung believes the country’s upcoming celebrations should raise some critical questions.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Because of the parallels between the past and present, Jeung believes the country’s upcoming celebrations should raise some critical questions.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s a question for America on the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Are those rights inalienable, are they sacred to all? Or why do we only hold them for a certain privileged few?”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“It’s a question for America on the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Are those rights inalienable, are they sacred to all? Or why do we only hold them for a certain privileged few?”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, a legal and civil rights nonprofit in San Francisco, has worked for decades to ensure rights are upheld for some of the most vulnerable groups in the Asian American community. The organization was part of the nationwide class action in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>, and Kohli said this has been a “pivotal moment” for the Asian Law Caucus, as many constitutional protections beyond birthright citizenship are under threat.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, a legal and civil rights nonprofit in San Francisco, has worked for decades to ensure rights are upheld for some of the most vulnerable groups in the Asian American community. The organization was part of the nationwide class action in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>, and Kohli said this has been a “pivotal moment” for the Asian Law Caucus, as many constitutional protections beyond birthright citizenship are under threat.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The ground has really shifted under most civil rights organizations,” Kohli said. “We have to be more strategic, more creative than ever … we need to build a coalition of supporters … we can’t just fight in court. We have to win on the streets as well.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The ground has really shifted under most civil rights organizations,” Kohli said. “We have to be more strategic, more creative than ever … we need to build a coalition of supporters … we can’t just fight in court. We have to win on the streets as well.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Kohli pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081927/supreme-court-ruling-on-voting-wont-change-california-districts-but-could-hurt-democrats\">recent weakening of the Voting Rights Act\u003c/a> by the Supreme Court — including decisions limiting the consideration of race in drawing congressional maps — as emblematic of the direction the country is heading towards as it approaches its 250th anniversary. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Kohli pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081927/supreme-court-ruling-on-voting-wont-change-california-districts-but-could-hurt-democrats\">recent weakening of the Voting Rights Act\u003c/a> by the Supreme Court — including decisions limiting the consideration of race in drawing congressional maps — as emblematic of the direction the country is heading towards as it approaches its 250th anniversary. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“[The Trump administration] has revealed to us the vulnerabilities in our democracy,” Kohli said. “The checks and balances of power relied on people acting with integrity … one of the things that was not contemplated … is that an administration could act with such impunity and feel very justified in violating not just norms, but the law.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“[The Trump administration] has revealed to us the vulnerabilities in our democracy,” Kohli said. “The checks and balances of power relied on people acting with integrity … one of the things that was not contemplated … is that an administration could act with such impunity and feel very justified in violating not just norms, but the law.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Because of vulnerabilities in the nation’s democratic institutions, Kohli and other advocates argue that preserving a multiracial democracy will require deeper solidarity across communities and a recognition of the connections between different groups’ struggles for rights and belonging.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Because of vulnerabilities in the nation’s democratic institutions, Kohli and other advocates argue that preserving a multiracial democracy will require deeper solidarity across communities and a recognition of the connections between different groups’ struggles for rights and belonging.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For Wang, that broader struggle for rights and belonging stretches beyond the Chinese American experience. That’s why she said there’s another important group of ancestors to acknowledge when discussing birthright citizenship and other constitutional ideals: Black freedom fighters.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For Wang, that broader struggle for rights and belonging stretches beyond the Chinese American experience. That’s why she said there’s another important group of ancestors to acknowledge when discussing birthright citizenship and other constitutional ideals: Black freedom fighters.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088378\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An American flag, a San Francisco flag and the Chinese flag fly on Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088378\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An American flag, a San Francisco flag and the Chinese flag fly on Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“[They] both achieved the end of slavery, and Reconstruction in the form of civil rights legislation in the 1960s…we need to connect those efforts,” Wang said, noting that the constitutional protections invoked by Chinese immigrants originated from Black Americans’ struggle against slavery. Without the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/slavery-by-another-name/themes/reconstruction-amendments/\">Reconstruction Amendments\u003c/a> and the legal framework earned by Black Americans, Chinese litigants wouldn’t have been able to test those guarantees in court – and secure them for generations of Americans.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“[They] both achieved the end of slavery, and Reconstruction in the form of civil rights legislation in the 1960s…we need to connect those efforts,” Wang said, noting that the constitutional protections invoked by Chinese immigrants originated from Black Americans’ struggle against slavery. Without the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/slavery-by-another-name/themes/reconstruction-amendments/\">Reconstruction Amendments\u003c/a> and the legal framework earned by Black Americans, Chinese litigants wouldn’t have been able to test those guarantees in court – and secure them for generations of Americans.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While the political climate and the ongoing challenges to constitutional protections may easily overshadow the nation’s upcoming 250th anniversary for some, Wang said she still plans to commemorate the milestone.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While the political climate and the ongoing challenges to constitutional protections may easily overshadow the nation’s upcoming 250th anniversary for some, Wang said she still plans to commemorate the milestone.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to let the president take away my joy,” she said. “I remember the bicentennial; I was a little kid and remember the excitement of it … there are a lot of people who have a critique of American exceptionalism and those critiques are very valid. But for me personally, I feel so fortunate to be a U.S. citizen. I feel so fortunate to be American. And I think being a civil rights lawyer is a really profound expression of American patriotism.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to let the president take away my joy,” she said. “I remember the bicentennial; I was a little kid and remember the excitement of it … there are a lot of people who have a critique of American exceptionalism and those critiques are very valid. But for me personally, I feel so fortunate to be a U.S. citizen. I feel so fortunate to be American. And I think being a civil rights lawyer is a really profound expression of American patriotism.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wang marvels at the fact that she, a Chinese American lawyer and daughter of immigrants, was able to argue the birthright citizenship case before the Supreme Court at a time when Chinese people like Wong Kim Ark lived in an era when they were barred from testifying in court.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Wang marvels at the fact that she, a Chinese American lawyer and daughter of immigrants, was able to argue the birthright citizenship case before the Supreme Court at a time when Chinese people like Wong Kim Ark lived in an era when they were barred from testifying in court.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A mural depicting Wong Kim Ark is seen through the Floating Sushi Boat restaurant on the corner of Sacramento and Grant in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088379\"/>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A mural depicting Wong Kim Ark is seen through the Floating Sushi Boat restaurant on the corner of Sacramento and Grant in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>That arc of history is not lost on Norman Wong. It may explain why he’s been so tireless in his efforts to share who his great-grandfather was and what he achieved.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>That arc of history is not lost on Norman Wong. It may explain why he’s been so tireless in his efforts to share who his great-grandfather was and what he achieved.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When asked what’s next for his family’s legacy after the Supreme Court issues its ruling, Wong said he hopes there will no longer be a need for such a public role.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>When asked what’s next for his family’s legacy after the Supreme Court issues its ruling, Wong said he hopes there will no longer be a need for such a public role.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“When I’m not needed anymore, I’ll just fade away,” Wong said. “People shouldn’t worry about [birthright citizenship], and all of this will be a footnote.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“When I’m not needed anymore, I’ll just fade away,” Wong said. “People shouldn’t worry about [birthright citizenship], and all of this will be a footnote.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For now, though, Wong believes there are still countless family stories waiting to be told — if others are willing to share them.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For now, though, Wong believes there are still countless family stories waiting to be told — if others are willing to share them.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be ashamed of our personal history. It’s time for us to say who we are.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">As we tell these stories, \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pagzLWLgeFJm7OqcO/form\">we want to hear from you\u003c/a>. Do you have family ties to San Francisco Chinatown or the Bay Area’s early Chinese American communities? Family photographs, letters, documents or stories passed down through generations? Do you know of local histories, legal battles or community contributions that deserve greater attention?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">Reporter Cecilia Lei is collecting stories, memories and historical materials that may inform or be featured in our reporting. Email her at clei@kqed.org and help us preserve and share this history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">Reporter Cecilia Lei is collecting stories, memories and historical materials that may inform or be featured in our reporting. Email her at clei@kqed.org and help us preserve and share this history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "Cases involving Chinese immigrants from San Francisco reached the U.S. Supreme Court and helped establish birthright citizenship, now under threat as America celebrates 250 years as a nation.",
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"title": "As America Turns 250, San Francisco’s Role in Defining Citizenship Endures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was a high-pressure moment when Cecillia Wang stepped into the U.S. Supreme Court in April to deliver oral arguments defending \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a>. But, she said, she had the spirit of millions of Americans’ ancestors with her.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I felt a lot of the weight of all those hopes and aspirations, and really a belief in the promise of this country, that birthright citizenship is so much a part of the fabric of what it means to be an American,” Wang said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the landmark case \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/LSB11423\">\u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Wang — the national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union — challenged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078161/trump-executive-order-ending-birthright-citizenship-supreme-court-ruling-who-is-affected-can-citizen-be-revoked\">President Donald Trump’s executive order\u003c/a>, which seeks to deny U.S. citizenship to babies whose parents aren’t citizens or permanent legal residents. The Supreme Court is expected to hand down its highly anticipated ruling by the end of the month.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is just one of the landmark legal victories won by 19th-century Chinese immigrants. Their court battles helped secure constitutional protections that remain at the center of today’s debates over citizenship, due process and democracy. As the nation approaches its 250th anniversary, Asian American historians, legal scholars and civil rights advocates say those contributions remain largely absent from the national narrative, even as the rights they helped establish face renewed challenges.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The semiquincentennial, they say, offers an opportunity to examine who helped build American democracy — and to recognize that immigrants were not only beneficiaries of constitutional rights, but among their architects.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The right to automatic American citizenship was established in 1898 under the 14th Amendment when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">Wong Kim Ark\u003c/a>, a Chinese cook born in San Francisco, successfully defended his claim to U.S. citizenship after officials argued that his parents’ Chinese citizenship disqualified him from it.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As a constitutional lawyer, Wang has worked many cases at the Supreme Court, but she said this was the first one to hit very close to home: Wang is a recipient of birthright citizenship, and her personal history made her role at the nation’s highest court meaningful for many immigrants and second-generation Americans — especially Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088380\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-2268796836-1536x1040.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">American Civil Liberties Union attorney Cecillia Wang spoke outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on April 1, 2026. President Donald Trump attended in person as the court heard a landmark case weighing the constitutionality of his effort to end birthright citizenship. (Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how many people have told me, both friends and loved ones, but also total strangers: ‘I listened to \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/trump-v-barbara-oral-argument/675665\">that argument;\u003c/a> it’s the first time I’ve ever listened to a Supreme Court argument. My parents, who are immigrants, listened to [it] and they’ve never listened to [one] before,’” Wang said. “‘And we’re all cheering you on.’”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wang said the effort to overturn a centuries-old constitutional right has helped spotlight critical and often overlooked Asian American history, particularly highlighting how the Chinese community’s 19th-century legal victories helped secure foundational protections for both Americans and noncitizens. Many constitutional protections are now under attack by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Birthright citizenship is only one example. Early Chinese immigrants filed more than 10,000 lawsuits to fight discrimination and raised money to hire prominent white lawyers to argue on their behalf. Some cases reached the Supreme Court, and the resulting decisions continue to undergird many modern civil rights cases, including disputes over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">equal protection and due process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Efforts to reframe the American story have been fueled by descendants of some of the country’s earliest immigrants. They’ve illuminated little-known chapters of the nation’s history by unearthing family archives and sharing personal stories.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088375\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong walks through Ross Alley in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 14, 2026. Wong, 76, is the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, who won birthright citizenship in 1898 in the Supreme Court. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Norman Wong, a Bay Area resident and the great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, has been on a media blitz since January to share his family’s legacy and protect birthright citizenship. He’s appeared at public events, been invited to speak on panels and been interviewed by national and local news outlets.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In April, he traveled to Washington, D.C., for birthright citizenship hearings and gave a speech outside of the Supreme Court. It’s work that Wong didn’t expect to do at this stage of his life, but it’s a role and responsibility that he accepts willingly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I consider it a duty and a privilege to, in a sense, serve, because these times need people to volunteer and help,” Wong, 76, said. “I think especially for Chinese Americans who are afraid of [how] their history might implicate them … We need to get out from under that rock.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For most of his life, Wong had no idea he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark. His father, Wong Yook Jim, rarely spoke about his past or their family lineage, let alone who Wong’s great-grandfather was. Wong only discovered the connection in his 50s — but he was no stranger to Asian American history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088377\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-160x87.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/normanarchival-1536x838.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Left: Wong Yook Jim, grandson of Wong Kim Ark, with his two sons, Gary (left) and Norman Wong (right), during the early 1950s in San Francisco.Right: Wong Yook Jim during the mid-1950s.Norman Wong didn’t know he was a descendant of Wong Kim Ark until he was in his 50s because his Chinese family never spoke about their family history. He says of his father, “He didn’t talk about his mother or his father or any of that … We didn’t even know he actually came from China … as far as I knew, he could have been born here.” (Courtesy of Norman Wong.)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>As a UC Berkeley student during the 1970s, Wong was a part of the multiracial \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11830384/how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies\">Third World Liberation Front movement\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, when widespread student strikes helped establish the country’s first ethnic studies programs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It was during that period that the Asian American identity was first conceived. Wong also protested the demolition of \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DAt5-VRqL3z/\">San Francisco’s International Hotel\u003c/a> — a landmark event widely regarded as the catalyst for the Asian American movement. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wong said his activism as a young man helped prepare him for his current role as a public advocate for immigrants and other vulnerable groups in America. He’s not only fiery in his efforts to preserve his great-grandfather’s contributions, but also in his critiques of the Trump administration, especially as it prepares to host the nation’s 250th-anniversary celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think it’s ironic that Trump is our president while we’re extolling the virtues of the United States, and he’s showing the worst side of America,” Wong said. “I think the main story is ‘who we should be as a people?’ instead of just celebrating that we’re Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, said having people like Wong speak out exemplifies how vital it is to connect history to the present.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088374\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260614-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Norman Wong stands in front of a mural depicting his great-grandfather, Wong Kim Ark, on the corner of Sacramento and Grant streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Sunday, June 14, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s really significant to share our stories to change the narrative about Asian Americans, to change the narrative of America,” Jeung said. “I think digging up and reclaiming our history is critical to helping us face the challenges of what we’re dealing with now.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jeung is a co-founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>, a movement that started during the COVID era, which has helped reshape the way the country views racism against Asians. But Jeung said Asian American activism isn’t new; it’s always been a part of the Asian American experience.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Asians were really unruly when they came. They were engaged in massive disobedience against every law … They used every means available to their disposal to challenge racist laws,” Jeung said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>One example is the 1886 U.S. Supreme Court case, \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/118/356/\">\u003cem>Yick Wo v. Hopkins\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>,\u003c/em> in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">Chinese laundrymen sued San Francisco\u003c/a> because of an unfair laundry ordinance — one of many discriminatory laws designed to make life and earning a livelihood difficult for Chinese immigrants. With the help of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the laundrymen won and secured 14th Amendment protections, including equal rights and due process for noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People walk through the intersection at Pacific and Stockton streets in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Jeung said that the current debates over constitutional protections and who qualifies for U.S. citizenship are especially relevant to Asian Americans because 19th-century Asians were, in his words, the “foundational aliens” — the group through which the boundaries of American citizenship were drawn and the limits of constitutional rights were tested. The restrictions imposed on Chinese immigrants helped define who could — and could not — be considered American.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The whole idea of American citizenship and belonging was based on the opposite, the Asian as the paradigmatic alien,” Jeung said. “And so today, the treatment of immigrants is sort of based on how America treated Asians initially as aliens.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>That treatment includes being regarded as economic scapegoats, as threats to national security, ineligible for citizenship despite legal ties, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">being denied due process rights\u003c/a> and subjected to hostile political rhetoric.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But Jeung said early Chinese immigrants also created a model of how to seek justice. By organizing across their community and bringing their fights to the courts, they called out the hypocrisy of America and challenged the nation to live up to its espoused values.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260607-ChinatownActivism-JY-02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“I am an American” in various languages is etched into a plaque honoring Wong Kim Ark in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 7, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to have inalienable rights to the pursuit of happiness … but aliens didn’t get those rights, and the same holds true today. Undocumented people don’t have the right to … due process, habeas corpus; they don’t have the right to be innocent until proven guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Because of the parallels between the past and present, Jeung believes the country’s upcoming celebrations should raise some critical questions.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s a question for America on the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Are those rights inalienable, are they sacred to all? Or why do we only hold them for a certain privileged few?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus, a legal and civil rights nonprofit in San Francisco, has worked for decades to ensure rights are upheld for some of the most vulnerable groups in the Asian American community. The organization was part of the nationwide class action in \u003cem>Trump v. Barbara\u003c/em>, and Kohli said this has been a “pivotal moment” for the Asian Law Caucus, as many constitutional protections beyond birthright citizenship are under threat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The ground has really shifted under most civil rights organizations,” Kohli said. “We have to be more strategic, more creative than ever … we need to build a coalition of supporters … we can’t just fight in court. We have to win on the streets as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Kohli pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081927/supreme-court-ruling-on-voting-wont-change-california-districts-but-could-hurt-democrats\">recent weakening of the Voting Rights Act\u003c/a> by the Supreme Court — including decisions limiting the consideration of race in drawing congressional maps — as emblematic of the direction the country is heading towards as it approaches its 250th anniversary. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“[The Trump administration] has revealed to us the vulnerabilities in our democracy,” Kohli said. “The checks and balances of power relied on people acting with integrity … one of the things that was not contemplated … is that an administration could act with such impunity and feel very justified in violating not just norms, but the law.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Because of vulnerabilities in the nation’s democratic institutions, Kohli and other advocates argue that preserving a multiracial democracy will require deeper solidarity across communities and a recognition of the connections between different groups’ struggles for rights and belonging.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For Wang, that broader struggle for rights and belonging stretches beyond the Chinese American experience. That’s why she said there’s another important group of ancestors to acknowledge when discussing birthright citizenship and other constitutional ideals: Black freedom fighters.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088378\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-03-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">An American flag, a San Francisco flag and the Chinese flag fly on Grant Avenue in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“[They] both achieved the end of slavery, and Reconstruction in the form of civil rights legislation in the 1960s…we need to connect those efforts,” Wang said, noting that the constitutional protections invoked by Chinese immigrants originated from Black Americans’ struggle against slavery. Without the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/slavery-by-another-name/themes/reconstruction-amendments/\">Reconstruction Amendments\u003c/a> and the legal framework earned by Black Americans, Chinese litigants wouldn’t have been able to test those guarantees in court – and secure them for generations of Americans.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While the political climate and the ongoing challenges to constitutional protections may easily overshadow the nation’s upcoming 250th anniversary for some, Wang said she still plans to commemorate the milestone.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to let the president take away my joy,” she said. “I remember the bicentennial; I was a little kid and remember the excitement of it … there are a lot of people who have a critique of American exceptionalism and those critiques are very valid. But for me personally, I feel so fortunate to be a U.S. citizen. I feel so fortunate to be American. And I think being a civil rights lawyer is a really profound expression of American patriotism.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wang marvels at the fact that she, a Chinese American lawyer and daughter of immigrants, was able to argue the birthright citizenship case before the Supreme Court at a time when Chinese people like Wong Kim Ark lived in an era when they were barred from testifying in court.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088379\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/20260620-ChinatownActivism-JY-05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A mural depicting Wong Kim Ark is seen through the Floating Sushi Boat restaurant on the corner of Sacramento and Grant in San Francisco’s Chinatown on June 20, 2026. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>That arc of history is not lost on Norman Wong. It may explain why he’s been so tireless in his efforts to share who his great-grandfather was and what he achieved.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When asked what’s next for his family’s legacy after the Supreme Court issues its ruling, Wong said he hopes there will no longer be a need for such a public role.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“When I’m not needed anymore, I’ll just fade away,” Wong said. “People shouldn’t worry about [birthright citizenship], and all of this will be a footnote.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For now, though, Wong believes there are still countless family stories waiting to be told — if others are willing to share them.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be ashamed of our personal history. It’s time for us to say who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003chr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\">\n\n\n\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">As we tell these stories, \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/appYRab8nOv1F5DoN/pagzLWLgeFJm7OqcO/form\">we want to hear from you\u003c/a>. Do you have family ties to San Francisco Chinatown or the Bay Area’s early Chinese American communities? Family photographs, letters, documents or stories passed down through generations? Do you know of local histories, legal battles or community contributions that deserve greater attention?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp style=\"font-style:italic;font-weight:400\">Reporter Cecilia Lei is collecting stories, memories and historical materials that may inform or be featured in our reporting. Email her at clei@kqed.org and help us preserve and share this history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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