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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Xiao Zhen Xie, the 75-year-old San Francisco woman who fought off her attacker by hitting him with a board, \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorexiaozhenxie\">will donate the $1 million\u003c/a> raised by donors to cover her medical expenses to help fight racism against Asian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that this is the entire solution to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859965/700-anti-asian-hate-incidents-reported-in-bay-area-during-pandemic-true-figures-might-be-even-worse\">startling increase\u003c/a> in attacks against members of AAPI communities – but we could use more superheroes like Xie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get well soon, Xie, the city (and country) needs you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "State Supreme Court Ruling Curtails Cash Bail — But Doesn’t Abolish It",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state Supreme Court dealt a blow Thursday to California’s reliance on cash bail, ruling that judges can’t hold people before trial just because they can’t afford to pay for their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous opinion finds that judges can’t simply rely on pre-determined bail amounts that functionally keep the less affluent behind bars, and concluded “that our Constitution prohibits pretrial detention to combat an arrestee’s risk of flight unless the court first finds, based upon clear and convincing evidence, that no condition or conditions of release can reasonably assure the arrestee’s appearance in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest step in a several-year struggle in California and nationally to upend the use of bail, which the court found often results in “wealth-based detention” that violates defendants’ equal protection and due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='USF law professor Lara Bazelon']'Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco law professor Lara Bazelon said the ruling is potentially a “watershed” moment that enforces a defendant’s presumption of innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state,” she said. “That’s important because we were getting disparate outcomes depending on who the DA was and what kind of jurisdiction the person was in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges must now consider whether other requirements — such as electronic monitoring, pretrial check-ins or addiction treatment — can reasonably ensure a defendant won’t reoffend or skip court. And while judges may still impose bail, it can only be set at an amount the defendant can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices made the ruling in the case of Kenneth Humphrey, a now 66-year-old Black man who faced $350,000 bail in 2017, when he was charged in San Francisco with robbery after taking $5 and a bottle of cologne from a neighbor. Humphrey’s public defender argued in court that he couldn’t afford that bail, and was held in jail unconstitutionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Humphrey asks whether it is constitutional to incarcerate a defendant solely because he lacks financial resources,” the opinion says. “We conclude it is not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion written by Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar cites research finding that large urban counties in California incarcerate people pretrial at higher rates than elsewhere in the country. And in this state, bail isn’t cheap. The median bail amount in California is $50,000, over five times the national median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s historic decision affirms that people like our client Kenneth Humphrey, who bravely fought for his pretrial freedom, can no longer be locked up in jail simply for being poor and when they pose no threat to public safety,\" said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is distinct from a recent failed attempt by state legislators to completely eliminate the use of cash bail in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a>, signed into law in 2018, was overturned by referendum and subsequently \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Replace_Cash_Bail_with_Risk_Assessments_Referendum_(2020)\">rejected by voters\u003c/a> in the last election. The law split progressives, many of whom thought that it left too much discretion in the hands of trial judges to continue to jail people awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Robert Hertzberg, D-Van Nuys, one of the authors of SB 10, said Thursday that he is “over the moon” with the high court’s ruling. He said judges can no longer rely on predetermined bail amounts, and must now “look at each person who’s sitting before that judge in the eye, looking at their facts, and making a determination instead of somebody being subject to a price list for their liberty.\" [aside tag=\"bail,bail-reform\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg’s latest legislation on bail, currently in the state Senate, will do what the Supreme Court’s ruling does not, he said: lay out the details of exactly how busy trial courts will implement the constitutional requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB262\">Senate Bill 262\u003c/a> would set bail at zero dollars for all but the most serious charges, freeing trial courts to hold pretrial detention hearings only in cases that are a tougher call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bail industry and police organizations oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased to see that the opinion has ended up being both thoughtful and fair to all sides,” a spokesperson for the California Bail Agents Association said of the state Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon, the USF law professor, said the ruling will go a long way toward addressing systemic inequality in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision speaks to the criminalization of poverty, but I also think it’s very important to say this decision speaks to the criminalization of race,” she said. “Overwhelmingly, the people who are stopped, arrested and detained are people of color, often without the ability to pay. Those are the people generally who are not able to be released, not able to fight their case, not able to pay their rent, whose families spiral into a circle of poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the ruling “takes that tool out of the mass incarceration tool box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state Supreme Court dealt a blow Thursday to California’s reliance on cash bail, ruling that judges can’t hold people before trial just because they can’t afford to pay for their release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s unanimous opinion finds that judges can’t simply rely on pre-determined bail amounts that functionally keep the less affluent behind bars, and concluded “that our Constitution prohibits pretrial detention to combat an arrestee’s risk of flight unless the court first finds, based upon clear and convincing evidence, that no condition or conditions of release can reasonably assure the arrestee’s appearance in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest step in a several-year struggle in California and nationally to upend the use of bail, which the court found often results in “wealth-based detention” that violates defendants’ equal protection and due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University of San Francisco law professor Lara Bazelon said the ruling is potentially a “watershed” moment that enforces a defendant’s presumption of innocence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Grounding it firmly in the constitution makes it very clear that this is a right that is fundamental and it must be respected in trial courts in every part of the state,” she said. “That’s important because we were getting disparate outcomes depending on who the DA was and what kind of jurisdiction the person was in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges must now consider whether other requirements — such as electronic monitoring, pretrial check-ins or addiction treatment — can reasonably ensure a defendant won’t reoffend or skip court. And while judges may still impose bail, it can only be set at an amount the defendant can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices made the ruling in the case of Kenneth Humphrey, a now 66-year-old Black man who faced $350,000 bail in 2017, when he was charged in San Francisco with robbery after taking $5 and a bottle of cologne from a neighbor. Humphrey’s public defender argued in court that he couldn’t afford that bail, and was held in jail unconstitutionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Humphrey asks whether it is constitutional to incarcerate a defendant solely because he lacks financial resources,” the opinion says. “We conclude it is not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opinion written by Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar cites research finding that large urban counties in California incarcerate people pretrial at higher rates than elsewhere in the country. And in this state, bail isn’t cheap. The median bail amount in California is $50,000, over five times the national median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s historic decision affirms that people like our client Kenneth Humphrey, who bravely fought for his pretrial freedom, can no longer be locked up in jail simply for being poor and when they pose no threat to public safety,\" said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is distinct from a recent failed attempt by state legislators to completely eliminate the use of cash bail in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB10\">Senate Bill 10\u003c/a>, signed into law in 2018, was overturned by referendum and subsequently \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Replace_Cash_Bail_with_Risk_Assessments_Referendum_(2020)\">rejected by voters\u003c/a> in the last election. The law split progressives, many of whom thought that it left too much discretion in the hands of trial judges to continue to jail people awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Robert Hertzberg, D-Van Nuys, one of the authors of SB 10, said Thursday that he is “over the moon” with the high court’s ruling. He said judges can no longer rely on predetermined bail amounts, and must now “look at each person who’s sitting before that judge in the eye, looking at their facts, and making a determination instead of somebody being subject to a price list for their liberty.\" \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hertzberg’s latest legislation on bail, currently in the state Senate, will do what the Supreme Court’s ruling does not, he said: lay out the details of exactly how busy trial courts will implement the constitutional requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB262\">Senate Bill 262\u003c/a> would set bail at zero dollars for all but the most serious charges, freeing trial courts to hold pretrial detention hearings only in cases that are a tougher call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bail industry and police organizations oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are pleased to see that the opinion has ended up being both thoughtful and fair to all sides,” a spokesperson for the California Bail Agents Association said of the state Supreme Court’s ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon, the USF law professor, said the ruling will go a long way toward addressing systemic inequality in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision speaks to the criminalization of poverty, but I also think it’s very important to say this decision speaks to the criminalization of race,” she said. “Overwhelmingly, the people who are stopped, arrested and detained are people of color, often without the ability to pay. Those are the people generally who are not able to be released, not able to fight their case, not able to pay their rent, whose families spiral into a circle of poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the ruling “takes that tool out of the mass incarceration tool box.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Associated Press contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Names East Bay Assemblyman Rob Bonta to Be California Attorney General",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Names East Bay Assemblyman Rob Bonta to Be California Attorney General | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom tapped Democratic East Bay Assemblyman Rob Bonta Wednesday to be California’s next attorney general, a position vacated by Xavier Becerra, who was recently confirmed as secretary of Health and Human Services for the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, a 48-year-old Filipino American, will take the job amid escalating violence against Asian Americans, an issue that has gained growing national prominence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made the announcement at the International Hotel in San Francisco’s Chinatown. He praised Bonta, who will be the first Filipino American to hold the position, as having the history and experience to lead the powerful office in this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is someone ready to hit the ground running. Someone who has been working hand in glove on many of the issues that are front and center and are certainly topical today,” Newsom said. “And I appreciate Rob bringing up the most salient and most obvious point around the issue of API hate in this state, in our region, in this city, our nation, for that matter, globally. And I think from his unique life and lived experience, we have someone that doesn’t need to be educated on these things, that truly will be a potent, powerful figure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘This is someone ready to hit the ground running. Someone who has been working hand in glove on many of the issues that are front and center and are certainly topical today.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta has represented the 18th Assembly District, which includes areas of Oakland, Alameda and San Leandro, since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If confirmed by the state Legislature, as is widely expected, Bonta will serve out the remainder of Becerra’s four-year term, which ends in 2022. As such, he would presumably run next year for a full term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta has authored several criminal justice reform bills, including ones that ban the use of private prisons, mandate independent reviews by the state Department of Justice of officer-involved shootings and eliminate cash bail. All three of those were signed into law, but Senate Bill 10 — the bail measure — never took effect and was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845036/voters-reject-proposition-25-preserving-cash-bail-in-california\">overturned by voters\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assemblymember has also earned broad support from leaders in California’s criminal justice community, including Black Lives Matter co-founder Alicia Garza and Lenore Anderson, chief executive and president of Alliance for Safety and Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rob has been a champion in the Legislature for safety and justice reform, and he has been a steadfast and forward-thinking partner for the reform movement,” Anderson said in a statement before Bonta was named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]Civil rights advocate Tim Silard, president of the Rosenberg Foundation, called Bonta a leader in the fight to reform California’s criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked closely with him and have seen up close his resolve and determination to create a more just world,” Silard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked by a reporter on Wednesday how he plans to charge serious repeat offenders, including those convicted of hate crimes, Bonta doubled down on his commitment to criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values don’t change when it comes to specific application to a certain type of crime,” he said. “We have enough enhancements, enough criminalization, enough mass incarceration, enough over-sentencing, more than we need. We need prevention. We need healing. Rather than retributive justice, we need restorative justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was born in Quezon City, Philippines, in 1972 and came to California with his parents when he was just 2 months old, after Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law. In California, his mother worked for the United Farm Workers union, helping to organize Filipino farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta graduated from Yale Law School in 1998 and served as San Francisco deputy city attorney from 2003 to 2012, until he was elected to the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement announcing the appointment, Bonta said he became a lawyer because he saw it “as the best way to make a positive difference for the most people.” He pledged to “work tirelessly every day to ensure that every Californian who has been wronged can find justice and that every person is treated fairly under the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though he has won his recent elections overwhelmingly, Bonta is known as a prolific fundraiser, finishing 2020 with \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1434826&session=2019\">$2.4 million in the bank\u003c/a>, money that can now be used for his 2022 campaign for attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s attorney general is sometimes referred to as “the state’s top cop,” managing the Department of Justice, with broad jurisdiction and power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11866327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11866327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Assemblymember Rob Bonta\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Assemblymember Rob Bonta exchange pandemic-style greetings at an event in San Francisco’s Chinatown on March 24, during which Newsom announced Bonta as his pick for California attorney general. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The office includes 4,500 attorneys, investigators and other employees who oversee a vast portfolio of legal issues, including public safety, hate crimes, consumer protection, environmental justice, elections, civil rights and narcotics enforcement. The office also handles \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/civil/sections/policemis\">civil rights issues\u003c/a> related to police practices, including the review of allegations of misconduct by local law enforcement agencies and their officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the state DOJ represents “the people of California” in all civil and criminal matters before trial and appellate courts as well as the state Supreme Court. It also provides legal counsel to state government boards, commissions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"rob-bonta\"]With a possible recall of Newsom on the electoral horizon, it’s notable that the attorney general’s office also writes ballot titles and summaries for statewide ballot measures and can offer legal opinions on election-related issues. While the office is supposed to be nonpartisan, its actions often reflect the political party of its chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state’s top law enforcement official, the attorney general generally maintains good working relationships with county district attorneys, sheriffs and police departments. This can lead to friction, criticism or disappointment from criminal justice advocates when the AG does not go as far as they would like in pushing for reform on hot-button issues such as police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra was roundly criticized by media organizations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798901/state-attorney-general-must-disclose-police-misconduct-files-on-local-cops-appeals-court-rules\">including KQED\u003c/a>, for withholding thousands of records on police misconduct and shootings made public by a landmark transparency law, SB 1421. Becerra claimed the law was not retroactive, a position rejected by the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former attorney general also earned the wrath of Republicans for the more than 100 lawsuits his office filed against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general post is considered an important springboard to higher office, In fact, there’s an old joke that “AG” stands for “aspiring governor.” In California, the last three AG’s — Jerry Brown, Kamala Harris and Xavier Becerra — went on to become governor, U.S. vice president and secretary for Health and Human Services, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Democrats that Newsom reportedly considered for the job included Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, U.S. Rep. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom tapped Democratic East Bay Assemblyman Rob Bonta Wednesday to be California’s next attorney general, a position vacated by Xavier Becerra, who was recently confirmed as secretary of Health and Human Services for the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta, a 48-year-old Filipino American, will take the job amid escalating violence against Asian Americans, an issue that has gained growing national prominence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom made the announcement at the International Hotel in San Francisco’s Chinatown. He praised Bonta, who will be the first Filipino American to hold the position, as having the history and experience to lead the powerful office in this moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is someone ready to hit the ground running. Someone who has been working hand in glove on many of the issues that are front and center and are certainly topical today,” Newsom said. “And I appreciate Rob bringing up the most salient and most obvious point around the issue of API hate in this state, in our region, in this city, our nation, for that matter, globally. And I think from his unique life and lived experience, we have someone that doesn’t need to be educated on these things, that truly will be a potent, powerful figure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta has represented the 18th Assembly District, which includes areas of Oakland, Alameda and San Leandro, since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If confirmed by the state Legislature, as is widely expected, Bonta will serve out the remainder of Becerra’s four-year term, which ends in 2022. As such, he would presumably run next year for a full term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta has authored several criminal justice reform bills, including ones that ban the use of private prisons, mandate independent reviews by the state Department of Justice of officer-involved shootings and eliminate cash bail. All three of those were signed into law, but Senate Bill 10 — the bail measure — never took effect and was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11845036/voters-reject-proposition-25-preserving-cash-bail-in-california\">overturned by voters\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assemblymember has also earned broad support from leaders in California’s criminal justice community, including Black Lives Matter co-founder Alicia Garza and Lenore Anderson, chief executive and president of Alliance for Safety and Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rob has been a champion in the Legislature for safety and justice reform, and he has been a steadfast and forward-thinking partner for the reform movement,” Anderson said in a statement before Bonta was named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Civil rights advocate Tim Silard, president of the Rosenberg Foundation, called Bonta a leader in the fight to reform California’s criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve worked closely with him and have seen up close his resolve and determination to create a more just world,” Silard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked by a reporter on Wednesday how he plans to charge serious repeat offenders, including those convicted of hate crimes, Bonta doubled down on his commitment to criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values don’t change when it comes to specific application to a certain type of crime,” he said. “We have enough enhancements, enough criminalization, enough mass incarceration, enough over-sentencing, more than we need. We need prevention. We need healing. Rather than retributive justice, we need restorative justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta was born in Quezon City, Philippines, in 1972 and came to California with his parents when he was just 2 months old, after Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law. In California, his mother worked for the United Farm Workers union, helping to organize Filipino farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta graduated from Yale Law School in 1998 and served as San Francisco deputy city attorney from 2003 to 2012, until he was elected to the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement announcing the appointment, Bonta said he became a lawyer because he saw it “as the best way to make a positive difference for the most people.” He pledged to “work tirelessly every day to ensure that every Californian who has been wronged can find justice and that every person is treated fairly under the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though he has won his recent elections overwhelmingly, Bonta is known as a prolific fundraiser, finishing 2020 with \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1434826&session=2019\">$2.4 million in the bank\u003c/a>, money that can now be used for his 2022 campaign for attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s attorney general is sometimes referred to as “the state’s top cop,” managing the Department of Justice, with broad jurisdiction and power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11866327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11866327\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Assemblymember Rob Bonta\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-14-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Assemblymember Rob Bonta exchange pandemic-style greetings at an event in San Francisco’s Chinatown on March 24, during which Newsom announced Bonta as his pick for California attorney general. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The office includes 4,500 attorneys, investigators and other employees who oversee a vast portfolio of legal issues, including public safety, hate crimes, consumer protection, environmental justice, elections, civil rights and narcotics enforcement. The office also handles \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/civil/sections/policemis\">civil rights issues\u003c/a> related to police practices, including the review of allegations of misconduct by local law enforcement agencies and their officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the state DOJ represents “the people of California” in all civil and criminal matters before trial and appellate courts as well as the state Supreme Court. It also provides legal counsel to state government boards, commissions and agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With a possible recall of Newsom on the electoral horizon, it’s notable that the attorney general’s office also writes ballot titles and summaries for statewide ballot measures and can offer legal opinions on election-related issues. While the office is supposed to be nonpartisan, its actions often reflect the political party of its chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state’s top law enforcement official, the attorney general generally maintains good working relationships with county district attorneys, sheriffs and police departments. This can lead to friction, criticism or disappointment from criminal justice advocates when the AG does not go as far as they would like in pushing for reform on hot-button issues such as police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra was roundly criticized by media organizations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798901/state-attorney-general-must-disclose-police-misconduct-files-on-local-cops-appeals-court-rules\">including KQED\u003c/a>, for withholding thousands of records on police misconduct and shootings made public by a landmark transparency law, SB 1421. Becerra claimed the law was not retroactive, a position rejected by the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former attorney general also earned the wrath of Republicans for the more than 100 lawsuits his office filed against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general post is considered an important springboard to higher office, In fact, there’s an old joke that “AG” stands for “aspiring governor.” In California, the last three AG’s — Jerry Brown, Kamala Harris and Xavier Becerra — went on to become governor, U.S. vice president and secretary for Health and Human Services, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Democrats that Newsom reportedly considered for the job included Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff and Rick Chavez Zbur, executive director of Equality California, an LGBT rights organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Republican attorney general elected in California was Dan Lungren, who served two terms from 1991 to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The position pays about $182,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Biden administration is \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioreborderfacilities\">facing criticism over large numbers of migrants\u003c/a> at the U.S.-Mexico border, but is it really a \"surge?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The short answer is, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though many media outlets and politicians are calling it a \"surge,\" U.S. Customs and Border Protection numbers show \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/03/23/theres-no-migrant-surge-us-southern-border-heres-data/\">more people were apprehended in 2019\u003c/a> than now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/ReichlinMelnick/status/1373649510279356417\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, large numbers of migrants coming to the United States from Central America are seeking asylum as they flee violence and grinding poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this \"border crisis\" \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ReichlinMelnick/status/1373649510279356417\">was already here\u003c/a> during the Trump administration, which pushed cruel policies like \"zero tolerance\" that led to children being separated from their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, rather than just turning away kids without their parents onto the streets of Tijuana and other Mexican border towns under \"Remain in Mexico\" or using COVID-19 as an excuse to toss any asylum requests, the Biden administration is struggling to process them in a humane way that complies with the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a humanitarian crisis, not a \"Biden border crisis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, people are looking to us for refuge – and it's up to us to treat them humanely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Women’s Student Union at Berkeley High School \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2021/03/11/womens-student-union-at-berkeley-high-sues-dept-of-ed-to-overturn-trump-era-sexual-misconduct-rules\">sued the U.S. Department of Education earlier this month\u003c/a> over Title IX rules adopted during the Trump administration that govern how schools respond to cases of sexual harassment and assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/06/851733630/federal-rules-give-more-protection-to-students-accused-of-sexual-assault\">announced last May and implemented in August under former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos \u003c/a>, offer more protections for students who are accused of sexual misconduct. They apply to colleges as well as K-12 schools. The Women’s Student Union – a student-founded and student-led group that advocates for policies to reduce sexual harassment on Berkeley High’s campus – argued in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20517245-20210308-doc-1-complaint\">lawsuit\u003c/a> that the policy discourages students from reporting harassment and schools from investigating complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This latest action by students comes more than a year after victims and advocates at Berkeley High organized a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801840/reckoning-with-sexual-assault-at-berkeley-high-school\">walkout\u003c/a> in February 2020 to demand changes over how misconduct was handled on their own campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ayisha Friedman, Berkeley High alum\"]‘I was always seeing somebody who had done something or experienced something or a hallway where something had been done. It’s always on your mind and it’s always breaking your heart.’[/pullquote]“We were realizing that a lot of the issues that students at Berkeley High were facing stemmed from national policies,” said Ava, a junior at Berkeley High and one of the students who filed the lawsuit. “And if we could change national policies, we could help people at every school in the United States, not just Berkeley High.” KQED is identifying Ava by only her first name over fears she could face harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the year since the walkout, the Berkeley Unified School District has adopted some changes in response to students’ demands. In December, the district \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyhighjacket.com/2020/features/busd-implements-title-ix-reform-demanded-by-students/\">announced\u003c/a> they had hired a full-time Title IX coordinator and investigator, and set up a committee of mostly Berkeley High School students to lead some of the changes around consent education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the district’s students and adult advocates have demanded changes in how their schools handle misconduct complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A History of Activism at Berkeley High\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Berkeley High alum Liana Thomason and her classmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10392296/berkeley-high-students-trying-to-change-schools-sexual-harassment-policy\">started the group BHS Stop Harassing\u003c/a>. She said they founded the group after comments made during a school assembly seemed to blame harassment on the ways students dressed. But Thomason said the need was about more than just those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unofficial story is that there had just been this culture of harassment in Berkeley High and middle school. There was Slap Ass Friday where boys would slap the girls’ asses on Friday,” Thomason said. “And it was just like, ‘This is what the world is like. That’s fine.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the assembly, Thomason invited a group of female friends to her house to talk about what they saw as a culture of unchecked harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that we had to say something. We had to let the school know that it was not OK,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maha Ibrahim, attorney with Equal Rights Advocates\"]‘Not only was there an assumption that students wouldn’t face these issues at school, but there was a resistance to admit it could possibly be a problem. It was sort of like, ‘Well, this can’t be us. We’re Berkeley.”[/pullquote]Berkeley High students had also \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/2015/10/02/berkeley-unified-school-district-inadequately-handles-sexual-harassment/\">created\u003c/a> an Instagram account on which some female students were referred to as “sluts” alongside degrading photos of them. Thomason was also motivated to address these issues after her sister was sexually assaulted at a middle school bike cage in 2014. She said the school responded by setting up a restorative justice circle that traumatized her sister even more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomason’s mother, Heidi Goldstein, became an adviser for BHS Stop Harassing and is still working on these issues today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started researching Title IX and school district policies,” Goldstein said. “And that’s where I came to the conclusion that the whole system was just in disarray. There was no system and there really was no process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865854\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865854\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liana Thomason, right, a Berkeley High alum, founded the group BHS Stop Harassing. Her mother Heidi Goldstein continues to be an adult adviser for the group. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goldstein filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/OCR-Letter-1-14-2015.pdf\">complaint\u003c/a> with the U.S Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights about how the school handled misconduct complaints, prompting an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of BHS Stop Harassing began showing up at school board meetings to demand better policies around sexual harassment and more training for teachers as well as education for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Berkeley Public School District places an immense value on student safety and well-being,” former BUSD Superintendent Donald Evans and BUSD Board President Judy Appel wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Sexual-Harrassment-Letter-v4c-1-7-.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to district families at the time. “Based on student, teacher, and community feedback about this and other related issues, we have come to realize that there is an urgent need to work on developing a culture focused on prevention of sexual harassment, not simply reacting to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Wild West of Title IX Regulations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Maha Ibrahim, an attorney with Equal Rights Advocates, a nonprofit that advocates for gender equity in schools, has worked with Berkeley High students. She said few schools do a sufficient job responding to sexual harassment or assault claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal rules and regulations for Title IX have been written for universities – and schools K-12 were an afterthought,” Ibrahim said. “It’s like the Wild West. It’s a lot of individual adults who are shooting from the hip when approached with difficult or traumatic experiences of their students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11859164 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS46527_003_SanFrancisco_LowellHS_01092021-qut-1038x576.jpg']According to a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.knowyourix.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Know-Your-IX-2021-Report-Final-Copy.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from the advocacy group Know Your IX, a survey of more than 100 students found that 20% of students who reported sexual violence to their school transferred schools, and nearly 10% dropped out entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said Berkeley’s progressive image also made it difficult for some to acknowledge that some students felt unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only was there an assumption that students wouldn’t face these issues at school, but there was a resistance to admit it could possibly be a problem,” Ibrahim said. “It was sort of like, ‘Well, this can’t be us. We’re Berkeley.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to demands from students made in 2014, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyschools.net/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/ActionStepstoAddressSexualHarassment3.8.17.docx-1.pdf\">said\u003c/a> it expanded an advisory committee to create a comprehensive sexual harassment policy, held restorative justice circles for students who were targeted by sexual harassment and established a Title IX coordinator and compliance officer position.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lawsuit and a Sexual Assault Reported on Campus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But students say the problems continued. The district was sued by a student over its handling of a sexual assault allegation last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges a student was sexually assaulted by another student during school hours in an unlocked classroom at Berkeley High in 2019. It claims the district failed to take steps to adequately ensure the victim’s safety. KQED is identifying the student as “Faith” to protect her identity over concerns for her safety. In the lawsuit, she is identified as “Jane Doe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith said she kept seeing her assailant on campus after the assault, and that he continued to sexually harass her. She said she had meltdowns for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, I’m a happy, goofy person. My teachers were just worried, and they would always just look at me and they’re like, ‘You look so sad,’ ” Faith said. “They would try to help me get back to how I used to be. And it was just hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865919\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Faith sits with hands on knees, only legs and shoes visible\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith, a former Berkeley High student, sued the district in January 2020 over its handling of her sexual assault allegations against a fellow student. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Faith and her parents decided it was too much, and she transferred into an independent studies program. Attorneys for the district argued in a court filing that administrators worked with Faith to make sure she was safe, and they tried to limit the potential for contact between the two students. They said district personnel were responsive to Faith’s complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/RG20052743-Doe-VS-Berkeley-Unified-School-District.pdf\">sued the district\u003c/a> in January 2020 before she left Berkeley High the next month, and she said students at the school began talking about the case, trying to guess the identity of Jane Doe. She said it was scary, but that she also felt resilient knowing she had helped spark a larger conversation about safety on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want there to be a change, especially being a person of color. I became a person of color who was also assaulted,” Faith said. “It was just something I had to speak up on, because my voice is not heard by a lot of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Names on the Bathroom Stall\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some Berkeley High students had already thought the school had a culture where sexual misconduct was swept under the rug, but the lawsuit Faith filed seemed to break something open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days after the lawsuit was filed, a group of Berkeley High students began writing the names of alleged perpetrators on a bathroom stall. In black ink, they wrote “Boys To Watch Out 4,” followed by several names and the words “rapist” and “abuser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_0893-e1616451221449.jpg\" alt=\"Ayisha Friedman sitting outside, arms crossed\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayisha Friedman organized a walkout over sexual harassment and assault at Berkeley High in February 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ayisha Friedman)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ayisha Friedman, a senior at Berkeley High during this time, said she saw the list during first or second period. Reading the list, Friedman thought about her friends who’d been harassed or assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was always seeing somebody who had done something or experienced something or a hallway where something had been done. It’s always on your mind and it’s always breaking your heart,” Friedman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedman said a lot of the boys were popular and known for inappropriate behavior around young women. She said the list was impossible to ignore. By the end of the school day, a picture of the stall had been shared on Instagram, and it felt like everyone in the school had seen it and had something to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that goes both ways. That goes people who were defending these women and who are saying, ‘I believe you, I am here for you,’ ” Friedman said. “And then people on the other side who were like, ‘Anybody could have written this. And this is a lie.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Walkout Gets the District’s Attention\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Several students who spoke to KQED described a climate at the high school where victims who reported their assaults to administrators were questioned or doubted by their peers. Students wanted the school district to do more to support victims and keep them safe on campus. Friedman and others began organizing a walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mia Redmond, one of the organizers, reported her own sexual assault about a week before the walkout in February 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was in the midst of a really hard situation. But we were all coming together and working on something that we really cared about,” Redmond said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she found a supportive community during a time when others were gossiping about her experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so tense,” said Sophia Kerievsky, another organizer and friend of Redmond. “I remember people were pointing at me in the courtyard, and just really attacking my character, and especially her character. It was this strange energy. It was a lot of girls who were standing up for her, and then a huge group of boys standing by his side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/BHS_Rape_Walkout-17-1-1-scaled-e1616451482414.jpg\" alt=\"BHS students behind podium during walkout\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1353\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley High School students organized a walkout in February 2020 to address sexual harassment and assault on campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Mia Redmond)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The day of the walkout, Redmond wasn’t sure how many people would show up. So when she looked out at the courtyard, she was stunned by the support, and said the entire courtyard was filled with students, staff and administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made me feel like I wasn’t alone in it. At the time I was feeling a lot of lack of understanding,” Redmond said. “And it definitely gave me a group of people who I was like, ‘I can trust these people. These people support me, and I want to support these people.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Practical and Philosophical Set of Demands\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The students drafted up specific demands, such as more resources for the Title IX office handling misconduct complaints, expanded consent education and policies stating that perpetrators found to be guilty by the school would be suspended from school-sanctioned events. They wanted to create a culture where victims could heal, and for the school to continue the conversation long after they had graduated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Brent Stephens had begun working for the district less than a year before the walkout, and he said many of the students’ requests were practical, and that change felt necessary. There had also been high turnover in the district’s Title IX coordinator role, with at least six different people working in that position from 2015 to 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students, he said, had done their homework, and met with teachers, staff and adult advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so when they came with a set of demands, they were sort of philosophical in nature, but they were very pragmatic as well,” Stephens said. “It was … a political moment, but it resonated with what I and many others saw as legitimate needs of the district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Conversation Continues Online\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just weeks after the walkout, schools shut down because of COVID-19. And as everyone focused on the pandemic, the momentum began to fade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Annette Kwon, a former Berkeley High student now at Branham High School in San Jose, decided to find another way to restart the conversation. Over the summer, she made a TikTok video showing the faces of alleged perpetrators at Berkeley High and Lowell High School in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865849\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Kwon, a former Berkeley High student, created a TikTok video to continue a public conversation around sexual harassment and assault in high school. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Annette Kwon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the quarantine started, everything died down,” she said. “And I just felt like it was necessary that the topic stays relevant, because if it had faded out once again, nothing would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video received over 100,000 views, and soon students throughout the Bay Area launched Instagram accounts for people to post their experiences of harassment and assault anonymously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mia Redmond remembered seeing dozens of stories of harassment and assault posted on an Instagram account called BHS Protectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just felt like everyone was coming together again, and addressing the issue again that we had done in February,” Redmond said. “It was powerful to see not only so many people at Berkeley High being able to tell their stories, that they couldn’t talk about before, but also other schools following that, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Education Coverage' tag='education']But for others, the account was also overwhelming, especially during a pandemic that left so many people isolated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people were like, ‘I’m in a pandemic, I’m in my room 24/7. This is already messing with my mental health. And everyday I open my Instagram and I’m reminded of my own trauma,’ ” said Ayisha Friedman, another walkout organizer, of people she knew who had seen the account. “Where does the conversation go? You’re stuck in your room with no support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trish McDermott, a spokesperson for the Berkeley Unified School District, said in a statement that administrators reached out to those who posted about incidents of sexual harm, discrimination or racism, and those who were named in the posts. She said administrators also informed police and Child Protective Services about the account and specific allegations that could be traced to any students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The account has since been removed, and now students who participated in the walkout are hoping some of the cultural shifts inspired by their organizing will last when the pandemic is over.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>District Announces Changes, and the Culture Begins to Shift\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ultraviolet Schneider-Dwyer, a senior at Berkeley High, said that before the walkout a lot of the incidents of harassment and assault occurred during parties where young people were too intoxicated to consent. She’s hopeful her peers will no longer tolerate that culture after so many students shared their experiences of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be more social consequences than there are administrative or academically,” she said. “At the same time, I’m just making sure that they’re not doing it out of fear of not being accepted, but they’re doing it because it’s the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Mia Redmond is a part of a committee to give students a chance to provide the school with input on issues like harassment and consent education. She feels like the district is taking students’ demands seriously. She’s graduating this year and plans to continue her advocacy after high school. And she said it will be up to future generations of Berkeley High students as well as administrators to make sure the changes she and others started will last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t say for certain whether [the walkout] changed the culture at Berkeley High, but it definitely brought up a conversation that wasn’t being had before,” Redmond said. “It was such a monumental thing in Berkeley High history that everyone who experienced it, they’re not going to forget about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/podcast/protecting-kids-from-abuse/\">This story\u003c/a> was reported in collaboration with Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX. It was produced as a project for the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism Impact Fund.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Women’s Student Union at Berkeley High School \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/2021/03/11/womens-student-union-at-berkeley-high-sues-dept-of-ed-to-overturn-trump-era-sexual-misconduct-rules\">sued the U.S. Department of Education earlier this month\u003c/a> over Title IX rules adopted during the Trump administration that govern how schools respond to cases of sexual harassment and assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/06/851733630/federal-rules-give-more-protection-to-students-accused-of-sexual-assault\">announced last May and implemented in August under former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos \u003c/a>, offer more protections for students who are accused of sexual misconduct. They apply to colleges as well as K-12 schools. The Women’s Student Union – a student-founded and student-led group that advocates for policies to reduce sexual harassment on Berkeley High’s campus – argued in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20517245-20210308-doc-1-complaint\">lawsuit\u003c/a> that the policy discourages students from reporting harassment and schools from investigating complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This latest action by students comes more than a year after victims and advocates at Berkeley High organized a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801840/reckoning-with-sexual-assault-at-berkeley-high-school\">walkout\u003c/a> in February 2020 to demand changes over how misconduct was handled on their own campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We were realizing that a lot of the issues that students at Berkeley High were facing stemmed from national policies,” said Ava, a junior at Berkeley High and one of the students who filed the lawsuit. “And if we could change national policies, we could help people at every school in the United States, not just Berkeley High.” KQED is identifying Ava by only her first name over fears she could face harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the year since the walkout, the Berkeley Unified School District has adopted some changes in response to students’ demands. In December, the district \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyhighjacket.com/2020/features/busd-implements-title-ix-reform-demanded-by-students/\">announced\u003c/a> they had hired a full-time Title IX coordinator and investigator, and set up a committee of mostly Berkeley High School students to lead some of the changes around consent education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time the district’s students and adult advocates have demanded changes in how their schools handle misconduct complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A History of Activism at Berkeley High\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Berkeley High alum Liana Thomason and her classmates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10392296/berkeley-high-students-trying-to-change-schools-sexual-harassment-policy\">started the group BHS Stop Harassing\u003c/a>. She said they founded the group after comments made during a school assembly seemed to blame harassment on the ways students dressed. But Thomason said the need was about more than just those comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unofficial story is that there had just been this culture of harassment in Berkeley High and middle school. There was Slap Ass Friday where boys would slap the girls’ asses on Friday,” Thomason said. “And it was just like, ‘This is what the world is like. That’s fine.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the assembly, Thomason invited a group of female friends to her house to talk about what they saw as a culture of unchecked harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that we had to say something. We had to let the school know that it was not OK,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Berkeley High students had also \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/2015/10/02/berkeley-unified-school-district-inadequately-handles-sexual-harassment/\">created\u003c/a> an Instagram account on which some female students were referred to as “sluts” alongside degrading photos of them. Thomason was also motivated to address these issues after her sister was sexually assaulted at a middle school bike cage in 2014. She said the school responded by setting up a restorative justice circle that traumatized her sister even more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomason’s mother, Heidi Goldstein, became an adviser for BHS Stop Harassing and is still working on these issues today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started researching Title IX and school district policies,” Goldstein said. “And that’s where I came to the conclusion that the whole system was just in disarray. There was no system and there really was no process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865854\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865854\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47860_015_Berkeley_LianaThomason_03162021-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liana Thomason, right, a Berkeley High alum, founded the group BHS Stop Harassing. Her mother Heidi Goldstein continues to be an adult adviser for the group. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goldstein filed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/OCR-Letter-1-14-2015.pdf\">complaint\u003c/a> with the U.S Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights about how the school handled misconduct complaints, prompting an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of BHS Stop Harassing began showing up at school board meetings to demand better policies around sexual harassment and more training for teachers as well as education for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Berkeley Public School District places an immense value on student safety and well-being,” former BUSD Superintendent Donald Evans and BUSD Board President Judy Appel wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Sexual-Harrassment-Letter-v4c-1-7-.pdf\">letter\u003c/a> to district families at the time. “Based on student, teacher, and community feedback about this and other related issues, we have come to realize that there is an urgent need to work on developing a culture focused on prevention of sexual harassment, not simply reacting to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Wild West of Title IX Regulations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Maha Ibrahim, an attorney with Equal Rights Advocates, a nonprofit that advocates for gender equity in schools, has worked with Berkeley High students. She said few schools do a sufficient job responding to sexual harassment or assault claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal rules and regulations for Title IX have been written for universities – and schools K-12 were an afterthought,” Ibrahim said. “It’s like the Wild West. It’s a lot of individual adults who are shooting from the hip when approached with difficult or traumatic experiences of their students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.knowyourix.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Know-Your-IX-2021-Report-Final-Copy.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from the advocacy group Know Your IX, a survey of more than 100 students found that 20% of students who reported sexual violence to their school transferred schools, and nearly 10% dropped out entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said Berkeley’s progressive image also made it difficult for some to acknowledge that some students felt unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only was there an assumption that students wouldn’t face these issues at school, but there was a resistance to admit it could possibly be a problem,” Ibrahim said. “It was sort of like, ‘Well, this can’t be us. We’re Berkeley.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to demands from students made in 2014, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyschools.net/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/ActionStepstoAddressSexualHarassment3.8.17.docx-1.pdf\">said\u003c/a> it expanded an advisory committee to create a comprehensive sexual harassment policy, held restorative justice circles for students who were targeted by sexual harassment and established a Title IX coordinator and compliance officer position.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Lawsuit and a Sexual Assault Reported on Campus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But students say the problems continued. The district was sued by a student over its handling of a sexual assault allegation last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges a student was sexually assaulted by another student during school hours in an unlocked classroom at Berkeley High in 2019. It claims the district failed to take steps to adequately ensure the victim’s safety. KQED is identifying the student as “Faith” to protect her identity over concerns for her safety. In the lawsuit, she is identified as “Jane Doe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith said she kept seeing her assailant on campus after the assault, and that he continued to sexually harass her. She said she had meltdowns for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually, I’m a happy, goofy person. My teachers were just worried, and they would always just look at me and they’re like, ‘You look so sad,’ ” Faith said. “They would try to help me get back to how I used to be. And it was just hard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865919\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Faith sits with hands on knees, only legs and shoes visible\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47697_008_Berkeley_AnonymousFormerStudent_03122021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith, a former Berkeley High student, sued the district in January 2020 over its handling of her sexual assault allegations against a fellow student. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, Faith and her parents decided it was too much, and she transferred into an independent studies program. Attorneys for the district argued in a court filing that administrators worked with Faith to make sure she was safe, and they tried to limit the potential for contact between the two students. They said district personnel were responsive to Faith’s complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faith \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/RG20052743-Doe-VS-Berkeley-Unified-School-District.pdf\">sued the district\u003c/a> in January 2020 before she left Berkeley High the next month, and she said students at the school began talking about the case, trying to guess the identity of Jane Doe. She said it was scary, but that she also felt resilient knowing she had helped spark a larger conversation about safety on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want there to be a change, especially being a person of color. I became a person of color who was also assaulted,” Faith said. “It was just something I had to speak up on, because my voice is not heard by a lot of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Names on the Bathroom Stall\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some Berkeley High students had already thought the school had a culture where sexual misconduct was swept under the rug, but the lawsuit Faith filed seemed to break something open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days after the lawsuit was filed, a group of Berkeley High students began writing the names of alleged perpetrators on a bathroom stall. In black ink, they wrote “Boys To Watch Out 4,” followed by several names and the words “rapist” and “abuser.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_0893-e1616451221449.jpg\" alt=\"Ayisha Friedman sitting outside, arms crossed\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ayisha Friedman organized a walkout over sexual harassment and assault at Berkeley High in February 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ayisha Friedman)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ayisha Friedman, a senior at Berkeley High during this time, said she saw the list during first or second period. Reading the list, Friedman thought about her friends who’d been harassed or assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was always seeing somebody who had done something or experienced something or a hallway where something had been done. It’s always on your mind and it’s always breaking your heart,” Friedman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedman said a lot of the boys were popular and known for inappropriate behavior around young women. She said the list was impossible to ignore. By the end of the school day, a picture of the stall had been shared on Instagram, and it felt like everyone in the school had seen it and had something to say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that goes both ways. That goes people who were defending these women and who are saying, ‘I believe you, I am here for you,’ ” Friedman said. “And then people on the other side who were like, ‘Anybody could have written this. And this is a lie.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Walkout Gets the District’s Attention\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Several students who spoke to KQED described a climate at the high school where victims who reported their assaults to administrators were questioned or doubted by their peers. Students wanted the school district to do more to support victims and keep them safe on campus. Friedman and others began organizing a walkout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mia Redmond, one of the organizers, reported her own sexual assault about a week before the walkout in February 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was in the midst of a really hard situation. But we were all coming together and working on something that we really cared about,” Redmond said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she found a supportive community during a time when others were gossiping about her experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so tense,” said Sophia Kerievsky, another organizer and friend of Redmond. “I remember people were pointing at me in the courtyard, and just really attacking my character, and especially her character. It was this strange energy. It was a lot of girls who were standing up for her, and then a huge group of boys standing by his side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11864969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11864969\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/BHS_Rape_Walkout-17-1-1-scaled-e1616451482414.jpg\" alt=\"BHS students behind podium during walkout\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1353\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley High School students organized a walkout in February 2020 to address sexual harassment and assault on campus. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Mia Redmond)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The day of the walkout, Redmond wasn’t sure how many people would show up. So when she looked out at the courtyard, she was stunned by the support, and said the entire courtyard was filled with students, staff and administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made me feel like I wasn’t alone in it. At the time I was feeling a lot of lack of understanding,” Redmond said. “And it definitely gave me a group of people who I was like, ‘I can trust these people. These people support me, and I want to support these people.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Practical and Philosophical Set of Demands\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The students drafted up specific demands, such as more resources for the Title IX office handling misconduct complaints, expanded consent education and policies stating that perpetrators found to be guilty by the school would be suspended from school-sanctioned events. They wanted to create a culture where victims could heal, and for the school to continue the conversation long after they had graduated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Brent Stephens had begun working for the district less than a year before the walkout, and he said many of the students’ requests were practical, and that change felt necessary. There had also been high turnover in the district’s Title IX coordinator role, with at least six different people working in that position from 2015 to 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The students, he said, had done their homework, and met with teachers, staff and adult advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so when they came with a set of demands, they were sort of philosophical in nature, but they were very pragmatic as well,” Stephens said. “It was … a political moment, but it resonated with what I and many others saw as legitimate needs of the district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Conversation Continues Online\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just weeks after the walkout, schools shut down because of COVID-19. And as everyone focused on the pandemic, the momentum began to fade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Annette Kwon, a former Berkeley High student now at Branham High School in San Jose, decided to find another way to restart the conversation. Over the summer, she made a TikTok video showing the faces of alleged perpetrators at Berkeley High and Lowell High School in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865849\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865849\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/IMG_6669-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Kwon, a former Berkeley High student, created a TikTok video to continue a public conversation around sexual harassment and assault in high school. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Annette Kwon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When the quarantine started, everything died down,” she said. “And I just felt like it was necessary that the topic stays relevant, because if it had faded out once again, nothing would change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video received over 100,000 views, and soon students throughout the Bay Area launched Instagram accounts for people to post their experiences of harassment and assault anonymously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mia Redmond remembered seeing dozens of stories of harassment and assault posted on an Instagram account called BHS Protectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just felt like everyone was coming together again, and addressing the issue again that we had done in February,” Redmond said. “It was powerful to see not only so many people at Berkeley High being able to tell their stories, that they couldn’t talk about before, but also other schools following that, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But for others, the account was also overwhelming, especially during a pandemic that left so many people isolated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people were like, ‘I’m in a pandemic, I’m in my room 24/7. This is already messing with my mental health. And everyday I open my Instagram and I’m reminded of my own trauma,’ ” said Ayisha Friedman, another walkout organizer, of people she knew who had seen the account. “Where does the conversation go? You’re stuck in your room with no support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trish McDermott, a spokesperson for the Berkeley Unified School District, said in a statement that administrators reached out to those who posted about incidents of sexual harm, discrimination or racism, and those who were named in the posts. She said administrators also informed police and Child Protective Services about the account and specific allegations that could be traced to any students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The account has since been removed, and now students who participated in the walkout are hoping some of the cultural shifts inspired by their organizing will last when the pandemic is over.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>District Announces Changes, and the Culture Begins to Shift\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ultraviolet Schneider-Dwyer, a senior at Berkeley High, said that before the walkout a lot of the incidents of harassment and assault occurred during parties where young people were too intoxicated to consent. She’s hopeful her peers will no longer tolerate that culture after so many students shared their experiences of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be more social consequences than there are administrative or academically,” she said. “At the same time, I’m just making sure that they’re not doing it out of fear of not being accepted, but they’re doing it because it’s the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Mia Redmond is a part of a committee to give students a chance to provide the school with input on issues like harassment and consent education. She feels like the district is taking students’ demands seriously. She’s graduating this year and plans to continue her advocacy after high school. And she said it will be up to future generations of Berkeley High students as well as administrators to make sure the changes she and others started will last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t say for certain whether [the walkout] changed the culture at Berkeley High, but it definitely brought up a conversation that wasn’t being had before,” Redmond said. “It was such a monumental thing in Berkeley High history that everyone who experienced it, they’re not going to forget about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/podcast/protecting-kids-from-abuse/\">This story\u003c/a> was reported in collaboration with Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX. It was produced as a project for the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism Impact Fund.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "High-Stakes Supreme Court Case Is an Existential Threat for Farmworkers Union",
"headTitle": "High-Stakes Supreme Court Case Is an Existential Threat for Farmworkers Union | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California’s agricultural growers square off against the farmworkers union at the Supreme Court on Monday over a nearly half-century-old law stemming from the work of famed union organizer Cesar Chavez. The law, enacted in 1975, allows union organizers limited access to farms so they can seek support from workers in forming a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growers challenging the law contend that California, by giving union organizers a limited right of access to farms, is authorizing a mass trespass on the growers’ private property. And that, they argue, is an unconstitutional taking of their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\" Mike Fahner, Cedar Point Nursery owner-president\"]‘With social media — Facebook, Snapchat, WhatsApp — you can communicate with people around the world, effectively without having to have access to a person’s private property and place of business.’[/pullquote]Property owners, they argue, have the right to exclude whomever they want. Either organizers should be barred from their land, they contend, or the state should pay the growers “just compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the court began in 2015 at Cedar Point Nursery near the Oregon border. Strawberry grower Mike Fahner calls what happened “an ambush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mrXKV1W12T8&t=1s\">In a widely circulated video\u003c/a>, he said union organizers, without giving the required notice, showed up with bullhorns, harassing his workers. “If this were to happen in any other industry, in any other state, the people would would be expecting to be arrested and and taken away in handcuffs,” Fahner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers general counsel Mario Martinez says that account is “absolutely false.” He says people seen on the video circulated by Fahner and his lawyers are not union organizers but Cedar Point workers “going out on strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Agricultural Labor Relations Board investigated the events at the Cedar Point Nursery, concluded the UFW had not violated the law and dismissed the grower’s complaint. After that Cedar Point went to court, appealing all the way up to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mario Martinez, United Farm Workers general counsel\"]’Most of these workers do not know of the existence of their rights to organize and form a union.’[/pullquote]For the union, the case is an existential threat. Farmworkers in California are seasonal, typically working for several employers during the course of the year. They arrive in town in time for the local harvest, live in motels, labor camps or with friends or relatives, then move on when the crop is picked. In practice that means organizers can gather signatures for a union election only during the relatively short harvest time at a particular site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of these and other farm-specific conditions, under California’s labor regulations, union organizers are permitted to meet with workers an hour before and after work and at lunchtime — all on the grower’s property — for limited periods during the year. Specifically, organizers are permitted on site during those specified hours, for 30 days, four times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fahner contends that California’s agricultural labor law is a relic of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This law, in today’s world, is no longer necessary. With social media — Facebook, Snapchat, WhatsApp — you can communicate with people around the world, effectively without having to have access to a person’s private property and place of business,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s Martinez calls that argument “nonsense,” noting that most in the migrant workforce are undocumented, indigenous people who don’t speak English, have little education and don’t have modern smartphones with access to the internet or Wi-Fi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"farmworkers\" label=\"More farmworkers coverage\"]Most importantly, he asserts, “most of these workers do not know of the existence of their rights to organize and form a union. So in the UFW’s experience, it’s critically important to have face-to-face communications with these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time California’s labor law has reached the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1976, the California Supreme Court ruled against a similar challenge from the growers, and the U.S. Supreme Court declined to take up the case. But now, with a far more conservative high court in place, the growers are trying again, and it is significant that the justices agreed this time to hear the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also significant is the fact that the Trump administration sided with the growers in asking the high court to take on the case. Last month, however, the Biden administration informed the justices that the government was withdrawing the previous administration’s brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is therefore the position of the United States, in line with this Court’s cases, that the California regulation — like the authorization of temporary entry by government officials for law enforcement, inspection, and similar purposes — does not constitute a per se taking” of private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That position,” wrote acting Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, “accords with the United States’ view — which the government has repeatedly articulated in this Court and lower courts” over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dignified version of a blunt message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the newly energized conservative Supreme Court majority agrees with the growers, the decision could have profound consequences for other laws — laws allowing health and safety inspectors at every level of government to enter businesses to examine how meat is butchered, whether mines are safe, how toxic chemicals are stored, whether businesses are in compliance with fire and building codes, nursing homes and hospitals are taking proper care of their patients, and on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, a decision in favor of the the growers, arguably, could undermine many of those laws aimed at protecting not just farmworkers, but the American public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision in the case is expected by summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=High-Stakes+Supreme+Court+Clash+Between+Growers%2C+Farmworkers+Could+Blow+Up+Other+Laws&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s agricultural growers square off against the farmworkers union at the Supreme Court on Monday over a nearly half-century-old law stemming from the work of famed union organizer Cesar Chavez. The law, enacted in 1975, allows union organizers limited access to farms so they can seek support from workers in forming a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growers challenging the law contend that California, by giving union organizers a limited right of access to farms, is authorizing a mass trespass on the growers’ private property. And that, they argue, is an unconstitutional taking of their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Property owners, they argue, have the right to exclude whomever they want. Either organizers should be barred from their land, they contend, or the state should pay the growers “just compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the court began in 2015 at Cedar Point Nursery near the Oregon border. Strawberry grower Mike Fahner calls what happened “an ambush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mrXKV1W12T8&t=1s\">In a widely circulated video\u003c/a>, he said union organizers, without giving the required notice, showed up with bullhorns, harassing his workers. “If this were to happen in any other industry, in any other state, the people would would be expecting to be arrested and and taken away in handcuffs,” Fahner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Farm Workers general counsel Mario Martinez says that account is “absolutely false.” He says people seen on the video circulated by Fahner and his lawyers are not union organizers but Cedar Point workers “going out on strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Agricultural Labor Relations Board investigated the events at the Cedar Point Nursery, concluded the UFW had not violated the law and dismissed the grower’s complaint. After that Cedar Point went to court, appealing all the way up to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For the union, the case is an existential threat. Farmworkers in California are seasonal, typically working for several employers during the course of the year. They arrive in town in time for the local harvest, live in motels, labor camps or with friends or relatives, then move on when the crop is picked. In practice that means organizers can gather signatures for a union election only during the relatively short harvest time at a particular site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of these and other farm-specific conditions, under California’s labor regulations, union organizers are permitted to meet with workers an hour before and after work and at lunchtime — all on the grower’s property — for limited periods during the year. Specifically, organizers are permitted on site during those specified hours, for 30 days, four times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fahner contends that California’s agricultural labor law is a relic of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This law, in today’s world, is no longer necessary. With social media — Facebook, Snapchat, WhatsApp — you can communicate with people around the world, effectively without having to have access to a person’s private property and place of business,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s Martinez calls that argument “nonsense,” noting that most in the migrant workforce are undocumented, indigenous people who don’t speak English, have little education and don’t have modern smartphones with access to the internet or Wi-Fi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Most importantly, he asserts, “most of these workers do not know of the existence of their rights to organize and form a union. So in the UFW’s experience, it’s critically important to have face-to-face communications with these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time California’s labor law has reached the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1976, the California Supreme Court ruled against a similar challenge from the growers, and the U.S. Supreme Court declined to take up the case. But now, with a far more conservative high court in place, the growers are trying again, and it is significant that the justices agreed this time to hear the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also significant is the fact that the Trump administration sided with the growers in asking the high court to take on the case. Last month, however, the Biden administration informed the justices that the government was withdrawing the previous administration’s brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is therefore the position of the United States, in line with this Court’s cases, that the California regulation — like the authorization of temporary entry by government officials for law enforcement, inspection, and similar purposes — does not constitute a per se taking” of private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That position,” wrote acting Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, “accords with the United States’ view — which the government has repeatedly articulated in this Court and lower courts” over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a dignified version of a blunt message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the newly energized conservative Supreme Court majority agrees with the growers, the decision could have profound consequences for other laws — laws allowing health and safety inspectors at every level of government to enter businesses to examine how meat is butchered, whether mines are safe, how toxic chemicals are stored, whether businesses are in compliance with fire and building codes, nursing homes and hospitals are taking proper care of their patients, and on and on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, a decision in favor of the the growers, arguably, could undermine many of those laws aimed at protecting not just farmworkers, but the American public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision in the case is expected by summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=High-Stakes+Supreme+Court+Clash+Between+Growers%2C+Farmworkers+Could+Blow+Up+Other+Laws&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Bay Area Vigils Remember Atlanta Shooting Victims, Challenge White Supremacy",
"title": "Bay Area Vigils Remember Atlanta Shooting Victims, Challenge White Supremacy",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dressed in a traditional Korean hanbok, Stella Kim stood among hundreds in San Francisco's Chinatown to support the Asian American and Pacific Islander community. Kim sees the shooting of eight people in Atlanta, including six Asian women, as a backlash against progress and an assertion of white supremacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can't stand, she said, and people who want progress need to keep showing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wore a hanbok as a sign of resistance,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area at large joined in that resistance. Hundreds gathered, marched and even skated on Saturday, to mourn the lives of those killed or hurt by the recent rise of anti-AAPI violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865809\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865809\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"767\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39.jpg 1152w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Names of victims in the Atlanta spa shootings on March 16 are written on the Portsmouth Square Bridge on March 20, 2021, during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From a vigil in San Francisco's Chinatown to a solidarity glide on roller skates in Oakland, with actions also planned soon in San Jose and elsewhere, people across the region are showing their support for the AAPI community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BayAreaJulie/status/1373359012914196483\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That community has grappled with rising racism and violence, including in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between March 19, 2020 and Feb. 28, 2021, there were at least 3,795 incidents of anti-Asian hate across the nation, ranging from physical assault and verbal harassment to various civil rights violations, according to a report released Tuesday by \u003ca href=\"https://stopaapihate.org/reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>. The project, based out of San Francisco State University, asks members of AAPI communities to self-report acts of hate and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 700 of those incidents occurred in the Bay Area, according to a report from the same organization released last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'These Are Our Community Members'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, people hung love letters to friends, family or the AAPI community at large on a clothesline, which was strung across a bridge connecting Portsmouth Square to the Chinese Culture Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One sign simply read \"grandma,\" written in Korean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many AAPI people attacked in the Bay Area have been seniors, including a Thai man killed in North Beach, a neighborhood adjacent to the peaceful vigil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s San Francisco or Oakland, I think a lot of people are facing similar things,\" said Hyejin Shim, who works at Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence, Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865827\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"un Fong, 87, holds a yellow rose while listening to speakers at Portsmouth Square during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community on March 20, 2021.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong.jpg 1503w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lun Fong, 87, holds a yellow rose while listening to speakers at Portsmouth Square during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community on March 20, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She says the public discussions of whether or not the Atlanta women were engaging in sex work is a distraction — and dehumanizes people who lost their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that sex workers have always been a part of the community,\" Shim said. \"And so I think the question of whether these massage parlor workers were or were not is irrelevant. But the fact is that massage parlor workers who are Asian are often hypersexualized without their consent or their workplaces become a site of sexual harassment from clients. And that is both about race and gender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also at the San Francisco vigil was Esther Leong, who works at the nonprofit Asian Pacific Islander Legal Outreach. A San Franciscan with roots in Chinatown, Leong brought enlarged photos from books and family photos to the event to show the historic racism AAPI San Franciscans have faced, and to highlight AAPI's contributions to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s upset law enforcement in Atlanta hasn't called the shootings a hate crime. Leong said she wants government to figure out a way to determine that an incident is a hate crime without having the assailant utter words of hate.[aside postID=news_11860549 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/AAPI-1038x576.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leong says the way the law is written is too high a burden because people have to show that the attacker said hateful words as evidence. “I mean, how often does someone say, 'I’m going to hit you because you’re Chinese?' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco vigil was organized by a wide breadth of AAPI groups, including the Chinese Progressive Association, the API Council, Filipina Women's Network, Manilatown Heritage Foundation, Center for Asian American Media, Rose Pak Democratic Club and at least a dozen other organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us, including women and low-wage workers, deserve to be safe,\" said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our members — many of whom are women, mothers living in the [single room occupancy hotels], and young women — are already risking their safety to go to work, providing childcare and caring for family members, navigating distance learning, and trying their best to preserve their mental health during these trying times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865810\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1377px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1377\" height=\"941\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34.jpg 1377w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-800x547.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-1020x697.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1377px) 100vw, 1377px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roller skaters, skate boarders and bicyclists roll through Oakland on March 20, 2021, in solidarity with the AAPI community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, dozens came out in rollerskates to garner more attention for their support for the AAPI community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those skaters, Ashley Silva, said she fears for her community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m also a Filipino and Hawaiian. I’m hapa,\" Silva said. \"I have my grandmother who goes out and my grandpa used to walk every single day. These could be our family members. These are our community members. And we have to keep each other safe. It’s really dangerous out there. And there are so many attacks. We really need to address the racism and take care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in Oakland, Lani Lee Marsden said the Atlanta shooting was a culmination of varying forms of hate.[aside postID=news_11865171 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47867_GettyImages-1231773402-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here because I’m half Chinese and I am really devastated and upset and I feel helpless, hurt and really mad about what happened in Atlanta as well as sexism, racism and classism combined,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>City of Brisbane 'With you in Solidarity'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The city of Brisbane in northern San Mateo County, where Asian Americans make up nearly 30% of the total population, held an afternoon rally in a park and made similar pleas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd heard speeches from local government and law enforcement officials calling for an end to hate crimes against Asian Americans and Pacific islanders. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On behalf of the Brisbane police officers and myself, we stand here with you in solidarity to denounce violence and racism and promote peace, respect and safety for everyone,” Police Chief Elizabeth Macias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Mateo County, we stand united against hate. Unprovoked attacks against our neighbors for simply being Asian cannot and will not be tolerated,” said San Mateo County Board of Supervisors President David J. Canepa in a statement in February. “We need to celebrate who we are and not let racist behavior divide us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian American parents and business owners are fearful of their children or places of work being targeted, and many community members are afraid to go out in public, activists have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Taking Action Against Hate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the deadly shootings at spas in the Atlanta area killed six women of Asian descent, President Biden had taken steps to address the recent surge of violence against Asians and Asian Americans by making forceful statements against hate and harassment, banning the federal government from employing the sort of \"inflammatory and xenophobic\" language used by his predecessor and tasking senior administration leaders to hold \"listening sessions\" with community leaders and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1252\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-1020x665.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-1536x1002.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Biden salutes Marines as he steps off Marine One after a series of meetings in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 19, 2021. President Biden leaves Atlanta, Georgia, after touring the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and meeting with Georgia Asian American leaders, following the Atlanta spa shootings. \u003ccite>(Eric Baradat/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, with a sharp focus on the disturbing trend, Asian American and Pacific Islander community leaders are calling for concrete, measurable responses from Biden and his Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, people are afraid to leave their homes,\" said Cynthia Choi, a co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate. \"I think that basic denial of your sense of safety, it is a violation of our human rights. And I think that this does need to be taken seriously and urgently.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lani Lee Marsden, Oakland\"]'I’m here because I’m half-Chinese and I am really devastated and upset and I feel helpless, hurt and really mad about what happened in Atlanta as well as sexism, racism and classism combined.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Biden and Vice President Harris, the first Asian American elected to that position, refocused a trip planned to tout the benefits of the coronavirus relief package to instead meet with Asian American lawmakers and other community leaders in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Too many Asian Americans have been walking up and down the streets and worrying, waking up each morning the past year feeling their safety and the safety of their loved ones are stake,\" Biden said after the meeting. \"They've been attacked, blamed, scapegoated and harassed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a wide variety of proposed solutions aimed at curbing violence, many of which are focused on the role that the Justice Department could play. Attorney General Merrick Garland and other Justice Department officials have been meeting with leaders of Asian and Pacific Islander groups, including several meetings this week, according to multiple sources familiar with the meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg Orton, the national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, said that when Biden releases his budget, it should significantly increase funding for programs at the Department of Justice that are designed to engage communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can have as many listening sessions as we'd like, and I think it's great that a department makes themselves available to that kind of engagement,\" Orton said. \"But truly, until we reach the people on the ground and support not just the community organizers, but the communities themselves, it's difficult to see a lot of progress being made.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julie Chang, Lakshmi Sarah, Beth LaBerge and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR reporter Juana Summers contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dressed in a traditional Korean hanbok, Stella Kim stood among hundreds in San Francisco's Chinatown to support the Asian American and Pacific Islander community. Kim sees the shooting of eight people in Atlanta, including six Asian women, as a backlash against progress and an assertion of white supremacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That can't stand, she said, and people who want progress need to keep showing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wore a hanbok as a sign of resistance,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area at large joined in that resistance. Hundreds gathered, marched and even skated on Saturday, to mourn the lives of those killed or hurt by the recent rise of anti-AAPI violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865809\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1152px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865809\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1152\" height=\"767\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39.jpg 1152w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-39-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1152px) 100vw, 1152px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Names of victims in the Atlanta spa shootings on March 16 are written on the Portsmouth Square Bridge on March 20, 2021, during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From a vigil in San Francisco's Chinatown to a solidarity glide on roller skates in Oakland, with actions also planned soon in San Jose and elsewhere, people across the region are showing their support for the AAPI community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>That community has grappled with rising racism and violence, including in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between March 19, 2020 and Feb. 28, 2021, there were at least 3,795 incidents of anti-Asian hate across the nation, ranging from physical assault and verbal harassment to various civil rights violations, according to a report released Tuesday by \u003ca href=\"https://stopaapihate.org/reports/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stop AAPI Hate\u003c/a>. The project, based out of San Francisco State University, asks members of AAPI communities to self-report acts of hate and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 700 of those incidents occurred in the Bay Area, according to a report from the same organization released last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'These Are Our Community Members'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, people hung love letters to friends, family or the AAPI community at large on a clothesline, which was strung across a bridge connecting Portsmouth Square to the Chinese Culture Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One sign simply read \"grandma,\" written in Korean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many AAPI people attacked in the Bay Area have been seniors, including a Thai man killed in North Beach, a neighborhood adjacent to the peaceful vigil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s San Francisco or Oakland, I think a lot of people are facing similar things,\" said Hyejin Shim, who works at Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence, Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865827\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"un Fong, 87, holds a yellow rose while listening to speakers at Portsmouth Square during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community on March 20, 2021.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/1920Lun_Fong.jpg 1503w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lun Fong, 87, holds a yellow rose while listening to speakers at Portsmouth Square during a vigil and rally in support of the AAPI community on March 20, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She says the public discussions of whether or not the Atlanta women were engaging in sex work is a distraction — and dehumanizes people who lost their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that sex workers have always been a part of the community,\" Shim said. \"And so I think the question of whether these massage parlor workers were or were not is irrelevant. But the fact is that massage parlor workers who are Asian are often hypersexualized without their consent or their workplaces become a site of sexual harassment from clients. And that is both about race and gender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also at the San Francisco vigil was Esther Leong, who works at the nonprofit Asian Pacific Islander Legal Outreach. A San Franciscan with roots in Chinatown, Leong brought enlarged photos from books and family photos to the event to show the historic racism AAPI San Franciscans have faced, and to highlight AAPI's contributions to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says she’s upset law enforcement in Atlanta hasn't called the shootings a hate crime. Leong said she wants government to figure out a way to determine that an incident is a hate crime without having the assailant utter words of hate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leong says the way the law is written is too high a burden because people have to show that the attacker said hateful words as evidence. “I mean, how often does someone say, 'I’m going to hit you because you’re Chinese?' ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco vigil was organized by a wide breadth of AAPI groups, including the Chinese Progressive Association, the API Council, Filipina Women's Network, Manilatown Heritage Foundation, Center for Asian American Media, Rose Pak Democratic Club and at least a dozen other organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us, including women and low-wage workers, deserve to be safe,\" said Shaw San Liu, executive director of the Chinese Progressive Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our members — many of whom are women, mothers living in the [single room occupancy hotels], and young women — are already risking their safety to go to work, providing childcare and caring for family members, navigating distance learning, and trying their best to preserve their mental health during these trying times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865810\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1377px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865810\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1377\" height=\"941\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34.jpg 1377w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-800x547.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-1020x697.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Image-from-iOS-34-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1377px) 100vw, 1377px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roller skaters, skate boarders and bicyclists roll through Oakland on March 20, 2021, in solidarity with the AAPI community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, dozens came out in rollerskates to garner more attention for their support for the AAPI community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those skaters, Ashley Silva, said she fears for her community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m also a Filipino and Hawaiian. I’m hapa,\" Silva said. \"I have my grandmother who goes out and my grandpa used to walk every single day. These could be our family members. These are our community members. And we have to keep each other safe. It’s really dangerous out there. And there are so many attacks. We really need to address the racism and take care of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in Oakland, Lani Lee Marsden said the Atlanta shooting was a culmination of varying forms of hate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here because I’m half Chinese and I am really devastated and upset and I feel helpless, hurt and really mad about what happened in Atlanta as well as sexism, racism and classism combined,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>City of Brisbane 'With you in Solidarity'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The city of Brisbane in northern San Mateo County, where Asian Americans make up nearly 30% of the total population, held an afternoon rally in a park and made similar pleas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd heard speeches from local government and law enforcement officials calling for an end to hate crimes against Asian Americans and Pacific islanders. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On behalf of the Brisbane police officers and myself, we stand here with you in solidarity to denounce violence and racism and promote peace, respect and safety for everyone,” Police Chief Elizabeth Macias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In San Mateo County, we stand united against hate. Unprovoked attacks against our neighbors for simply being Asian cannot and will not be tolerated,” said San Mateo County Board of Supervisors President David J. Canepa in a statement in February. “We need to celebrate who we are and not let racist behavior divide us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian American parents and business owners are fearful of their children or places of work being targeted, and many community members are afraid to go out in public, activists have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Taking Action Against Hate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even before the deadly shootings at spas in the Atlanta area killed six women of Asian descent, President Biden had taken steps to address the recent surge of violence against Asians and Asian Americans by making forceful statements against hate and harassment, banning the federal government from employing the sort of \"inflammatory and xenophobic\" language used by his predecessor and tasking senior administration leaders to hold \"listening sessions\" with community leaders and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11865813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1252\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-1020x665.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/GettyImages-1231817018-1-1536x1002.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Biden salutes Marines as he steps off Marine One after a series of meetings in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 19, 2021. President Biden leaves Atlanta, Georgia, after touring the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and meeting with Georgia Asian American leaders, following the Atlanta spa shootings. \u003ccite>(Eric Baradat/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, with a sharp focus on the disturbing trend, Asian American and Pacific Islander community leaders are calling for concrete, measurable responses from Biden and his Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now, people are afraid to leave their homes,\" said Cynthia Choi, a co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate. \"I think that basic denial of your sense of safety, it is a violation of our human rights. And I think that this does need to be taken seriously and urgently.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Biden and Vice President Harris, the first Asian American elected to that position, refocused a trip planned to tout the benefits of the coronavirus relief package to instead meet with Asian American lawmakers and other community leaders in Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Too many Asian Americans have been walking up and down the streets and worrying, waking up each morning the past year feeling their safety and the safety of their loved ones are stake,\" Biden said after the meeting. \"They've been attacked, blamed, scapegoated and harassed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a wide variety of proposed solutions aimed at curbing violence, many of which are focused on the role that the Justice Department could play. Attorney General Merrick Garland and other Justice Department officials have been meeting with leaders of Asian and Pacific Islander groups, including several meetings this week, according to multiple sources familiar with the meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg Orton, the national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, said that when Biden releases his budget, it should significantly increase funding for programs at the Department of Justice that are designed to engage communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can have as many listening sessions as we'd like, and I think it's great that a department makes themselves available to that kind of engagement,\" Orton said. \"But truly, until we reach the people on the ground and support not just the community organizers, but the communities themselves, it's difficult to see a lot of progress being made.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Julie Chang, Lakshmi Sarah, Beth LaBerge and Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR reporter Juana Summers contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the wake of increased violence against Asian Americans, several California leaders are urging Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint someone of Asian descent as the state’s next attorney general.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom is also turning his attention to his challengers in a potential recall, making national TV appearances to tout the progress he’s made in curbing the coronavirus, while painting his opponents as representatives of former President Donald Trump’s interests. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">discusses her road to taking office, motherhood and work in the time of COVID-19, as well as her goals for her next years in office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Tiny House Empowerment Village\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A colorful project to provide shelter for homeless youth in the East Bay has opened after two years of planning and construction. Tiny House Empowerment Village occupies an acre near the Oakland Coliseum and aims to give its young residents a sense of independence, safety and ownership.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more or support the effort visit: \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/yqd2CgJkvNFqr1l7FNxxKX?domain=youthspiritartworks.org\">www.youthspiritartworks.org\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the wake of increased violence against Asian Americans, several California leaders are urging Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint someone of Asian descent as the state’s next attorney general.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Newsom is also turning his attention to his challengers in a potential recall, making national TV appearances to tout the progress he’s made in curbing the coronavirus, while painting his opponents as representatives of former President Donald Trump’s interests. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guests:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government correspondent \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Assemblymember Buffy Wicks\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland,\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">discusses her road to taking office, motherhood and work in the time of COVID-19, as well as her goals for her next years in office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Tiny House Empowerment Village\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A colorful project to provide shelter for homeless youth in the East Bay has opened after two years of planning and construction. Tiny House Empowerment Village occupies an acre near the Oakland Coliseum and aims to give its young residents a sense of independence, safety and ownership.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more or support the effort visit: \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/yqd2CgJkvNFqr1l7FNxxKX?domain=youthspiritartworks.org\">www.youthspiritartworks.org\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "After a Year of COVID-19 Outbreaks, California Prisons Reckon With Mistakes",
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"content": "\u003cp>One year into the coronavirus pandemic, the impact on California’s prisons has become clear. Confined in close and often crowded quarters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">nearly half of everyone incarcerated\u003c/a> around the state has become infected — that’s more than 49,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large outbreaks and alarming death tolls have ravaged most of the state’s prisons, from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\">San Quentin State Prison in the San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848497/as-covid-19-tore-through-central-valley-prison-officials-failed-to-tighten-staffing-rules\">Avenal State Prison in the Central Valley\u003c/a> to Donovan Correctional Facility in the south of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the rollout of COVID-19 vaccines, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has said the worst is now behind us. As of March 16, more than 45% of incarcerated people have received their first dose, according to prison health care services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Adamu Chan, formerly incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison\"]'Most of my friends caught COVID, and I know a few people that also passed.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11852162/hundreds-of-people-at-san-quentin-petition-for-release-as-covid-19-surges\">court case\u003c/a> that has been brewing for months is keeping the issue in the spotlight. The possibility remains alive that prison officials may still have to take a drastic step: to halve the number of people at San Quentin, which was one of the hardest hit prisons in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A ‘Public Health Disaster’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last summer, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823976/botched-outbreak-of-covid-19-at-san-quentin-was-preventable-lawmaker-says\">busload of infected prisoners\u003c/a> from a Chino prison were transferred to San Quentin. The men hadn’t been tested for the virus in a timely fashion, nor were they quarantined for observation when they first arrived. Within days, COVID-19 began tearing through San Quentin like wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of my friends caught COVID, and I know a few people that also passed,” said Adamu Chan, who was incarcerated at San Quentin at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865529\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Adamu Chan\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adamu Chan was incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison during the height of the COVID-19 outbreak there last summer. He's been working as a community organizer since his release last fall. \u003ccite>(Jim McKee/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Quentin is the state’s oldest prison, and its architecture makes it particularly vulnerable to the spread of any kind of infectious disease. Most cell doors aren’t solid, but rather consist of bars that allow air to flow freely. In the main housing block, tier after tier of cells are stacked upon each other with a wide-open atrium stretching from the ground floor to the ceiling several stories above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cells themselves are tiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are in 4-by-9 cells, double bunks, so there's two people in a very small cell,” Chan said. “In a cell block, there's about 800 people sharing the same air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, more than 70% of San Quentin’s inmates have been infected and 28 have died — the highest death toll at any of the state’s prisons. More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\">400 correctional staff at San Quentin\u003c/a> have also been infected and one has died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than architecture contributed to the virus’ spread, said Marin County Deputy Public Defender Christine O’Hanlon, who represents 249 men at San Quentin who sued to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found several what we call 'couplets,' or cell mates, where one of them was positive and the other one tested negative, and they did not separate them. They locked them in the cells together,” O’Hanlon said. “I think the brazen disregard to the concerns of COVID was the thing that shocked me the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hanlon said the conditions of confinement at the prison amount to cruel and unusual punishment — a violation of the Eighth Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865528\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Marin County Public Defender Christine O'Hanlon\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marin County Public Defender Christine O'Hanlon points to boxes and boxes of medical records related to the cases of her clients, 249 men incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison who are suing to be released. \u003ccite>(Jim McKee/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last October, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20433046-201020-appellate-ruling-von-staich-a160122\">panel of appellate court judges weighed in\u003c/a>, calling what was happening at San Quentin “the worst epidemiological disaster in California correctional history.” They ordered prison officials to reduce San Quentin’s population by a whopping 50% to allow for proper social distancing and quarantining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor and CDCR immediately appealed that order, saying that deciding which prisoners to release is a complex and time-consuming process and that releases could pose a danger to the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the Office of the Inspector General for prisons (OIG) \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/OIG-COVID-19-Review-Series-Part-3-%E2%80%93-Transfer-of-Patients-from-CIM.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> further detailing how the inaction of prison officials caused a “public health disaster” at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general wrote that testing for the virus was inadequate, that sick or potentially infected people were not immediately quarantined and thorough contact tracing was not conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The prison’s inability to properly quarantine and isolate incarcerated persons exposed to or infected with COVID-19, along with its practice of allowing staff to work throughout the prison during shifts or on different days, likely caused the virus to spread to multiple areas of the prison,\" the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to give an interview but responded to the OIG's report with a statement that said, \"San Quentin State Prison has made many improvements and already remedied several of the citations .... to keep all those who live and work in our state prisons safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Attorneys for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation\"]'The court failed to give ‘due regard for prison officials’ unenviable task of keeping dangerous men in safe custody under humane conditions.'’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.khsu.org/post/california-supreme-court-sends-san-quentin-covid-19-case-back-appeals-court#stream/0\">California Supreme Court instructed the appellate court\u003c/a> to consider whether an evidentiary hearing should be held in the matter of San Quentin and the months-old order (on pause because of the appeals process) to cut the prisoner population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 24, as the one-year anniversary of statewide shelter-in-place orders approached, the appellate court decided to move forward with an evidentiary hearing. While the date is still to be determined, it means that the testimony of people — like the formerly incarcerated Chan — will be publicly presented and entered into a public record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prisons don't provide proper health care to folks,” Chan said. “Prisons are filled with largely large populations of elderly folks and people with preexisting conditions. And they are dirty and unsafe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>An ‘Unenviable Task’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>CDCR has argued that their efforts “are in lockstep with the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s] guidance on the management of COVID-19 in correctional facilities,” and that they have taken significant measures to respond to the pandemic, including providing masks, hand sanitizer and soap, and setting aside more space for quarantining and caring for COVID-positive people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, prison officials have said they must juggle the health of inmates with the challenges of maintaining public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court failed to give ‘due regard for prison officials’ unenviable task of keeping dangerous men in safe custody under humane conditions,' ” attorneys for the prison system wrote in a November court filing in which they quoted previous court rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender O’Hanlon countered that many of her clients are at low risk for reoffending if released, because they’re older and also suffer from other medical problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865563\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"As of March 16, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has administered vaccines to more than 45% of incarcerated people and more than 26,000 correctional staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As of March 16, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has administered vaccines to more than 45% of incarcerated people and more than 26,000 correctional staff. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CDCR/CCHCS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state is arguing that a 50% population reduction at San Quentin is no longer necessary now that vaccines have become available and California has prioritized vaccinating incarcerated people. As of March 16, more than 43,000 prisoners and more than 26,000 staff have received first-round vaccines, according to California Correctional Health Care Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"RELATED COVERAGE\" tag=\"san-quentin-state-prison\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Hanlon said there are broader issues at stake, including how the prison system neglects inmate health care in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our position is that CDCR should not get a pass for the egregious conduct,” she said. “I think they need to be held to answer to what they were doing, why they allowed this to go on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More importantly, O'Hanlon said, “They need to be discouraged and deterred from doing this in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the upcoming evidentiary hearing will focus solely on what happened at San Quentin, a ruling could set a precedent for other prisons in California that have grappled with severe outbreaks, including the California Institution for Men, where 27 inmates have died from COVID-19, and Avenal State Prison where more than 3,000 people were infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One year into the coronavirus pandemic, the impact on California’s prisons has become clear. Confined in close and often crowded quarters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/population-status-tracking/\">nearly half of everyone incarcerated\u003c/a> around the state has become infected — that’s more than 49,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large outbreaks and alarming death tolls have ravaged most of the state’s prisons, from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827142/lawmakers-want-stronger-covid-19-protections-in-california-prisons\">San Quentin State Prison in the San Francisco Bay Area\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11848497/as-covid-19-tore-through-central-valley-prison-officials-failed-to-tighten-staffing-rules\">Avenal State Prison in the Central Valley\u003c/a> to Donovan Correctional Facility in the south of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the rollout of COVID-19 vaccines, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has said the worst is now behind us. As of March 16, more than 45% of incarcerated people have received their first dose, according to prison health care services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11852162/hundreds-of-people-at-san-quentin-petition-for-release-as-covid-19-surges\">court case\u003c/a> that has been brewing for months is keeping the issue in the spotlight. The possibility remains alive that prison officials may still have to take a drastic step: to halve the number of people at San Quentin, which was one of the hardest hit prisons in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A ‘Public Health Disaster’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Last summer, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11823976/botched-outbreak-of-covid-19-at-san-quentin-was-preventable-lawmaker-says\">busload of infected prisoners\u003c/a> from a Chino prison were transferred to San Quentin. The men hadn’t been tested for the virus in a timely fashion, nor were they quarantined for observation when they first arrived. Within days, COVID-19 began tearing through San Quentin like wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of my friends caught COVID, and I know a few people that also passed,” said Adamu Chan, who was incarcerated at San Quentin at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865529\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Adamu Chan\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/Adamu-3_cc.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adamu Chan was incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison during the height of the COVID-19 outbreak there last summer. He's been working as a community organizer since his release last fall. \u003ccite>(Jim McKee/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Quentin is the state’s oldest prison, and its architecture makes it particularly vulnerable to the spread of any kind of infectious disease. Most cell doors aren’t solid, but rather consist of bars that allow air to flow freely. In the main housing block, tier after tier of cells are stacked upon each other with a wide-open atrium stretching from the ground floor to the ceiling several stories above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cells themselves are tiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are in 4-by-9 cells, double bunks, so there's two people in a very small cell,” Chan said. “In a cell block, there's about 800 people sharing the same air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, more than 70% of San Quentin’s inmates have been infected and 28 have died — the highest death toll at any of the state’s prisons. More than \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/cdcr-cchcs-covid-19-status/\">400 correctional staff at San Quentin\u003c/a> have also been infected and one has died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But more than architecture contributed to the virus’ spread, said Marin County Deputy Public Defender Christine O’Hanlon, who represents 249 men at San Quentin who sued to be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found several what we call 'couplets,' or cell mates, where one of them was positive and the other one tested negative, and they did not separate them. They locked them in the cells together,” O’Hanlon said. “I think the brazen disregard to the concerns of COVID was the thing that shocked me the most.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hanlon said the conditions of confinement at the prison amount to cruel and unusual punishment — a violation of the Eighth Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865528\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865528\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Marin County Public Defender Christine O'Hanlon\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/ohanlon-2_edited.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marin County Public Defender Christine O'Hanlon points to boxes and boxes of medical records related to the cases of her clients, 249 men incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison who are suing to be released. \u003ccite>(Jim McKee/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last October, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20433046-201020-appellate-ruling-von-staich-a160122\">panel of appellate court judges weighed in\u003c/a>, calling what was happening at San Quentin “the worst epidemiological disaster in California correctional history.” They ordered prison officials to reduce San Quentin’s population by a whopping 50% to allow for proper social distancing and quarantining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor and CDCR immediately appealed that order, saying that deciding which prisoners to release is a complex and time-consuming process and that releases could pose a danger to the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the Office of the Inspector General for prisons (OIG) \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/OIG-COVID-19-Review-Series-Part-3-%E2%80%93-Transfer-of-Patients-from-CIM.pdf\">released a report\u003c/a> further detailing how the inaction of prison officials caused a “public health disaster” at San Quentin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general wrote that testing for the virus was inadequate, that sick or potentially infected people were not immediately quarantined and thorough contact tracing was not conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The prison’s inability to properly quarantine and isolate incarcerated persons exposed to or infected with COVID-19, along with its practice of allowing staff to work throughout the prison during shifts or on different days, likely caused the virus to spread to multiple areas of the prison,\" the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to give an interview but responded to the OIG's report with a statement that said, \"San Quentin State Prison has made many improvements and already remedied several of the citations .... to keep all those who live and work in our state prisons safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.khsu.org/post/california-supreme-court-sends-san-quentin-covid-19-case-back-appeals-court#stream/0\">California Supreme Court instructed the appellate court\u003c/a> to consider whether an evidentiary hearing should be held in the matter of San Quentin and the months-old order (on pause because of the appeals process) to cut the prisoner population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 24, as the one-year anniversary of statewide shelter-in-place orders approached, the appellate court decided to move forward with an evidentiary hearing. While the date is still to be determined, it means that the testimony of people — like the formerly incarcerated Chan — will be publicly presented and entered into a public record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prisons don't provide proper health care to folks,” Chan said. “Prisons are filled with largely large populations of elderly folks and people with preexisting conditions. And they are dirty and unsafe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>An ‘Unenviable Task’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>CDCR has argued that their efforts “are in lockstep with the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s] guidance on the management of COVID-19 in correctional facilities,” and that they have taken significant measures to respond to the pandemic, including providing masks, hand sanitizer and soap, and setting aside more space for quarantining and caring for COVID-positive people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, prison officials have said they must juggle the health of inmates with the challenges of maintaining public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court failed to give ‘due regard for prison officials’ unenviable task of keeping dangerous men in safe custody under humane conditions,' ” attorneys for the prison system wrote in a November court filing in which they quoted previous court rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender O’Hanlon countered that many of her clients are at low risk for reoffending if released, because they’re older and also suffer from other medical problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11865563\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"As of March 16, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has administered vaccines to more than 45% of incarcerated people and more than 26,000 correctional staff.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/cdcr-vax_crop.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As of March 16, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has administered vaccines to more than 45% of incarcerated people and more than 26,000 correctional staff. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CDCR/CCHCS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state is arguing that a 50% population reduction at San Quentin is no longer necessary now that vaccines have become available and California has prioritized vaccinating incarcerated people. As of March 16, more than 43,000 prisoners and more than 26,000 staff have received first-round vaccines, according to California Correctional Health Care Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But O’Hanlon said there are broader issues at stake, including how the prison system neglects inmate health care in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our position is that CDCR should not get a pass for the egregious conduct,” she said. “I think they need to be held to answer to what they were doing, why they allowed this to go on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More importantly, O'Hanlon said, “They need to be discouraged and deterred from doing this in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the upcoming evidentiary hearing will focus solely on what happened at San Quentin, a ruling could set a precedent for other prisons in California that have grappled with severe outbreaks, including the California Institution for Men, where 27 inmates have died from COVID-19, and Avenal State Prison where more than 3,000 people were infected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How One Woman's Cycle of Incarceration and Mental Illness Helped Heal a Rural System",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is excerpted from the preview episode of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.artsandmedia.net/cause/november-in-my-soul/\">\u003cem>November In My Soul\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a forthcoming podcast about mental Illness, confinement and liberty in California. It is co-produced and co-hosted by Lee Romney and Jenny Johnson. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marlene Baker’s untreated mental illness kept her on the streets, hustling to stay warm and stay fed. Local law enforcement would pick her up for minor offenses — drinking in public or hitchhiking — then book her into the overcrowded jail and release her right back to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes your mind plays tricks on you and you do things,” Baker, now 58, said in a 2019 interview at her tiny studio apartment in the Siskiyou County town of Weed. “I didn’t trust my mind for a long time. Still, I’ll wake up sometimes in the middle of the night screaming, like, is there a ghost in here or something? And then I just take my medicine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories of our colliding criminal justice and mental health systems play out across the country. That crisis is most visible, and most commonly reported, in urban areas. But Baker’s is a rural story, full of profound rural challenges. Siskiyou County, which abuts the Oregon border, spans 6,000 square miles and is home to just shy of 44,000 people. Community mental health resources are thin. Public transportation is almost nonexistent, housing is scarce and recruiting mental health clinicians nearly impossible. [aside tag=\"mental-health,criminal-justice\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Baker was too ill to voluntarily seek help for her condition. If she committed a more serious crime, she could receive the mental health treatment she needed. That’s because a felony charge would finally compel her to accept care provided through the criminal justice system. Recent data from Siskiyou County indicate the jail is often the landing place for people with serious mental illness: About half the inmates are \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20514156-jail_mentalhealth_jpsreport_02-03-2020#document/p8/a2022750\">prescribed psychiatric meds\u003c/a>, more than double the state median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental illness plays a role in a high number of criminal cases here. What to do once those people enter the system, said Siskiyou County District Attorney Kirk Andrus, is a vexing question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a community that wants to be protected,” he said. “But you also have a person who needs intervention and not necessarily the kind of intervention that we have to offer. It’s a massive problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Baker’s case, though, despite those rural challenges — in some ways because of them — a number of key people took some risks and bent some rules to help her heal in the community, with her freedom intact. And her success is helping to bring about some bold changes in the way Siskiyou County confronts its mental health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865504\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker, now 58, fills her small studio apartment with tapestries and artwork to make it homey. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘I grew up normal’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker is petite with a penchant for fashion and perfect dusky eye makeup. Her apartment, separated from Interstate 5 by a flimsy chain-link fence, can be loud. But Baker has spruced it up inside “to make it homey” with tapestries and artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her journey began in a “you-blink-you-miss-it” Central Valley town where, Baker said, “I grew up normal. We had a nice house. We had money. I went to school, graduated.”\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had two kids, got divorced and headed to her parents’ vacation home in Mount Shasta, where she landed a job in the front office of a local eye doctor. Then: an accident. Baker stepped out of her car onto black ice, taking her “whole spine out from the neck down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Marlene Baker']‘I’d get hysterical and not know what’s really going around and verbally say stuff that didn’t make sense’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple surgeries followed, and Baker gave her kids to their dad to raise as her bones healed. There was a complication, though: A surgical tear in her spinal covering had left her brain stem dry for four days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d get hysterical and not know what’s really going around,” she said, “and verbally say stuff that didn’t make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene had yet to get her diagnosis — schizoaffective disorder. She didn’t know about the underlying brain injury that likely caused her illness. She didn’t know she was ill, but her life was falling apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker wound up homeless in and around Mount Shasta, where winters are cold and bears and mountain lions wander through town at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the guys would watch over me while I slept at night,” she said, “and I’ve lost about four or five of them right now. The other ones, they’re still going in and out of mental hospitals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s parents had now moved to Mount Shasta, too, and they’d see her panhandling. They didn’t understand her angry outbursts and erratic behavior any better than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were embarrassed,” Baker said. “They didn’t know what to do with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This went on for more than 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Not a single crisis bed’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even in big cities, where services are not as hard to come by, people often slip through the cracks of the voluntary mental health system. So, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=WIC§ionNum=5150\">Welfare and Institutions Code 5150\u003c/a> serves as an important tool to help people like Baker, who don’t know that they’re sick. Under that civil statute, anyone deemed a danger to themselves or others, or gravely disabled, can be temporarily committed to a locked psychiatric facility for treatment. There’s just one problem — there \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20515636-cha-psych-bed-data-report-sept-2018#document/p12/a2022952\">are no facilities like that in Siskiyou County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone has a psychotic break, they go to a hospital that is hours and hours away,” said Siskiyou County Public Defender Lael Kayfetz. “You have to leave your family. You have to leave your support system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker was hospitalized just once under a 5150 hold: A case worker drove her 260 miles south to Sacramento. Mostly, though, Baker cycled in and out of the jail and back to the streets. Until 2013. [ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘I’m going to kill you’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker’s family rarely invited her over, but as a gesture of good will, they welcomed her to stay the night after a Thanksgiving meal. They woke up to her screams. She was in a psychosis — delusional and hallucinating. She thought an intruder had sliced her chest with a knife. She didn’t recognize her own family. And, in the chaos, she told her mom, “I’m going to kill you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her mom was scared,” said Kayfetz, who would represent Baker in connection with the incident. “So, they called law enforcement not understanding what they were setting in motion. There was no putting the brakes on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney charged Baker with Penal Code Section 422: making criminal threats. When it’s charged as a felony, as it was in Baker’s case, “it’s a strike under the three strikes law,” Kayfetz said. “It changes everything about how you’re treated in the system, how you’re treated by law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A felony conviction can also make it difficult — or impossible — to get government-subsidized housing, for life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Siskiyou County Public Defender Lael Kayfetz']‘By some miracle she made it to her next court appearance and that is the thing that saved her’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker was still psychotic. And she was clearly “incompetent to stand trial” — that means you can’t follow the proceedings, understand the charges or help your attorney. The process of regaining competency usually involves a trip to a state mental hospital, often after long waits in a jail cell. But for Baker, there was a hitch: Siskiyou County’s jail has so few beds for women that even those charged with felonies are often quickly set free. Baker was already out, with instructions in court for her first hearing in the case. If she failed to show up, the judge would likely issue a warrant for her arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By some miracle she made it to her next court appearance,” Kayfetz said, “and that is the thing that saved her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Bending the Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it takes an exception to create a new rule, and Baker became a test case. The judge, the public defender, county mental health officials and even the prosecutor, came to an agreement. Instead of returning her to jail or sending her to a state hospital hundreds of miles away, they’d try to help Baker on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two psychologists who had to evaluate her competency arranged to do it at Kayfetz’s office, “something,” she said, “that had never been done before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, how Baker was going to keep complying with court demands — given her lack of housing and the county’s spotty public transportation — was not at all clear. If she had an address, county behavioral health workers could fetch her for her appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lael told me, ‘You need [to get] off the street,’ ” Baker recalled. “Getting off the street was key to my healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s case worker began to search, placing her first in a series of motels before, finally, a permanent home. It was small and noisy, but with four walls and a door with a lock. On her first night, Baker said, “I had a backpack for a pillow” and a comforter her case worker grabbed from the office. Still, she missed the outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You breathe all the fresh air all night long, you’re under God’s heavens. It’s hard to stop being homeless,” she said. “You’re free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker’s tiny studio apartment, in a rundown former motel, is separated from Interstate 5 by a chain-link fence. On this day in September 2019, she shows off the old-fashioned pantaloons she’s hung there to dry. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Freedom \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker had gained a different kind of freedom. But she was still facing a felony charge. To retain her liberty, she’d have to engage fully with treatment — something she had resisted for years. Now though, thanks to Siskiyou County’s only practicing psychiatrist, she built a bond and began to trust. They spoke about medicinal plants and healthy foods, and Baker agreed to long-acting injections of an anti-psychotic medication that cleared her mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was time to enter a plea. Kayfetz knew a guilty plea would jeopardize Baker’s housing — and her stability. But there was another option — she could plead \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1026.&lawCode=PEN\">not guilty by reason of insanity.\u003c/a> That plea almost always means you go to a state mental hospital for a minimum of six months and often much longer. Baker had to stand up in court and say she understood she might spend the rest of her life there. Because Kayfetz had a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her client was thriving. Sending her hundreds of miles away to a state hospital, she argued, wasn’t necessary or humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Andrus, the district attorney, balked. But the judge agreed with Kayfetz. If Baker complied with her treatment, the felony charge would eventually be dismissed. For years, though, she’d have to check in regularly with the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her progress exceeded expectations. Four years after that fateful Thanksgiving, Baker received training to work as a peer facilitator for a weekly mental health support group. Dipping into her meager disability checks, she prepped healthy stews and soups for the group in her tiny kitchen and brought in Bingo prizes she bought at the Dollar General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker prepares lentil stew in September 2019 in the tiny kitchen of her studio apartment. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her relationship with her family healed, too, especially with her mom and sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, on a sweltering August day in 2019, her case came up on the Siskiyou County Superior Court calendar for the very last time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Baker got to the courthouse in a crushed velvet spaghetti-strap dress and lavender eye makeup. She hadn’t slept. She was too nervous. The judge congratulated her and declared her “restored” — as in restored to sanity. Within minutes, her long ordeal in the criminal justice system was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Loss and Hope\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sanity cannot stave off hardship. Within months of her court victory, Baker’s longtime case worker died unexpectedly. Then came COVID-19 and deep isolation. Baker’s peer group has technically been allowed to meet. But “nobody wants to go because it’s 6 feet apart and you can’t eat in there,” she said, “and that’s why they always came. I would bring them good food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s visits with her psychiatrist are no longer in person, just phone calls. So the long-acting injections are out, too. She has to remember to take her pills each morning. And last fall, more loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom died, and two months later, my dad died,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given all that, Kayfetz said, the fact that Baker is still housed and plugged in to mental health services is a victory. Beyond that, Baker’s success has helped bring about broader change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after her six-year fight to shed her felony charge came to an end, Siskiyou County launched what’s known as a behavioral health court. It wipes the criminal charges off the records of participants who complete treatment. Every inmate who arrives at the jail now takes an iPad questionnaire to determine if they need mental health services or would be good candidates for the new court. If they are, they get that treatment right here in the community, with their liberty intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is excerpted from the preview episode of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.artsandmedia.net/cause/november-in-my-soul/\">\u003cem>November In My Soul\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a forthcoming podcast about mental Illness, confinement and liberty in California. It is co-produced and co-hosted by Lee Romney and Jenny Johnson. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marlene Baker’s untreated mental illness kept her on the streets, hustling to stay warm and stay fed. Local law enforcement would pick her up for minor offenses — drinking in public or hitchhiking — then book her into the overcrowded jail and release her right back to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes your mind plays tricks on you and you do things,” Baker, now 58, said in a 2019 interview at her tiny studio apartment in the Siskiyou County town of Weed. “I didn’t trust my mind for a long time. Still, I’ll wake up sometimes in the middle of the night screaming, like, is there a ghost in here or something? And then I just take my medicine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stories of our colliding criminal justice and mental health systems play out across the country. That crisis is most visible, and most commonly reported, in urban areas. But Baker’s is a rural story, full of profound rural challenges. Siskiyou County, which abuts the Oregon border, spans 6,000 square miles and is home to just shy of 44,000 people. Community mental health resources are thin. Public transportation is almost nonexistent, housing is scarce and recruiting mental health clinicians nearly impossible. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Baker was too ill to voluntarily seek help for her condition. If she committed a more serious crime, she could receive the mental health treatment she needed. That’s because a felony charge would finally compel her to accept care provided through the criminal justice system. Recent data from Siskiyou County indicate the jail is often the landing place for people with serious mental illness: About half the inmates are \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20514156-jail_mentalhealth_jpsreport_02-03-2020#document/p8/a2022750\">prescribed psychiatric meds\u003c/a>, more than double the state median.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental illness plays a role in a high number of criminal cases here. What to do once those people enter the system, said Siskiyou County District Attorney Kirk Andrus, is a vexing question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got a community that wants to be protected,” he said. “But you also have a person who needs intervention and not necessarily the kind of intervention that we have to offer. It’s a massive problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Baker’s case, though, despite those rural challenges — in some ways because of them — a number of key people took some risks and bent some rules to help her heal in the community, with her freedom intact. And her success is helping to bring about some bold changes in the way Siskiyou County confronts its mental health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865504\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865504\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47876_MarleneWithElephant-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker, now 58, fills her small studio apartment with tapestries and artwork to make it homey. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘I grew up normal’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker is petite with a penchant for fashion and perfect dusky eye makeup. Her apartment, separated from Interstate 5 by a flimsy chain-link fence, can be loud. But Baker has spruced it up inside “to make it homey” with tapestries and artwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her journey began in a “you-blink-you-miss-it” Central Valley town where, Baker said, “I grew up normal. We had a nice house. We had money. I went to school, graduated.”\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had two kids, got divorced and headed to her parents’ vacation home in Mount Shasta, where she landed a job in the front office of a local eye doctor. Then: an accident. Baker stepped out of her car onto black ice, taking her “whole spine out from the neck down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple surgeries followed, and Baker gave her kids to their dad to raise as her bones healed. There was a complication, though: A surgical tear in her spinal covering had left her brain stem dry for four days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d get hysterical and not know what’s really going around,” she said, “and verbally say stuff that didn’t make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene had yet to get her diagnosis — schizoaffective disorder. She didn’t know about the underlying brain injury that likely caused her illness. She didn’t know she was ill, but her life was falling apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker wound up homeless in and around Mount Shasta, where winters are cold and bears and mountain lions wander through town at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the guys would watch over me while I slept at night,” she said, “and I’ve lost about four or five of them right now. The other ones, they’re still going in and out of mental hospitals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s parents had now moved to Mount Shasta, too, and they’d see her panhandling. They didn’t understand her angry outbursts and erratic behavior any better than she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were embarrassed,” Baker said. “They didn’t know what to do with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This went on for more than 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Not a single crisis bed’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even in big cities, where services are not as hard to come by, people often slip through the cracks of the voluntary mental health system. So, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=WIC§ionNum=5150\">Welfare and Institutions Code 5150\u003c/a> serves as an important tool to help people like Baker, who don’t know that they’re sick. Under that civil statute, anyone deemed a danger to themselves or others, or gravely disabled, can be temporarily committed to a locked psychiatric facility for treatment. There’s just one problem — there \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/20515636-cha-psych-bed-data-report-sept-2018#document/p12/a2022952\">are no facilities like that in Siskiyou County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone has a psychotic break, they go to a hospital that is hours and hours away,” said Siskiyou County Public Defender Lael Kayfetz. “You have to leave your family. You have to leave your support system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker was hospitalized just once under a 5150 hold: A case worker drove her 260 miles south to Sacramento. Mostly, though, Baker cycled in and out of the jail and back to the streets. Until 2013. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘I’m going to kill you’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker’s family rarely invited her over, but as a gesture of good will, they welcomed her to stay the night after a Thanksgiving meal. They woke up to her screams. She was in a psychosis — delusional and hallucinating. She thought an intruder had sliced her chest with a knife. She didn’t recognize her own family. And, in the chaos, she told her mom, “I’m going to kill you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her mom was scared,” said Kayfetz, who would represent Baker in connection with the incident. “So, they called law enforcement not understanding what they were setting in motion. There was no putting the brakes on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney charged Baker with Penal Code Section 422: making criminal threats. When it’s charged as a felony, as it was in Baker’s case, “it’s a strike under the three strikes law,” Kayfetz said. “It changes everything about how you’re treated in the system, how you’re treated by law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A felony conviction can also make it difficult — or impossible — to get government-subsidized housing, for life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker was still psychotic. And she was clearly “incompetent to stand trial” — that means you can’t follow the proceedings, understand the charges or help your attorney. The process of regaining competency usually involves a trip to a state mental hospital, often after long waits in a jail cell. But for Baker, there was a hitch: Siskiyou County’s jail has so few beds for women that even those charged with felonies are often quickly set free. Baker was already out, with instructions in court for her first hearing in the case. If she failed to show up, the judge would likely issue a warrant for her arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By some miracle she made it to her next court appearance,” Kayfetz said, “and that is the thing that saved her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Bending the Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it takes an exception to create a new rule, and Baker became a test case. The judge, the public defender, county mental health officials and even the prosecutor, came to an agreement. Instead of returning her to jail or sending her to a state hospital hundreds of miles away, they’d try to help Baker on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two psychologists who had to evaluate her competency arranged to do it at Kayfetz’s office, “something,” she said, “that had never been done before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, how Baker was going to keep complying with court demands — given her lack of housing and the county’s spotty public transportation — was not at all clear. If she had an address, county behavioral health workers could fetch her for her appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lael told me, ‘You need [to get] off the street,’ ” Baker recalled. “Getting off the street was key to my healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s case worker began to search, placing her first in a series of motels before, finally, a permanent home. It was small and noisy, but with four walls and a door with a lock. On her first night, Baker said, “I had a backpack for a pillow” and a comforter her case worker grabbed from the office. Still, she missed the outdoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You breathe all the fresh air all night long, you’re under God’s heavens. It’s hard to stop being homeless,” she said. “You’re free.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47870_MarleneChainlinkFencePantaloons-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker’s tiny studio apartment, in a rundown former motel, is separated from Interstate 5 by a chain-link fence. On this day in September 2019, she shows off the old-fashioned pantaloons she’s hung there to dry. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Freedom \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Baker had gained a different kind of freedom. But she was still facing a felony charge. To retain her liberty, she’d have to engage fully with treatment — something she had resisted for years. Now though, thanks to Siskiyou County’s only practicing psychiatrist, she built a bond and began to trust. They spoke about medicinal plants and healthy foods, and Baker agreed to long-acting injections of an anti-psychotic medication that cleared her mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was time to enter a plea. Kayfetz knew a guilty plea would jeopardize Baker’s housing — and her stability. But there was another option — she could plead \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=1026.&lawCode=PEN\">not guilty by reason of insanity.\u003c/a> That plea almost always means you go to a state mental hospital for a minimum of six months and often much longer. Baker had to stand up in court and say she understood she might spend the rest of her life there. Because Kayfetz had a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her client was thriving. Sending her hundreds of miles away to a state hospital, she argued, wasn’t necessary or humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Andrus, the district attorney, balked. But the judge agreed with Kayfetz. If Baker complied with her treatment, the felony charge would eventually be dismissed. For years, though, she’d have to check in regularly with the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her progress exceeded expectations. Four years after that fateful Thanksgiving, Baker received training to work as a peer facilitator for a weekly mental health support group. Dipping into her meager disability checks, she prepped healthy stews and soups for the group in her tiny kitchen and brought in Bingo prizes she bought at the Dollar General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11865582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11865582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS47871_MarleneLentilStew-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marlene Baker prepares lentil stew in September 2019 in the tiny kitchen of her studio apartment. \u003ccite>(Lee Romney)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her relationship with her family healed, too, especially with her mom and sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, on a sweltering August day in 2019, her case came up on the Siskiyou County Superior Court calendar for the very last time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marlene Baker got to the courthouse in a crushed velvet spaghetti-strap dress and lavender eye makeup. She hadn’t slept. She was too nervous. The judge congratulated her and declared her “restored” — as in restored to sanity. Within minutes, her long ordeal in the criminal justice system was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Loss and Hope\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sanity cannot stave off hardship. Within months of her court victory, Baker’s longtime case worker died unexpectedly. Then came COVID-19 and deep isolation. Baker’s peer group has technically been allowed to meet. But “nobody wants to go because it’s 6 feet apart and you can’t eat in there,” she said, “and that’s why they always came. I would bring them good food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker’s visits with her psychiatrist are no longer in person, just phone calls. So the long-acting injections are out, too. She has to remember to take her pills each morning. And last fall, more loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom died, and two months later, my dad died,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given all that, Kayfetz said, the fact that Baker is still housed and plugged in to mental health services is a victory. Beyond that, Baker’s success has helped bring about broader change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after her six-year fight to shed her felony charge came to an end, Siskiyou County launched what’s known as a behavioral health court. It wipes the criminal charges off the records of participants who complete treatment. Every inmate who arrives at the jail now takes an iPad questionnaire to determine if they need mental health services or would be good candidates for the new court. If they are, they get that treatment right here in the community, with their liberty intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Jan. 13, 2020, Tony and Terry Lopez’s world came crashing down around them: Their 20-year-old son, whom they called Lil Tony, had been shot in Los Angeles’ San Fernando Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He died the next day. A year later, his family said the loss remains unbearable. The motive for the killing remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was such a beautiful soul. He had a great personality. Everybody was drawn to him,” said Terry Lopez. “He liked to make people laugh. He was goofy. You know, we’re a goofy family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nina Salarno Besselman, executive director of Crime Victims United\"]‘I think when somebody’s been a victim of a crime, they do want to see justice done.’[/pullquote]Ten months later, two brothers were arrested by Los Angeles officials. Jackie Lacey, Los Angeles County’s tough-on-crime district attorney at the time, charged one of the brothers, the 16-year-old alleged shooter, in adult court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lopezes believed he could face decades in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, at the end of the year, a new district attorney, George Gascón, was sworn in. He’d campaigned on a reform agenda, promising to decrease incarceration, and once in office immediately moved to limit the harsh sentencing practices of his predecessor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he got sworn in, they automatically put a halt to any juveniles being transferred to adult court,” said Tony Lopez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change — keeping the alleged shooter in juvenile court — means that even if the teen is convicted, he’ll face a much shorter sentence. Under state law, people charged with crimes in juvenile court can only serve until their 25th birthday, and can also qualify before that for early release. The idea is that young people’s brains are still developing and they should be given a chance at reform rather than locked up for life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Lopez said the family was devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine committing murder, even if you get the max time, which is to the age 25, which is nine years, but to be let out from three to five years is like totally a slap in our face,” he said, noting that he understands the concept of rehabilitation, but not when someone’s life is lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where is the justice for Lil Tony, you know, where’s the justice for the next Lil Tony?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lopez family feels burned by Gascón’s new policies, but the truth is, this debate spans far beyond Los Angeles. California has been moving to restrict long prison sentences for the past decade, and recent law changes have taken particular aim at limiting juvenile punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]The changes have sparked debates about what victims want and need — and who should represent them. Do they want the government to focus on punishment? Or should the focus be crime prevention, rehabilitation and support services for survivors of crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have traditionally advocated for crime victims in California believe Gascón and others are forgetting about the central role of the justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when somebody’s been a victim of a crime, they do want to see justice done,” said Nina Salarno Besselman, a prosecutor and executive director of the three-decades old Crime Victims United, and also a survivor of violent crime — her sister was murdered in 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salarno Besselman’s group has historically been aligned with law enforcement, and helped push many of the state’s tough-on-crime laws, including the harsher sentences for juvenile offenders that are now being rethought by prosecutors like Gascón and a host of state lawmakers and voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an accountability and a justice component that seems to be getting forgotten these days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"criminal-justice\"]For a long time, Salarno Besselman and her group were among the loudest voices advocating for survivors of crime. But in recent years, other groups have emerged with a different approach focused less on prison sentences and more on crime prevention, rehabilitation and support services for crime survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins is executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a pro-reform advocacy group that has built out a national network of more than 10,000 crime survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins is herself a survivor: Two of her brothers were killed by gun violence over the past decade in the largely Black San Francisco neighborhood they grew up in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come from a community where the majority of us are not recognized as crime victims at all, or survivors at all,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins, who is a strong supporter of the kind of criminal justice reforms that leaders like Gascón are pushing for, noted that most victims don’t get any chance to demand accountability: No arrests have been made in the majority of violent crimes — including both of her brothers’ murders — over the last decade, according to state crime data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I think it’s critical for us to have a voice in this conversation. Black and brown communities and disadvantaged communities experience the bulk of trauma and crime and violence. And they’re the least resourced. We’re the least resourced, the least responded to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins said local governments have historically responded to crime and violence in those communities with more policing, which leads to more people being caught up in the criminal justice system. A \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/wp-content/uploads/February-2021-LA-Survivor-Poll.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> her group commissioned in Los Angeles County of more than 700 survivors of violent crime showed that most support changes to the justice system, with greater focus on rehabilitating offenders and preventing future crime, and less on simply punishing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what survivors really want, Hollins said, is help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found that most survivors don’t get the support they need after experiencing a violent crime, whether that be help navigating the justice system, financial assistance to help with medical costs, property damage or lost income, or broader help like mental health counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I go back to my moment of losing my brothers. And, you know what we needed most for that moment? What we needed were people that were compassionate. We needed people that could give us the insight and understanding of how the system works or doesn’t work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins believes the poll findings show that the victims’ rights conversation has been co-opted by law enforcement and more privileged Californians who don’t suffer from either the bulk of victimization or the consequences of having community members locked up in prison.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice\"]‘Black and brown communities and disadvantaged communities experience the bulk of trauma and crime and violence. And they’re the least resourced.’[/pullquote]“A lot of the traditional victims’ advocates have outright said that people of color, people from our communities and those who have intersections with the criminal justice system, whether they have friends or family members who have had contact, that they don’t deserve to identify themselves as crime survivors or crime victims,” Hollins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Los Angeles, critics of Gascón say that the sudden shift in policies there are leaving all mourning families in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired L.A. prosecutor Kathy Cady is one of a dozen or so former deputy DAs who have been volunteering to represent families — including the Lopez’s — in court when Gascón’s office moves to reduce criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said those on the other side of this debate are right to advocate for more victims’ services, but that shouldn’t be a substitute for appropriate consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what victims want is they want to make sure that people are held accountable. And being held accountable doesn’t mean that you all of a sudden just get, you know, charges or allegations dropped,” Cady said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said he understands the Lopezes and other crime survivors are hurting, and that he does believe in holding offenders accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no question that when we lose a child or a husband or wife or brother or sister, those are devastating events,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gascón said that past efforts to enact harsh sentences haven’t left communities safer; they’ve only created more victims, left families without parents and packed state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said he wants to enlist the help of a wide range of survivors’ voices to shape local policy, and has put together a victims’ advisory board to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have become very accustomed to equating the harm reduction or mitigation of pain, if you will, with inflicting pain and punishment on the other side,” he said. “And unfortunately, that’s gotten us to where we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ten months later, two brothers were arrested by Los Angeles officials. Jackie Lacey, Los Angeles County’s tough-on-crime district attorney at the time, charged one of the brothers, the 16-year-old alleged shooter, in adult court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lopezes believed he could face decades in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, at the end of the year, a new district attorney, George Gascón, was sworn in. He’d campaigned on a reform agenda, promising to decrease incarceration, and once in office immediately moved to limit the harsh sentencing practices of his predecessor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he got sworn in, they automatically put a halt to any juveniles being transferred to adult court,” said Tony Lopez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change — keeping the alleged shooter in juvenile court — means that even if the teen is convicted, he’ll face a much shorter sentence. Under state law, people charged with crimes in juvenile court can only serve until their 25th birthday, and can also qualify before that for early release. The idea is that young people’s brains are still developing and they should be given a chance at reform rather than locked up for life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Lopez said the family was devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine committing murder, even if you get the max time, which is to the age 25, which is nine years, but to be let out from three to five years is like totally a slap in our face,” he said, noting that he understands the concept of rehabilitation, but not when someone’s life is lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where is the justice for Lil Tony, you know, where’s the justice for the next Lil Tony?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lopez family feels burned by Gascón’s new policies, but the truth is, this debate spans far beyond Los Angeles. California has been moving to restrict long prison sentences for the past decade, and recent law changes have taken particular aim at limiting juvenile punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The changes have sparked debates about what victims want and need — and who should represent them. Do they want the government to focus on punishment? Or should the focus be crime prevention, rehabilitation and support services for survivors of crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have traditionally advocated for crime victims in California believe Gascón and others are forgetting about the central role of the justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think when somebody’s been a victim of a crime, they do want to see justice done,” said Nina Salarno Besselman, a prosecutor and executive director of the three-decades old Crime Victims United, and also a survivor of violent crime — her sister was murdered in 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salarno Besselman’s group has historically been aligned with law enforcement, and helped push many of the state’s tough-on-crime laws, including the harsher sentences for juvenile offenders that are now being rethought by prosecutors like Gascón and a host of state lawmakers and voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an accountability and a justice component that seems to be getting forgotten these days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For a long time, Salarno Besselman and her group were among the loudest voices advocating for survivors of crime. But in recent years, other groups have emerged with a different approach focused less on prison sentences and more on crime prevention, rehabilitation and support services for crime survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins is executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a pro-reform advocacy group that has built out a national network of more than 10,000 crime survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins is herself a survivor: Two of her brothers were killed by gun violence over the past decade in the largely Black San Francisco neighborhood they grew up in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come from a community where the majority of us are not recognized as crime victims at all, or survivors at all,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins, who is a strong supporter of the kind of criminal justice reforms that leaders like Gascón are pushing for, noted that most victims don’t get any chance to demand accountability: No arrests have been made in the majority of violent crimes — including both of her brothers’ murders — over the last decade, according to state crime data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I think it’s critical for us to have a voice in this conversation. Black and brown communities and disadvantaged communities experience the bulk of trauma and crime and violence. And they’re the least resourced. We’re the least resourced, the least responded to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins said local governments have historically responded to crime and violence in those communities with more policing, which leads to more people being caught up in the criminal justice system. A \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/wp-content/uploads/February-2021-LA-Survivor-Poll.pdf\">recent survey\u003c/a> her group commissioned in Los Angeles County of more than 700 survivors of violent crime showed that most support changes to the justice system, with greater focus on rehabilitating offenders and preventing future crime, and less on simply punishing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what survivors really want, Hollins said, is help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll found that most survivors don’t get the support they need after experiencing a violent crime, whether that be help navigating the justice system, financial assistance to help with medical costs, property damage or lost income, or broader help like mental health counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I go back to my moment of losing my brothers. And, you know what we needed most for that moment? What we needed were people that were compassionate. We needed people that could give us the insight and understanding of how the system works or doesn’t work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hollins believes the poll findings show that the victims’ rights conversation has been co-opted by law enforcement and more privileged Californians who don’t suffer from either the bulk of victimization or the consequences of having community members locked up in prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“A lot of the traditional victims’ advocates have outright said that people of color, people from our communities and those who have intersections with the criminal justice system, whether they have friends or family members who have had contact, that they don’t deserve to identify themselves as crime survivors or crime victims,” Hollins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Los Angeles, critics of Gascón say that the sudden shift in policies there are leaving all mourning families in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retired L.A. prosecutor Kathy Cady is one of a dozen or so former deputy DAs who have been volunteering to represent families — including the Lopez’s — in court when Gascón’s office moves to reduce criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said those on the other side of this debate are right to advocate for more victims’ services, but that shouldn’t be a substitute for appropriate consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what victims want is they want to make sure that people are held accountable. And being held accountable doesn’t mean that you all of a sudden just get, you know, charges or allegations dropped,” Cady said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said he understands the Lopezes and other crime survivors are hurting, and that he does believe in holding offenders accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is no question that when we lose a child or a husband or wife or brother or sister, those are devastating events,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gascón said that past efforts to enact harsh sentences haven’t left communities safer; they’ve only created more victims, left families without parents and packed state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón said he wants to enlist the help of a wide range of survivors’ voices to shape local policy, and has put together a victims’ advisory board to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have become very accustomed to equating the harm reduction or mitigation of pain, if you will, with inflicting pain and punishment on the other side,” he said. “And unfortunately, that’s gotten us to where we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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