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"content": "\u003cp>On Jan. 1, the toughest data privacy law in the U.S. goes into effect: the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?division=3.&part=4.&lawCode=CIV&title=1.81.5.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why you’re seeing a host of emails pop up in your inbox from various companies announcing updates to their terms of service, particularly their privacy policies. With no similar federal law on the horizon, this one is expected to set the standard nationally for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the year, Californians will be able to find out what personal information a business is collecting about them, their devices and their children, said one of the new law’s co-authors, \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/2019/12/mary-stone-ross-joins-epic.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mary Stone Ross\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll be able to opt out of the sale of their personal information,” she added. “If a company fails to implement reasonable security practices and their personal information is breached, they’ll be allowed to sue those companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Mary Stone Ross, co-author of the CCPA']‘[Data brokers] are collecting and selling presence of children in household, your religion, if you’re moving or expecting a baby. This is something the CCPA will expose, because now you can read their privacy policy.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies can still collect the data: what you buy, where you go and when, all the photos you’ve ever taken, your emails (even the ones you deleted) and more. But companies now must tell you — when you ask — what they’re collecting and delete it at your request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some companies can deny your request if the data is needed to complete a financial transaction or protect against fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies can’t legally sell that data if you tell them not to. But if they do anyway, you can’t sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only for data breaches. So if certain categories of personal information, for example, your Social Security number, are breached, and a business fails to implement reasonable security practices, then you have cause,” said Ross.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>California’s Attorney General Can Prosecute\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"privacy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of Attorney General Xavier Becerra won’t begin to enforce the law until July 1, 2020, but he said he considers the law in effect as of Jan. 1, “right after that first kiss and the hugs and the champagne.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his budget is limited. He said his office is likely to conduct only three enforcement actions a year, though he won’t say against what companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bigger the company, the bigger the problem,” Becerra said. “The bigger the universe that has data that is used in certain ways, that could lead to that violation, the bigger the case will be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about a particularly sensitive kind of information his office is keen to prioritize protection of, Becerra said: “I think my health information is sensitive. I think my Social Security number is sensitive. I think my dating patterns, especially since I’m married, would be sensitive,” Becerra said, jokingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More seriously, he added that “aggressive, early, decisive enforcement” is likely to focus on the sale of data involving children. “The last thing you want is for any company to think that we’re going to be soft on letting you misuse kids’ personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Tech Giants and Data Brokers are Reacting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Industry groups spent the last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773365/how-tech-companies-are-trying-to-gut-the-california-consumer-privacy-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">trying to rewrite and soften\u003c/a> the law. It’s expected they’ll sue to stop the CCPA’s rollout, even as most have taken some steps to comply with it. Many businesses complain there’s a lack of clarity on the regulations that Becerra’s staff is \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/privacy/ccpa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">still \u003c/a>crafting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For businesses, the attorney general’s office has released a Standardized Regulatory Impact Assessment outlining the potential scope of the new law, but businesses want the office to produce sample forms and notices as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, some companies like \u003ca href=\"https://blogs.microsoft.com/on-the-issues/2019/11/11/microsoft-california-privacy-rights/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Microsoft\u003c/a> are adopting the new rules across the nation immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other companies are taking a different view. While Facebook has made it easy to \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/help/1701730696756992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">download your data\u003c/a> — as has \u003ca href=\"https://help.twitter.com/en/managing-your-account/accessing-your-twitter-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://takeout.google.com/settings/takeout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Google\u003c/a> — the Menlo Park-based social media giant argues it sells advertisers access to you, so it’s up to the advertisers to let you opt out or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re committed to clearly explaining how our products work, including the fact that we do not sell people’s data,” the company posted \u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/news/2019/12/californias-new-privacy-law/amp/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">online.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t pass the smell test for a number of industry watchers, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/our-faculty/faculty-profiles/chris-hoofnagle/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chris Hoofnagle\u003c/a>, who teaches tech regulation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Facebook, in particular, appears to be interpreting the law in a very opportunistic way. So that they don’t actually need to do anything to comply with it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoofnagle thinks the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley are in a financial position to bet it will be awhile before the attorney general’s office comes for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Chris Hoofnagle, UC Berkeley professor']‘Enforcement is the big unknown here. But Facebook will be in trouble if the attorney general picks up the law and uses it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money they could make in the meantime is no joke: Facebook made \u003ca href=\"https://investor.fb.com/investor-news/press-release-details/2019/Facebook-Reports-Fourth-Quarter-and-Full-Year-2018-Results/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$55 billion in 2018\u003c/a> providing advertisers access to users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enforcement is the big unknown here. But Facebook will be in trouble if the attorney general picks up the law and uses it,” Hoofnagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law applies to any company that meets any one of three thresholds annually: It has at least $25 million in revenue, makes at least half its money by selling data or gathers information on at least 50,000 consumers. Companies that don’t fix violations within 30 days of being notified can be fined up to $7,500 for each intentional violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means the law will impact data brokers — companies built on collecting and selling information whether or not consumers are aware of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data tracking and selling has become big business for a wide variety of companies, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11771923/connected-cars-race-to-market-raising-cybersecurity-fears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">automakers\u003c/a>, retailers, software companies and others you may not realize are serving advertisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of us have technically agreed to the tracking and sale by clicking “yes” on those impossible-to-read acceptance forms required to use a host of websites and mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think about the last party invitation you received through Evite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re collecting inferences that they glean from the invitation. So they’re collecting and selling presence of children in household, your religion, if you’re moving or expecting a baby,” Mary Ross said. “This is something the CCPA will expose, because now you can read their \u003ca href=\"https://www.evite.com/content/privacy_policy?utm_campaign=privacy_policy&utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=GUEST_CONFIRM_RSVP\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">privacy policy.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s an excerpt from Evite’s privacy policy:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>We may also collect and store personal information about other people that you provide to us when you use our Services, including (without limitation) email address, physical address. So, for example, if you use our Service to send other people a gift, information that may interest them, invitations or correspondence, or other communications through our Services, we may store and use the information you provide to us.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Will the new law make the average California citizen more conscious of data tracking? Data privacy activists like Ross are hoping that even if individuals aren’t keen to dig into the fine print, lawyers and journalists will do so in a way that garners public attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other data privacy laws like this one are expected to crop up in other states too, because there is no federal law — despite the introduction of several bills in Washington D.C., like the \u003ca href=\"https://eshoo.house.gov/news-stories/press-releases/eshoo-lofgren-introduce-the-online-privacy-act/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> put forward by Silicon Valley congresswomen Anna Eshoo and Zoe Lofgren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Industry advocates were worried that other states were going to follow the California and have their own version of the CCPA,” said Ross. “It would probably only take one other state to pass their own version … and then there will be a lot of pressure on Congress to pass federal legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Jan. 1, the toughest data privacy law in the U.S. goes into effect: the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?division=3.&part=4.&lawCode=CIV&title=1.81.5.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Consumer Privacy Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why you’re seeing a host of emails pop up in your inbox from various companies announcing updates to their terms of service, particularly their privacy policies. With no similar federal law on the horizon, this one is expected to set the standard nationally for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the year, Californians will be able to find out what personal information a business is collecting about them, their devices and their children, said one of the new law’s co-authors, \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/2019/12/mary-stone-ross-joins-epic.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mary Stone Ross\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ll be able to opt out of the sale of their personal information,” she added. “If a company fails to implement reasonable security practices and their personal information is breached, they’ll be allowed to sue those companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of Attorney General Xavier Becerra won’t begin to enforce the law until July 1, 2020, but he said he considers the law in effect as of Jan. 1, “right after that first kiss and the hugs and the champagne.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his budget is limited. He said his office is likely to conduct only three enforcement actions a year, though he won’t say against what companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bigger the company, the bigger the problem,” Becerra said. “The bigger the universe that has data that is used in certain ways, that could lead to that violation, the bigger the case will be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about a particularly sensitive kind of information his office is keen to prioritize protection of, Becerra said: “I think my health information is sensitive. I think my Social Security number is sensitive. I think my dating patterns, especially since I’m married, would be sensitive,” Becerra said, jokingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More seriously, he added that “aggressive, early, decisive enforcement” is likely to focus on the sale of data involving children. “The last thing you want is for any company to think that we’re going to be soft on letting you misuse kids’ personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Tech Giants and Data Brokers are Reacting\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Industry groups spent the last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11773365/how-tech-companies-are-trying-to-gut-the-california-consumer-privacy-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">trying to rewrite and soften\u003c/a> the law. It’s expected they’ll sue to stop the CCPA’s rollout, even as most have taken some steps to comply with it. Many businesses complain there’s a lack of clarity on the regulations that Becerra’s staff is \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/privacy/ccpa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">still \u003c/a>crafting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For businesses, the attorney general’s office has released a Standardized Regulatory Impact Assessment outlining the potential scope of the new law, but businesses want the office to produce sample forms and notices as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, some companies like \u003ca href=\"https://blogs.microsoft.com/on-the-issues/2019/11/11/microsoft-california-privacy-rights/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Microsoft\u003c/a> are adopting the new rules across the nation immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other companies are taking a different view. While Facebook has made it easy to \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/help/1701730696756992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">download your data\u003c/a> — as has \u003ca href=\"https://help.twitter.com/en/managing-your-account/accessing-your-twitter-data\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Twitter\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://takeout.google.com/settings/takeout\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Google\u003c/a> — the Menlo Park-based social media giant argues it sells advertisers access to you, so it’s up to the advertisers to let you opt out or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re committed to clearly explaining how our products work, including the fact that we do not sell people’s data,” the company posted \u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/news/2019/12/californias-new-privacy-law/amp/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">online.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t pass the smell test for a number of industry watchers, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/our-faculty/faculty-profiles/chris-hoofnagle/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Chris Hoofnagle\u003c/a>, who teaches tech regulation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Facebook, in particular, appears to be interpreting the law in a very opportunistic way. So that they don’t actually need to do anything to comply with it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoofnagle thinks the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley are in a financial position to bet it will be awhile before the attorney general’s office comes for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money they could make in the meantime is no joke: Facebook made \u003ca href=\"https://investor.fb.com/investor-news/press-release-details/2019/Facebook-Reports-Fourth-Quarter-and-Full-Year-2018-Results/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">$55 billion in 2018\u003c/a> providing advertisers access to users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enforcement is the big unknown here. But Facebook will be in trouble if the attorney general picks up the law and uses it,” Hoofnagle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law applies to any company that meets any one of three thresholds annually: It has at least $25 million in revenue, makes at least half its money by selling data or gathers information on at least 50,000 consumers. Companies that don’t fix violations within 30 days of being notified can be fined up to $7,500 for each intentional violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means the law will impact data brokers — companies built on collecting and selling information whether or not consumers are aware of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data tracking and selling has become big business for a wide variety of companies, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11771923/connected-cars-race-to-market-raising-cybersecurity-fears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">automakers\u003c/a>, retailers, software companies and others you may not realize are serving advertisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of us have technically agreed to the tracking and sale by clicking “yes” on those impossible-to-read acceptance forms required to use a host of websites and mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think about the last party invitation you received through Evite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re collecting inferences that they glean from the invitation. So they’re collecting and selling presence of children in household, your religion, if you’re moving or expecting a baby,” Mary Ross said. “This is something the CCPA will expose, because now you can read their \u003ca href=\"https://www.evite.com/content/privacy_policy?utm_campaign=privacy_policy&utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=GUEST_CONFIRM_RSVP\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">privacy policy.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s an excerpt from Evite’s privacy policy:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>We may also collect and store personal information about other people that you provide to us when you use our Services, including (without limitation) email address, physical address. So, for example, if you use our Service to send other people a gift, information that may interest them, invitations or correspondence, or other communications through our Services, we may store and use the information you provide to us.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Will the new law make the average California citizen more conscious of data tracking? Data privacy activists like Ross are hoping that even if individuals aren’t keen to dig into the fine print, lawyers and journalists will do so in a way that garners public attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other data privacy laws like this one are expected to crop up in other states too, because there is no federal law — despite the introduction of several bills in Washington D.C., like the \u003ca href=\"https://eshoo.house.gov/news-stories/press-releases/eshoo-lofgren-introduce-the-online-privacy-act/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Online Privacy Act\u003c/a> put forward by Silicon Valley congresswomen Anna Eshoo and Zoe Lofgren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Industry advocates were worried that other states were going to follow the California and have their own version of the CCPA,” said Ross. “It would probably only take one other state to pass their own version … and then there will be a lot of pressure on Congress to pass federal legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An inmate in solitary confinement at a California jail was refusing to leave his cell. The jailers' usual response: Send an “extraction team” of corrections officers to burst into the cell and drag him out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not in Contra Costa County, one of three in the state using a kinder, gentler approach in response to inmate lawsuits, a policy change that experts say could be a national model for reducing the use of isolation cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the inmate was asked: \"What if we gave you a couple extra cookies and another sandwich? Would you move?” recalled Don Specter, the nonprofit Prison Law Office director who negotiated the new policies. “He said yes. ... They were like, ‘Wow.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a quarter of U.S. states and numerous smaller jurisdictions are looking for ways to reduce the use of solitary confinement, according to the Vera Institute of Justice, which encourages alternatives to a practice behavioral experts say is dehumanizing and can worsen mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new policies in California came after Specter’s firm sued seven of California’s 58 counties, alleging that conditions had grown inhumane as jails absorbed inmates who previously would have served their sentences in state prisons. The state in 2011 began sending less serious offenders to local jails for years at a time to ease crowding in state penitentiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some jurisdictions nationwide are banning isolation for young offenders, pregnant women or those with mental health diagnoses. The California counties’ approach of generally limiting it to those who engage in continued violent behavior has dramatically reduced the number of inmates in isolation and the length of time they stay there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa started 2019 with about 100 people in solitary, most jailsfor more than a year. It had just three in isolation cells by December, after officials began using the new approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rick Raemisch, executive director of the Colorado Department of Corrections\"]'Think of yourself being in a cell the size of a parking space for 23 hours a day. At a minimum you’re going to get angry, and when you get angry you’re going to fight back.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County also is following the policy pioneered by Santa Clara County, while Fresno County is considering it. Among other things, it encourages the use of low-cost incentives to reward good behavior, like the opportunity to listen to the radio, watch a movie or get an extra snack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County has cut its isolated population roughly in half, to about 60 inmates, said Lt. Alex McCamy: “It’s a limited time frame and a limited group, but the initial impression is positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rick Raemisch, who restricted the use of solitary confinement when he headed Colorado’s prison system, said the violent, tense, dirty conditions in Santa Clara County's jail improved markedly with the new policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Think of yourself being in a cell the size of a parking space for 23 hours a day,” said Raemisch, who consulted with county officials. “At a minimum you’re going to get angry, and when you get angry you’re going to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inmates nationwide are most often segregated for nonviolent “nuisance infractions” like smoking, cursing, disobeying orders or having unauthorized items from the commissary, said the Vera Institute’s Sara Sullivan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County once locked a woman in solitary confinement for 2 1/2 years for talking back to correctional officers or yelling and banging on her cell door with other detainees, according to Specter's lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California counties’ new policy of restricting its use to continued violent behavior could be seen as a national pilot program, Sullivan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"solitary-confinement\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Jersey's Middlesex County Adult Correction Center has lowered the number of isolated inmates and the time they spend there, she said, but with a different approach that lets inmates out of their cells more frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hampden County Correctional Center in Massachusetts increased its use of alternative sanctions and positive reinforcement. And Cook County, Illinois, no longer keeps troublesome inmates in isolation, allowing them to regularly spend time with about a half-dozen other inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a decades-long effort to reform solitary, especially in prisons. But what we haven’t seen is a paired reform effort for jails,” said Amy Fettig, director of the American Civil Liberty Union’s Stop Solitary campaign. “In Santa Clara what we’re seeing is an attempt to reform the whole process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long-term isolation can be so debilitating, Fettig said, that she’s had clients cut themselves “just to feel something because they’ve become numb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County once had 400 inmates in solitary confinement. Specter’s client in Santa Clara County had been in solitary confinement for nearly five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By last fall there were about 40 inmates confined to isolation cells for an average of about two months, and just 26 by December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Sheriff Laurie Smith said she and many deputies were initially skeptical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has surprised me, and I think it’s very, very good for our inmates,” she said. “I think what we’re doing is correct, and I think it’s working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said she remains concerned that assaults on staff are up. She said the increase is logical, however, since inmates locked in their cells virtually around the clock have little opportunity to assault anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sgt. Todd Kendrick, president of the county's correctional officers association, attributed the increase to other less restrictive jail policies as well as the easing of solitary confinement. He and Smith both called for increased staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said the county fell into a pattern of protectively isolating inmates to separate purported gang members and those charged with murder and to safeguard jailhouse informants or sex offenders for fear they would be harmed. Officials sought to improve after several major incidents, including deaths in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most jails, three-quarters or more of inmates had not been convicted of a crime and yet spent months and sometimes years awaiting trial in isolation. Under the new policy, “it’s really our philosophy to use that when it’s absolutely necessary, when there’s extraordinary risk,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jail employees work to get inmates out of segregation as quickly as possible, often using a system in which inmates agree, in writing, not to assault each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One inmate refused for 1 1/2 years to leave solitary because he had testified against other gang members, recalled Capt. Thomas Duran, who coordinates the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he saw other longtime inmates leaving segregation and eventually agreed to try it. Rather than put him immediately in with other inmates, deputies paired him with a single inmate — then two other inmates, then four and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent more and more time out of his solitary cell until he was fully back into the general jail population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to set the inmates up not to fail,” Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Jersey's Middlesex County Adult Correction Center has lowered the number of isolated inmates and the time they spend there, she said, but with a different approach that lets inmates out of their cells more frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hampden County Correctional Center in Massachusetts increased its use of alternative sanctions and positive reinforcement. And Cook County, Illinois, no longer keeps troublesome inmates in isolation, allowing them to regularly spend time with about a half-dozen other inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a decades-long effort to reform solitary, especially in prisons. But what we haven’t seen is a paired reform effort for jails,” said Amy Fettig, director of the American Civil Liberty Union’s Stop Solitary campaign. “In Santa Clara what we’re seeing is an attempt to reform the whole process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long-term isolation can be so debilitating, Fettig said, that she’s had clients cut themselves “just to feel something because they’ve become numb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County once had 400 inmates in solitary confinement. Specter’s client in Santa Clara County had been in solitary confinement for nearly five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By last fall there were about 40 inmates confined to isolation cells for an average of about two months, and just 26 by December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Sheriff Laurie Smith said she and many deputies were initially skeptical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has surprised me, and I think it’s very, very good for our inmates,” she said. “I think what we’re doing is correct, and I think it’s working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said she remains concerned that assaults on staff are up. She said the increase is logical, however, since inmates locked in their cells virtually around the clock have little opportunity to assault anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sgt. Todd Kendrick, president of the county's correctional officers association, attributed the increase to other less restrictive jail policies as well as the easing of solitary confinement. He and Smith both called for increased staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said the county fell into a pattern of protectively isolating inmates to separate purported gang members and those charged with murder and to safeguard jailhouse informants or sex offenders for fear they would be harmed. Officials sought to improve after several major incidents, including deaths in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most jails, three-quarters or more of inmates had not been convicted of a crime and yet spent months and sometimes years awaiting trial in isolation. Under the new policy, “it’s really our philosophy to use that when it’s absolutely necessary, when there’s extraordinary risk,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jail employees work to get inmates out of segregation as quickly as possible, often using a system in which inmates agree, in writing, not to assault each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One inmate refused for 1 1/2 years to leave solitary because he had testified against other gang members, recalled Capt. Thomas Duran, who coordinates the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he saw other longtime inmates leaving segregation and eventually agreed to try it. Rather than put him immediately in with other inmates, deputies paired him with a single inmate — then two other inmates, then four and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent more and more time out of his solitary cell until he was fully back into the general jail population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Supreme Court revived a long-running debate Thursday when it reinstated a lawsuit over whether psychotherapists must tell authorities when patients report they are attracted to child pornography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"sex-offenders\"] Lower courts had tossed out the lawsuit by three therapists who argued that California's mandatory reporting law violates patient confidentiality and dissuades patients from revealing that they downloaded or electronically viewed child pornography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court split 4-3 in favor of reinstating the case and sending it back to state Superior Court, where the burden will fall to the offices of the state attorney general and Los Angeles County district attorney to show whether the mandatory reporting protects children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dissenting justices said the therapists were unlikely to win the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority was careful to note that the therapists had argued that the patients in the case do not present a serious risk of sexual contact with children. Those justices also concluded that patient privacy rights only apply to disclosures during voluntary psychotherapy sessions, not to actually possessing or viewing child porn, which remains illegal and reportable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor do the rights apply if the therapist “believes the patient has committed hands-on sexual abuse or poses a threat of doing so,” the justices said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What's key in the majority's decision is not that they're saying that they agree with the psychotherapists,\" said Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson. \"They're not saying that necessarily they will win down the road. All they're saying is that the next step is to have a trial.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a 2014 law that modernized California's 40-year-old mandatory reporting requirement by including downloading, streaming and electronically accessing child porn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six other states have laws requiring mandatory reporting of psychotherapy patients who knowingly possess or view child pornography. Another 10 states allow exceptions to psychotherapist-patient privacy for child abuse or neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority on the state's high court noted, however, that no other states had interpreted their laws to include simple possession or viewing of child porn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three of the therapists involved in the lawsuit are experienced at treating sex addiction. One founded what the lawsuit calls the nation's largest outpatient treatment center for sexual compulsion or addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing patients to admit their problems “is an essential prerequisite for patients to seek and succeed in treatment,” the suit argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet patients who fear being reported to police will either stop therapy because they face criminal prosecution and public outrage, or stop being candid with their therapists, the lawsuit states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general and district attorney argued that patients' privacy rights under the state constitution are outweighed by the law's requirement that therapists report dangerous patients.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Lower courts had tossed out the lawsuit by three therapists who argued that California's mandatory reporting law violates patient confidentiality and dissuades patients from revealing that they downloaded or electronically viewed child pornography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high court split 4-3 in favor of reinstating the case and sending it back to state Superior Court, where the burden will fall to the offices of the state attorney general and Los Angeles County district attorney to show whether the mandatory reporting protects children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dissenting justices said the therapists were unlikely to win the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority was careful to note that the therapists had argued that the patients in the case do not present a serious risk of sexual contact with children. Those justices also concluded that patient privacy rights only apply to disclosures during voluntary psychotherapy sessions, not to actually possessing or viewing child porn, which remains illegal and reportable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor do the rights apply if the therapist “believes the patient has committed hands-on sexual abuse or poses a threat of doing so,” the justices said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What's key in the majority's decision is not that they're saying that they agree with the psychotherapists,\" said Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson. \"They're not saying that necessarily they will win down the road. All they're saying is that the next step is to have a trial.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a 2014 law that modernized California's 40-year-old mandatory reporting requirement by including downloading, streaming and electronically accessing child porn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six other states have laws requiring mandatory reporting of psychotherapy patients who knowingly possess or view child pornography. Another 10 states allow exceptions to psychotherapist-patient privacy for child abuse or neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority on the state's high court noted, however, that no other states had interpreted their laws to include simple possession or viewing of child porn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three of the therapists involved in the lawsuit are experienced at treating sex addiction. One founded what the lawsuit calls the nation's largest outpatient treatment center for sexual compulsion or addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allowing patients to admit their problems “is an essential prerequisite for patients to seek and succeed in treatment,” the suit argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet patients who fear being reported to police will either stop therapy because they face criminal prosecution and public outrage, or stop being candid with their therapists, the lawsuit states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general and district attorney argued that patients' privacy rights under the state constitution are outweighed by the law's requirement that therapists report dangerous patients.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Burning Man organizers sued the U.S. Bureau of Land Management to recover millions of dollars they say the government has overcharged them in fees over the past seven years at the counter-culture celebration in the Nevada desert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black Rock City LLC, the nonprofit that produces the annual Burning Man event, filed the lawsuit Dec. 13 in U.S. District Court in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.rgj.com/story/life/arts/burning-man/2019/12/18/burning-man-2020-lawsuit-bureau-of-land-management/2678285001/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reno Gazette Journal\u003c/a> they're tired of waiting over the past four years for the bureau to provide justification for the nearly $3 million it charges annually for a permit to hold the 80,000-person event in the Black Rock Desert about 100 miles north of Reno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='burning-man' label='Related Coverage.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This case is our attempt to break this cycle,\" Burning Man spokeswoman Megan Miller said in an email to the newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Burning Man organization is seeking \"relief from defendants' ongoing, unlawful and prejudicial conduct towards (Black Rock City LLC) that threatens the viability of the iconic Burning Man event,\" the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bureau of Land Management officials didn't immediately respond to a request for comment from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Black Rock City has been required to reimburse the BLM, which provides law enforcement and oversight at the event, for its services and expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, the group is required to pay a 3 percent gross receipts fee, or a portion of its revenue. In 2018, organizers reported nearly $44 million in revenue from the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black Rock City earlier this year hired the Washington-based lobbying firm Hollard and Knight to take on battles with federal officials, specifically those with the BLM and Department of Interior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past four years, Black Rock City has filed six appeals challenging what it deemed excessive and unjustified costs, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, the BLM's costs have been inflated, according to the lawsuit, though the BLM has failed to provide reasoning for increased costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, Burning Man organizers reimbursed the BLM nearly $1.4 million in expenses, a 60 percent year-over-year increase, though the event population increased by only 4 percent that year, according to the lawsuit. The following year, the same bill was $2.9 million, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In three years, the cost recovery charges increased by 291 percent, and the Burning Man event population increased by 39 percent, Black Rock City attorneys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Burning Man spokeswoman Megan Miller']'This case is our attempt to break this cycle.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the organization paid approximately $2.9 million for the event, excluding the commercial use fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization is trying to free itself from \"this broken and unreasonably burdensome pattern and practice\" executed specifically by the permitting district, the Winnemucca District of the Bureau of Land Management, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers are forced to either \"accept BLM's charges and conditions, however unreasonable, or cancel the already-scheduled Burning Man event,\" the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This case is our attempt to break this cycle,\" Burning Man spokeswoman Megan Miller said in an email to the newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Burning Man organization is seeking \"relief from defendants' ongoing, unlawful and prejudicial conduct towards (Black Rock City LLC) that threatens the viability of the iconic Burning Man event,\" the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bureau of Land Management officials didn't immediately respond to a request for comment from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Black Rock City has been required to reimburse the BLM, which provides law enforcement and oversight at the event, for its services and expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, the group is required to pay a 3 percent gross receipts fee, or a portion of its revenue. In 2018, organizers reported nearly $44 million in revenue from the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black Rock City earlier this year hired the Washington-based lobbying firm Hollard and Knight to take on battles with federal officials, specifically those with the BLM and Department of Interior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past four years, Black Rock City has filed six appeals challenging what it deemed excessive and unjustified costs, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2012, the BLM's costs have been inflated, according to the lawsuit, though the BLM has failed to provide reasoning for increased costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, Burning Man organizers reimbursed the BLM nearly $1.4 million in expenses, a 60 percent year-over-year increase, though the event population increased by only 4 percent that year, according to the lawsuit. The following year, the same bill was $2.9 million, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In three years, the cost recovery charges increased by 291 percent, and the Burning Man event population increased by 39 percent, Black Rock City attorneys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the organization paid approximately $2.9 million for the event, excluding the commercial use fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization is trying to free itself from \"this broken and unreasonably burdensome pattern and practice\" executed specifically by the permitting district, the Winnemucca District of the Bureau of Land Management, according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers are forced to either \"accept BLM's charges and conditions, however unreasonable, or cancel the already-scheduled Burning Man event,\" the lawsuit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "'Moms 4 Housing' Court Hearing Delayed",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, 11 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the living room of the house at 2928 Magnolia Street, a big paper sign advises visitors to remove their shoes. Large black letters identify the space as a \"Baby Zone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Walker’s 1-year-old has been learning to walk in the carpeted living room of the West Oakland dwelling. The family has been settling in since Walker, 34, and her co-occupant Sameerah Karim, 41, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787750/two-homeless-moms-occupy-vacant-house-to-protest-oakland-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">entered the house without permission\u003c/a> in November. The property is owned by a real estate investment company in Redondo Beach, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792897\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_2132-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign reading \"No Shoes, This Floor is a Baby Zone\" hangs in the West Oakland house currently occupied by two moms. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two mothers, both homeless, occupied the house to not only find shelter but also draw attention to the vast number of properties in Oakland that currently stand vacant — often because of real estate speculation — amid the city's housing crisis. This comes as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792743/hud-report-2-7-uptick-in-nations-homeless-population-due-to-california-spike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent federal report\u003c/a> found a 2.7% increase in homelessness nationwide, driven almost \"entirely\" by a 16.4% increase in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since occupying the house, the two women have done their best to make it a home in time for the holidays. Their Christmas tree is decorated, and Walker said they plan to make a gingerbread house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their stay here may be short-lived. In early December, Walker and Karim received an eviction notice from Wedgewood LLC, which owns the investment company that owns the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were dealt a blow on Tuesday when Alameda County Superior Court Judge Patrick McKinney issued a tentative ruling in favor of Wedgewood that said “the claims do not appear to provide a basis for a valid claim of right to possession and instead contend only that the claimants have a right to occupy the subject premises.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights attorney Leah Simon-Weisberg said her clients still plan to make their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll be talking about why housing is a human right and why that is a basis for the court to interject itself and say, 'Yes, they can stay,' \" said Weisberg. “The fact that the judge wants to hear what we have to say is encouraging.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nikki4oakland/status/1209591107308281857?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the two occupants had prepared to contest the eviction \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11791573/moms-4-housing-fights-eviction-in-court\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> in court\u003c/a>, only to find out in the morning that the judge had postponed the hearing until Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the women's many supporters are Oakland City Council President Rebecca Kaplan and Councilmembers Nikki Fortunato Bas, Dan Kalb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are asking for is simple. Wedgwood: Sit down with Moms for Housing and negotiate the purchase of this home so that they can stay here in their community,\" said Bas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='affordable-housing' label='More Coverage.']Wedgewood, however, has said they won't negotiate with the women while they are unlawfully living in the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unexpectedly, the Southern California-based youth shelter program Shelter 37 inserted themselves into the showdown on Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/moms4housing/status/1209344187730034688?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">urging the women to leave the property\u003c/a> so it could be converted into a shelter space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I encourage Mothers 4 Housing to voluntarily leave the property as quickly as possible so that we can train disadvantaged Oakland youths, give them jobs, and teach them skills,\" said shelter founder and former NFL player James Washington in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That interjection, however, has raised suspicions among the women's supporters, some of whom are \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BootsRiley/status/1209627114497957888\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">questioning\u003c/a> the organization’s ties to Wedgewood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this article stated the women \"broke in\" to the home. It has been edited to clarify that they entered the home without permission. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday, 11 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the living room of the house at 2928 Magnolia Street, a big paper sign advises visitors to remove their shoes. Large black letters identify the space as a \"Baby Zone.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dominique Walker’s 1-year-old has been learning to walk in the carpeted living room of the West Oakland dwelling. The family has been settling in since Walker, 34, and her co-occupant Sameerah Karim, 41, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787750/two-homeless-moms-occupy-vacant-house-to-protest-oakland-housing-crisis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">entered the house without permission\u003c/a> in November. The property is owned by a real estate investment company in Redondo Beach, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792897\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_2132-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign reading \"No Shoes, This Floor is a Baby Zone\" hangs in the West Oakland house currently occupied by two moms. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two mothers, both homeless, occupied the house to not only find shelter but also draw attention to the vast number of properties in Oakland that currently stand vacant — often because of real estate speculation — amid the city's housing crisis. This comes as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11792743/hud-report-2-7-uptick-in-nations-homeless-population-due-to-california-spike\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent federal report\u003c/a> found a 2.7% increase in homelessness nationwide, driven almost \"entirely\" by a 16.4% increase in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since occupying the house, the two women have done their best to make it a home in time for the holidays. Their Christmas tree is decorated, and Walker said they plan to make a gingerbread house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their stay here may be short-lived. In early December, Walker and Karim received an eviction notice from Wedgewood LLC, which owns the investment company that owns the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women were dealt a blow on Tuesday when Alameda County Superior Court Judge Patrick McKinney issued a tentative ruling in favor of Wedgewood that said “the claims do not appear to provide a basis for a valid claim of right to possession and instead contend only that the claimants have a right to occupy the subject premises.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants rights attorney Leah Simon-Weisberg said her clients still plan to make their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll be talking about why housing is a human right and why that is a basis for the court to interject itself and say, 'Yes, they can stay,' \" said Weisberg. “The fact that the judge wants to hear what we have to say is encouraging.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the two occupants had prepared to contest the eviction \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11791573/moms-4-housing-fights-eviction-in-court\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> in court\u003c/a>, only to find out in the morning that the judge had postponed the hearing until Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the women's many supporters are Oakland City Council President Rebecca Kaplan and Councilmembers Nikki Fortunato Bas, Dan Kalb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we are asking for is simple. Wedgwood: Sit down with Moms for Housing and negotiate the purchase of this home so that they can stay here in their community,\" said Bas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wedgewood, however, has said they won't negotiate with the women while they are unlawfully living in the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unexpectedly, the Southern California-based youth shelter program Shelter 37 inserted themselves into the showdown on Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/moms4housing/status/1209344187730034688?s=20\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">urging the women to leave the property\u003c/a> so it could be converted into a shelter space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I encourage Mothers 4 Housing to voluntarily leave the property as quickly as possible so that we can train disadvantaged Oakland youths, give them jobs, and teach them skills,\" said shelter founder and former NFL player James Washington in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That interjection, however, has raised suspicions among the women's supporters, some of whom are \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BootsRiley/status/1209627114497957888\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">questioning\u003c/a> the organization’s ties to Wedgewood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this article stated the women \"broke in\" to the home. It has been edited to clarify that they entered the home without permission. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Kent Michitsch seemed to be running out of traditional options to insure the home he’s lived in for more than 30 years northeast of San Diego as California’s massive property insurance market reels from three consecutive years of destructive wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michitsch, 57, has received three non-renewal notices in three years and says he feared getting a fourth one when his homeowners’ policy comes up for renewal the middle of next year if it wasn’t for California lawmaker’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789809/state-bans-insurers-from-dropping-homeowner-policies-in-areas-hit-by-wildfires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent intervention\u003c/a> in the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s constant worry and frustration. You know you’re covered now, but I might have to look for a new policy next year yet again.” Michitsch says he’s never made a claim on his insurance and never had fire damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of homeowners like Michitsch have lost their insurance policies in the last few years as insurers pull out of areas that are at risk of fire damage or stop insuring homes altogether. They’ve been forced to scramble to find coverage from regular insurance providers or to turn as a last resort to a government sanctioned plan that at the moment only provides fire coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Kent Michitsch']‘It’s constant worry and frustration. You know you’re covered now, but I might have to look for a new policy next year yet again.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm, the largest in the state, and Allstate and other insurers declined to renew roughly 350,000 policies in areas at high risk for wildfires since 2015 the California Department of Insurance said back in August, and the department has gotten “record numbers” of requests this year from insurers to increase the rates they charge property owners. The data also shows 33,000 policies were not renewed by insurers in zip codes affected by the major wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the insurance industry says the California property insurance market is resilient, state lawmakers and officials have had to scramble to keep the market from grinding to a halt from the unexpected additional risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California legislature passed a law earlier this year giving the Department of Insurance emergency powers to keep policies in effect for those in fire-prone areas. This month California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara put a one-year moratorium on non-renewals, in hopes that lawmakers, insurance companies and other stakeholders can reach a more substantial solution for the roughly 1 million homeowners in zip codes adjacent to previous wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='wildfires' label='More Coverage.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wildfire insurance crisis has been years in the making, but it is an emergency we must deal with now if we are going to keep the California dream of home ownership from becoming the California nightmare, as an increasing number of homeowners struggle to find coverage,” Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fires of 2017 and 2018 caused a combined $25.3 billion in damages according to the California Department of Insurance. That’s exponentially higher than the previous wildfires in 2015 and 2008, which caused $1.1 billion and $719 million in damages, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance industry has yet to release an estimate of damages from this year’s wildfire season, but the costs are expected to be high. The most significant wildfire this year was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kincade-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kincade fire\u003c/a>, which is started October 23 and has burned 78,000 acres in Sonoma county. It destroyed 374 buildings and damaged another 60, according to the California Department of Forestry & Fire Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wildfires in California will likely make it more difficult for California homeowners to buy insurance,” Stu Ryland, senior vice president of the Pacific Region at Sedgwick, an insurance claims management company. “Premiums are likely to go up, particularly in areas that are prone to wildfires and in some cases, it may be difficult for consumers to find an insurer willing to write their insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some insurers are pulling out and others are reconsidering how they price property insurance, it is still available in one form or another to every homeowner, according to the Insurance Information Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those not insurable by regular insurance providers are having to turn to what’s known as the California FAIR Plan, which is a government-sanctioned association of insurers who pool together to cover the highest risk properties. FAIR Plan insurance currently only covers $1.5 million in damages, although Lara has ordered that starting in April 2020 it will cover $3 million in damages. Currently the FAIR Plan only covers fire, not other forms of risk, but California regulators have announced that FAIR Plan insurers can start doing comprehensive coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California FAIR Plan Association\u003c/a> sued to block those changes, arguing Lara’s order is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karl Susman, owner of Susman Insurance Agency in Los Angeles, says the average annual premium on a homeowner policy plus FAIR to cover fire now costs around $2,500 a year, which is three times higher than it was three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These wildfires are not sustainable for these companies. They aren’t going to go bankrupt but they are just going to stop writing policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Karl Susman']‘I haven’t seen anything like this in the 28 years I’ve been doing this.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susman said he worries that without a longer-term solution the California insurance market will repeat the experience after the 1994 California Northridge earthquake, which caused many insurance carriers to stop offering earthquake insurance. He’s already seen insurance companies limiting their risk to certain zip codes as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t seen anything like this in the 28 years I’ve been doing this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, those who still do have insurance have been able to start rebuilding their lives after the fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie and Dan London of Santa Rosa lost their home in the massive and fatal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tubbs fire of 2017\u003c/a>. They worked quickly after the fire, filing a claim and reaching out to their contractor that same day. But it took them two years to rebuild and move back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many who tried to rebuild after the fire, they ran into obstacles — higher costs for labor and materials and ongoing talks with their insurer. All the same, Dan London feels his insurance company has done a fair job. And while they bought their home in 1979, he has not seen a sharp jump in insurance costs over time. The cost to insure their new home is slightly more, but Dan felt it reflects the increased value of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting something triple, but it’s not at all,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Kent Michitsch seemed to be running out of traditional options to insure the home he’s lived in for more than 30 years northeast of San Diego as California’s massive property insurance market reels from three consecutive years of destructive wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michitsch, 57, has received three non-renewal notices in three years and says he feared getting a fourth one when his homeowners’ policy comes up for renewal the middle of next year if it wasn’t for California lawmaker’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11789809/state-bans-insurers-from-dropping-homeowner-policies-in-areas-hit-by-wildfires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent intervention\u003c/a> in the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s constant worry and frustration. You know you’re covered now, but I might have to look for a new policy next year yet again.” Michitsch says he’s never made a claim on his insurance and never had fire damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of homeowners like Michitsch have lost their insurance policies in the last few years as insurers pull out of areas that are at risk of fire damage or stop insuring homes altogether. They’ve been forced to scramble to find coverage from regular insurance providers or to turn as a last resort to a government sanctioned plan that at the moment only provides fire coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the insurance industry says the California property insurance market is resilient, state lawmakers and officials have had to scramble to keep the market from grinding to a halt from the unexpected additional risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California legislature passed a law earlier this year giving the Department of Insurance emergency powers to keep policies in effect for those in fire-prone areas. This month California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara put a one-year moratorium on non-renewals, in hopes that lawmakers, insurance companies and other stakeholders can reach a more substantial solution for the roughly 1 million homeowners in zip codes adjacent to previous wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wildfire insurance crisis has been years in the making, but it is an emergency we must deal with now if we are going to keep the California dream of home ownership from becoming the California nightmare, as an increasing number of homeowners struggle to find coverage,” Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fires of 2017 and 2018 caused a combined $25.3 billion in damages according to the California Department of Insurance. That’s exponentially higher than the previous wildfires in 2015 and 2008, which caused $1.1 billion and $719 million in damages, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance industry has yet to release an estimate of damages from this year’s wildfire season, but the costs are expected to be high. The most significant wildfire this year was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kincade-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Kincade fire\u003c/a>, which is started October 23 and has burned 78,000 acres in Sonoma county. It destroyed 374 buildings and damaged another 60, according to the California Department of Forestry & Fire Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wildfires in California will likely make it more difficult for California homeowners to buy insurance,” Stu Ryland, senior vice president of the Pacific Region at Sedgwick, an insurance claims management company. “Premiums are likely to go up, particularly in areas that are prone to wildfires and in some cases, it may be difficult for consumers to find an insurer willing to write their insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some insurers are pulling out and others are reconsidering how they price property insurance, it is still available in one form or another to every homeowner, according to the Insurance Information Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those not insurable by regular insurance providers are having to turn to what’s known as the California FAIR Plan, which is a government-sanctioned association of insurers who pool together to cover the highest risk properties. FAIR Plan insurance currently only covers $1.5 million in damages, although Lara has ordered that starting in April 2020 it will cover $3 million in damages. Currently the FAIR Plan only covers fire, not other forms of risk, but California regulators have announced that FAIR Plan insurers can start doing comprehensive coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California FAIR Plan Association\u003c/a> sued to block those changes, arguing Lara’s order is illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karl Susman, owner of Susman Insurance Agency in Los Angeles, says the average annual premium on a homeowner policy plus FAIR to cover fire now costs around $2,500 a year, which is three times higher than it was three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These wildfires are not sustainable for these companies. They aren’t going to go bankrupt but they are just going to stop writing policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susman said he worries that without a longer-term solution the California insurance market will repeat the experience after the 1994 California Northridge earthquake, which caused many insurance carriers to stop offering earthquake insurance. He’s already seen insurance companies limiting their risk to certain zip codes as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t seen anything like this in the 28 years I’ve been doing this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, those who still do have insurance have been able to start rebuilding their lives after the fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie and Dan London of Santa Rosa lost their home in the massive and fatal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tubbs fire of 2017\u003c/a>. They worked quickly after the fire, filing a claim and reaching out to their contractor that same day. But it took them two years to rebuild and move back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many who tried to rebuild after the fire, they ran into obstacles — higher costs for labor and materials and ongoing talks with their insurer. All the same, Dan London feels his insurance company has done a fair job. And while they bought their home in 1979, he has not seen a sharp jump in insurance costs over time. The cost to insure their new home is slightly more, but Dan felt it reflects the increased value of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For decades, major tobacco companies have fought against raising the age limit to buy their products from 18 to 21. But recently, some cigarette and e-cigarette giants have started lobbying for the minimum age to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raising the purchase age to 21 reduces underage access,” a radio ad from e-cigarette giant Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/t21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">declared\u003c/a>. “That’s why Juul Labs supports making 21+ the law nationwide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, President Trump signed a congressional spending bill that includes a new federal regulation raising the age of purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health advocates are not wholeheartedly celebrating the change. They worry it may help the companies stave off further sweeping regulations of their industry and wonder how stringently it will be enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Crane, a physician at Ohio State University, has been campaigning to raise the minimum age for more than two decades through \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco21.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">his group Tobacco 21\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it started pushing for firmer laws, “we were killed at every turn,” he remembers. “The industry hated this idea and they used their very potent political lobbying power to stifle it in every state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archival tobacco industry documents show why the companies objected, says \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco.ucsf.edu/people/stanton-glantz-phd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stan Glantz\u003c/a>, the director of University of California San Francisco’s Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s because it made it harder to market to kids,” he says. “[It’s] very hard to design a marketing campaign where the nominal target [is] … people who are 21, and still pick up 12-year-olds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the beginning of the Tobacco 21 movement, the industry landscape has changed considerably. Now millions of teens are hooked on e-cigarettes, a source of considerable public concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates are currently pushing for more sweeping regulations than the age limit raise, such as banning flavors for e-cigarettes — something the industry has fought. University of Virginia historian \u003ca href=\"https://history.virginia.edu/people/profile/sem9dw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sarah Milov\u003c/a>, who wrote a book about tobacco, says the big companies have likely been willing to accept the stricter age limits “in order to take the public’s eyes off of other proposals for addressing youth vaping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz says he thinks the new federal age restrictions give the industry “something they can argue: ‘Well, we’ve done enough. You don’t need to get rid of flavors,’ which in terms of reducing youth tobacco use is probably the single most important thing to do right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Myers, the president of Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, echoed that idea. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/press-releases/2019_12_11_congress_health_bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in a statement\u003c/a> that the new law “will not bring about meaningful change, but will lead to the tobacco companies falsely claiming that the youth e-cigarette problem has been solved even as it continues to grow worse every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an op-ed earlier this year in \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/healthcare/431651-raise-the-legal-age-for-all-tobacco-products-to-21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Hill\u003c/a>, Altria CEO Howard Willard said the Food and Drug Administration made clear that the company might find itself in trouble with federal regulators unless it did more to address teen vaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put simply, we cannot continue to expand … [e-cigarettes] for adults unless we help curb youth access to all tobacco products, including e-vapor,” Willard said. Altria owns Philip Morris USA, which makes Marlboro cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal age limit raise comes after a rapid succession of new laws at the state and local levels. At least 19 states and the District of Columbia have passed some form of the 21 age limit, many in the past year and with the support of big companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glantz says he sees a familiar strategy from the industry as these laws have passed. In this and previous fights, he says tobacco companies will preemptively lobby for bills that are weak or don’t spell out effective enforcement mechanisms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"vaping\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve tried to co-opt the issue and started pushing bad legislation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two most prominent companies supporting the age restriction are Juul and Altria. When NPR reached out, they didn’t respond to these criticisms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal legislation was put forward in the Senate by Democrat Tim Kaine and Republican Mitch McConnell, the majority leader who has long been seen as a friend to the tobacco industry. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/06/17/730496066/tobaccos-special-friend-what-internal-documents-say-about-mitch-mcconnell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR’s Embedded podcast\u003c/a> found, “vaping and tobacco companies are currently employing McConnell’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wfs-dc.com/about-us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">former\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2019/Q1/301038362.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policy adviser\u003c/a>, his former \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2019/RR/301024486.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policy director\u003c/a> and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.akingump.com/en/lawyers-advisors/hunter-bates.html\">former\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2018/Q4/301009679.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">chief of staff\u003c/a> to lobby on their behalf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement \u003ca href=\"https://www.mcconnell.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/pressreleases?ID=17523CAF-6BA1-4894-9BD0-45A67B1A2D96\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">after the federal law passed\u003c/a>, McConnell called the recent spate of vaping-related illnesses an “urgent crisis” and stressed that the new measure will help “keep these dangerous products away from our children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA has jurisdiction over enforcing the federal law. Crane, the longtime advocate for raising the age limit, has questions about how aggressive it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he’s watched how the FDA regulated the previous age limit of 18, and says he would want to see more compliance checks and fewer violations allowed for tobacco retailers. He says the law will do little to keep tobacco products away from kids and young adults if it’s not enforced, and he believes local health authorities would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that waiting for the FDA is kind of like waiting for Godot. They don’t do anything. They bark but never bite,” Crane says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn praised the new age limit and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SteveFDA/status/1208232123833958401?s=20\">said in a tweet \u003c/a>that “more details will be forthcoming as we update our regulations to carry out this provision of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crane says his group is going to continue pushing for even tougher laws at the state and local levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+Tobacco+Industry+Giants+Backed+Raising+The+Minimum+Age+Of+Purchase&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "President Trump has signed off on raising the age of sale from 18 to 21 for cigarettes and e-cigarettes. Health advocates worry it guards the industry from further sweeping regulations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For decades, major tobacco companies have fought against raising the age limit to buy their products from 18 to 21. But recently, some cigarette and e-cigarette giants have started lobbying for the minimum age to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raising the purchase age to 21 reduces underage access,” a radio ad from e-cigarette giant Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/t21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">declared\u003c/a>. “That’s why Juul Labs supports making 21+ the law nationwide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, President Trump signed a congressional spending bill that includes a new federal regulation raising the age of purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health advocates are not wholeheartedly celebrating the change. They worry it may help the companies stave off further sweeping regulations of their industry and wonder how stringently it will be enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Crane, a physician at Ohio State University, has been campaigning to raise the minimum age for more than two decades through \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco21.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">his group Tobacco 21\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it started pushing for firmer laws, “we were killed at every turn,” he remembers. “The industry hated this idea and they used their very potent political lobbying power to stifle it in every state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archival tobacco industry documents show why the companies objected, says \u003ca href=\"https://tobacco.ucsf.edu/people/stanton-glantz-phd\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Stan Glantz\u003c/a>, the director of University of California San Francisco’s Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s because it made it harder to market to kids,” he says. “[It’s] very hard to design a marketing campaign where the nominal target [is] … people who are 21, and still pick up 12-year-olds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the beginning of the Tobacco 21 movement, the industry landscape has changed considerably. Now millions of teens are hooked on e-cigarettes, a source of considerable public concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates are currently pushing for more sweeping regulations than the age limit raise, such as banning flavors for e-cigarettes — something the industry has fought. University of Virginia historian \u003ca href=\"https://history.virginia.edu/people/profile/sem9dw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Sarah Milov\u003c/a>, who wrote a book about tobacco, says the big companies have likely been willing to accept the stricter age limits “in order to take the public’s eyes off of other proposals for addressing youth vaping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz says he thinks the new federal age restrictions give the industry “something they can argue: ‘Well, we’ve done enough. You don’t need to get rid of flavors,’ which in terms of reducing youth tobacco use is probably the single most important thing to do right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Myers, the president of Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, echoed that idea. He said \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/press-releases/2019_12_11_congress_health_bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in a statement\u003c/a> that the new law “will not bring about meaningful change, but will lead to the tobacco companies falsely claiming that the youth e-cigarette problem has been solved even as it continues to grow worse every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an op-ed earlier this year in \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/healthcare/431651-raise-the-legal-age-for-all-tobacco-products-to-21\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Hill\u003c/a>, Altria CEO Howard Willard said the Food and Drug Administration made clear that the company might find itself in trouble with federal regulators unless it did more to address teen vaping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put simply, we cannot continue to expand … [e-cigarettes] for adults unless we help curb youth access to all tobacco products, including e-vapor,” Willard said. Altria owns Philip Morris USA, which makes Marlboro cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal age limit raise comes after a rapid succession of new laws at the state and local levels. At least 19 states and the District of Columbia have passed some form of the 21 age limit, many in the past year and with the support of big companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glantz says he sees a familiar strategy from the industry as these laws have passed. In this and previous fights, he says tobacco companies will preemptively lobby for bills that are weak or don’t spell out effective enforcement mechanisms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve tried to co-opt the issue and started pushing bad legislation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two most prominent companies supporting the age restriction are Juul and Altria. When NPR reached out, they didn’t respond to these criticisms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal legislation was put forward in the Senate by Democrat Tim Kaine and Republican Mitch McConnell, the majority leader who has long been seen as a friend to the tobacco industry. As \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/06/17/730496066/tobaccos-special-friend-what-internal-documents-say-about-mitch-mcconnell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR’s Embedded podcast\u003c/a> found, “vaping and tobacco companies are currently employing McConnell’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wfs-dc.com/about-us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">former\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2019/Q1/301038362.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policy adviser\u003c/a>, his former \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2019/RR/301024486.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">policy director\u003c/a> and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.akingump.com/en/lawyers-advisors/hunter-bates.html\">former\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://disclosures.house.gov/ld/ldxmlrelease/2018/Q4/301009679.xml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">chief of staff\u003c/a> to lobby on their behalf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement \u003ca href=\"https://www.mcconnell.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/pressreleases?ID=17523CAF-6BA1-4894-9BD0-45A67B1A2D96\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">after the federal law passed\u003c/a>, McConnell called the recent spate of vaping-related illnesses an “urgent crisis” and stressed that the new measure will help “keep these dangerous products away from our children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA has jurisdiction over enforcing the federal law. Crane, the longtime advocate for raising the age limit, has questions about how aggressive it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he’s watched how the FDA regulated the previous age limit of 18, and says he would want to see more compliance checks and fewer violations allowed for tobacco retailers. He says the law will do little to keep tobacco products away from kids and young adults if it’s not enforced, and he believes local health authorities would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that waiting for the FDA is kind of like waiting for Godot. They don’t do anything. They bark but never bite,” Crane says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn praised the new age limit and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SteveFDA/status/1208232123833958401?s=20\">said in a tweet \u003c/a>that “more details will be forthcoming as we update our regulations to carry out this provision of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crane says his group is going to continue pushing for even tougher laws at the state and local levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+Tobacco+Industry+Giants+Backed+Raising+The+Minimum+Age+Of+Purchase&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Walking Tour Attempts to Explain Proposed Changes to Proposition 13",
"title": "Walking Tour Attempts to Explain Proposed Changes to Proposition 13",
"headTitle": "KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>As groups hoping to amend parts of Proposition 13 continue working to rally support, one tactic they're using is a walking tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday's tour through downtown Oakland was led by Derek Sagehorn, a member of \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Bay for Everyone\u003c/a>. The walking tour is a way to help interested parties better visualize the impact of Prop 13 over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tour was attended by about 10 people, and lasted 90 minutes. During that time, Sagehorn stopped at various locations — including corporate buildings, public buildings and empty storefronts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792699\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178.jpg 1960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sagehorn points at an empty storefront on 9th Street and Broadway to show the impacts of Proposition 13 in local communities. \u003ccite>(Julie Chang/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At one point, Sagehorn identified two buildings on 9th Street and Broadway as examples of landlords who pay small property tax rates from decades ago, but continue to benefit from rising market values as they charge high rents and pocket the difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Two empty storefronts on Oakland's main boulevard, even though the landlords here are paying pennies on the dollar,\" Sagehorn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tour is part of a larger campaign known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.schoolsandcommunitiesfirst.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Schools & Communities First\u003c/a> initiative, whose organizers are collecting signatures to put a measure on next November's ballot that would change language around how Prop 13 applies to taxes on commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the initiative say that should this measure pass, large corporations would be taxed significantly more than they currently are and that the extra tax revenue would be put into local governments and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents argue that the creation of a \"split roll\" tax would only increase costs for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group opposing the change, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://stophigherpropertytaxes.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians to Stop Higher Property Taxes\u003c/a>, argues that many small businesses rent their business property from large corporations. So if the latter is forced to pay higher taxes, they'll pass off those increased costs to the small business owners, who in turn would have to raise costs for their goods and services and — ultimately — customers would be left to pick up the tab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also claim the measure falls short on accountability, asserting that it provides \"zero requirements on how the money should be spent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='prop-13' label='More Coverage.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proponents of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767274/backers-of-proposition-13-split-roll-ballot-measure-hit-reset-button\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">already put a version of the bill\u003c/a> on the November 2020 ballot, but organizers re-drafted the measure to strengthen protections for small businesses. They have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11788381/the-battle-over-prop-13-is-underway\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">actively collecting signatures\u003c/a> to replace the first version with the newer one, but to do so they needed to start the signature-collecting process all over again and gather nearly one million signatures by March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the initiative announced Friday that they've \u003ca href=\"https://www.schoolsandcommunitiesfirst.org/post/benchmark-schools-communities-first-hits-critical-25-signature-gathering-benchmark-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">met 25% of their signature goal\u003c/a>, and that they're currently on track to meet next year's deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kate Traynor, who attended the tour in Oakland, said she came to learn more about the effects of Proposition 13 on local economies. She said many people remain unaware of not just the impacts of Proposition 13, but also of what the proposition even is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are surprised. They don't know about it, which is crazy,\" said Traynor. \"They get mad when you explain, so I think there is latent untapped support for something like this. It's just an education problem.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sagehorn said they hope to expand this idea of a walking tour to other cities, with the next one taking place in February through Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As groups hoping to amend parts of Proposition 13 continue working to rally support, one tactic they're using is a walking tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday's tour through downtown Oakland was led by Derek Sagehorn, a member of \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">East Bay for Everyone\u003c/a>. The walking tour is a way to help interested parties better visualize the impact of Prop 13 over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tour was attended by about 10 people, and lasted 90 minutes. During that time, Sagehorn stopped at various locations — including corporate buildings, public buildings and empty storefronts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792699\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792699\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178-536x402.jpg 536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/IMG_4178.jpg 1960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sagehorn points at an empty storefront on 9th Street and Broadway to show the impacts of Proposition 13 in local communities. \u003ccite>(Julie Chang/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At one point, Sagehorn identified two buildings on 9th Street and Broadway as examples of landlords who pay small property tax rates from decades ago, but continue to benefit from rising market values as they charge high rents and pocket the difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Two empty storefronts on Oakland's main boulevard, even though the landlords here are paying pennies on the dollar,\" Sagehorn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tour is part of a larger campaign known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.schoolsandcommunitiesfirst.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Schools & Communities First\u003c/a> initiative, whose organizers are collecting signatures to put a measure on next November's ballot that would change language around how Prop 13 applies to taxes on commercial property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the initiative say that should this measure pass, large corporations would be taxed significantly more than they currently are and that the extra tax revenue would be put into local governments and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents argue that the creation of a \"split roll\" tax would only increase costs for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group opposing the change, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://stophigherpropertytaxes.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Californians to Stop Higher Property Taxes\u003c/a>, argues that many small businesses rent their business property from large corporations. So if the latter is forced to pay higher taxes, they'll pass off those increased costs to the small business owners, who in turn would have to raise costs for their goods and services and — ultimately — customers would be left to pick up the tab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also claim the measure falls short on accountability, asserting that it provides \"zero requirements on how the money should be spent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proponents of the measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11767274/backers-of-proposition-13-split-roll-ballot-measure-hit-reset-button\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">already put a version of the bill\u003c/a> on the November 2020 ballot, but organizers re-drafted the measure to strengthen protections for small businesses. They have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11788381/the-battle-over-prop-13-is-underway\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">actively collecting signatures\u003c/a> to replace the first version with the newer one, but to do so they needed to start the signature-collecting process all over again and gather nearly one million signatures by March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the initiative announced Friday that they've \u003ca href=\"https://www.schoolsandcommunitiesfirst.org/post/benchmark-schools-communities-first-hits-critical-25-signature-gathering-benchmark-early\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">met 25% of their signature goal\u003c/a>, and that they're currently on track to meet next year's deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kate Traynor, who attended the tour in Oakland, said she came to learn more about the effects of Proposition 13 on local economies. She said many people remain unaware of not just the impacts of Proposition 13, but also of what the proposition even is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People are surprised. They don't know about it, which is crazy,\" said Traynor. \"They get mad when you explain, so I think there is latent untapped support for something like this. It's just an education problem.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sagehorn said they hope to expand this idea of a walking tour to other cities, with the next one taking place in February through Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Department of Labor’s workplace safety agency is getting ready to take new action to reduce workers’ exposure to dangerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/silica/default.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">silica\u003c/a> dust that can irreparably damage the lungs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the agency’s new program doesn’t give special attention to the kitchen and bathroom countertop industry, which has recently seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/10/02/766028237/workers-are-falling-ill-even-dying-after-making-kitchen-countertops\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cases\u003c/a> of severe lung damage that have alarmed public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Physicians have found aggressive forms of the disease silicosis in young, previously healthy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/785708157/silicosis-in-u-s-countertop-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workers\u003c/a> who cut and polished countertops made out of natural stone and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/12/02/782958005/there-s-no-good-dust-what-happens-after-quartz-countertops-leave-the-factory\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">engineered quartz\u003c/a>, a composite material that typically has a silica content of more than 90%. Some workers have died, and others will need lung transplants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding silicosis in the countertop industry was something new for the United States, where over 2 million American workers are exposed to silica dust in other jobs like construction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/features/preventing-silicosis/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The silica dust comes from cutting, grinding, mixing or demolishing materials like stone, concrete and brick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Australia, \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(19)30478-7/fulltext\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> of countertop workers have found that more than 10% have silicosis. It’s unknown how many of the estimated 100,000 countertop workers in the U. S. are affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/10/07/767916317/lawmakers-seek-protections-for-workers-against-lung-damage-tied-to-making-counte\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wrote\u003c/a> to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration in October, calling for the agency to issue a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/enforcement/directives/nep\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Emphasis Program\u003c/a> to focus agency resources on the engineered stone countertop fabrication industry and make it easier for inspectors to target those workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Public Health Association also wrote to OSHA in October, saying “there is an urgent need for OSHA enforcement and outreach on respirable silica in this industry. … Targeted inspections in the industry will help determine the magnitude of the problem.” As of Dec. 20, OSHA had not responded to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 19, however, the Department of Labor did \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/12-19-2019%20Scott%20RE-Silica%20NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inform lawmakers \u003c/a>that it \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/12-19-2019%20Adams%20RE-Silica%20NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">intends to implement\u003c/a> a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/Silica_NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Emphasis Program\u003c/a> for silica, which will replace a similar program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/enforcement/directives/cpl-03-00-007-0\">canceled\u003c/a> in October of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='health' label='More Coverage.']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A required 10-day notice was given to House and Senate appropriations committees on Dec. 17, which means the program could go into effect very soon. It will require that 2% of all OSHA inspections every year occur in workplaces at elevated risk of silica exposures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But countertop fabricators are just one targeted industry in a long list that includes everything from iron foundries to concrete pipe manufacturing to machine shops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OSHA anticipates that the majority of the inspections will occur in construction,” according to a description of the program provided to lawmakers, because most exposures to silica dust occur on construction sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One congressional aide said it wasn’t clear how many additional inspections would actually occur at countertop fabrication shops, and called this a woefully inadequate response to what some public health experts fear is a potential crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending bill that passed this past week did provide OSHA with an increase of $24 million above its 2019 enacted funding level, however, which means more money will be available for inspections and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+New+Safety+Program+Takes+On+Silica+Dust+Amid+A+Possible+Crisis&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Department of Labor’s workplace safety agency is getting ready to take new action to reduce workers’ exposure to dangerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/silica/default.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">silica\u003c/a> dust that can irreparably damage the lungs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the agency’s new program doesn’t give special attention to the kitchen and bathroom countertop industry, which has recently seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/10/02/766028237/workers-are-falling-ill-even-dying-after-making-kitchen-countertops\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cases\u003c/a> of severe lung damage that have alarmed public health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Physicians have found aggressive forms of the disease silicosis in young, previously healthy \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/785708157/silicosis-in-u-s-countertop-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">workers\u003c/a> who cut and polished countertops made out of natural stone and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/12/02/782958005/there-s-no-good-dust-what-happens-after-quartz-countertops-leave-the-factory\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">engineered quartz\u003c/a>, a composite material that typically has a silica content of more than 90%. Some workers have died, and others will need lung transplants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding silicosis in the countertop industry was something new for the United States, where over 2 million American workers are exposed to silica dust in other jobs like construction, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/features/preventing-silicosis/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The silica dust comes from cutting, grinding, mixing or demolishing materials like stone, concrete and brick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Australia, \u003ca href=\"https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(19)30478-7/fulltext\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> of countertop workers have found that more than 10% have silicosis. It’s unknown how many of the estimated 100,000 countertop workers in the U. S. are affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/10/07/767916317/lawmakers-seek-protections-for-workers-against-lung-damage-tied-to-making-counte\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wrote\u003c/a> to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration in October, calling for the agency to issue a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/enforcement/directives/nep\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Emphasis Program\u003c/a> to focus agency resources on the engineered stone countertop fabrication industry and make it easier for inspectors to target those workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Public Health Association also wrote to OSHA in October, saying “there is an urgent need for OSHA enforcement and outreach on respirable silica in this industry. … Targeted inspections in the industry will help determine the magnitude of the problem.” As of Dec. 20, OSHA had not responded to the association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 19, however, the Department of Labor did \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/12-19-2019%20Scott%20RE-Silica%20NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">inform lawmakers \u003c/a>that it \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/12-19-2019%20Adams%20RE-Silica%20NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">intends to implement\u003c/a> a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/documents/2019/dec/Silica_NEP.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">National Emphasis Program\u003c/a> for silica, which will replace a similar program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/enforcement/directives/cpl-03-00-007-0\">canceled\u003c/a> in October of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A required 10-day notice was given to House and Senate appropriations committees on Dec. 17, which means the program could go into effect very soon. It will require that 2% of all OSHA inspections every year occur in workplaces at elevated risk of silica exposures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But countertop fabricators are just one targeted industry in a long list that includes everything from iron foundries to concrete pipe manufacturing to machine shops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OSHA anticipates that the majority of the inspections will occur in construction,” according to a description of the program provided to lawmakers, because most exposures to silica dust occur on construction sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One congressional aide said it wasn’t clear how many additional inspections would actually occur at countertop fabrication shops, and called this a woefully inadequate response to what some public health experts fear is a potential crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending bill that passed this past week did provide OSHA with an increase of $24 million above its 2019 enacted funding level, however, which means more money will be available for inspections and enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+New+Safety+Program+Takes+On+Silica+Dust+Amid+A+Possible+Crisis&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Legalizing Cannabis Has Unexpected Impact on Food and Farming in Humboldt",
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"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report Magazine | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Like so many people in southern Humboldt County, Beth Allen has her feet in two worlds. She and her husband started Amillias, a take-out counter and brunch restaurant, 17 years ago in the town of Garberville, but she’s grown cannabis more than twice that long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first reported on marijuana in this part of California almost a decade ago, the price of cannabis was higher than it is now, and I saw small businesses thriving. When I drove the commercial strip of Garberville late this past summer, I saw boarded up storefronts and closed businesses. The whole place looks like it could use a coat of paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen remembers the 1980s, when law enforcement came down hard on growers, sending helicopters into the remote hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were protesting and not moving out of the way so the helicopters could land,” she recalled. “You see all of the rivets under the belly of that helicopter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty years ago, a pound of marijuana could fetch over $5,000. On previous visits I learned that growers funded the construction of non-profit clinics and community centers, and they also had money to spend on higher-end restaurants and specialty foods unusual in a small, rural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amillias catered to that crowd, with its focus on regional ingredients and the personal stories behind their food. Take their pork products: Allen and her husband have known their pig farmer for nearly two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He drives to Eureka with a trailer, gets whatever's left over from the Booth Brewing Company and his pigs are raised on marijuana and beer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11791519\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11791519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Beth Allen at the take-out counter of her restaurant Amillia's in Garberville.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Beth Allen at the take-out counter of her restaurant Amillia's in Garberville. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Allen has ridden the waves of change in the cannabis industry — from the legalization of medical marijuana to influxes of get-rich-quick growers. In recent years, she advocated for full legalization, and when that became a reality, she tried getting her property through the permitting process in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would show up at the planning department with a box of pastries, a big smile on my face, saying ‘How can we help you get us through this process?’ ” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she found it so frustrating and expensive, she gave up on trying to get a permit for growing legal marijuana. One legalization expert said it can cost a grower $125,000 to get licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"cannabis\" label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the restaurant business started to falter. Amillias had expanded about five years ago by adding a dining room downstairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that we could offer something to the community and in a beautiful space,” she said. “Unfortunately I have really bad timing because our community was collapsing. The beginning of the collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Allen said, they had a thriving dinner service and private parties, but legalization triggered a drop in the price of cannabis to under $1,000 per pound, down from over $5,000 in marijuana’s heyday. Allen believes this is why fewer people started coming to the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean we would have no one,\" Allen said. \"All of the staff, we would just stand here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the take-out counter's revenue dropped by 50%, while the dining room fell by 75%. They closed their dinner service and started a weekend brunch to see if that would draw customers, but they're now considering reducing that to Sundays only. The restaurant went from nine employees to four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a few new restaurants have opened in the region, anecdotally, waitresses from Ukiah to Eureka say they’re seeing fewer customers and getting smaller tips. And I talked with a chef on the coast who told me he closed his high-end restaurant after the economic dip. He said, growers just weren't coming in any more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said she questions her earlier support of legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just lay in bed at night and think, ‘What was I thinking?’ ” she said. “I have strived to feed my community. I am not perfect. I am far from perfect. I just have to be very quiet, keep my head down and do the work. I pray every day for guidance of what is the right path for us, and what’s the right path for my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Farming Food and Cannabis Together\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to farmers, legalization is bringing changes to food production in Humboldt County, too. For some, there are new opportunities and new customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a distribution center for the cannabis company Flow Kana in the small town of Whitethorn, one employee perk is weekly produce boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a break, employees crowded around farmer Daniel Stein of Briceland Forest Farm to look at the shishito peppers, beets, broccoli, and lettuce in the week's offerings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flow Kana purchases the produce from Humboldt and surrounding counties, and gives it to their employees around the state. According to Flow Kana, in the last 18 months the company purchased nearly 5,000 produce boxes for its employees, paying local farmers almost $150,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a new revenue stream for Stein, albeit a small one. He’s historically sold most of his produce at farmers markets but said attendance at markets is down, and so is his income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had an economy here that was largely based on the legacy market,” also known as the black market, Stein said. “Under that economy, I think money flowed more freely, people had more time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the economy shifts to growing cannabis legally with permits, much remains in limbo. Prices are changing and many growers don't know if they'll make it through the complicated and pricey permitting process to farm marijuana legally. There's talk of old timers who have stopped growing cannabis, even moved away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our economy and our culture right now is in a period of unknown,” Stein added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty may also be keeping people from spending, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To me, some of this sounds like typical growing pains in an agricultural industry: The market has changed, so expenses are up, while profits are down, and business owners like Stein have to get creative and find new opportunities, like selling produce boxes to marijuana companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kevin Cunningham\"]\"There were seven acres for sale just down the road from us for $1.2 million because it has a stamped cannabis permit. That's just unattainable for somebody who wants to start out growing vegetables. Absolutely unattainable.\"[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Stein said that legalization has also changed where people farm. Marijuana growers used to grow way up in the hills, where their crops could more easily evade detection from law enforcement. Now, if someone wants to start a new cannabis farm, they can do it out in the open, on prime, flat farmland zoned for agricultural development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course that's driven the price of prime ag land in Humboldt through the roof,” said Stein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another farmer at the Garberville farmers' market, Kevin Cunningham, chimed in. “There were seven acres for sale just down the road from us for $1.2 million because it has a stamped cannabis permit,\" he said. \"That's just unattainable for somebody who wants to start out growing vegetables. Absolutely unattainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cannabis farmers aren’t planting on that prime farmland, said Cunningham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen in our river valley good prime ag soils essentially get paved over for putting in greenhouses, which then will truck in soil to grow cannabis in,\" he said. \"I'm not anti-cannabis but I am anti-stupidity, and I don't think that that's the proper way to develop an agricultural industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein and his young family are a little nervous. Daniel's wife Taylor Stein said, “This transition time is certainly scary watching things board up and close down. At the same time, the community is discovering its new identity” — albeit one that’s probably going to be less flush with cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Steins, however, said making money has never been their primary reason for farming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11791520\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11791520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Daniel Stein picks lemon cucumbers at Briceland Forest Farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Stein picks lemon cucumbers at Briceland Forest Farm. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I visit the couple and their two small kids at Briceland Forest Farm, where the Steins use organic and regenerative methods on their vibrant row crops. They’re proud that the farm takes up only one acre of their 160-acre property, which is mostly forested land with creeks running through it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they pulled their baby in a wagon, the Steins pointed out the late-summer crops of kale and lemon cucumbers. A little frog hopped among the cabbages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing alongside the produce were towering cannabis plants. They've always grown both. They told me, an integrated farm makes good business sense, and it fits their values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a more profitable crop than veggies alone at the moment, even though that’s changing,” said Taylor Stein. \"Cannabis, it’s a dance partner through the season. It is so rewarding to grow a plant that starts from a seed in February and is the size of a tree in November. It responds to your attention and care immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the legalization of marijuana, the Steins said they spent time on habitat restoration on their land and on experimenting with sustainable farming techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re finding themselves spending a lot more time and money on getting permits to grow cannabis legally. Still, Daniel Stein says they’re holding on. He hopes that their way of farming and growing both food and cannabis will allow them to make a living and raise their family in this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like so many people in southern Humboldt County, Beth Allen has her feet in two worlds. She and her husband started Amillias, a take-out counter and brunch restaurant, 17 years ago in the town of Garberville, but she’s grown cannabis more than twice that long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I first reported on marijuana in this part of California almost a decade ago, the price of cannabis was higher than it is now, and I saw small businesses thriving. When I drove the commercial strip of Garberville late this past summer, I saw boarded up storefronts and closed businesses. The whole place looks like it could use a coat of paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen remembers the 1980s, when law enforcement came down hard on growers, sending helicopters into the remote hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were protesting and not moving out of the way so the helicopters could land,” she recalled. “You see all of the rivets under the belly of that helicopter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty years ago, a pound of marijuana could fetch over $5,000. On previous visits I learned that growers funded the construction of non-profit clinics and community centers, and they also had money to spend on higher-end restaurants and specialty foods unusual in a small, rural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amillias catered to that crowd, with its focus on regional ingredients and the personal stories behind their food. Take their pork products: Allen and her husband have known their pig farmer for nearly two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He drives to Eureka with a trailer, gets whatever's left over from the Booth Brewing Company and his pigs are raised on marijuana and beer,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11791519\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11791519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Beth Allen at the take-out counter of her restaurant Amillia's in Garberville.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40489_IMG_2799-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Beth Allen at the take-out counter of her restaurant Amillia's in Garberville. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Allen has ridden the waves of change in the cannabis industry — from the legalization of medical marijuana to influxes of get-rich-quick growers. In recent years, she advocated for full legalization, and when that became a reality, she tried getting her property through the permitting process in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would show up at the planning department with a box of pastries, a big smile on my face, saying ‘How can we help you get us through this process?’ ” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she found it so frustrating and expensive, she gave up on trying to get a permit for growing legal marijuana. One legalization expert said it can cost a grower $125,000 to get licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, the restaurant business started to falter. Amillias had expanded about five years ago by adding a dining room downstairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I knew that we could offer something to the community and in a beautiful space,” she said. “Unfortunately I have really bad timing because our community was collapsing. The beginning of the collapse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Allen said, they had a thriving dinner service and private parties, but legalization triggered a drop in the price of cannabis to under $1,000 per pound, down from over $5,000 in marijuana’s heyday. Allen believes this is why fewer people started coming to the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean we would have no one,\" Allen said. \"All of the staff, we would just stand here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the take-out counter's revenue dropped by 50%, while the dining room fell by 75%. They closed their dinner service and started a weekend brunch to see if that would draw customers, but they're now considering reducing that to Sundays only. The restaurant went from nine employees to four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a few new restaurants have opened in the region, anecdotally, waitresses from Ukiah to Eureka say they’re seeing fewer customers and getting smaller tips. And I talked with a chef on the coast who told me he closed his high-end restaurant after the economic dip. He said, growers just weren't coming in any more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said she questions her earlier support of legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just lay in bed at night and think, ‘What was I thinking?’ ” she said. “I have strived to feed my community. I am not perfect. I am far from perfect. I just have to be very quiet, keep my head down and do the work. I pray every day for guidance of what is the right path for us, and what’s the right path for my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Farming Food and Cannabis Together\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to farmers, legalization is bringing changes to food production in Humboldt County, too. For some, there are new opportunities and new customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a distribution center for the cannabis company Flow Kana in the small town of Whitethorn, one employee perk is weekly produce boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a break, employees crowded around farmer Daniel Stein of Briceland Forest Farm to look at the shishito peppers, beets, broccoli, and lettuce in the week's offerings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flow Kana purchases the produce from Humboldt and surrounding counties, and gives it to their employees around the state. According to Flow Kana, in the last 18 months the company purchased nearly 5,000 produce boxes for its employees, paying local farmers almost $150,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a new revenue stream for Stein, albeit a small one. He’s historically sold most of his produce at farmers markets but said attendance at markets is down, and so is his income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had an economy here that was largely based on the legacy market,” also known as the black market, Stein said. “Under that economy, I think money flowed more freely, people had more time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the economy shifts to growing cannabis legally with permits, much remains in limbo. Prices are changing and many growers don't know if they'll make it through the complicated and pricey permitting process to farm marijuana legally. There's talk of old timers who have stopped growing cannabis, even moved away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our economy and our culture right now is in a period of unknown,” Stein added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The uncertainty may also be keeping people from spending, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To me, some of this sounds like typical growing pains in an agricultural industry: The market has changed, so expenses are up, while profits are down, and business owners like Stein have to get creative and find new opportunities, like selling produce boxes to marijuana companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\"There were seven acres for sale just down the road from us for $1.2 million because it has a stamped cannabis permit. That's just unattainable for somebody who wants to start out growing vegetables. Absolutely unattainable.\"",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Stein said that legalization has also changed where people farm. Marijuana growers used to grow way up in the hills, where their crops could more easily evade detection from law enforcement. Now, if someone wants to start a new cannabis farm, they can do it out in the open, on prime, flat farmland zoned for agricultural development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course that's driven the price of prime ag land in Humboldt through the roof,” said Stein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another farmer at the Garberville farmers' market, Kevin Cunningham, chimed in. “There were seven acres for sale just down the road from us for $1.2 million because it has a stamped cannabis permit,\" he said. \"That's just unattainable for somebody who wants to start out growing vegetables. Absolutely unattainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cannabis farmers aren’t planting on that prime farmland, said Cunningham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen in our river valley good prime ag soils essentially get paved over for putting in greenhouses, which then will truck in soil to grow cannabis in,\" he said. \"I'm not anti-cannabis but I am anti-stupidity, and I don't think that that's the proper way to develop an agricultural industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein and his young family are a little nervous. Daniel's wife Taylor Stein said, “This transition time is certainly scary watching things board up and close down. At the same time, the community is discovering its new identity” — albeit one that’s probably going to be less flush with cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Steins, however, said making money has never been their primary reason for farming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11791520\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11791520\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Daniel Stein picks lemon cucumbers at Briceland Forest Farm.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40487_IMG_2829-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Stein picks lemon cucumbers at Briceland Forest Farm. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I visit the couple and their two small kids at Briceland Forest Farm, where the Steins use organic and regenerative methods on their vibrant row crops. They’re proud that the farm takes up only one acre of their 160-acre property, which is mostly forested land with creeks running through it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they pulled their baby in a wagon, the Steins pointed out the late-summer crops of kale and lemon cucumbers. A little frog hopped among the cabbages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing alongside the produce were towering cannabis plants. They've always grown both. They told me, an integrated farm makes good business sense, and it fits their values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a more profitable crop than veggies alone at the moment, even though that’s changing,” said Taylor Stein. \"Cannabis, it’s a dance partner through the season. It is so rewarding to grow a plant that starts from a seed in February and is the size of a tree in November. It responds to your attention and care immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the legalization of marijuana, the Steins said they spent time on habitat restoration on their land and on experimenting with sustainable farming techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now they’re finding themselves spending a lot more time and money on getting permits to grow cannabis legally. Still, Daniel Stein says they’re holding on. He hopes that their way of farming and growing both food and cannabis will allow them to make a living and raise their family in this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Japanese Latin Americans Interned in WWII See Injustice for Migrants Today",
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"content": "\u003cp>Libia Yamamoto has a feel for fashion — even as a young girl in a World War II detention camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent trip back to the place where she was imprisoned for four years as a child, Yamamoto showed me a class photo. She was 10 years old at the time, and in the picture she's smiling at the camera, dark hair swept back in a ribbon, sporting a plaid tailored dress with a flared skirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto is now 84. Her hair is white, but still carefully coiffed. On this cold November day she’s bundled up in a long wool coat as she waits to board a chartered bus. I'm joining her as she travels more than 100 miles from San Antonio to Crystal City, Texas, where she was interned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon we’re rolling down the highway into rural South Texas, in a convoy of buses carrying 170 people who all share some connection to the Crystal City Internment Camp. They are making this pilgrimage to draw attention to a little-known injustice of WWII that seems more relevant than ever: They see a repeat of their own history in the large-scale detention of migrant families in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792556\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin American Libia Yamamoto reunited with others who were interned in Crystal City, Texas, during WWII.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin American Libia Yamamoto reunited with others who were interned in Crystal City, Texas, during WWII. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto was born in Peru to parents who had immigrated from Japan in the early 1900s. The family owned several thriving businesses in the coastal city of Chiclayo and lived a comfortable life on a hacienda with servants and chauffeurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That life unraveled after the Japanese military bombed Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after that attack, police in Peru arrested Yamamoto's father and took him to the local jail. Yamamoto and her mother arrived there the next morning just in time to see police load him onto a truck with other men and drive away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto said her mother, who had kept her composure until then, burst into tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto cried too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In between sobs, I would ask my mother, 'Where's he going?'” Yamamoto recalled. “She said she didn't know. I said, 'When is he coming back?' She didn’t know anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that the U.S. government had pressured Latin American governments to turn over legal residents and even citizens of Japanese, German or Italian ancestry, ostensibly to protect the southern hemisphere from invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792554\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Peruvian men in the Panama Canal Zone heading to detention in the U.S., April 2, 1942. Koshio Henry Shima (2nd from right) was a named plaintiff in a 1996 lawsuit against the U.S. government seeking redress.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Peruvian men in the Panama Canal Zone heading to detention in the U.S., April 2, 1942. Koshio Henry Shima (2nd from right) was a named plaintiff in a 1996 lawsuit against the U.S. government seeking redress. \u003ccite>(National Archives, Courtesy of Japanese Peruvian Oral History Project )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the pretext of national security, U.S. officials transported supposedly dangerous “enemy aliens” to the United States. Ultimately more than 2,200 people of Japanese ancestry from 13 Latin American countries ended up detained in the United States during WWII. Of those, 1800 were from Peru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I first learned about this history more than 20 years ago from a family friend in Los Angeles who told me, “The U.S. government kidnapped my family and threw us in a concentration camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"japanese-internment\" label=\"related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was back before I was a journalist. I helped publicize the \u003ca href=\"https://jlacampaignforjustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redress efforts\u003c/a> of some of the surviving Japanese Latin Americans who filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a month after her father was taken away, Yamamoto told me her family didn’t know where he was or even if he was alive. Then he managed to send a letter for her sister’s birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had enclosed some pressed flowers,” Yamamoto remembered. “He said, ‘I'm sorry, I can't give you any birthday present, so this will have to do.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote that he’d been put to work in a U.S. Army camp in Panama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, authorities told the family that if they wanted to see him again, they would have to agree to be shipped to the United States and reunite with him there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So in July 1943, Yamamoto, her mother and two siblings joined other wives and children at the port of Callao to board a U.S. ship. She remembers walking up the gangplank, bringing all that they could carry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was so afraid,” Yamamoto said. “We saw the soldiers lined up with guns, and we thought, ‘As soon as we go to high seas, they're going to kill us all!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it turned out, the U.S. planned to use detainees like the Yamamoto's family for prisoner exchanges with Japan and other enemy nations. During the war, the U.S. exchanged 900 Japanese Latin Americans for U.S. citizens held by the Japanese, and then after the war, deported another 800 of them to Japan, a place many of them had never seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. consuls in Latin America were under orders not to issue visas to families like Yamamoto's, and on the ship, U.S. soldiers confiscated the passports of any traveler who had one, according to historian C. Harvey Gardiner, who wrote a book about the prisoner exchange program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yamamoto's family arrived in New Orleans, after a three week journey, she said immigration agents on the dock asked to see their travel documents. When she couldn't present a visa or passport, her mother was told the family had entered the U.S. “illegally,” and they were being sent to detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto remembered seeing customs agents searching bags and even dumping people’s belongings into the water. But she was allowed to keep her prized possession: a doll her father had given her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Libia Yamamoto\"]\"In between sobs, I would ask my mother, 'Where's he going?’ She said she didn't know. I said, 'When is he coming back?' She didn’t know anything.\"[/pullquote] \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the 120,000 American citizens and residents of Japanese ancestry in the U.S. who were detained in internment camps run by the War Relocation Authority, the Latin Americans were detained in facilities run by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. They were largely hidden from the public and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 3,000 Latin Americans of Japanese, German and Italian ancestry passed through the Crystal City \u003ca href=\"https://encyclopedia.densho.org/Crystal_City_(detention_facility)/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">internment camp\u003c/a> for families. A 1945 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=crystal+city+texas+internment+camp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">propaganda film\u003c/a> produced by the U.S. Department of Justice shows hundreds of cabins laid out across dirt roads and enclosed in high fences with watch towers for armed guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto was seven when she arrived and would spend the next four years there.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Immigrant Families Detained Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January of this year, I traveled to the same part of Texas to report on a new wave of families in detention: thousands of mothers and children seeking refuge from violence in Central America who were taken into custody by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and placed in a privately-run prison, just 45 miles from Crystal City, in a town called Dilley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the facility opened in 2015, the population has fluctuated from a few hundred people up to 2400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792506\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792506\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Flood lights illuminate the Immigration and Customs Enforcement family detention facility in Dilley, Texas.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flood lights illuminate the Immigration and Customs Enforcement family detention facility in Dilley, Texas. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE denied my requests to visit the South Texas Family Residential Center, so I asked an immigrant advocate who had worked inside it to drive me to the highway entrance. From there at a distance you can see a large tented area, where immigrant rights advocate Katy Murdza believes people are processed in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can just see the tops of the light posts,” Murdza observed. “There's flood lighting at night, so people say it's even hard to sleep because it's never truly night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those flood lights are so bright you can see them from a mile away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Crystal City camp was also surrounded by barbed wire fences and flood lights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When our buses arrive, all that’s visible on the now barren field is a water tower and the cement base of a reservoir that the detainees converted into a swimming pool to escape the scorching Texas summers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two girls drowned in that pool — one of them was Yamamoto's good friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto and the other pilgrims gather inside the base of the swimming pool for a ceremony to honor the girls and 15 other people who died at the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buddhist minister Ron Kobata of San Francisco asks participants to offer incense and white carnations at an altar for their predecessors, “who endured this experience, but not with just pity and resentment, but with determination, so that their offspring will not have to endure that same tragedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto and other pilgrims participate in the ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792545\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792545\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin American Eloy Moaki returns to the site where his family was interned during WWII in Crystal City, Texas.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin American Eloy Moaki returns to the site where his family was interned during WWII in Crystal City, Texas. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Later, they say that a very similar tragedy is unfolding again — for migrant families coming to the U.S. to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after their visit to Crystal City, they participate in a rally in San Antonio with local immigrant advocates. Yamamoto is invited to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lately when I hear the immigrants getting separated by children and parents, I feel so bad for them!” she tells the crowd of a couple hundred people. She says it brings back the painful memories of her own childhood separation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my father was kidnapped in January of 1943 and we said goodbye to him, not knowing where he was being taken, and when we ever will see him again,” she says. “It was a very traumatic day for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792555\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792555\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin Americans rallied in San Antonio, Texas, to protest the Trump administration's family detention policies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin Americans rallied in San Antonio, Texas, to protest the Trump administration's family detention policies. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murdza, the advocate who took me to the family detention center in Dilley earlier this year, also speaks at the rally. She works for an organization that provides legal help to families to get them released from detention to await their hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detention harms the physical health, mental health and legal rights of the families,” she tells the former internees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government calls this facility the South Texas Family Residential Center,” Murdza says. “But those of us who know its effects on the mothers and children detained there know that it's a jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Starting Over in the United States\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After about eight months of separation, Yamamoto was finally reunited with her father in Crystal City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the parents learned that the U.S. wanted to deport them to Japan — a place that Yamamoto and her siblings had never been. But the day they were set to sail, Yamamoto’s father became too ill to travel. His health had deteriorated in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A full two years after the war ended, the family was still being held at Crystal City. Finally, an attorney with the ACLU of Northern California arranged for their release to an aunt in Berkeley who agreed to sponsor them. Yamamoto remembers taking the train to the now defunct Santa Fe station at Acton Street and University Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Japanese minister came to pick us up,” she recalled. “He drove up University and all the neon lights were shining. Wow! We were just amazed at all those beautiful lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto’s parents lost all their property in Peru, and Peruvian officials would not allow the family to return. She says her parents worked menial jobs in California for the rest of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade after their release, the government continued to consider them \"illegal aliens” subject to deportation. Then in 1954, a change in U.S. immigration law allowed the family to become legal permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in 1998, Japanese Latin Americans won a historic settlement of $5,000 for each surviving detainee or their family, and a letter of apology signed by President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many survivors found the offer meager, they thought it was important that the U.S. government officially acknowledged that it had violated their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize the wrongs of the past and offer our profound regret to those who endured such grave injustice,” the letter stated. “We understand that our nation’s actions were rooted in racial prejudice and wartime hysteria.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto says she’s praying that President Trump will soon realize that his policies on immigrant families are wrong and that children are paying the price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Libia Yamamoto has a feel for fashion — even as a young girl in a World War II detention camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent trip back to the place where she was imprisoned for four years as a child, Yamamoto showed me a class photo. She was 10 years old at the time, and in the picture she's smiling at the camera, dark hair swept back in a ribbon, sporting a plaid tailored dress with a flared skirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto is now 84. Her hair is white, but still carefully coiffed. On this cold November day she’s bundled up in a long wool coat as she waits to board a chartered bus. I'm joining her as she travels more than 100 miles from San Antonio to Crystal City, Texas, where she was interned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon we’re rolling down the highway into rural South Texas, in a convoy of buses carrying 170 people who all share some connection to the Crystal City Internment Camp. They are making this pilgrimage to draw attention to a little-known injustice of WWII that seems more relevant than ever: They see a repeat of their own history in the large-scale detention of migrant families in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792556\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin American Libia Yamamoto reunited with others who were interned in Crystal City, Texas, during WWII.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40590_IMG_1605-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin American Libia Yamamoto reunited with others who were interned in Crystal City, Texas, during WWII. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto was born in Peru to parents who had immigrated from Japan in the early 1900s. The family owned several thriving businesses in the coastal city of Chiclayo and lived a comfortable life on a hacienda with servants and chauffeurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That life unraveled after the Japanese military bombed Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after that attack, police in Peru arrested Yamamoto's father and took him to the local jail. Yamamoto and her mother arrived there the next morning just in time to see police load him onto a truck with other men and drive away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto said her mother, who had kept her composure until then, burst into tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto cried too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In between sobs, I would ask my mother, 'Where's he going?'” Yamamoto recalled. “She said she didn't know. I said, 'When is he coming back?' She didn’t know anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that the U.S. government had pressured Latin American governments to turn over legal residents and even citizens of Japanese, German or Italian ancestry, ostensibly to protect the southern hemisphere from invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792554\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Peruvian men in the Panama Canal Zone heading to detention in the U.S., April 2, 1942. Koshio Henry Shima (2nd from right) was a named plaintiff in a 1996 lawsuit against the U.S. government seeking redress.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40547_6A-P04_cropped-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Peruvian men in the Panama Canal Zone heading to detention in the U.S., April 2, 1942. Koshio Henry Shima (2nd from right) was a named plaintiff in a 1996 lawsuit against the U.S. government seeking redress. \u003ccite>(National Archives, Courtesy of Japanese Peruvian Oral History Project )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the pretext of national security, U.S. officials transported supposedly dangerous “enemy aliens” to the United States. Ultimately more than 2,200 people of Japanese ancestry from 13 Latin American countries ended up detained in the United States during WWII. Of those, 1800 were from Peru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I first learned about this history more than 20 years ago from a family friend in Los Angeles who told me, “The U.S. government kidnapped my family and threw us in a concentration camp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was back before I was a journalist. I helped publicize the \u003ca href=\"https://jlacampaignforjustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redress efforts\u003c/a> of some of the surviving Japanese Latin Americans who filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a month after her father was taken away, Yamamoto told me her family didn’t know where he was or even if he was alive. Then he managed to send a letter for her sister’s birthday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had enclosed some pressed flowers,” Yamamoto remembered. “He said, ‘I'm sorry, I can't give you any birthday present, so this will have to do.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote that he’d been put to work in a U.S. Army camp in Panama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, authorities told the family that if they wanted to see him again, they would have to agree to be shipped to the United States and reunite with him there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So in July 1943, Yamamoto, her mother and two siblings joined other wives and children at the port of Callao to board a U.S. ship. She remembers walking up the gangplank, bringing all that they could carry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was so afraid,” Yamamoto said. “We saw the soldiers lined up with guns, and we thought, ‘As soon as we go to high seas, they're going to kill us all!’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it turned out, the U.S. planned to use detainees like the Yamamoto's family for prisoner exchanges with Japan and other enemy nations. During the war, the U.S. exchanged 900 Japanese Latin Americans for U.S. citizens held by the Japanese, and then after the war, deported another 800 of them to Japan, a place many of them had never seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. consuls in Latin America were under orders not to issue visas to families like Yamamoto's, and on the ship, U.S. soldiers confiscated the passports of any traveler who had one, according to historian C. Harvey Gardiner, who wrote a book about the prisoner exchange program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yamamoto's family arrived in New Orleans, after a three week journey, she said immigration agents on the dock asked to see their travel documents. When she couldn't present a visa or passport, her mother was told the family had entered the U.S. “illegally,” and they were being sent to detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto remembered seeing customs agents searching bags and even dumping people’s belongings into the water. But she was allowed to keep her prized possession: a doll her father had given her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the 120,000 American citizens and residents of Japanese ancestry in the U.S. who were detained in internment camps run by the War Relocation Authority, the Latin Americans were detained in facilities run by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. They were largely hidden from the public and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 3,000 Latin Americans of Japanese, German and Italian ancestry passed through the Crystal City \u003ca href=\"https://encyclopedia.densho.org/Crystal_City_(detention_facility)/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">internment camp\u003c/a> for families. A 1945 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=crystal+city+texas+internment+camp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">propaganda film\u003c/a> produced by the U.S. Department of Justice shows hundreds of cabins laid out across dirt roads and enclosed in high fences with watch towers for armed guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto was seven when she arrived and would spend the next four years there.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Immigrant Families Detained Today\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January of this year, I traveled to the same part of Texas to report on a new wave of families in detention: thousands of mothers and children seeking refuge from violence in Central America who were taken into custody by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and placed in a privately-run prison, just 45 miles from Crystal City, in a town called Dilley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the facility opened in 2015, the population has fluctuated from a few hundred people up to 2400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792506\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792506\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Flood lights illuminate the Immigration and Customs Enforcement family detention facility in Dilley, Texas.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Flood-Lights-at-ICE-family-detention-facility-Dilley-Tx-RS37048_IMG_8923-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Flood lights illuminate the Immigration and Customs Enforcement family detention facility in Dilley, Texas. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE denied my requests to visit the South Texas Family Residential Center, so I asked an immigrant advocate who had worked inside it to drive me to the highway entrance. From there at a distance you can see a large tented area, where immigrant rights advocate Katy Murdza believes people are processed in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can just see the tops of the light posts,” Murdza observed. “There's flood lighting at night, so people say it's even hard to sleep because it's never truly night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those flood lights are so bright you can see them from a mile away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Crystal City camp was also surrounded by barbed wire fences and flood lights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When our buses arrive, all that’s visible on the now barren field is a water tower and the cement base of a reservoir that the detainees converted into a swimming pool to escape the scorching Texas summers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two girls drowned in that pool — one of them was Yamamoto's good friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto and the other pilgrims gather inside the base of the swimming pool for a ceremony to honor the girls and 15 other people who died at the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buddhist minister Ron Kobata of San Francisco asks participants to offer incense and white carnations at an altar for their predecessors, “who endured this experience, but not with just pity and resentment, but with determination, so that their offspring will not have to endure that same tragedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto and other pilgrims participate in the ritual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792545\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792545\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin American Eloy Moaki returns to the site where his family was interned during WWII in Crystal City, Texas.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40586_IMG_1689-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin American Eloy Moaki returns to the site where his family was interned during WWII in Crystal City, Texas. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Later, they say that a very similar tragedy is unfolding again — for migrant families coming to the U.S. to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after their visit to Crystal City, they participate in a rally in San Antonio with local immigrant advocates. Yamamoto is invited to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lately when I hear the immigrants getting separated by children and parents, I feel so bad for them!” she tells the crowd of a couple hundred people. She says it brings back the painful memories of her own childhood separation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my father was kidnapped in January of 1943 and we said goodbye to him, not knowing where he was being taken, and when we ever will see him again,” she says. “It was a very traumatic day for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11792555\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11792555\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese Latin Americans rallied in San Antonio, Texas, to protest the Trump administration's family detention policies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1832x1374.jpg 1832w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1376x1032.jpg 1376w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-1044x783.jpg 1044w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/RS40582_IMG_1781-qut-536x402.jpg 536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese Latin Americans rallied in San Antonio, Texas, to protest the Trump administration's family detention policies. \u003ccite>(Julie Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murdza, the advocate who took me to the family detention center in Dilley earlier this year, also speaks at the rally. She works for an organization that provides legal help to families to get them released from detention to await their hearings in immigration court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Detention harms the physical health, mental health and legal rights of the families,” she tells the former internees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government calls this facility the South Texas Family Residential Center,” Murdza says. “But those of us who know its effects on the mothers and children detained there know that it's a jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Starting Over in the United States\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After about eight months of separation, Yamamoto was finally reunited with her father in Crystal City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the parents learned that the U.S. wanted to deport them to Japan — a place that Yamamoto and her siblings had never been. But the day they were set to sail, Yamamoto’s father became too ill to travel. His health had deteriorated in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A full two years after the war ended, the family was still being held at Crystal City. Finally, an attorney with the ACLU of Northern California arranged for their release to an aunt in Berkeley who agreed to sponsor them. Yamamoto remembers taking the train to the now defunct Santa Fe station at Acton Street and University Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Japanese minister came to pick us up,” she recalled. “He drove up University and all the neon lights were shining. Wow! We were just amazed at all those beautiful lights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto’s parents lost all their property in Peru, and Peruvian officials would not allow the family to return. She says her parents worked menial jobs in California for the rest of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade after their release, the government continued to consider them \"illegal aliens” subject to deportation. Then in 1954, a change in U.S. immigration law allowed the family to become legal permanent residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in 1998, Japanese Latin Americans won a historic settlement of $5,000 for each surviving detainee or their family, and a letter of apology signed by President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many survivors found the offer meager, they thought it was important that the U.S. government officially acknowledged that it had violated their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize the wrongs of the past and offer our profound regret to those who endured such grave injustice,” the letter stated. “We understand that our nation’s actions were rooted in racial prejudice and wartime hysteria.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yamamoto says she’s praying that President Trump will soon realize that his policies on immigrant families are wrong and that children are paying the price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"order": 8
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
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