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"title": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable",
"headTitle": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>María Guadalupe Cruz has been trying every day since January to get on the Biden administration’s electronic waitlist, so she could seek asylum in the United States for her and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old mother left Honduras in 2021 with her husband and two children after local gangs tried charging a “war tax” on her home that she couldn’t pay, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organized criminal gangs fighting for territory near San Pedro Sula, the northern city where Cruz’s family lived, have progressed from extorting protection money from businesses to collecting it from households, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told them I couldn’t pay, so they gave me 24 hours to abandon the country,” she recently told CalMatters, at the Tijuana shelter where her family lives in a tent. “And they said if we ever came back, they’d kill us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people of various ages standing in line with some holding children near colorful tents in a warehouse.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line to receive toiletry items at Moviemiento Juventud 2000 in Tijuana on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family had traveled along the northern border of Mexico, trying to find an access point where they could legally approach the United States to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s up to technology. The Biden administration requires asylum seekers to seek asylum appointments through its CBP One smartphone app.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection, Human Rights First\"]‘The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success.’[/pullquote]But so far, Cruz, like thousands of others, has been unable to get an appointment through the U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s app using her cell phone. Mexican and U.S. authorities are blocking people without appointments from even approaching land ports of entry, contributing to increased risks at the Mexico-California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to try to throw ourselves across the (border) because I know it’s a crime,” she said. “Even though migration isn’t a crime, I just want to do everything legally. We just want to follow the rules — whatever they are — because if we don’t, and they send us back to Honduras, we’ll be killed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal challenges to asylum rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly those rules are seems to become less clear every day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco ruled in July that the Biden administration cannot restrict how individuals apply for asylum, even by requiring them to use an app.[aside postID=\"news_11949678,news_11949267,news_11936453\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The Biden administration has appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, asking it to block U.S. District Judge Jon S. Tigar’s decision. The administration indicated it plans to fight the issue all the way to the Supreme Court, if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge could disrupt what had been a downward trend in the number of unauthorized border crossings at U.S. border cities, Biden administration officials warn. That outcome could substantially impact California, where many migrants arrive hoping to find more humane treatment than at other places along the 2,000-mile stretch of border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas last week, two migrants drowned near Eagle Pass, where the state has installed razor wire and floating buoy barriers in the Rio Grande to deter migrants. Although the Texas Department of Public Safety denies either migrant died from getting entangled in the barriers, Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador blasted the Texas governor, calling the buoy system a ‘death trap.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No good person would do this,” said López Obrador at a recent news briefing in Mexico City.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California seen as safer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, California officials tout the state’s more welcoming and humane border. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has declined to comment on the federal asylum ruling or on California’s specific plans should the court’s stay be lifted, allowing more asylum seekers entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A person holds a cellphone with a message that displays a red, white and blue logo from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Guadalupe Cruz, a Honduran migrant staying at Movimiento Juventud 2000, tries to log in to the CBP One mobile application on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officials have said California has helped 423,000 people since April 2021, with “temporary services and travel coordination,” and spent $1.3 billion since 2019, helping the federal government provide humanitarian services to new arrivals at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration policy and processing, California has served as a model of partnership for a safe and welcoming border, undertaking humanitarian efforts in border communities,” wrote Scott Murray, deputy director for public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long been home to the largest number of immigrants in the United States. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, they make up more than a quarter of the state’s population and a third of its labor force, and \u003ca href=\"https://map.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/locations/california/?_gl=1*1qio4ha*_ga*MjI2MjM1NjE0LjE2ODk5NjI0MTQ.*_ga_W0MSMD2GPV*MTY5MDkyMTM4Ni40LjEuMTY5MDkyMTQ4Ni4wLjAuMA..\">they contribute $124.3 billion a year in taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs. But California still struggles to protect its most vulnerable citizens from such issues as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\">wage theft\u003c/a> and substandard housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s order lifting Biden’s asylum rule requiring migrants to use the app was set to take effect this week, though the federal government received a stay while it argues its case to a higher court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A right to request asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to requiring migrants to use the app, the Biden rule, known as the “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways,” blocks those who attempt to enter the country between designated ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law says anyone fleeing persecution may request asylum once they get a foot on U.S. soil, no matter how they got there — whether they used an app first or not, the judge said. The Immigration and Naturalization Act passed by Congress in 1965 spells that out further, saying any immigrant who has arrived in the U.S. may apply for asylum “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration argues its rule — put in place when COVID restrictions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-border-immigrants/\">known as Title 42\u003c/a> ended — encourages legal pathways for immigration. The administration notes there has since been a dramatic drop in unauthorized border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the policy amounts to an asylum ban that is harmful and not working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the drop in numbers is artificial because Title 42 led to a significant increase in “repeat” crossings by migrants who were sent back across the border only to attempt crossings multiple times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, advocates say, regardless of whether the app policy is working or not, it’s illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success,” said Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection at Human Rights First, a New York-based international human rights organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Desperate and in danger\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Christina Asencio, also a director at Human Rights First, said increasingly unsafe and inhumane conditions in Mexico are making people desperate while waiting for an app appointment. Many are attempting irregular crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asencio said in the two months since Biden’s rule took effect, her team of researchers has spoken to a Venezuelan family who was kidnaped and tortured in Reynosa by members of an organized criminal group, a Honduran woman who was raped while sleeping in her tent in the encampment in Matamoros and a Central American man who was kidnapped and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she also met asylum seekers who “would tie cable wires around themselves and their children for fear that while they were sleeping, their children would be abducted from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal judge agreed that families may not be safe waiting in Mexico. “The record suggests that migrants waiting in Mexico are at serious risk of violence,” wrote Tigar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pérez Tejada Padilla, regional Baja California delegate for Mexico’s National Institute of Migration, issued a warning in July to migrants in Baja California to not to be fooled by smugglers who may later abandon them in extreme heat, pointing to several recent life-threatening incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best, fastest and safest thing to do is to process your asylum application to the United States through the CBP One application, through which they authorize 12,000 entries per month from Baja California,” said Pérez Tejada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Risks of crossing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said approximately 10,000 migrants arrive each month in Baja California, south of San Diego and Imperial counties. They come from 46 different countries, although the majority come from Mexico and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said U.S. border authorities process through the app about 370 asylum seekers a day in Tijuana and 70 in Mexicali, totaling approximately 3,080 people processed weekly, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want more people to get across safely and orderly, instead of doing it by irregular ways through the desert, rivers and mountains, risking their lives with high temperatures,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate highlighted a few incidents in July when migrants’ lives were endangered by smugglers encouraging people to cross into the United States without CBP One appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one incident a 9-year-old girl got separated from her family in the Tijuana river canal at night. Her family was trying to cross illegally with about 60 people. Border Patrol agents found her unharmed the next day in Imperial Beach. Authorities said she was being reunited with her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another incident involved a 14-hour rescue in La Rumorosa, a mountainous area with steep ravines between Mexicali and Tecate. Five people, including a 4-year-old child, were severely dehydrated by the time they were pulled out of a ravine by Grupos Beta, the rescue arm of Mexico’s federal migration agency, Pérez Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Mexican border authorities also found 17 migrants from south Mexico who were apparently tricked into getting into a fake Customs and Border Patrol truck in Mexicali, south of Calexico in Imperial County. The truck was painted with green CBP logos and had a false US government license plate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Choosing to stay or go\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said authorities on both sides of the border are concerned about migrants getting stuck in car trunks in higher-than-normal temperatures, as they attempt to cross the border undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The choice to wait or to try to cross isn’t always so easy, said José María García Lara, director of the Movimiento Juventud 2000 shelter in Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coordination is good between the United States and Mexico on these agreements to bring order,” he said, “but unfortunately, they forgot the human side, and the humanitarian side of the people who come here to the border with problems of insecurity. And they should be a little more sensitive and understand that these communities need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing glasses and a purple and white checkered button-down shirt and blue jeans leans with both arms against a desk in an office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">José María García Lara, founder and director of Movimiento Juventud 2000, in his office on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family that got separated from the 9-year-old girl had waited at the shelter for more than a month before deciding they could no longer stay put in Tijuana, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cruz family at the Tijuana shelter, and dozens of other families from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Venezuela and Haiti are still waiting in tents at the border. García Lara said with legal rulings constantly changing the rules, families have a hard time understanding what they’re supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chelsea Sachau, managing attorney at Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think that it is hard and you struggle to understand asylum laws … imagine how overwhelmed and heartbroken you would feel if your life depended on understanding it, if your child’s life depended on you understanding a system that’s been designed for you to fail at every step along the way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz says she and her family plan to continue waiting, hoping to cross legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to keep waiting, well, we’ll just have to keep waiting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Biden administration’s app rule makes it harder for migrants to assert a right to asylum, advocates say. Lawsuits are sparking debate about immigration control, and safety.",
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"description": "The Biden administration’s app rule makes it harder for migrants to assert a right to asylum, advocates say. Lawsuits are sparking debate about immigration control, and safety.",
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"headline": "Long Wait for Asylum at California Border Leaves Migrants Vulnerable",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>María Guadalupe Cruz has been trying every day since January to get on the Biden administration’s electronic waitlist, so she could seek asylum in the United States for her and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-year-old mother left Honduras in 2021 with her husband and two children after local gangs tried charging a “war tax” on her home that she couldn’t pay, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organized criminal gangs fighting for territory near San Pedro Sula, the northern city where Cruz’s family lived, have progressed from extorting protection money from businesses to collecting it from households, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I told them I couldn’t pay, so they gave me 24 hours to abandon the country,” she recently told CalMatters, at the Tijuana shelter where her family lives in a tent. “And they said if we ever came back, they’d kill us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people of various ages standing in line with some holding children near colorful tents in a warehouse.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line to receive toiletry items at Moviemiento Juventud 2000 in Tijuana on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family had traveled along the northern border of Mexico, trying to find an access point where they could legally approach the United States to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s up to technology. The Biden administration requires asylum seekers to seek asylum appointments through its CBP One smartphone app.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But so far, Cruz, like thousands of others, has been unable to get an appointment through the U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s app using her cell phone. Mexican and U.S. authorities are blocking people without appointments from even approaching land ports of entry, contributing to increased risks at the Mexico-California border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to try to throw ourselves across the (border) because I know it’s a crime,” she said. “Even though migration isn’t a crime, I just want to do everything legally. We just want to follow the rules — whatever they are — because if we don’t, and they send us back to Honduras, we’ll be killed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legal challenges to asylum rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly those rules are seems to become less clear every day, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco ruled in July that the Biden administration cannot restrict how individuals apply for asylum, even by requiring them to use an app.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Biden administration has appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, asking it to block U.S. District Judge Jon S. Tigar’s decision. The administration indicated it plans to fight the issue all the way to the Supreme Court, if necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge could disrupt what had been a downward trend in the number of unauthorized border crossings at U.S. border cities, Biden administration officials warn. That outcome could substantially impact California, where many migrants arrive hoping to find more humane treatment than at other places along the 2,000-mile stretch of border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas last week, two migrants drowned near Eagle Pass, where the state has installed razor wire and floating buoy barriers in the Rio Grande to deter migrants. Although the Texas Department of Public Safety denies either migrant died from getting entangled in the barriers, Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador blasted the Texas governor, calling the buoy system a ‘death trap.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No good person would do this,” said López Obrador at a recent news briefing in Mexico City.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California seen as safer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By contrast, California officials tout the state’s more welcoming and humane border. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office has declined to comment on the federal asylum ruling or on California’s specific plans should the court’s stay be lifted, allowing more asylum seekers entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957592\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"A person holds a cellphone with a message that displays a red, white and blue logo from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Guadalupe Cruz, a Honduran migrant staying at Movimiento Juventud 2000, tries to log in to the CBP One mobile application on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officials have said California has helped 423,000 people since April 2021, with “temporary services and travel coordination,” and spent $1.3 billion since 2019, helping the federal government provide humanitarian services to new arrivals at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration policy and processing, California has served as a model of partnership for a safe and welcoming border, undertaking humanitarian efforts in border communities,” wrote Scott Murray, deputy director for public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has long been home to the largest number of immigrants in the United States. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, they make up more than a quarter of the state’s population and a third of its labor force, and \u003ca href=\"https://map.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/locations/california/?_gl=1*1qio4ha*_ga*MjI2MjM1NjE0LjE2ODk5NjI0MTQ.*_ga_W0MSMD2GPV*MTY5MDkyMTM4Ni40LjEuMTY5MDkyMTQ4Ni4wLjAuMA..\">they contribute $124.3 billion a year in taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden State has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs. But California still struggles to protect its most vulnerable citizens from such issues as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\">wage theft\u003c/a> and substandard housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s order lifting Biden’s asylum rule requiring migrants to use the app was set to take effect this week, though the federal government received a stay while it argues its case to a higher court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A right to request asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In addition to requiring migrants to use the app, the Biden rule, known as the “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways,” blocks those who attempt to enter the country between designated ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law says anyone fleeing persecution may request asylum once they get a foot on U.S. soil, no matter how they got there — whether they used an app first or not, the judge said. The Immigration and Naturalization Act passed by Congress in 1965 spells that out further, saying any immigrant who has arrived in the U.S. may apply for asylum “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration argues its rule — put in place when COVID restrictions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-border-immigrants/\">known as Title 42\u003c/a> ended — encourages legal pathways for immigration. The administration notes there has since been a dramatic drop in unauthorized border crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the policy amounts to an asylum ban that is harmful and not working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the drop in numbers is artificial because Title 42 led to a significant increase in “repeat” crossings by migrants who were sent back across the border only to attempt crossings multiple times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides, advocates say, regardless of whether the app policy is working or not, it’s illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line … is that no policy that endangers lives, tramples on due process and unlawfully denies some people the right to seek asylum can be considered a success,” said Eleanor Acer, director of refugee protection at Human Rights First, a New York-based international human rights organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Desperate and in danger\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Christina Asencio, also a director at Human Rights First, said increasingly unsafe and inhumane conditions in Mexico are making people desperate while waiting for an app appointment. Many are attempting irregular crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asencio said in the two months since Biden’s rule took effect, her team of researchers has spoken to a Venezuelan family who was kidnaped and tortured in Reynosa by members of an organized criminal group, a Honduran woman who was raped while sleeping in her tent in the encampment in Matamoros and a Central American man who was kidnapped and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she also met asylum seekers who “would tie cable wires around themselves and their children for fear that while they were sleeping, their children would be abducted from them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal judge agreed that families may not be safe waiting in Mexico. “The record suggests that migrants waiting in Mexico are at serious risk of violence,” wrote Tigar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Pérez Tejada Padilla, regional Baja California delegate for Mexico’s National Institute of Migration, issued a warning in July to migrants in Baja California to not to be fooled by smugglers who may later abandon them in extreme heat, pointing to several recent life-threatening incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best, fastest and safest thing to do is to process your asylum application to the United States through the CBP One application, through which they authorize 12,000 entries per month from Baja California,” said Pérez Tejada.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Risks of crossing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said approximately 10,000 migrants arrive each month in Baja California, south of San Diego and Imperial counties. They come from 46 different countries, although the majority come from Mexico and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said U.S. border authorities process through the app about 370 asylum seekers a day in Tijuana and 70 in Mexicali, totaling approximately 3,080 people processed weekly, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want more people to get across safely and orderly, instead of doing it by irregular ways through the desert, rivers and mountains, risking their lives with high temperatures,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegate highlighted a few incidents in July when migrants’ lives were endangered by smugglers encouraging people to cross into the United States without CBP One appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one incident a 9-year-old girl got separated from her family in the Tijuana river canal at night. Her family was trying to cross illegally with about 60 people. Border Patrol agents found her unharmed the next day in Imperial Beach. Authorities said she was being reunited with her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another incident involved a 14-hour rescue in La Rumorosa, a mountainous area with steep ravines between Mexicali and Tecate. Five people, including a 4-year-old child, were severely dehydrated by the time they were pulled out of a ravine by Grupos Beta, the rescue arm of Mexico’s federal migration agency, Pérez Tejeda said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that Mexican border authorities also found 17 migrants from south Mexico who were apparently tricked into getting into a fake Customs and Border Patrol truck in Mexicali, south of Calexico in Imperial County. The truck was painted with green CBP logos and had a false US government license plate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Choosing to stay or go\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pérez Tejeda said authorities on both sides of the border are concerned about migrants getting stuck in car trunks in higher-than-normal temperatures, as they attempt to cross the border undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The choice to wait or to try to cross isn’t always so easy, said José María García Lara, director of the Movimiento Juventud 2000 shelter in Tijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coordination is good between the United States and Mexico on these agreements to bring order,” he said, “but unfortunately, they forgot the human side, and the humanitarian side of the people who come here to the border with problems of insecurity. And they should be a little more sensitive and understand that these communities need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957583\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11957583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing glasses and a purple and white checkered button-down shirt and blue jeans leans with both arms against a desk in an office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/072623_Movimiento_Juventud_Migrants_AH_CM_11.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">José María García Lara, founder and director of Movimiento Juventud 2000, in his office on July 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family that got separated from the 9-year-old girl had waited at the shelter for more than a month before deciding they could no longer stay put in Tijuana, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cruz family at the Tijuana shelter, and dozens of other families from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Venezuela and Haiti are still waiting in tents at the border. García Lara said with legal rulings constantly changing the rules, families have a hard time understanding what they’re supposed to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chelsea Sachau, managing attorney at Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project, agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you think that it is hard and you struggle to understand asylum laws … imagine how overwhelmed and heartbroken you would feel if your life depended on understanding it, if your child’s life depended on you understanding a system that’s been designed for you to fail at every step along the way,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz says she and her family plan to continue waiting, hoping to cross legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we have to keep waiting, well, we’ll just have to keep waiting,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won",
"title": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won",
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"headTitle": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]M[/dropcap]auritson Farms Inc. in Sonoma County will pay $328,077 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">21 of its former workers\u003c/a> as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) — the largest monetary settlement the agency has reached at its Santa Rosa office. ALRB officials, along with dozens of labor advocates and farmworkers, announced the settlement at a press conference Monday evening in Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc., which manages vineyards, is a separate and distinct business from \u003ca href=\"https://www.mauritsonwines.com/About-Us/Our-Team\">Mauritson Wines\u003c/a>. Both businesses are owned by the Mauritson family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following an investigation spurred by the farmworkers’ complaints, ALRB officials determined that Mauritson Farms retaliated against an entire crew of former employees because some of them organized at the end of the 2021 growing season to speak out against unsafe working conditions in Mauritson’s vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must recognize that this is a victory started by workers to defend not just their rights, but their dignity as well,” said organizer Davin Cárdenas at Monday’s conference. Cárdenas is the director of organizing at North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that supported the former Mauritson employees through the ALRB investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a case that sets a precedent for other workers in the region,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who spoke up about their treatment at Mauritson\"]‘After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are.’[/pullquote]The workers involved were immigrants from Oaxaca, Mexico, and were in the country on an H-2A visa, which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time. KQED first reported last year that despite promises from company leadership, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">none of the workers who spoke out were called back from Oaxaca for the 2022 season\u003c/a>. In its complaint filed against Mauritson this past March, the ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determined that Mauritson not rehiring these laborers constituted an illegal labor practice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got the news, I thanked God it went this way, because this was not at all easy. We were very afraid to speak up. It was a complicated process but you have to let go of that fear,” said Martín Sandoval Rivera, one of the workers who spoke up against the conditions at Mauritson Farms. He’s currently in Oaxaca, working several jobs to support his wife who is expecting their first child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval Rivera and his colleagues said they experienced verbal harassment from their supervisor, were denied shade while working in the fields on days hotter than 90 degrees and did not receive their break and lunch periods on a few occasions — all of which violates California labor regulations. Six of the workers, including Sandoval Rivera, sought the support of labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ) to mediate the situation. NBJWJ arranged a meeting with the workers and company higher-ups in October 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that meeting, vineyard manager Cameron Mauritson promised that conditions would improve and assured the workers that he would hire them again in 2022 — relieving the workers’ biggest worry: being denied future employment for speaking up. Then the company — which workers said had previously handled the recruitment process directly using social media — chose to contract with a third-party recruiter, CIERTO Global, to handle hiring for the 2022 season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group from Oaxaca never had a real chance to come back. According to the ALRB complaint, CIERTO Global recruits exclusively from a completely different state in Mexico for grape-growing companies. On top of that, screengrabs from a Facebook group the Oaxacan workers shared with KQED showed that Mauritson management shared incorrect information on how workers should contact CIERTO for future employment. CIERTO representatives confirmed to KQED that Mauritson’s instructions to either submit a form at a specific location on CIERTO’s website or to email a given email address were false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These instructions do not reflect our practices involving any of the workers we serve,” a CIERTO representative said in an emailed response. “Mauritson’s instructions were not cleared or disseminated by CIERTO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11918317]When the workers realized what was happening, they alerted NBJWJ. In February 2022, organizers filed a claim with the ALRB on behalf of the six workers who attended the meeting with Mauritson. Six initially spoke up — but in its investigation, the ALRB found that Mauritson retaliated against the entire 21-person team the six workers belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $328,077 settlement, which will benefit all 21 laborers, represents what the workers lost by missing the 2022 growing season, according to calculations from the ALRB. A hearing with an administrative law judge had been scheduled for later this summer, but the settlement concludes this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to KQED, Mauritson Farms declared that it “strongly believes that [it was] not in any violation of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). This settlement is strictly a business decision that allows us to resolve this issue without the need for further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A group of people sit together holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace La Fuerza\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers Antonio Flores (left) and his son Mateo, Rosalba Gutierrez (center) and Valentina Sosa (right) sit at the NBJWJ press conference announcing the settlement with Mauritson at Healdsburg Plaza on Monday. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are,” said Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who met with Mauritson. During the past year and a half, he’s hustled to work any job he can find in his rural Oaxacan community to support his wife and two children, and at the same time, kept in touch with ALRB officials who were investigating the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the ALRB worked to track down the 21 workers who were not rehired. After the 2021 season ended, many returned to remote villages in Oaxaca, where access to the internet and cell phone reception is extremely limited and for some, non-existent. Tracking folks down was one challenge, said ALRB regional director Jessica Arciniega. The other was establishing trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With many of our cases, there’s challenges in maintaining communication with workers,” she said. “They [could be] unfamiliar with our process, they [could be] unfamiliar with us, as a government agency. and what we actually do. So they may not always feel 100% ready or comfortable to share all of this information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, former farmworker and member of the NBJWJ board\"]‘So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have… They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.’[/pullquote]Workers are not just afraid of experiencing further retaliation from the same employer, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">as KQED reported last year, many H-2A employers use a network of recruiters to block workers who speak up from finding a job\u003c/a> in other agricultural industries. In that same story, KQED shared the story of Kevin and Samuel, two former Mauritson employees who were among the six that initially spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin and Samuel were actually aliases for Sandoval Rivera and Bravo Silva, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, both men were very afraid of what the repercussions would be if they shared their identities publicly during the ALRB investigation. As weeks turned into months, Sandoval Rivera felt less and less confident that there would be an answer from officials, especially as his family’s economic situation worsened. “Necessity makes you think many things,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, he and Bravo Silva are glad they waited for the results of the investigation and the settlement. This won’t just benefit them, Bravo Silva says, “but also the immigrant workers who are now working at that company, so that they are respected more and they don’t feel alone. There are laws that protect agricultural workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating a hard-won victory\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With banners and signs — many of them emblazoned with Emiliano Zapata’s quote “La tierra es de quien la trabaja,” or “The land belongs to those who work it with their hands” — farmworkers and NBJWJ organizers filled up part of Healdsburg’s main plaza for Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the farmworkers who are not able to be here today but whose courage has left us this legacy: that by fighting and finding allies, we, as workers, can achieve many things,” said Ana Salgado former farmworker, community organizer and member of the NBJWJ board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956412\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person wearing earrings speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace la Fuerza\" and \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ board member and former farmworker Ana Salgado (center) speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only a few blocks away from that plaza is the community center where Salgado originally met several of the men then working for Mauritson. She remembers the first conversations she had with the laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at one of them and saw the worry in his face,” she said in Spanish, “I reached out to hold his hands and told him, ‘you can open up now, you’re in a safe space.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have because employers tell them that it is a privilege to be brought from Mexico with a visa,” she explained. “They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Just law on paper’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The H-2A visa program is the successor of the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">which brought Mexican workers to American farms during the 1940s\u003c/a>. The current H-2A system now brings laborers from all over the world to work in the U.S. and as part of the program, employers must provide housing, transportation and meals — giving businesses an incredible amount of power over the personal lives of their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">the H-2A system is rife with wage theft, physical and mental abuse of employees and retaliation from employers for workers who speak up\u003c/a>, according to an 18-month investigation by Prism, Futuro Investigates, and Latino USA published in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person with a shaved head speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ Director Davin Cárdenas speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the federal government and California have beefed up their labor laws since the 1940s, so why does abuse of H-2A laborers persist?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason is that regulatory agencies need more personnel and resources to enforce labor standards, says Josephine Weinberg, attorney with California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA), a nonprofit law firm that represents farmworkers who have experienced retaliation and workplace abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have agencies in place. We have a lot of the rules in place. But the mechanisms to really enforce those rules and monitor are really lacking. So it really is just law on paper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1 in 3 positions remain vacant at the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, one of the agencies tasked with investigating wage theft and retaliation across all industries in the state. Such understaffing leaves current staff overburdened with cases, which means workers who file a complaint often have to wait years for a result. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">Dozens of agency employees implored lawmakers to take action in a letter obtained by KQED earlier this month\u003c/a>, arguing that “we are failing in our mission if we cannot hire and retain the necessary staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11955920]Over at the ALRB, regional director Arciniega points out that her agency has five offices spread over several agricultural regions, “but California is a humongous state and there’s a lot of farmworkers throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have offices in all of the agricultural regions,” she said, “so we do our best in this large state to cover wherever workers are.” She adds that the department works closely with community and labor organizations, like NBJWJ, to connect with laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor advocates insist that more must be done to better enforce labor standards and improve the H-2A program as a whole. Weinberg with the CRLA adds that regulators need to monitor farms more closely, with randomized visits during the growing season. And on the flip side, employers must make it easier for agencies and labor groups to speak to farmworkers in an unrestricted manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the H-2A program was designed, where businesses have direct control over their employees’ housing, transportation, immigration status and even food, makes it incredibly difficult for laborers to speak freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have access to a place where they feel that they can speak confidentially or anonymously about what’s going on,” Weinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">announced a $4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11956315]The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">the Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But above all, what really helps folks feel safe enough to speak up, Salgado from NBJWJ says, is knowing that there are cases when the system works in favor of workers. “Without a doubt, the outcome from the Mauritson case, reaffirms the faith amongst ourselves, but also the credibility of the work we do when we go out to talk to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>Editor’s note: The original version of this story mischaracterized Mauritson Farms, Inc. as a winery. The story has been updated to clarify the relationship between Mauritson Farms, Inc. and Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero and Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "How Workers Took on a Sonoma County Vineyard Company Over Abuses — and Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">Leer en español\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">M\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>auritson Farms Inc. in Sonoma County will pay $328,077 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">21 of its former workers\u003c/a> as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) — the largest monetary settlement the agency has reached at its Santa Rosa office. ALRB officials, along with dozens of labor advocates and farmworkers, announced the settlement at a press conference Monday evening in Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc., which manages vineyards, is a separate and distinct business from \u003ca href=\"https://www.mauritsonwines.com/About-Us/Our-Team\">Mauritson Wines\u003c/a>. Both businesses are owned by the Mauritson family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following an investigation spurred by the farmworkers’ complaints, ALRB officials determined that Mauritson Farms retaliated against an entire crew of former employees because some of them organized at the end of the 2021 growing season to speak out against unsafe working conditions in Mauritson’s vineyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must recognize that this is a victory started by workers to defend not just their rights, but their dignity as well,” said organizer Davin Cárdenas at Monday’s conference. Cárdenas is the director of organizing at North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that supported the former Mauritson employees through the ALRB investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a case that sets a precedent for other workers in the region,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The workers involved were immigrants from Oaxaca, Mexico, and were in the country on an H-2A visa, which lets agricultural workers stay in the U.S. for limited periods of time. KQED first reported last year that despite promises from company leadership, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">none of the workers who spoke out were called back from Oaxaca for the 2022 season\u003c/a>. In its complaint filed against Mauritson this past March, the ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determined that Mauritson not rehiring these laborers constituted an illegal labor practice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got the news, I thanked God it went this way, because this was not at all easy. We were very afraid to speak up. It was a complicated process but you have to let go of that fear,” said Martín Sandoval Rivera, one of the workers who spoke up against the conditions at Mauritson Farms. He’s currently in Oaxaca, working several jobs to support his wife who is expecting their first child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandoval Rivera and his colleagues said they experienced verbal harassment from their supervisor, were denied shade while working in the fields on days hotter than 90 degrees and did not receive their break and lunch periods on a few occasions — all of which violates California labor regulations. Six of the workers, including Sandoval Rivera, sought the support of labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ) to mediate the situation. NBJWJ arranged a meeting with the workers and company higher-ups in October 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that meeting, vineyard manager Cameron Mauritson promised that conditions would improve and assured the workers that he would hire them again in 2022 — relieving the workers’ biggest worry: being denied future employment for speaking up. Then the company — which workers said had previously handled the recruitment process directly using social media — chose to contract with a third-party recruiter, CIERTO Global, to handle hiring for the 2022 season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group from Oaxaca never had a real chance to come back. According to the ALRB complaint, CIERTO Global recruits exclusively from a completely different state in Mexico for grape-growing companies. On top of that, screengrabs from a Facebook group the Oaxacan workers shared with KQED showed that Mauritson management shared incorrect information on how workers should contact CIERTO for future employment. CIERTO representatives confirmed to KQED that Mauritson’s instructions to either submit a form at a specific location on CIERTO’s website or to email a given email address were false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These instructions do not reflect our practices involving any of the workers we serve,” a CIERTO representative said in an emailed response. “Mauritson’s instructions were not cleared or disseminated by CIERTO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the workers realized what was happening, they alerted NBJWJ. In February 2022, organizers filed a claim with the ALRB on behalf of the six workers who attended the meeting with Mauritson. Six initially spoke up — but in its investigation, the ALRB found that Mauritson retaliated against the entire 21-person team the six workers belonged to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $328,077 settlement, which will benefit all 21 laborers, represents what the workers lost by missing the 2022 growing season, according to calculations from the ALRB. A hearing with an administrative law judge had been scheduled for later this summer, but the settlement concludes this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to KQED, Mauritson Farms declared that it “strongly believes that [it was] not in any violation of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). This settlement is strictly a business decision that allows us to resolve this issue without the need for further litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956408\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956408\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A group of people sit together holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace La Fuerza\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67230_20230724-NBJWJPresser-10-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers Antonio Flores (left) and his son Mateo, Rosalba Gutierrez (center) and Valentina Sosa (right) sit at the NBJWJ press conference announcing the settlement with Mauritson at Healdsburg Plaza on Monday. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After so much abuse, I think it’s fair that our rights are respected and we are respected for who we are,” said Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, one of the six laborers who met with Mauritson. During the past year and a half, he’s hustled to work any job he can find in his rural Oaxacan community to support his wife and two children, and at the same time, kept in touch with ALRB officials who were investigating the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the ALRB worked to track down the 21 workers who were not rehired. After the 2021 season ended, many returned to remote villages in Oaxaca, where access to the internet and cell phone reception is extremely limited and for some, non-existent. Tracking folks down was one challenge, said ALRB regional director Jessica Arciniega. The other was establishing trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With many of our cases, there’s challenges in maintaining communication with workers,” she said. “They [could be] unfamiliar with our process, they [could be] unfamiliar with us, as a government agency. and what we actually do. So they may not always feel 100% ready or comfortable to share all of this information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have… They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Workers are not just afraid of experiencing further retaliation from the same employer, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">as KQED reported last year, many H-2A employers use a network of recruiters to block workers who speak up from finding a job\u003c/a> in other agricultural industries. In that same story, KQED shared the story of Kevin and Samuel, two former Mauritson employees who were among the six that initially spoke up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin and Samuel were actually aliases for Sandoval Rivera and Bravo Silva, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, both men were very afraid of what the repercussions would be if they shared their identities publicly during the ALRB investigation. As weeks turned into months, Sandoval Rivera felt less and less confident that there would be an answer from officials, especially as his family’s economic situation worsened. “Necessity makes you think many things,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, he and Bravo Silva are glad they waited for the results of the investigation and the settlement. This won’t just benefit them, Bravo Silva says, “but also the immigrant workers who are now working at that company, so that they are respected more and they don’t feel alone. There are laws that protect agricultural workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating a hard-won victory\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>With banners and signs — many of them emblazoned with Emiliano Zapata’s quote “La tierra es de quien la trabaja,” or “The land belongs to those who work it with their hands” — farmworkers and NBJWJ organizers filled up part of Healdsburg’s main plaza for Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You represent the farmworkers who are not able to be here today but whose courage has left us this legacy: that by fighting and finding allies, we, as workers, can achieve many things,” said Ana Salgado former farmworker, community organizer and member of the NBJWJ board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956412\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956412\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person wearing earrings speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"La Unión Hace la Fuerza\" and \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67238_20230724-NBJWJPresser-16-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ board member and former farmworker Ana Salgado (center) speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only a few blocks away from that plaza is the community center where Salgado originally met several of the men then working for Mauritson. She remembers the first conversations she had with the laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at one of them and saw the worry in his face,” she said in Spanish, “I reached out to hold his hands and told him, ‘you can open up now, you’re in a safe space.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many [H-2A laborers] are afraid of losing the opportunity they have because employers tell them that it is a privilege to be brought from Mexico with a visa,” she explained. “They may be experiencing many abuses but they do not want to say anything because they are afraid of losing what they consider to be a privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Just law on paper’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The H-2A visa program is the successor of the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">which brought Mexican workers to American farms during the 1940s\u003c/a>. The current H-2A system now brings laborers from all over the world to work in the U.S. and as part of the program, employers must provide housing, transportation and meals — giving businesses an incredible amount of power over the personal lives of their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like the Bracero Program, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">the H-2A system is rife with wage theft, physical and mental abuse of employees and retaliation from employers for workers who speak up\u003c/a>, according to an 18-month investigation by Prism, Futuro Investigates, and Latino USA published in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='A person with a shaved head speaks in front of others holding signs reading \"Farmworkers Deserve Disaster Pay\" in an outdoor setting.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67234_20230724-NBJWJPresser-13-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">NBJWJ Director Davin Cárdenas speaks at Monday’s press conference at Healdsburg Plaza. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the federal government and California have beefed up their labor laws since the 1940s, so why does abuse of H-2A laborers persist?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason is that regulatory agencies need more personnel and resources to enforce labor standards, says Josephine Weinberg, attorney with California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA), a nonprofit law firm that represents farmworkers who have experienced retaliation and workplace abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have agencies in place. We have a lot of the rules in place. But the mechanisms to really enforce those rules and monitor are really lacking. So it really is just law on paper,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1 in 3 positions remain vacant at the California Labor Commissioner’s Office, one of the agencies tasked with investigating wage theft and retaliation across all industries in the state. Such understaffing leaves current staff overburdened with cases, which means workers who file a complaint often have to wait years for a result. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955920/california-wage-theft-investigators-staffing-crisis\">Dozens of agency employees implored lawmakers to take action in a letter obtained by KQED earlier this month\u003c/a>, arguing that “we are failing in our mission if we cannot hire and retain the necessary staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Over at the ALRB, regional director Arciniega points out that her agency has five offices spread over several agricultural regions, “but California is a humongous state and there’s a lot of farmworkers throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have offices in all of the agricultural regions,” she said, “so we do our best in this large state to cover wherever workers are.” She adds that the department works closely with community and labor organizations, like NBJWJ, to connect with laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But labor advocates insist that more must be done to better enforce labor standards and improve the H-2A program as a whole. Weinberg with the CRLA adds that regulators need to monitor farms more closely, with randomized visits during the growing season. And on the flip side, employers must make it easier for agencies and labor groups to speak to farmworkers in an unrestricted manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way the H-2A program was designed, where businesses have direct control over their employees’ housing, transportation, immigration status and even food, makes it incredibly difficult for laborers to speak freely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t have access to a place where they feel that they can speak confidentially or anonymously about what’s going on,” Weinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">announced a $4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">the Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But above all, what really helps folks feel safe enough to speak up, Salgado from NBJWJ says, is knowing that there are cases when the system works in favor of workers. “Without a doubt, the outcome from the Mauritson case, reaffirms the faith amongst ourselves, but also the credibility of the work we do when we go out to talk to the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>Editor’s note: The original version of this story mischaracterized Mauritson Farms, Inc. as a winery. The story has been updated to clarify the relationship between Mauritson Farms, Inc. and Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero and Tyche Hendricks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "¿Trabaja al aire libre? Estas son las protecciones que su jefe debe de ofrecer",
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"headTitle": "¿Trabaja al aire libre? Estas son las protecciones que su jefe debe de ofrecer | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>¿No tiene tiempo para leer toda la guía? Haga clic en los enlaces para visitar esa sección en particular:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protecciones\">\u003cstrong>Si trabajo al aire libre en California, ¿cuáles son mis protecciones cuando hace mucho calor?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#hablar\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo debo hablar con mi empleador sobre estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#niega\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador se niega a ofrecer estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador toma represalias contra mí por hablar sobre mis derechos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#opciones\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones en este caso?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cada año, el Área de la Bahía está experimentando olas de calor cada vez más intensas, como lo que ocurrió en septiembre de 2022, cuando varias ciudades registraron temperaturas récord. San José, Santa Rosa y otros lugares superaron los 100 grados Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque algunas personas pueden trabajar en hogares u oficinas que cuentan con aire acondicionado, muchos trabajadores esenciales, como los de la construcción, los trabajadores agrícolas y los repartidores, tienen que permanecer al aire libre, expuestos a las altas temperaturas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/espanol/\">las normas establecidas por la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA, por sus siglas en inglés), las cuales protegen a todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, sin importar su situación migratoria o tipo de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, varias personas que trabajan al aire libre han compartido con KQED que no es fácil abordar este tema con su empleador. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">Algunos temen perder su trabajo si alzan la voz\u003c/a>, mientras que otros no están seguros si pueden recibir estas protecciones debido a su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es una verdadera preocupación”, dijo David Hornung, coordinador del programa de calor y agricultura de Cal/OSHA, “los trabajadores no quieren pedir sus protecciones laborales debido a su preocupación de sufrir represalias”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted está trabajando al aire libre durante una ola de calor y su empleador no le otorga las protecciones necesarias, hay varias cosas que puede hacer, incluso si no se siente cómodo planteando las cosas directamente a su supervisor.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protecciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son las protecciones de Cal/OSHA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En julio de 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">una gran ola de calor en California provocó la muerte de al menos 140 personas en dos semanas\u003c/a>, la mayor tasa de mortalidad registrada en un solo evento de calor. Debido a esta situación, los reguladores estatales decidieron aumentar las protecciones para quienes trabajan al aire libre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El empleador debe proveer agua potable que sea fresca y gratuita para que cada trabajador tenga lo suficiente para beber”, dijo Angela Yahaira Breining, abogada del programa de derechos laborales en el Centro Legal de la Raza en Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según las normas de California, cada trabajador debe recibir un cuarto de galón de agua por hora (eso equivale a un poco menos de un litro de agua). E incluso si los trabajadores traen sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar de trabajo.[pullquote size='medium' align='right']Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.[/pullquote]Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Farenheit (o 26 centigrados), los empleadores también deben proveer un área con suficiente sombra para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en el lugar, como una carpa. Pero Breining agrega que los trabajadores también tienen derecho a pedir un descanso bajo la sombra, sin importar la temperatura, siempre que estos lo consideren necesario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando las temperaturas superan los 95 grados Farenheit (o 35 centigrados), “los supervisores deben observar a los empleados con regularidad”, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un supervisor en el lugar de trabajo, explica Breining, es necesario para establecer un sistema de comunicación que pueda entrar en acción si un trabajador empieza a sentirse mal. “Si a alguien le duele la cabeza, hay que hacer que esta persona se siente, asegurarse de que haya una forma de comunicarse con los superiores y tener un plan de emergencia”, explica ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un plan de emergencia es el siguiente requisito para los empleadores, dice Hornung, de Cal/OSHA. Eso incluye “entrenar a todos los empleados para que reconozcan los signos y síntomas de las enfermedades causadas por el calor en ellos mismos o en sus compañeros de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, pelando frijoles. Hay una carpa encima de la camioneta y su rostro está detrás de la carpa.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta cubierta de lona en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco pela frijoles el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Quién tiene derecho a estas protecciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Algo que Hornung escucha a menudo es que las normas de Cal/OSHA sólo se aplican a ciertas industrias. Pero él aclara: “estas protecciones son para todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo los trabajadores del sector agrícola”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se aplica a los trabajadores de la construcción, a los jardineros, a los paisajistas, al personal de mantenimiento y a cualquiera que conduzca camiones que no tengan aire acondicionado”, él agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro error común, añade Hornung, es que estas normas sólo protegen a los ciudadanos o a las personas con estatus migratorio válido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio”, dijo. “Así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja de manera informal, las cosas son un poco más complicadas y a menudo dependen de la situación.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"David Hornung, Cal/OSHA\"]‘La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio … así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas’.[/pullquote]Hornung explica que Cal/OSHA necesita verificar primero que existe una “relación empleado-empleador”, es decir, que el trabajador ha dado su mano de obra a cambio de un pago. Esto puede incluir a los trabajadores que no tienen un contrato formal de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si un trabajador recibe un pago de un empleador, entonces eso establece una relación empleado-empleador”, dijo Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las protecciones contra el calor no se aplican a quienes trabajan por su propia cuenta, o sea, quienes son sus propios jefes, como es el caso de los dueños de carritos de fruta que venden sus propios productos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"hablar\">\u003c/a>Si mi jefe no cumple con las reglas de Cal/OSHA, ¿cómo debo de hablar de esto con él?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede ser difícil para algunos trabajadores acercarse a sus supervisores, las leyes laborales de California prohíben a los empleadores tomar represalias contra los trabajadores que alcen la voz sobre las condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias contra esto, hablar de un derecho laboral al que tienen derecho”, dijo Breining, la abogada de derechos de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella recomienda a los trabajadores que documenten por escrito todo lo que ocurre, incluyendo las fechas y lugares en los que sus jefes no han respetado las normas. Y sugiere que los trabajadores también se dirijan a sus empleadores por escrito, en forma de mensaje de texto, un correo electrónico o una carta tradicional.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Diga específicamente qué es lo que pide”, dice Breining. “¿Está pidiendo que el empleador ofrezca un entrenamiento, que vea cuál es el plan para prevenir las enfermedades causadas por el calor, o que reciba más descansos en la sombra?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documente cada vez que su empleador no siga las normas sobre el calor, ya que eso puede ser útil más adelante si usted decide presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras tanto, Hornung sugiere que los trabajadores que temen represalias inmediatas discutan primero el asunto con sus compañeros para conseguir apoyo adicional. “Así que, en lugar de que usted como individuo se lo pida a su jefe, intente que sus compañeros de trabajo lo hagan en grupo”, dice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el hecho de que las represalias sean ilegales no impide que un empleador tome represalias contra los trabajadores que denuncian una injusticia laboral, dice Cynthia Rice, abogada de derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nunca decimos que el empleador no puede tomar represalias contra usted, porque por supuesto que el empleador puede tomarlas”, ella dijo a KQED. Si cree que su empleador le ha despedido o le ha recortado las horas porque alzó la voz sobre lo que pasa en su lugar de trabajo, \u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>puede presentar una denuncia con las oficinas del estado, quienes pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"El carrito de un vendedor ambulante, el cual lleva varios contenedores de plástico que guardan fruta fresca y cortada. El carrito está protegido de los rayos del sol por un parasol.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un comerciante vende fruta cortada bajo una sombrilla en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"niega\">\u003c/a>Mi empleador no me ha escuchado. ¿Qué hago ahora?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si un empleador se rehusa a proporcionar las protecciones requeridas contra el calor, el siguiente paso puede ser presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, \u003cstrong>lo cual puede hacer de manera anónima\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La agencia tiene varias sucursales en el Área de la Bahía con las que un trabajador puede ponerse en contacto directamente para presentar una denuncia según donde se ubique su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores de San Francisco pueden llamar al (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de San Mateo pueden llamar a la oficina de Foster City al (650) 573-3812. Esta oficina también atiende a los trabajadores de algunas localidades de Santa Clara, como Palo Alto, Mountain View y Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La mayoría de los trabajadores del condado de Santa Clara pueden llamar a la oficina de Fremont al (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de Alameda pueden llamar a la oficina de Oakland al (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del norte de la Bahía, lo que incluye a los condados de Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marín y Contra Costa, pueden llamar a la oficina de American Canyon al (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>También hay una línea de ayuda estatal para el calor que ofrece asistencia tanto en español, inglés y muchos idiomas más: (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al presentar una denuncia, le harán preguntas sobre su empleador o empresa, como el nombre, la ubicación y el número de trabajadores en el lugar, cuántas horas trabaja al día, y cuál es el problema de seguridad. Aquí es cuando resulta especialmente útil tener un registro escrito de los incidentes o conversaciones anteriores que tuvo con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es opcional dar su nombre, pero Hornung, de Cal/OSHA dice que si usted da su información de contacto, puede ser notificado cuándo Cal/OSHA reciba su informe y si la dependencia decide investigar la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si Cal/OSHA se hace cargo de su caso, la agencia asignará un inspector a su lugar de trabajo que hablará con los empleadores y los empleados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si confirmamos que hubo alguna infracción del código de California”, dice Hornung, “el empresario será multado por esas infracciones”. El empleador también tendrá que resolver cualquier situación que esté poniendo en riesgo a los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, tapado del sol por una carpa. Sus manos cuidadosamente pelan frijoles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor se protege del sol mientras pela frijoles en San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. David Hornung, de Cal/OSHA, dice que las protecciones estatales contra el calor se aplican a todas las personas que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo a los trabajadores agrícolas. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>Si su empleador decide tomar represalias contra usted durante este tiempo y le amenaza, le recorta las horas o le despide, eso es motivo para presentar una queja por represalias ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. Puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">reportar una represalia por internet\u003c/a> (en la página web de esta agencia, aparece un botón en la parte superior de la pantalla que dice ‘Translate,’ donde puede escoger la opción de ‘Spanish’.) También puede llamar al (714) 558-4913 o escribir un correo electrónico a la dirección: \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si (su empleador) toma represalias contra usted, usted tiene un recurso”, dijo Breining. “Pueden ofrecerle de nuevo su empleo, el empleador sería sancionado y si perdió sus ingresos por la represalia, puede recibir este salario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted es un trabajador agrícola, otra opción es presentar una queja contra su empleador ante el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB investiga posibles prácticas laborales injustas, incluyendo las represalias de un empleador contra un trabajador que denuncia condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB requiere que al menos dos empleados presenten la denuncia. Usted puede presentar una denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">utilizando este formulario (sólo disponible en inglés)\u003c/a> y luego enviarla, ya sea por correo o por fax, a la oficina del ALRB más cercana. En el Área de la Bahía, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">la oficina regional del ALRB está en Santa Rosa y lo pueden atender en español\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nTeléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"opciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En el 2021, los trabajadores de un restaurante de comida rápida de Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">presentaron una queja de seguridad por COVID-19 en su lugar de trabajo ante Cal/OSHA contra su empleador\u003c/a>, alegando condiciones de trabajo inseguras. Los funcionarios de la agencia respondieron nueve meses después diciendo que no se había encontrado ninguna violación, incluso cuando los empleados que presentaron el informe original afirman que los inspectores nunca se pusieron en contacto con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La falta de personal \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2020/10/la-respuesta-de-la-agencia-de-seguridad-laboral-de-california-a-las-quejas-de-covid-cartas-no-inspecciones/\">ha dificultado el trabajo de Cal/OSHA durante años\u003c/a>, y estos problemas han aumentado durante la pandemia, limitando la capacidad de la agencia para investigar las denuncias de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, la agencia sí ha logrado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">multar este año a cientos de empleadores que no han cumplido con las normas del estado\u003c/a>. Tomará tiempo, pero presentar una denuncia puede producir un resultado.[aside postID=\"news_11941448\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/FARMWORKETS-SHOVELING-DIRT-YELLOW-RAINGEAR.jpg\"]Pero hay otras medidas que se pueden tomar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, la abogada de los derechos de los trabajadores, señala que hay múltiples oficinas de ayuda legal en el Área de la Bahía que pueden apoyar a los empleados a lo largo del proceso legal, la mayoría de las veces sin costo alguno, incluyendo el Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos más que contentos de ayudarles (a los trabajadores) a presentar la queja o ayudarles a hacer una carta de demanda si realmente no quieren pasar por el proceso más formal”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining añade que, en muchos casos, los trabajadores acuden a su oficina cuando sus empleadores ya han tomado represalias contra ellos o ya han sufrido enfermedades relacionadas con el calor. Aunque el Centro Legal puede proporcionar asistencia, anima a los trabajadores a buscar ayuda antes de que las cosas vayan mal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Preferimos ayudar cuando esta situación esté sucediendo para que no tengamos que utilizar los procesos legales más difíciles después de los hechos”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son algunas organizaciones que ofrecen ayuda legal gratuita a los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/es\">La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco)\u003c/a>: (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org/es\">California Rural Legal Assistance:\u003c/a> (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Una versión de esta historia fue publicada originalmente en inglés el 8 de septiembre de 2021. Este artículo incluye información de Farida Jhabvala Romero de KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Durante una ola de calor en California, cada persona que trabaja al aire libre tiene derecho a cuatro cosas: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia, sin importar su estatus migratorio.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>¿No tiene tiempo para leer toda la guía? Haga clic en los enlaces para visitar esa sección en particular:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#protecciones\">\u003cstrong>Si trabajo al aire libre en California, ¿cuáles son mis protecciones cuando hace mucho calor?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#hablar\">\u003cstrong>¿Cómo debo hablar con mi empleador sobre estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#niega\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador se niega a ofrecer estas protecciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué puedo hacer si mi empleador toma represalias contra mí por hablar sobre mis derechos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#opciones\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones en este caso?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Cada año, el Área de la Bahía está experimentando olas de calor cada vez más intensas, como lo que ocurrió en septiembre de 2022, cuando varias ciudades registraron temperaturas récord. San José, Santa Rosa y otros lugares superaron los 100 grados Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque algunas personas pueden trabajar en hogares u oficinas que cuentan con aire acondicionado, muchos trabajadores esenciales, como los de la construcción, los trabajadores agrícolas y los repartidores, tienen que permanecer al aire libre, expuestos a las altas temperaturas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son \u003ca href=\"https://www.99calor.org/espanol/\">las normas establecidas por la Administración de Seguridad y Salud Ocupacional de California\u003c/a> (Cal/OSHA, por sus siglas en inglés), las cuales protegen a todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, sin importar su situación migratoria o tipo de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, varias personas que trabajan al aire libre han compartido con KQED que no es fácil abordar este tema con su empleador. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">Algunos temen perder su trabajo si alzan la voz\u003c/a>, mientras que otros no están seguros si pueden recibir estas protecciones debido a su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es una verdadera preocupación”, dijo David Hornung, coordinador del programa de calor y agricultura de Cal/OSHA, “los trabajadores no quieren pedir sus protecciones laborales debido a su preocupación de sufrir represalias”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted está trabajando al aire libre durante una ola de calor y su empleador no le otorga las protecciones necesarias, hay varias cosas que puede hacer, incluso si no se siente cómodo planteando las cosas directamente a su supervisor.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"protecciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son las protecciones de Cal/OSHA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En julio de 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/epic/impacts-biological-systems/heat-related-mortality-and-morbidity\">una gran ola de calor en California provocó la muerte de al menos 140 personas en dos semanas\u003c/a>, la mayor tasa de mortalidad registrada en un solo evento de calor. Debido a esta situación, los reguladores estatales decidieron aumentar las protecciones para quienes trabajan al aire libre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El empleador debe proveer agua potable que sea fresca y gratuita para que cada trabajador tenga lo suficiente para beber”, dijo Angela Yahaira Breining, abogada del programa de derechos laborales en el Centro Legal de la Raza en Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según las normas de California, cada trabajador debe recibir un cuarto de galón de agua por hora (eso equivale a un poco menos de un litro de agua). E incluso si los trabajadores traen sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "Cuando hay una ola de calor en California, todas las compañías y patrones están obligados por ley a proporcionar cuatro cosas a sus empleados que trabajan al aire libre: agua fresca, sombra, descansos y un plan de emergencia.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Farenheit (o 26 centigrados), los empleadores también deben proveer un área con suficiente sombra para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en el lugar, como una carpa. Pero Breining agrega que los trabajadores también tienen derecho a pedir un descanso bajo la sombra, sin importar la temperatura, siempre que estos lo consideren necesario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando las temperaturas superan los 95 grados Farenheit (o 35 centigrados), “los supervisores deben observar a los empleados con regularidad”, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un supervisor en el lugar de trabajo, explica Breining, es necesario para establecer un sistema de comunicación que pueda entrar en acción si un trabajador empieza a sentirse mal. “Si a alguien le duele la cabeza, hay que hacer que esta persona se siente, asegurarse de que haya una forma de comunicarse con los superiores y tener un plan de emergencia”, explica ella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tener un plan de emergencia es el siguiente requisito para los empleadores, dice Hornung, de Cal/OSHA. Eso incluye “entrenar a todos los empleados para que reconozcan los signos y síntomas de las enfermedades causadas por el calor en ellos mismos o en sus compañeros de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955911\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955911\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, pelando frijoles. Hay una carpa encima de la camioneta y su rostro está detrás de la carpa.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50584_007_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta cubierta de lona en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco pela frijoles el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Quién tiene derecho a estas protecciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Algo que Hornung escucha a menudo es que las normas de Cal/OSHA sólo se aplican a ciertas industrias. Pero él aclara: “estas protecciones son para todos aquellos que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo los trabajadores del sector agrícola”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se aplica a los trabajadores de la construcción, a los jardineros, a los paisajistas, al personal de mantenimiento y a cualquiera que conduzca camiones que no tengan aire acondicionado”, él agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otro error común, añade Hornung, es que estas normas sólo protegen a los ciudadanos o a las personas con estatus migratorio válido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio”, dijo. “Así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja de manera informal, las cosas son un poco más complicadas y a menudo dependen de la situación.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘La ley estatal para la seguridad en el trabajo es genial porque protege a todos los trabajadores sin importar su estatus migratorio … así que si cuenta con documentos o no, sigue protegido por nuestras normas’.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hornung explica que Cal/OSHA necesita verificar primero que existe una “relación empleado-empleador”, es decir, que el trabajador ha dado su mano de obra a cambio de un pago. Esto puede incluir a los trabajadores que no tienen un contrato formal de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si un trabajador recibe un pago de un empleador, entonces eso establece una relación empleado-empleador”, dijo Hornung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las protecciones contra el calor no se aplican a quienes trabajan por su propia cuenta, o sea, quienes son sus propios jefes, como es el caso de los dueños de carritos de fruta que venden sus propios productos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"hablar\">\u003c/a>Si mi jefe no cumple con las reglas de Cal/OSHA, ¿cómo debo de hablar de esto con él?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede ser difícil para algunos trabajadores acercarse a sus supervisores, las leyes laborales de California prohíben a los empleadores tomar represalias contra los trabajadores que alcen la voz sobre las condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es ilegal que un empleador tome represalias contra esto, hablar de un derecho laboral al que tienen derecho”, dijo Breining, la abogada de derechos de los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ella recomienda a los trabajadores que documenten por escrito todo lo que ocurre, incluyendo las fechas y lugares en los que sus jefes no han respetado las normas. Y sugiere que los trabajadores también se dirijan a sus empleadores por escrito, en forma de mensaje de texto, un correo electrónico o una carta tradicional.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Diga específicamente qué es lo que pide”, dice Breining. “¿Está pidiendo que el empleador ofrezca un entrenamiento, que vea cuál es el plan para prevenir las enfermedades causadas por el calor, o que reciba más descansos en la sombra?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documente cada vez que su empleador no siga las normas sobre el calor, ya que eso puede ser útil más adelante si usted decide presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, dice Breining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras tanto, Hornung sugiere que los trabajadores que temen represalias inmediatas discutan primero el asunto con sus compañeros para conseguir apoyo adicional. “Así que, en lugar de que usted como individuo se lo pida a su jefe, intente que sus compañeros de trabajo lo hagan en grupo”, dice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el hecho de que las represalias sean ilegales no impide que un empleador tome represalias contra los trabajadores que denuncian una injusticia laboral, dice Cynthia Rice, abogada de derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nunca decimos que el empleador no puede tomar represalias contra usted, porque por supuesto que el empleador puede tomarlas”, ella dijo a KQED. Si cree que su empleador le ha despedido o le ha recortado las horas porque alzó la voz sobre lo que pasa en su lugar de trabajo, \u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>puede presentar una denuncia con las oficinas del estado, quienes pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"El carrito de un vendedor ambulante, el cual lleva varios contenedores de plástico que guardan fruta fresca y cortada. El carrito está protegido de los rayos del sol por un parasol.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50606_031_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un comerciante vende fruta cortada bajo una sombrilla en el distrito de la Misión de San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"niega\">\u003c/a>Mi empleador no me ha escuchado. ¿Qué hago ahora?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si un empleador se rehusa a proporcionar las protecciones requeridas contra el calor, el siguiente paso puede ser presentar una queja ante Cal/OSHA, \u003cstrong>lo cual puede hacer de manera anónima\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La agencia tiene varias sucursales en el Área de la Bahía con las que un trabajador puede ponerse en contacto directamente para presentar una denuncia según donde se ubique su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores de San Francisco pueden llamar al (415) 557-0100.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de San Mateo pueden llamar a la oficina de Foster City al (650) 573-3812. Esta oficina también atiende a los trabajadores de algunas localidades de Santa Clara, como Palo Alto, Mountain View y Sunnyvale.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La mayoría de los trabajadores del condado de Santa Clara pueden llamar a la oficina de Fremont al (510) 794-2521.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del condado de Alameda pueden llamar a la oficina de Oakland al (510) 622-2916.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Los trabajadores del norte de la Bahía, lo que incluye a los condados de Sonoma, Napa, Solano, Marín y Contra Costa, pueden llamar a la oficina de American Canyon al (707) 649-3700.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>También hay una línea de ayuda estatal para el calor que ofrece asistencia tanto en español, inglés y muchos idiomas más: (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al presentar una denuncia, le harán preguntas sobre su empleador o empresa, como el nombre, la ubicación y el número de trabajadores en el lugar, cuántas horas trabaja al día, y cuál es el problema de seguridad. Aquí es cuando resulta especialmente útil tener un registro escrito de los incidentes o conversaciones anteriores que tuvo con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es opcional dar su nombre, pero Hornung, de Cal/OSHA dice que si usted da su información de contacto, puede ser notificado cuándo Cal/OSHA reciba su informe y si la dependencia decide investigar la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si Cal/OSHA se hace cargo de su caso, la agencia asignará un inspector a su lugar de trabajo que hablará con los empleadores y los empleados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si confirmamos que hubo alguna infracción del código de California”, dice Hornung, “el empresario será multado por esas infracciones”. El empleador también tendrá que resolver cualquier situación que esté poniendo en riesgo a los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955909\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Un obrero está sentado en la parte trasera de una camioneta, tapado del sol por una carpa. Sus manos cuidadosamente pelan frijoles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50579_002_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un vendedor se protege del sol mientras pela frijoles en San Francisco el 6 de agosto de 2021. David Hornung, de Cal/OSHA, dice que las protecciones estatales contra el calor se aplican a todas las personas que trabajan al aire libre, no sólo a los trabajadores agrícolas. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>Si su empleador decide tomar represalias contra usted durante este tiempo y le amenaza, le recorta las horas o le despide, eso es motivo para presentar una queja por represalias ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. Puede \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/rci_osha_complaint.htm\">reportar una represalia por internet\u003c/a> (en la página web de esta agencia, aparece un botón en la parte superior de la pantalla que dice ‘Translate,’ donde puede escoger la opción de ‘Spanish’.) También puede llamar al (714) 558-4913 o escribir un correo electrónico a la dirección: \u003ca href=\"mailto:oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\">oshaRetaliation@dir.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si (su empleador) toma represalias contra usted, usted tiene un recurso”, dijo Breining. “Pueden ofrecerle de nuevo su empleo, el empleador sería sancionado y si perdió sus ingresos por la represalia, puede recibir este salario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted es un trabajador agrícola, otra opción es presentar una queja contra su empleador ante el Consejo de Relaciones del Trabajo Agrícola de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés). El ALRB investiga posibles prácticas laborales injustas, incluyendo las represalias de un empleador contra un trabajador que denuncia condiciones de trabajo inseguras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB requiere que al menos dos empleados presenten la denuncia. Usted puede presentar una denuncia \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">utilizando este formulario (sólo disponible en inglés)\u003c/a> y luego enviarla, ya sea por correo o por fax, a la oficina del ALRB más cercana. En el Área de la Bahía, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">la oficina regional del ALRB está en Santa Rosa y lo pueden atender en español\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>606 Healdsburg Avenue\u003cbr>\nSanta Rosa, CA 95401\u003cbr>\nTeléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003cbr>\nFax: (707) 576-2360\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"opciones\">\u003c/a>¿Cuáles son mis otras opciones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>En el 2021, los trabajadores de un restaurante de comida rápida de Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11875988/minimal-to-non-existent-safety-inspector-shortage-worsened-in-pandemic-leaving-california-workers-vulnerable\">presentaron una queja de seguridad por COVID-19 en su lugar de trabajo ante Cal/OSHA contra su empleador\u003c/a>, alegando condiciones de trabajo inseguras. Los funcionarios de la agencia respondieron nueve meses después diciendo que no se había encontrado ninguna violación, incluso cuando los empleados que presentaron el informe original afirman que los inspectores nunca se pusieron en contacto con ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La falta de personal \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2020/10/la-respuesta-de-la-agencia-de-seguridad-laboral-de-california-a-las-quejas-de-covid-cartas-no-inspecciones/\">ha dificultado el trabajo de Cal/OSHA durante años\u003c/a>, y estos problemas han aumentado durante la pandemia, limitando la capacidad de la agencia para investigar las denuncias de trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, la agencia sí ha logrado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/COVID19citations.html\">multar este año a cientos de empleadores que no han cumplido con las normas del estado\u003c/a>. Tomará tiempo, pero presentar una denuncia puede producir un resultado.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pero hay otras medidas que se pueden tomar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining, la abogada de los derechos de los trabajadores, señala que hay múltiples oficinas de ayuda legal en el Área de la Bahía que pueden apoyar a los empleados a lo largo del proceso legal, la mayoría de las veces sin costo alguno, incluyendo el Centro Legal de la Raza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estamos más que contentos de ayudarles (a los trabajadores) a presentar la queja o ayudarles a hacer una carta de demanda si realmente no quieren pasar por el proceso más formal”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breining añade que, en muchos casos, los trabajadores acuden a su oficina cuando sus empleadores ya han tomado represalias contra ellos o ya han sufrido enfermedades relacionadas con el calor. Aunque el Centro Legal puede proporcionar asistencia, anima a los trabajadores a buscar ayuda antes de que las cosas vayan mal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Preferimos ayudar cuando esta situación esté sucediendo para que no tengamos que utilizar los procesos legales más difíciles después de los hechos”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estas son algunas organizaciones que ofrecen ayuda legal gratuita a los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/es\">La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco)\u003c/a>: (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>: (415) 621-4155\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://crla.org/es\">California Rural Legal Assistance:\u003c/a> (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://streetlevelhealthproject.org/\">Street Level Health Project (Oakland)\u003c/a>: (510) 533-9906\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a>: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Una versión de esta historia fue publicada originalmente en inglés el 8 de septiembre de 2021. Este artículo incluye información de Farida Jhabvala Romero de KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Arturo Villanueva, Oxnard farmworker\"]‘So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented. We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”[aside postID=news_11946661 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_277_SafetyNet-1020x680.jpg']Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lucas Zucker, co-executive director, CAUSE\"]‘Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants.’[/pullquote]California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Bakersfield)\"]‘We have to prioritize. If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.’[/pullquote]In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented. We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's Caste Discrimination Bill Now Moves to Full Assembly Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>An effort to ban \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">caste discrimination in California\u003c/a> survived in committee Wednesday, July 5, despite months of opposition organized by groups that alleged the bill would unfairly target South Asians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a>, authored by Fremont Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, would add caste — a centuries-old social hierarchy system that has historically determined what jobs or education people can attain — to the list of protected classes in the state’s civil rights, employment and housing laws, alongside race, gender and sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would be the first law of its kind in the nation has been watered down somewhat, but was approved in a 9-0 vote by the Assembly Judiciary Committee and now goes to the full Assembly. The Senate approved a similar version by a 34-1 vote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that passed through the committee today includes amendments added over the weekend that categorize caste as a subset of ancestry — an already protected trait under state anti-discrimination laws. Wahab accepted that amendment, saying it represented a concept of the bill her office “discussed at length weeks ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the senator rejected earlier\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>suggestions from Assembly Judiciary Chairperson \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-maienschein-1969/\">Brian Maienschein\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/robert-rivas-new-speaker/#wm-story-1\">remove the word “caste” from the bill\u003c/a> and replace it with “inherited social status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions,” Wahab said in a statement after the committee’s hearing, which drew around 200 people representing both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fremont Democratic Sen. Aisha Wahab, the bill’s author\"]‘SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters said current laws don’t go far enough to protect against caste-based discrimination because it’s difficult to make such claims against an employer or potential landlord who may share the same race or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SB403?src=hashtag_click\">SB 403\u003c/a> is a critical bill to make California a just and equitable place for all,” said workplace lawyer Tarina Mand, one of the two witnesses who spoke in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, supporters marched out of the hearing room chanting “SB 403 zindabad,” which translates to “Long live SB 403.” They continued to celebrate outside the Capitol with more chanting, joyful embraces and even a little dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just feet away, opponents also regrouped, but in more somber tones — reflecting on their efforts, and a pledge by some to keep fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents — including groups who organized against a similar ordinance in Seattle — said the prevalence of caste in South Asian countries would lead to racial profiling. They oppose any mention of “caste” in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HinduAmerican/status/1676773377460039684?s=20\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, which organized some of the opposition, said he was disappointed, but that the group plans to continue to try to “educate lawmakers on the issue” before the full Assembly votes on the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it was a step in the right direction but not far enough,” he told CalMatters after the hearing. “We’re disappointed that the committee didn’t remove ‘caste’ entirely from even the clarification of ancestry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a concession to critics, Wahab \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/gavin-newsom-pushback/#wm-story-1\">amended the bill on June 15 to strip out language\u003c/a> that references any South Asian origins of caste, but said that did not change the intent of the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955063\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside the Assembly Judiciary Committee chambers: There is a California state flag hanging in the background. There are various women in suits and business attire listening to one another. Seats with skinny, black microphones are also seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters testify on a caste discrimination bill before the Assembly Judiciary Committee at the state Capitol in Sacramento on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/caste-discrimination-california/\">latest example of international conflict coming to California\u003c/a>, a magnet for immigrants. Due to immigration laws that favor skilled workers, immigrants from India’s lower caste are more recent arrivals — and some are left to escape discrimination, only to confront it in the workplace and social settings here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While caste systems exist in several countries, it’s commonly associated with India, where it was outlawed in 1950 but its legacy remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But trying to legislate such conflicts is difficult and controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature. Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield signed on as a co-sponsor of the bill.[aside postID=news_11952543 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters01-1020x679.jpg']Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> of San Jose, who is on the committee, hadn’t spoken on the bill — until today. In an emotional testimony at times, he spoke about the divisions he had witnessed and said he understood concerns from constituents, but concluded that the amendments address those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, there are certain things we must do as a state to protect everyone in our state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan American in the Legislature, isn’t South Asian, but represents many in her district. Since introducing the bill, she said she has been threatened and she’s now the target of a recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/alex-lee-1995/\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/evan-low-1983/\">Evan Low\u003c/a> represent parts of Silicon Valley, where many tech workers are South Asian and where allegations of caste bias have hit top companies, including Cisco and Google. In a June letter, they suggested pausing the bill for further study. While Low leads the California Asian American and Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus, the group declined to take a position on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "California's Caste Discrimination Bill Now Moves to Full Assembly Vote | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An effort to ban \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">caste discrimination in California\u003c/a> survived in committee Wednesday, July 5, despite months of opposition organized by groups that alleged the bill would unfairly target South Asians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a>, authored by Fremont Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, would add caste — a centuries-old social hierarchy system that has historically determined what jobs or education people can attain — to the list of protected classes in the state’s civil rights, employment and housing laws, alongside race, gender and sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would be the first law of its kind in the nation has been watered down somewhat, but was approved in a 9-0 vote by the Assembly Judiciary Committee and now goes to the full Assembly. The Senate approved a similar version by a 34-1 vote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that passed through the committee today includes amendments added over the weekend that categorize caste as a subset of ancestry — an already protected trait under state anti-discrimination laws. Wahab accepted that amendment, saying it represented a concept of the bill her office “discussed at length weeks ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the senator rejected earlier\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>suggestions from Assembly Judiciary Chairperson \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-maienschein-1969/\">Brian Maienschein\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/robert-rivas-new-speaker/#wm-story-1\">remove the word “caste” from the bill\u003c/a> and replace it with “inherited social status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions,” Wahab said in a statement after the committee’s hearing, which drew around 200 people representing both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters said current laws don’t go far enough to protect against caste-based discrimination because it’s difficult to make such claims against an employer or potential landlord who may share the same race or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SB403?src=hashtag_click\">SB 403\u003c/a> is a critical bill to make California a just and equitable place for all,” said workplace lawyer Tarina Mand, one of the two witnesses who spoke in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, supporters marched out of the hearing room chanting “SB 403 zindabad,” which translates to “Long live SB 403.” They continued to celebrate outside the Capitol with more chanting, joyful embraces and even a little dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just feet away, opponents also regrouped, but in more somber tones — reflecting on their efforts, and a pledge by some to keep fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents — including groups who organized against a similar ordinance in Seattle — said the prevalence of caste in South Asian countries would lead to racial profiling. They oppose any mention of “caste” in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HinduAmerican/status/1676773377460039684?s=20\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, which organized some of the opposition, said he was disappointed, but that the group plans to continue to try to “educate lawmakers on the issue” before the full Assembly votes on the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it was a step in the right direction but not far enough,” he told CalMatters after the hearing. “We’re disappointed that the committee didn’t remove ‘caste’ entirely from even the clarification of ancestry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a concession to critics, Wahab \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/gavin-newsom-pushback/#wm-story-1\">amended the bill on June 15 to strip out language\u003c/a> that references any South Asian origins of caste, but said that did not change the intent of the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955063\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside the Assembly Judiciary Committee chambers: There is a California state flag hanging in the background. There are various women in suits and business attire listening to one another. Seats with skinny, black microphones are also seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters testify on a caste discrimination bill before the Assembly Judiciary Committee at the state Capitol in Sacramento on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/caste-discrimination-california/\">latest example of international conflict coming to California\u003c/a>, a magnet for immigrants. Due to immigration laws that favor skilled workers, immigrants from India’s lower caste are more recent arrivals — and some are left to escape discrimination, only to confront it in the workplace and social settings here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While caste systems exist in several countries, it’s commonly associated with India, where it was outlawed in 1950 but its legacy remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But trying to legislate such conflicts is difficult and controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature. Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield signed on as a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> of San Jose, who is on the committee, hadn’t spoken on the bill — until today. In an emotional testimony at times, he spoke about the divisions he had witnessed and said he understood concerns from constituents, but concluded that the amendments address those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, there are certain things we must do as a state to protect everyone in our state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan American in the Legislature, isn’t South Asian, but represents many in her district. Since introducing the bill, she said she has been threatened and she’s now the target of a recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/alex-lee-1995/\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/evan-low-1983/\">Evan Low\u003c/a> represent parts of Silicon Valley, where many tech workers are South Asian and where allegations of caste bias have hit top companies, including Cisco and Google. In a June letter, they suggested pausing the bill for further study. While Low leads the California Asian American and Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus, the group declined to take a position on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "More California Armenians Are Moving Back to Their Parents' Native Land",
"headTitle": "More California Armenians Are Moving Back to Their Parents’ Native Land | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Hovik Manucharyan got on a plane and flew to a country at war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fall 2020 and he felt drawn back to his home country of Armenia to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Many Armenians who’ve grown up outside the country — often in California — are moving back to their homeland in a kind of reverse migration. They’re seeking a closer connection to their culture, and community, and are using skills they gained in the U.S. to make a difference in a country that many know more from stories than from experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reverse migration is making an impact. Californian transplants have started businesses and nonprofits. Some work in Armenia’s government. Others have helped expand Armenia’s tech sector or work to develop infrastructure in this small country that is still recovering from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/nagorno-karabkah-drones-azerbaijan-aremenia/2020/11/11/441bcbd2-193d-11eb-8bda-814ca56e138b_story.html\">44-day war\u003c/a> with Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325\">Nagorno-Karabakh\u003c/a>, which is populated by ethnic Armenians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenian immigrants in the United States, like Manucharyan, rallied to send aid to Armenia during the war when entire towns fell to Azerbaijan and thousands of Armenians were \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/am/en/persons-in-refugee-like-situation\">displaced\u003c/a>. The conflict with Azerbaijan was one of many reasons that Manucharyan and his wife, Suzanna, decided to move their family to Armenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just sort of feels less stressful being here [in Armenia] than far away and hearing about your homeland and not being able to contribute,” Manucharyan said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in LA knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here.’[/pullquote]Both Manucharyan and Suzanna moved to Los Angeles from Armenia when they were younger and spent most of their adult years in California. But they still feel strongly connected to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians, the 2020 war provided the impetus to leave California behind. The Manucharyans are part of a growing trend of Californians moving to Armenia full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in L.A. knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here,” said Mikael Matossian, 28, who relocated to Yerevan last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Little Armenia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are actually more Armenians \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/development-through-diversity-engaging-armenia%E2%80%99s-new-and-old-diaspora\">living outside\u003c/a> the country than there are inside Armenia. Starting in 1915, hundreds of thousands of people fled the Armenian genocide, \u003ca href=\"https://gsp.yale.edu/case-studies/armenian-genocide\">committed\u003c/a> by the Ottoman Empire — which was succeeded by modern-day Turkey — and wound up all over the world. Another large wave of immigration from Armenia started in the ’90s after the Soviet Union collapsed and Armenia became an independent country.[aside label='More on Immigration' tag='immigration']Los Angeles County has the largest population of Armenians in the world outside Armenia, with the city of Glendale — sometimes called Little Armenia — considered the epicenter of Armenian language and culture in California. Armenian is widely spoken in Los Angeles, with Armenian restaurants and schools scattered around the city. For many, the Armenian diaspora in California provides a grounding community. But for some, it can sometimes feel suffocating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get out [of the community] because I really needed space to be myself,” said Kyle Khandikian, who grew up in L.A. and went to an Armenian school in Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khandikian, who identifies as gay, said that when he was growing up, LGBTQ issues were a taboo subject in L.A.’s Armenian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a kid, I didn’t feel like I could be out and I wasn’t out,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954150\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with short facial hair and glasses is photographed outdoors near a stream flowing through snowy terrain.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyle Khandikian hiking in Yeghegis, Armenia. Growing up, Khandikian wanted space from the Armenian community in L.A. that he grew up in, but as an adult he decided to move to Yerevan to immerse himself in his family’s culture. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kyle Khandikian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he started college at UCLA, Khandikian tried stepping away from the Armenian community. But being Armenian continued to be an important part of his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that if you asked one of my friends from UCLA, ‘Who is Kyle?’ One of the first things they will say is, ‘Kyle is Armenian,’” Khandikian said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kyle Khandikian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people.’[/pullquote]Once Khandikian got some distance from the Armenian community during college and became comfortable with his sexuality, he felt like his different identities — Armenian and queer — could coexist. That made him want to wholeheartedly embrace his Armenian side in a way he felt like he couldn’t before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he moved to Yerevan to immerse himself in Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A reverse brain drain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many Californians got the bug to move here after volunteering in Armenia during college.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nanor Balabanian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity.’[/pullquote]Nanor Balabanian, 33, visited the country one summer with students from UC Santa Barbara. They set up a computer lab in a remote Armenian village using equipment they bought after fundraising at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity,” Balabanian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian turned the work she started during that first summer into a full-fledged nonprofit called \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiddenroadinitiative.org\">The Hidden Road Initiative\u003c/a> that helps expand access to education and provides leadership opportunities in rural Armenian villages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Four people and one dog walk down a sidewalk in a city wearing winter clothing.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nanor Balabanian, far left, walks through Yerevan, Armenia, with several young Armenian women she works with as part of her nonprofit, the Hidden Road Initiative, on February 9, 2023. Balabanian formerly worked as a teacher in California and now helps provide young Armenians with educational and leadership opportunities as part of her organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Balabanian’s work is an example of a reverse brain drain happening in Armenia. Instead of educated, skilled workers moving away from their home countries for opportunities in the U.S., Armenians from Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the state, are bringing their skills back to Armenia.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mikael Matossian, Yerevan, Armenia resident\"]‘I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country.’[/pullquote]Mikael Matossian, a 28-year-old who grew up in the San Fernando Valley, used to work in the renewable energy industry in Los Angeles. Now, he helps Armenia make its energy system less dependent on Russian gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A sense of community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though Matossian had never lived in Armenia full-time before moving to Yerevan last year, he said the country immediately felt like home. Just hearing people talking in Armenian everywhere, the language he spoke with his parents and grandparents back in L.A., gave everything a sense of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But moving to Armenia isn’t a seamless transition for many who grew up as part of the diaspora. Matossian — and many other Californians — use a dialect called Western Armenian commonly spoken by the descendants of those who fled parts of the country that were annexed to Turkey during the genocide a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954147\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954147\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a beard stands on a a sidewalk in a city.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mikael Matossian, 28, stands in central Yerevan on February 12, 2023. Matossian moved to Yerevan last year and rents an apartment from an Armenian man who moved to L.A. ‘I feel like we traded places,’ Matossian said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many Californians who move here have to master the local dialect, Eastern Armenian, spoken in the capital. Matossian said he felt self-conscious at times when he spoke after arriving in Yerevan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to fit in here, but I’ve since kind of abandoned that idea — I’m comfortable with my dialect,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older Californians like Hovik Manucharyan — who moved his family to Yerevan after volunteering during the 2020 war — say they want their children to grow up with a closer connection to Armenian language and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move was a big change for Manucharyan’s three kids, but they felt welcomed when they arrived at their new Armenian school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people, two adults, two teens and one younger child sit at a table laid out with food.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Manucharyan family seated at their home in Yerevan, Armenia, on February 13, 2023. The family, who formerly lived in Glendale, moved to Yerevan, Armenia two years ago, to be closer to the country they love. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manurcharyan’s 17-year-old daughter, Vardine, said American students don’t really care when a new kid shows up in class. But in Armenia, students crowded around her on her first day at school introducing themselves and offering to show her around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools [in Armenia] are more like family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians living in Yerevan described a closer connection to their ancestral homeland now that they live in Armenia. Their families survived a genocide that tried to extinguish Armenian culture.[aside postID=news_11841878 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/1920_IMG_2213-copy-1020x574.jpg']But the survivors carried it with them when they fled as if their traditions and language were burning embers that they later rekindled, in places like Glendale, into big roaring bonfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving nearly halfway around the world makes Armenia more palpable, something you can touch without getting burnt, and carry with you when you go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Los Angeles County's Armenian population is thriving. Now, a younger generation heads back to Armenia to reconnect with their culture and revitalize the country.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hovik Manucharyan got on a plane and flew to a country at war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was fall 2020 and he felt drawn back to his home country of Armenia to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s not alone. Many Armenians who’ve grown up outside the country — often in California — are moving back to their homeland in a kind of reverse migration. They’re seeking a closer connection to their culture, and community, and are using skills they gained in the U.S. to make a difference in a country that many know more from stories than from experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This reverse migration is making an impact. Californian transplants have started businesses and nonprofits. Some work in Armenia’s government. Others have helped expand Armenia’s tech sector or work to develop infrastructure in this small country that is still recovering from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/nagorno-karabkah-drones-azerbaijan-aremenia/2020/11/11/441bcbd2-193d-11eb-8bda-814ca56e138b_story.html\">44-day war\u003c/a> with Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325\">Nagorno-Karabakh\u003c/a>, which is populated by ethnic Armenians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armenian immigrants in the United States, like Manucharyan, rallied to send aid to Armenia during the war when entire towns fell to Azerbaijan and thousands of Armenians were \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/am/en/persons-in-refugee-like-situation\">displaced\u003c/a>. The conflict with Azerbaijan was one of many reasons that Manucharyan and his wife, Suzanna, decided to move their family to Armenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just sort of feels less stressful being here [in Armenia] than far away and hearing about your homeland and not being able to contribute,” Manucharyan said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in LA knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Manucharyan and Suzanna moved to Los Angeles from Armenia when they were younger and spent most of their adult years in California. But they still feel strongly connected to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many Armenians, the 2020 war provided the impetus to leave California behind. The Manucharyans are part of a growing trend of Californians moving to Armenia full-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just felt like I wasn’t doing enough in L.A. knowing that people my age, or younger, were being displaced or killed by the war here,” said Mikael Matossian, 28, who relocated to Yerevan last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Little Armenia\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are actually more Armenians \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/development-through-diversity-engaging-armenia%E2%80%99s-new-and-old-diaspora\">living outside\u003c/a> the country than there are inside Armenia. Starting in 1915, hundreds of thousands of people fled the Armenian genocide, \u003ca href=\"https://gsp.yale.edu/case-studies/armenian-genocide\">committed\u003c/a> by the Ottoman Empire — which was succeeded by modern-day Turkey — and wound up all over the world. Another large wave of immigration from Armenia started in the ’90s after the Soviet Union collapsed and Armenia became an independent country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los Angeles County has the largest population of Armenians in the world outside Armenia, with the city of Glendale — sometimes called Little Armenia — considered the epicenter of Armenian language and culture in California. Armenian is widely spoken in Los Angeles, with Armenian restaurants and schools scattered around the city. For many, the Armenian diaspora in California provides a grounding community. But for some, it can sometimes feel suffocating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to get out [of the community] because I really needed space to be myself,” said Kyle Khandikian, who grew up in L.A. and went to an Armenian school in Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khandikian, who identifies as gay, said that when he was growing up, LGBTQ issues were a taboo subject in L.A.’s Armenian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a kid, I didn’t feel like I could be out and I wasn’t out,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954150\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with short facial hair and glasses is photographed outdoors near a stream flowing through snowy terrain.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kyle Khandikian hiking in Yeghegis, Armenia. Growing up, Khandikian wanted space from the Armenian community in L.A. that he grew up in, but as an adult he decided to move to Yerevan to immerse himself in his family’s culture. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kyle Khandikian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he started college at UCLA, Khandikian tried stepping away from the Armenian community. But being Armenian continued to be an important part of his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that if you asked one of my friends from UCLA, ‘Who is Kyle?’ One of the first things they will say is, ‘Kyle is Armenian,’” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Once Khandikian got some distance from the Armenian community during college and became comfortable with his sexuality, he felt like his different identities — Armenian and queer — could coexist. That made him want to wholeheartedly embrace his Armenian side in a way he felt like he couldn’t before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he moved to Yerevan to immerse himself in Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe one of the reasons why I wanted to come here is to let go of some of the baggage that I was given just by way of being born into this place and this people,” Khandikian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A reverse brain drain\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many Californians got the bug to move here after volunteering in Armenia during college.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nanor Balabanian, 33, visited the country one summer with students from UC Santa Barbara. They set up a computer lab in a remote Armenian village using equipment they bought after fundraising at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a common purpose and passion for our people, and I think I realized the power of our unity,” Balabanian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balabanian turned the work she started during that first summer into a full-fledged nonprofit called \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiddenroadinitiative.org\">The Hidden Road Initiative\u003c/a> that helps expand access to education and provides leadership opportunities in rural Armenian villages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Four people and one dog walk down a sidewalk in a city wearing winter clothing.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nanor Balabanian, far left, walks through Yerevan, Armenia, with several young Armenian women she works with as part of her nonprofit, the Hidden Road Initiative, on February 9, 2023. Balabanian formerly worked as a teacher in California and now helps provide young Armenians with educational and leadership opportunities as part of her organization. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Balabanian’s work is an example of a reverse brain drain happening in Armenia. Instead of educated, skilled workers moving away from their home countries for opportunities in the U.S., Armenians from Los Angeles, and elsewhere in the state, are bringing their skills back to Armenia.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mikael Matossian, a 28-year-old who grew up in the San Fernando Valley, used to work in the renewable energy industry in Los Angeles. Now, he helps Armenia make its energy system less dependent on Russian gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a really important role for diasporans to play here to support the ongoing development of the country,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A sense of community\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even though Matossian had never lived in Armenia full-time before moving to Yerevan last year, he said the country immediately felt like home. Just hearing people talking in Armenian everywhere, the language he spoke with his parents and grandparents back in L.A., gave everything a sense of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But moving to Armenia isn’t a seamless transition for many who grew up as part of the diaspora. Matossian — and many other Californians — use a dialect called Western Armenian commonly spoken by the descendants of those who fled parts of the country that were annexed to Turkey during the genocide a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954147\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954147\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a beard stands on a a sidewalk in a city.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mikael Matossian, 28, stands in central Yerevan on February 12, 2023. Matossian moved to Yerevan last year and rents an apartment from an Armenian man who moved to L.A. ‘I feel like we traded places,’ Matossian said. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many Californians who move here have to master the local dialect, Eastern Armenian, spoken in the capital. Matossian said he felt self-conscious at times when he spoke after arriving in Yerevan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to fit in here, but I’ve since kind of abandoned that idea — I’m comfortable with my dialect,” Matossian said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Older Californians like Hovik Manucharyan — who moved his family to Yerevan after volunteering during the 2020 war — say they want their children to grow up with a closer connection to Armenian language and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move was a big change for Manucharyan’s three kids, but they felt welcomed when they arrived at their new Armenian school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people, two adults, two teens and one younger child sit at a table laid out with food.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-03-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Manucharyan family seated at their home in Yerevan, Armenia, on February 13, 2023. The family, who formerly lived in Glendale, moved to Yerevan, Armenia two years ago, to be closer to the country they love. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Levi Bridges)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manurcharyan’s 17-year-old daughter, Vardine, said American students don’t really care when a new kid shows up in class. But in Armenia, students crowded around her on her first day at school introducing themselves and offering to show her around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools [in Armenia] are more like family,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians living in Yerevan described a closer connection to their ancestral homeland now that they live in Armenia. Their families survived a genocide that tried to extinguish Armenian culture.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the survivors carried it with them when they fled as if their traditions and language were burning embers that they later rekindled, in places like Glendale, into big roaring bonfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving nearly halfway around the world makes Armenia more palpable, something you can touch without getting burnt, and carry with you when you go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How Caste Discrimination Continues to Affect South Asian Californians",
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"headTitle": "How Caste Discrimination Continues to Affect South Asian Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Like many recent arrivals to California, Prem Pariyar searched for work and a home within communities of fellow immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when coworkers at a South Asian restaurant in Davis refused to room with him in an apartment his employer provided, he was shocked by their reason: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">his caste\u003c/a>. Not his race, religion, or nationality, but the centuries-old social hierarchies still prevalent in some South Asian societies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pariyar is Dalit, which means “broken” in Sanskrit and is considered the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-government-seattle-religion-9acca1a7e005231ecfff35756f211c9c\">lowest-ranking caste\u003c/a>, formerly known as “untouchables.” In Nepal, he said, his family faced violence and harassment. He thought he had escaped that here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was speechless,” he said of his coworkers’ actions, which left him depressed, traumatized and living in a van for a month in 2015 until he quit the restaurant. “Why did these people practice these kinds of things here in the U.S.?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Pariyar, who won asylum and became a U.S. citizen, is one of California’s most vocal activists for a ban on caste discrimination. After successfully pushing for \u003ca href=\"https://calstate.policystat.com/policy/12891658/latest\">California State University to adopt a ban\u003c/a> in 2022, Pariyar, a social worker in the East Bay, is focused on getting protections for so-called lower-caste people into the state’s fair housing and employment laws.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Prem Pariyar, caste discrimination activist\"]‘I was speechless. Why did these people practice these kinds of things here in the US?’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Legislation\u003c/a> to do that is contentious. In April, it drew one of the largest public hearing turnouts for any bill before California’s Legislature this session. It would be the first statewide measure of its kind in the nation, although Seattle passed a similar ordinance in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Californians may never know anyone who experiences caste discrimination, or even what it is, for some, it’s both hidden and inescapable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many worshipers at \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shrigururavidasstemplesacramento/\">Shri Guru Ravidass Temple\u003c/a> on the outskirts of Sacramento, the issue is about their families’ futures: Will the discrimination they experienced as Dalits in India follow them to California? Will it stop their children from achieving the American Dream?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/caste-discrimination-california-religion-ravidassia-sikhs-8646f44e891dd681807fe26c06b421c3\">Followers of the Ravidass religion\u003c/a>, which is related to Sikhism, belong to the Dalit caste but formed their distinct faith \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/asiapcf/02/03/india.new.religion/index.html\">as a move against caste discrimination\u003c/a>. On a recent Sunday, between services and a meal, members swapped anecdotes about the discrimination they encountered, including in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In social settings among other South Asians, they said, they’ve heard derogatory comments about Dalits. One man, a hospital janitor, believes he got tougher assignments because his supervisors and colleagues from upper castes played favorites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some said bosses, coworkers and classmates asked\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>probing questions — about their last names, the temple they attended, their relatives’ jobs back home — that to an outsider may seem innocuous, but are common ways to discern someone’s caste background in India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Raj Rohl, truck driver\"]‘It was really hard for our people to get up, to get a high-paying job and higher education. We struggled a lot. We don’t want that to happen here, so our kids struggle again here to get the education they want, to get the jobs they want.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several who spoke to CalMatters work as truck drivers. In many ways, they said, the legacy of the caste system had already shaped the trajectory of their lives, because it limits the jobs and education available to them both in India and now the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really hard for our people to get up, to get a high-paying job and higher education,” said Raj Rohl, 40. “We struggled a lot. We don’t want that to happen here, so our kids struggle again here to get the education they want, to get the jobs they want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, we don’t really deal with that many Brahmins here,” said Raj Vadhan, 50, referring to the highest caste classification. The bill, he said, would help more with “discrimination going on at the upper-level jobs, the higher-paying jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952646\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside a temple there is an alter covered in white and gold fabric and a man standing in the front of the room. A vase of colorful flowers is at the head of the alter.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Priest Bhai Manhor Singh at the Shri Guru Ravidass Temple in Rio Linda on June 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>South Asians on the other side of the debate say the bill is unnecessary — and unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To tackle discrimination, we have very strong existing laws and existing protections under categories of ancestry and national origin. They can, and should, be used to deal with any issues of caste-based discrimination as they arise — and they have actually already been used,” said Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hinduamerican.org/\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, an advocacy group opposing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creating an entire separate category and law that only applies to minority communities is inconsistent with our constitutional norms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The bill’s historical roots\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a first-term Democrat from Fremont, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/gavin-newsom-walgreens/#wm-story-1\">wants to add caste as a protected category\u003c/a> to the state Unruh Civil Rights Act, the California Fair Employment and Housing Act and the state policy that bans discrimination in public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As our state and country become more and more diverse, our laws have to go further and deeper and clarify more specifically, what is being protected,” she told CalMatters. “And caste discrimination is something that should not take place here in the United States, let alone in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate approved her bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">SB 403\u003c/a>, on a 34–1 vote on May 11, but advocacy groups opposed to the measure will try again to kill or change it in the Assembly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-jones-1968/\">Senate Republican leader Brian Jones\u003c/a> of El Cajon was the lone “no” vote, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/05/california-propositions-pigs/#wm-story-2\">calling the bill “duplicative and unnecessarily divisive.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept of the South Asian caste system has been in the U.S. since at least 1965 when a \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Growing-Diversity/Hart-Celler/\">federal immigration law overhaul\u003c/a> resulted in immigrants from more Asian countries receiving visas. But because those visas focused on skilled labor, the legacy of caste discrimination in India meant upper-caste Indian immigrants were able to establish themselves in the U.S. decades before lower-caste Hindus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue became more prominent recently, partly because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/05/03/706808616/the-powerful-group-shaping-the-rise-of-hindu-nationalism-in-india\">rise of the Hindu nationalist movement\u003c/a> in Indian politics reinforced caste divisions as it sought to unify and strengthen the Hindu identity in India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest examples of caste making headlines in California: In 1999, federal prosecutors charged Berkeley real estate magnate Lakireddy Bali Reddy, as well as his brother, sister-in-law and sons, for smuggling Indian women into the U.S. for illegal sexual activity. Prosecutors said Reddy “took advantage of casteism and economic class to exploit these women.” He was convicted of sex trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/11/12/lakireddy-bali-reddy-dead-berkeley\">spent eight years in federal prison\u003c/a> before dying in Oakland in 2021.[aside postID=news_11952188 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63760_AP23081730685175-qut-1020x680.jpg']Caste issues have surfaced prominently in Silicon Valley, where \u003ca href=\"https://siliconvalleyindicators.org/data/people/talent-flows-diversity/tech-talent/share-of-residents-in-technical-occupations-with-a-bachelors-degree-or-higher-by-place-of-origin/\">Indian workers with bachelor’s degrees made up 27% of tech workers in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties in 2021\u003c/a>. In April 2021, the Santa Clara County Human Rights Commission held informational hearings about caste discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, what is now the \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/\">state Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> sued Cisco, the San José-based networking and cloud management company, and two engineers after an employee filed a complaint alleging he received less pay and fewer opportunities because he was Dalit. He also said the defendants retaliated against him when he spoke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two engineers denied the allegations, saying in court filings they reject caste hierarchies and recruited the employee to Cisco with competitive pay and stock options.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>The state dropped its case against the engineers, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/calif-scraps-caste-bias-case-cisco-engineers-company-still-sued-rcna79434\">continues the suit against the company\u003c/a>. The state and Cisco are in mediation talks. Attorneys for the company and the two engineers did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislating conflict\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While caste discrimination is difficult for corporations to navigate, it’s also a thorny issue for politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rohit Chopra, a professor of global media and cultural identity at Santa Clara University, said some politicians don’t want to be seen as targeting any community — including the Indian community, which has political clout. That gives the opposition a window of opportunity, particularly those in the “Hindu right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever organizations are sort of spearheading this … they keep appropriating this right to speak for all Hindus and all Indians,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan-American lawmaker in the Legislature, is not South Asian, but represents a district that is home to many. In response to the bill, she said she has been the \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6267016/aisha-wahab-interview-caste-discrimination/\">target of threats and derogatory comments about her identity\u003c/a>, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article274935271.html\">a recall campaign\u003c/a> led by \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tandon4congress/status/1658112022062551042\">congressional candidate Ritesh Tandon\u003c/a>, a San José-area former Cisco engineer. He says his platform includes protecting Silicon Valley jobs, addressing climate change and ending racial preferences in hiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature: Democratic Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San José and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bains, who represents a large Sikh population, signed on as a co-sponsor to the bill in mid-April, but did not respond to requests for an interview on her reasons.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Kalra, who is not a co-sponsor and represents part of Silicon Valley, declined an interview. Neither has had to vote on the bill yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naindeep Singh, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.jakara.org/\">Jakara Movement\u003c/a>, a community organizing group for Sikh Californians, said the group supports the bill because “while Sikh theology calls for caste abolitionism, still among some Sikh societies casteism is still practiced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some opponents say the bill will make them targets for discrimination, Singh argues that much of the opposition is in bad faith. “The argument that the bill singles out South Asian communities is a canard,” he said. “It is rather simple: If you don’t discriminate against others based on caste, you have little to fear with SB 403’s passage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra, of the Hindu American Foundation, pushed back on that argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re already going to be assumed to be caste-ist just as a South Asian, so you are already facing suspicion. And if you are falsely accused, it’s a nightmare to go through that process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation has submitted amendments to the bill that would remove language such as “caste-oppressed,” which it says would result in racial profiling of South Asians, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amar Shergill, the former chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/shergilllawfirm/amarchair?fbclid=IwAR0n976oPLPphVKUk9wFhiizn2BDTW8PChbOHP_6VTprCEK9DfpFD80j6Wk\">California Democratic Party’s Progressive Caucus\u003c/a> whose family is from India, said politicians have hesitated to discuss caste, but “thankfully, we are at that place now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s face it, this is a difficult issue to discuss,” he said. “Like so many issues of oppression within the community — whether it’s sex discrimination or child abuse or caste oppression — folks don’t want to talk about the pain in their own community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It’s a small world\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The caste bill is the latest flashpoint as immigrants bring conflicts from their home country to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">state is home to 10.5 million immigrants\u003c/a> — 23% of the foreign-born population nationwide, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. Nearly a third of California’s population is foreign-born, and almost half of California children have at least one immigrant parent. The fall of the Soviet Union, wars and other global conflicts touched off new waves of migration to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in those waves are Asian Americans, who make up about 15% of the state’s population, according to the 2020 Census. In 2021, nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/california-asian-population/\">1 million in California self-identified as South Asian\u003c/a> — from India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Sri Lanka, according to an analysis by the University of Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data on subgroups of immigrants, such as by caste, can be more difficult to track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2016 national survey by the Oakland-based activist group Equality Labs \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalitylabs.org/castesurvey/#key-findings\">found that\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalitylabs.org/\">two-thirds of Dalit respondents said they had been mistreated at work\u003c/a>, one-third said they experienced discrimination during their education and one-half said they feared being “outed.” In a 2022 research paper Pariyar co-authored while studying at Cal State East Bay, \u003ca href=\"https://journals.library.brandeis.edu/index.php/caste/article/view/320/106\">24 of 27 Dalit Nepalis interviewed in the Bay Area said they had experienced some form of caste-based discrimination\u003c/a>, including two who said they were forced out by roommates or landlords when their caste was discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill say \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=carnegie%20(from%3ACoHNAOfficial)&src=typed_query\">caste discrimination reports are overstated\u003c/a> in the Equality Labs survey. They point instead to a broader 2021 survey of Indian Americans in the U.S. by the \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/06/09/social-realities-of-indian-americans-results-from-2020-indian-american-attitudes-survey-pub-84667\">Carnegie Endowment for International Peace\u003c/a> in which only 5% of respondents reported experiencing caste discrimination — though the study notes that the majority of respondents who were Hindu and identified with a caste reported being from an upper caste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What is caste?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA centuries-old class system in South Asia, determined by birth. People in the lowest social and religious class were long called “untouchables.” The concept has been in the U.S. since at least the mid-1960s when more immigrants arrived from South Asia.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How does caste lead to discrimination?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nAt work, people in lower castes say those in higher castes give them less pay, fewer promotions and tougher assignments. In social settings, caste can limit relationships and marriages and lead to isolation. In the most extreme cases, it has led to harassment, or even violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What would this bill do?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a> would add caste as a legally protected category to the state Unruh Civil Rights Act, the California Fair Employment and Housing Act and the state anti-discrimination policy in public schools. The bill bans discrimination based on caste, whether the person is in a high or low position.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do supporters say?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">California has expanded protections to other marginalized groups (PDF)\u003c/a>, and discrimination based on caste is common enough that businesses and schools need clarity on what state law requires.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do opponents say?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">California already bans discrimination based ancestry, national origin and religion (PDF)\u003c/a> so this bill is unnecessary. It could deepen caste divisions and could target all South Asians for legal scrutiny.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Scholars such as Audrey Truschke, a historian of South Asia and associate professor at Rutgers University, say California has set a precedent for addressing issues that affect even “micro-minorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be due to California’s diverse population, which has long forced its lawmakers to confront broader issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for instance, an international dispute between Armenian and Turkish people. Among California’s oldest and largest immigrant populations, Armenians first settled in Fresno as early as the 1870s and in larger numbers after World War I, following their deportation from what is now Turkey. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians died from starvation or disease during the forced expulsion in 1915 and 1916 to Syria and elsewhere, in what most scholars call a genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officially recognized the genocide in 1968. But the Republic of Turkey balked, acknowledging the deaths but denying what occurred was systemic. And due to its alliance with Turkey, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/04/24/us-formally-recognized-armenian-genocide-why-now-century-later/\">the United States did not recognize the conflict as a genocide until April 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/adrin-nazarian-1973/\">Adrin Nazarian\u003c/a>, who pushed for a 2022 law establishing Genocide Remembrance Day in California, said he wrote the bill in a way that would not just solely acknowledge the trauma of the Armenian community\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only respectful if we have a day of commemoration that every community can identify with,” he said. “No one’s trauma is at the end of the day greater than the others, or at least we should never treat it that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example was in 2017, when then-Assemblymember Rob Bonta authored a bill to repeal a Cold War-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article151145112.html\">ban on communists working for the state\u003c/a>, though it was rarely enforced. Bonta, now attorney general, said he pulled his bill out of respect for Vietnamese immigrants who had fled the communist regime in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent Tran, organizing director for VietRise, an advocacy group for the Vietnamese community in Orange County, said many immigrants’ political activism is rooted in both the conflicts they fled and quality-of-life issues such as affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of the bigger plan to institutionalize the identity,” Tran said. “What does it mean to be Vietnamese American?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of caste, Dalit activist Thenmozhi Soundararajan of Equality Labs said the anti-discrimination bill is more than a statement on international politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about, ‘We need to make a moral stand,’” she said, “It’s actually that California institutions, California workers and California renters are being impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Necessary, or duplicative?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the state’s debate now: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">Does California already prohibit caste discrimination? (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cisco case shows that the state can already act on allegations of caste discrimination, though the company in court filings has contended that caste is not a protected identity.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>California’s civil rights department said current law allows renters and employees to make caste-based discrimination claims under the state’s bans of discrimination based on race or ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not say — out of the more than 10,000 annual complaints of racial or ancestry-based discrimination — how many mention caste. Nor would it comment on how adding caste to the law would specifically affect how it handles those complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/3cdbfbc6-92b0-42d5-b15d-ab647b2c2b68?src=embed\" title=\"Employment discrimination\" width=\"550\" height=\"882\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally speaking, any effort to further strengthen existing civil rights protections may result in an increase in complaints filed with our office,” a spokesperson wrote in an emailed statement. “Should that occur, the Civil Rights Department will work with the Legislature to ensure any new workload is adequately resourced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jessica Ramey Stender, policy director with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which provides legal assistance to workers, said the bill is necessary to add clarity, despite existing protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key to a discrimination case, of course, is that you are treated differently or adversely based on a protected characteristic,” she said. “And so if the two workers who are being treated differently are of the same race, national origin or ancestry, they may not be able to establish a claim if (they’re) being discriminated against based on being of a different caste.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guha Krishnamurthi, an associate professor of law at the University of Oklahoma who has studied the bill, said he understands the “ever-present anxiety that one might worry about being sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re balancing the potential for frivolous cases against making sure people who are facing legitimate cases of caste discrimination have a way of remedying that,” he said. “As a lawyer who believes in the truth-finding function, I am not as worried about our system not being able to ferret out frivolous cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the bill also serves an educational purpose: “It tells managers and companies, don’t do this. But it also tells HR departments — be vigilant about this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952647 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded Indian man with glasses, a dark blue turban priest, and a long, light-blue tunic stands before a wall-size, colorful graphic illustration of another bearded Indian man.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Head priest Bhai Gurdeep Singh at the Shri Guru Ravidass Temple in Rio Linda on June 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While state law could address discrimination in the workplace, it would be far more difficult to do so in other parts of daily life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, several Californians of Dalit descent described experiencing how other South Asians had subtly divided them based on caste. Some said it came in the form of ostracism at school — sometimes by parents of their classmates who found out about their family background — and in university groups or immigrant social circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pooja Singh, founder of Hindus for Caste Equity, one of the bill’s sponsors, said that when a health care colleague bragged about her family’s upper-caste background, she could see her promotion opportunities shrink because her boss was also from that upper-caste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out you could go to HR, I just didn’t even take it, because nobody would understand that,” she said. “Americans see, like, Asians fighting Asians. They think it’s personal grudges or something. They don’t understand it’s a caste issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters newsletter writer \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/lynn-la/\">\u003cem>Lynn La\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A bill to ban caste discrimination in California brings a global conflict to the Legislature. While many South Asian groups support it, some anticipate it may backfire.",
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"title": "How Caste Discrimination Continues to Affect South Asian Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like many recent arrivals to California, Prem Pariyar searched for work and a home within communities of fellow immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when coworkers at a South Asian restaurant in Davis refused to room with him in an apartment his employer provided, he was shocked by their reason: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">his caste\u003c/a>. Not his race, religion, or nationality, but the centuries-old social hierarchies still prevalent in some South Asian societies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pariyar is Dalit, which means “broken” in Sanskrit and is considered the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-government-seattle-religion-9acca1a7e005231ecfff35756f211c9c\">lowest-ranking caste\u003c/a>, formerly known as “untouchables.” In Nepal, he said, his family faced violence and harassment. He thought he had escaped that here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was speechless,” he said of his coworkers’ actions, which left him depressed, traumatized and living in a van for a month in 2015 until he quit the restaurant. “Why did these people practice these kinds of things here in the U.S.?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Pariyar, who won asylum and became a U.S. citizen, is one of California’s most vocal activists for a ban on caste discrimination. After successfully pushing for \u003ca href=\"https://calstate.policystat.com/policy/12891658/latest\">California State University to adopt a ban\u003c/a> in 2022, Pariyar, a social worker in the East Bay, is focused on getting protections for so-called lower-caste people into the state’s fair housing and employment laws.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Legislation\u003c/a> to do that is contentious. In April, it drew one of the largest public hearing turnouts for any bill before California’s Legislature this session. It would be the first statewide measure of its kind in the nation, although Seattle passed a similar ordinance in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many Californians may never know anyone who experiences caste discrimination, or even what it is, for some, it’s both hidden and inescapable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many worshipers at \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/shrigururavidasstemplesacramento/\">Shri Guru Ravidass Temple\u003c/a> on the outskirts of Sacramento, the issue is about their families’ futures: Will the discrimination they experienced as Dalits in India follow them to California? Will it stop their children from achieving the American Dream?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/caste-discrimination-california-religion-ravidassia-sikhs-8646f44e891dd681807fe26c06b421c3\">Followers of the Ravidass religion\u003c/a>, which is related to Sikhism, belong to the Dalit caste but formed their distinct faith \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/asiapcf/02/03/india.new.religion/index.html\">as a move against caste discrimination\u003c/a>. On a recent Sunday, between services and a meal, members swapped anecdotes about the discrimination they encountered, including in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In social settings among other South Asians, they said, they’ve heard derogatory comments about Dalits. One man, a hospital janitor, believes he got tougher assignments because his supervisors and colleagues from upper castes played favorites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some said bosses, coworkers and classmates asked\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>probing questions — about their last names, the temple they attended, their relatives’ jobs back home — that to an outsider may seem innocuous, but are common ways to discern someone’s caste background in India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It was really hard for our people to get up, to get a high-paying job and higher education. We struggled a lot. We don’t want that to happen here, so our kids struggle again here to get the education they want, to get the jobs they want.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several who spoke to CalMatters work as truck drivers. In many ways, they said, the legacy of the caste system had already shaped the trajectory of their lives, because it limits the jobs and education available to them both in India and now the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really hard for our people to get up, to get a high-paying job and higher education,” said Raj Rohl, 40. “We struggled a lot. We don’t want that to happen here, so our kids struggle again here to get the education they want, to get the jobs they want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, we don’t really deal with that many Brahmins here,” said Raj Vadhan, 50, referring to the highest caste classification. The bill, he said, would help more with “discrimination going on at the upper-level jobs, the higher-paying jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952646\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952646\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside a temple there is an alter covered in white and gold fabric and a man standing in the front of the room. A vase of colorful flowers is at the head of the alter.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Priest Bhai Manhor Singh at the Shri Guru Ravidass Temple in Rio Linda on June 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>South Asians on the other side of the debate say the bill is unnecessary — and unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To tackle discrimination, we have very strong existing laws and existing protections under categories of ancestry and national origin. They can, and should, be used to deal with any issues of caste-based discrimination as they arise — and they have actually already been used,” said Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hinduamerican.org/\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, an advocacy group opposing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creating an entire separate category and law that only applies to minority communities is inconsistent with our constitutional norms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The bill’s historical roots\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a first-term Democrat from Fremont, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/gavin-newsom-walgreens/#wm-story-1\">wants to add caste as a protected category\u003c/a> to the state Unruh Civil Rights Act, the California Fair Employment and Housing Act and the state policy that bans discrimination in public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As our state and country become more and more diverse, our laws have to go further and deeper and clarify more specifically, what is being protected,” she told CalMatters. “And caste discrimination is something that should not take place here in the United States, let alone in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate approved her bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">SB 403\u003c/a>, on a 34–1 vote on May 11, but advocacy groups opposed to the measure will try again to kill or change it in the Assembly. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-jones-1968/\">Senate Republican leader Brian Jones\u003c/a> of El Cajon was the lone “no” vote, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/05/california-propositions-pigs/#wm-story-2\">calling the bill “duplicative and unnecessarily divisive.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept of the South Asian caste system has been in the U.S. since at least 1965 when a \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Growing-Diversity/Hart-Celler/\">federal immigration law overhaul\u003c/a> resulted in immigrants from more Asian countries receiving visas. But because those visas focused on skilled labor, the legacy of caste discrimination in India meant upper-caste Indian immigrants were able to establish themselves in the U.S. decades before lower-caste Hindus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue became more prominent recently, partly because the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/05/03/706808616/the-powerful-group-shaping-the-rise-of-hindu-nationalism-in-india\">rise of the Hindu nationalist movement\u003c/a> in Indian politics reinforced caste divisions as it sought to unify and strengthen the Hindu identity in India.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest examples of caste making headlines in California: In 1999, federal prosecutors charged Berkeley real estate magnate Lakireddy Bali Reddy, as well as his brother, sister-in-law and sons, for smuggling Indian women into the U.S. for illegal sexual activity. Prosecutors said Reddy “took advantage of casteism and economic class to exploit these women.” He was convicted of sex trafficking and \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/11/12/lakireddy-bali-reddy-dead-berkeley\">spent eight years in federal prison\u003c/a> before dying in Oakland in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Caste issues have surfaced prominently in Silicon Valley, where \u003ca href=\"https://siliconvalleyindicators.org/data/people/talent-flows-diversity/tech-talent/share-of-residents-in-technical-occupations-with-a-bachelors-degree-or-higher-by-place-of-origin/\">Indian workers with bachelor’s degrees made up 27% of tech workers in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties in 2021\u003c/a>. In April 2021, the Santa Clara County Human Rights Commission held informational hearings about caste discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, what is now the \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/\">state Civil Rights Department\u003c/a> sued Cisco, the San José-based networking and cloud management company, and two engineers after an employee filed a complaint alleging he received less pay and fewer opportunities because he was Dalit. He also said the defendants retaliated against him when he spoke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two engineers denied the allegations, saying in court filings they reject caste hierarchies and recruited the employee to Cisco with competitive pay and stock options.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>The state dropped its case against the engineers, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/calif-scraps-caste-bias-case-cisco-engineers-company-still-sued-rcna79434\">continues the suit against the company\u003c/a>. The state and Cisco are in mediation talks. Attorneys for the company and the two engineers did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislating conflict\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While caste discrimination is difficult for corporations to navigate, it’s also a thorny issue for politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rohit Chopra, a professor of global media and cultural identity at Santa Clara University, said some politicians don’t want to be seen as targeting any community — including the Indian community, which has political clout. That gives the opposition a window of opportunity, particularly those in the “Hindu right,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever organizations are sort of spearheading this … they keep appropriating this right to speak for all Hindus and all Indians,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan-American lawmaker in the Legislature, is not South Asian, but represents a district that is home to many. In response to the bill, she said she has been the \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6267016/aisha-wahab-interview-caste-discrimination/\">target of threats and derogatory comments about her identity\u003c/a>, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article274935271.html\">a recall campaign\u003c/a> led by \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tandon4congress/status/1658112022062551042\">congressional candidate Ritesh Tandon\u003c/a>, a San José-area former Cisco engineer. He says his platform includes protecting Silicon Valley jobs, addressing climate change and ending racial preferences in hiring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature: Democratic Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San José and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bains, who represents a large Sikh population, signed on as a co-sponsor to the bill in mid-April, but did not respond to requests for an interview on her reasons.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Kalra, who is not a co-sponsor and represents part of Silicon Valley, declined an interview. Neither has had to vote on the bill yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naindeep Singh, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.jakara.org/\">Jakara Movement\u003c/a>, a community organizing group for Sikh Californians, said the group supports the bill because “while Sikh theology calls for caste abolitionism, still among some Sikh societies casteism is still practiced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some opponents say the bill will make them targets for discrimination, Singh argues that much of the opposition is in bad faith. “The argument that the bill singles out South Asian communities is a canard,” he said. “It is rather simple: If you don’t discriminate against others based on caste, you have little to fear with SB 403’s passage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra, of the Hindu American Foundation, pushed back on that argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re already going to be assumed to be caste-ist just as a South Asian, so you are already facing suspicion. And if you are falsely accused, it’s a nightmare to go through that process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foundation has submitted amendments to the bill that would remove language such as “caste-oppressed,” which it says would result in racial profiling of South Asians, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amar Shergill, the former chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/shergilllawfirm/amarchair?fbclid=IwAR0n976oPLPphVKUk9wFhiizn2BDTW8PChbOHP_6VTprCEK9DfpFD80j6Wk\">California Democratic Party’s Progressive Caucus\u003c/a> whose family is from India, said politicians have hesitated to discuss caste, but “thankfully, we are at that place now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s face it, this is a difficult issue to discuss,” he said. “Like so many issues of oppression within the community — whether it’s sex discrimination or child abuse or caste oppression — folks don’t want to talk about the pain in their own community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It’s a small world\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The caste bill is the latest flashpoint as immigrants bring conflicts from their home country to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">state is home to 10.5 million immigrants\u003c/a> — 23% of the foreign-born population nationwide, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. Nearly a third of California’s population is foreign-born, and almost half of California children have at least one immigrant parent. The fall of the Soviet Union, wars and other global conflicts touched off new waves of migration to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in those waves are Asian Americans, who make up about 15% of the state’s population, according to the 2020 Census. In 2021, nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/california-asian-population/\">1 million in California self-identified as South Asian\u003c/a> — from India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Sri Lanka, according to an analysis by the University of Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data on subgroups of immigrants, such as by caste, can be more difficult to track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2016 national survey by the Oakland-based activist group Equality Labs \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalitylabs.org/castesurvey/#key-findings\">found that\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalitylabs.org/\">two-thirds of Dalit respondents said they had been mistreated at work\u003c/a>, one-third said they experienced discrimination during their education and one-half said they feared being “outed.” In a 2022 research paper Pariyar co-authored while studying at Cal State East Bay, \u003ca href=\"https://journals.library.brandeis.edu/index.php/caste/article/view/320/106\">24 of 27 Dalit Nepalis interviewed in the Bay Area said they had experienced some form of caste-based discrimination\u003c/a>, including two who said they were forced out by roommates or landlords when their caste was discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill say \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=carnegie%20(from%3ACoHNAOfficial)&src=typed_query\">caste discrimination reports are overstated\u003c/a> in the Equality Labs survey. They point instead to a broader 2021 survey of Indian Americans in the U.S. by the \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/06/09/social-realities-of-indian-americans-results-from-2020-indian-american-attitudes-survey-pub-84667\">Carnegie Endowment for International Peace\u003c/a> in which only 5% of respondents reported experiencing caste discrimination — though the study notes that the majority of respondents who were Hindu and identified with a caste reported being from an upper caste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What is caste?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA centuries-old class system in South Asia, determined by birth. People in the lowest social and religious class were long called “untouchables.” The concept has been in the U.S. since at least the mid-1960s when more immigrants arrived from South Asia.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How does caste lead to discrimination?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nAt work, people in lower castes say those in higher castes give them less pay, fewer promotions and tougher assignments. In social settings, caste can limit relationships and marriages and lead to isolation. In the most extreme cases, it has led to harassment, or even violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What would this bill do?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a> would add caste as a legally protected category to the state Unruh Civil Rights Act, the California Fair Employment and Housing Act and the state anti-discrimination policy in public schools. The bill bans discrimination based on caste, whether the person is in a high or low position.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do supporters say?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">California has expanded protections to other marginalized groups (PDF)\u003c/a>, and discrimination based on caste is common enough that businesses and schools need clarity on what state law requires.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do opponents say?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">California already bans discrimination based ancestry, national origin and religion (PDF)\u003c/a> so this bill is unnecessary. It could deepen caste divisions and could target all South Asians for legal scrutiny.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Scholars such as Audrey Truschke, a historian of South Asia and associate professor at Rutgers University, say California has set a precedent for addressing issues that affect even “micro-minorities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be due to California’s diverse population, which has long forced its lawmakers to confront broader issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take, for instance, an international dispute between Armenian and Turkish people. Among California’s oldest and largest immigrant populations, Armenians first settled in Fresno as early as the 1870s and in larger numbers after World War I, following their deportation from what is now Turkey. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians died from starvation or disease during the forced expulsion in 1915 and 1916 to Syria and elsewhere, in what most scholars call a genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officially recognized the genocide in 1968. But the Republic of Turkey balked, acknowledging the deaths but denying what occurred was systemic. And due to its alliance with Turkey, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/04/24/us-formally-recognized-armenian-genocide-why-now-century-later/\">the United States did not recognize the conflict as a genocide until April 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/adrin-nazarian-1973/\">Adrin Nazarian\u003c/a>, who pushed for a 2022 law establishing Genocide Remembrance Day in California, said he wrote the bill in a way that would not just solely acknowledge the trauma of the Armenian community\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only respectful if we have a day of commemoration that every community can identify with,” he said. “No one’s trauma is at the end of the day greater than the others, or at least we should never treat it that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example was in 2017, when then-Assemblymember Rob Bonta authored a bill to repeal a Cold War-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article151145112.html\">ban on communists working for the state\u003c/a>, though it was rarely enforced. Bonta, now attorney general, said he pulled his bill out of respect for Vietnamese immigrants who had fled the communist regime in Vietnam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent Tran, organizing director for VietRise, an advocacy group for the Vietnamese community in Orange County, said many immigrants’ political activism is rooted in both the conflicts they fled and quality-of-life issues such as affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of the bigger plan to institutionalize the identity,” Tran said. “What does it mean to be Vietnamese American?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of caste, Dalit activist Thenmozhi Soundararajan of Equality Labs said the anti-discrimination bill is more than a statement on international politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about, ‘We need to make a moral stand,’” she said, “It’s actually that California institutions, California workers and California renters are being impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Necessary, or duplicative?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the state’s debate now: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/202320240SB403_Senate-Judiciary.pdf\">Does California already prohibit caste discrimination? (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cisco case shows that the state can already act on allegations of caste discrimination, though the company in court filings has contended that caste is not a protected identity.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>California’s civil rights department said current law allows renters and employees to make caste-based discrimination claims under the state’s bans of discrimination based on race or ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department could not say — out of the more than 10,000 annual complaints of racial or ancestry-based discrimination — how many mention caste. Nor would it comment on how adding caste to the law would specifically affect how it handles those complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/3cdbfbc6-92b0-42d5-b15d-ab647b2c2b68?src=embed\" title=\"Employment discrimination\" width=\"550\" height=\"882\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally speaking, any effort to further strengthen existing civil rights protections may result in an increase in complaints filed with our office,” a spokesperson wrote in an emailed statement. “Should that occur, the Civil Rights Department will work with the Legislature to ensure any new workload is adequately resourced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jessica Ramey Stender, policy director with \u003ca href=\"https://www.equalrights.org/\">Equal Rights Advocates\u003c/a>, which provides legal assistance to workers, said the bill is necessary to add clarity, despite existing protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key to a discrimination case, of course, is that you are treated differently or adversely based on a protected characteristic,” she said. “And so if the two workers who are being treated differently are of the same race, national origin or ancestry, they may not be able to establish a claim if (they’re) being discriminated against based on being of a different caste.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guha Krishnamurthi, an associate professor of law at the University of Oklahoma who has studied the bill, said he understands the “ever-present anxiety that one might worry about being sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re balancing the potential for frivolous cases against making sure people who are facing legitimate cases of caste discrimination have a way of remedying that,” he said. “As a lawyer who believes in the truth-finding function, I am not as worried about our system not being able to ferret out frivolous cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the bill also serves an educational purpose: “It tells managers and companies, don’t do this. But it also tells HR departments — be vigilant about this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952647 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded Indian man with glasses, a dark blue turban priest, and a long, light-blue tunic stands before a wall-size, colorful graphic illustration of another bearded Indian man.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Head priest Bhai Gurdeep Singh at the Shri Guru Ravidass Temple in Rio Linda on June 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While state law could address discrimination in the workplace, it would be far more difficult to do so in other parts of daily life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In interviews, several Californians of Dalit descent described experiencing how other South Asians had subtly divided them based on caste. Some said it came in the form of ostracism at school — sometimes by parents of their classmates who found out about their family background — and in university groups or immigrant social circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pooja Singh, founder of Hindus for Caste Equity, one of the bill’s sponsors, said that when a health care colleague bragged about her family’s upper-caste background, she could see her promotion opportunities shrink because her boss was also from that upper-caste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out you could go to HR, I just didn’t even take it, because nobody would understand that,” she said. “Americans see, like, Asians fighting Asians. They think it’s personal grudges or something. They don’t understand it’s a caste issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters newsletter writer \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/lynn-la/\">\u003cem>Lynn La\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Investigates DeSantis' Role in Migrants' Arrival in Sacramento",
"headTitle": "California Investigates DeSantis’ Role in Migrants’ Arrival in Sacramento | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Officials were investigating Tuesday whether Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis was behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952227/migrants-flown-to-california-were-intentionally-deceived\">a flight that picked up asylum seekers\u003c/a> on the Texas border and flew them — apparently without their knowledge — to California’s capital, where faith-based groups scrambled to find housing and food for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 people ranging in age from 21 to 30 were flown by private jet to Sacramento on Monday, California Attorney General Rob Bonta said. It was the second such flight in four days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg and faith-based groups who have been assisting the migrants scheduled a news conference for Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, California Gov. Gavin Newsom lashed out at DeSantis on Twitter, calling him a “small, pathetic man” and suggesting that his state could pursue kidnapping charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/gavinnewsom/status/1665769565261840387\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSantis and other Florida officials have remained mum, as they initially did last year when they flew 49 Venezuelan migrants to the upscale Massachusetts island of Martha’s Vineyard, luring them onto private jets from a shelter in San Antonio. The governor didn’t mention the flights during a Tuesday bill-signing ceremony, and his administration hasn’t provided information on the flights despite multiple requests from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSantis, who is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ron-desantis-2024-presidential-election-live-updates-0495d567326db1e760179d01f1f7c45e\">seeking the Republican nomination\u003c/a> for president, has been a fierce critic of federal immigration policy under President Joe Biden and has heavily publicized Florida’s role in past instances in which migrants were transported to Democratic-led states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has made the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/florida-desantis-immigration-bill-74d3efde87fe376202ebda74bab123b8\">migrant relocation program\u003c/a> one of his signature political priorities, using the state legislative process to direct millions of dollars to it and working with multiple contractors to carry out the flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-massachusetts-san-antonio-e88805be61d7a1a7cf71581d1c20c19f\">Vertol Systems Co.\u003c/a>, which was paid by Florida to fly migrants to Martha’s Vineyard, appears to be behind the flights to Sacramento on Monday and last Friday, Bonta said, adding that the migrants were carrying “an official document from the state of Florida” that mentions the company. The company didn’t respond to an email seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altogether, more than three dozen migrants arrived in Sacramento on the flights Friday and Monday. Most are from Colombia and Venezuela. California had not been their intended destination, and shelters and aid workers were taken by surprise, authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s group was dropped off at the Roman Catholic Church diocese’s headquarters in Sacramento. U.S. immigration officials had already processed them in Texas and given them court dates for their asylum cases, and none had planned to arrive in California, said Eddie Carmona, campaign director at PICO California, a faith-based group helping the migrants in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers can change the location of their court appearances, but many are reluctant to try and instead prefer sticking with a firm date, at least for their initial appearances. They figure it is a guarantee, even if horribly inconvenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican governors of Texas and Arizona have previously sent thousands of migrants on buses to New York, Chicago and Washington, D.C., but the rare charter flights by DeSantis mark an escalation in tactics. The two groups sent to Sacramento never went through Florida. Instead, they were approached in El Paso, Texas, by people with Florida-linked paperwork, sent to New Mexico, then put on private flights to California’s capital, California officials and advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952343\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952343\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED.jpg\" alt='A brick building with verdant landscaping on a sunny day and a brick sign reading \"Catholic Diocese of Sacramento: The Pastoral Center.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento are seen in Sacramento on June 5, 2023. Sixteen migrants from Venezuela and Colombia were brought to the diocese’s offices on Friday, June 2, 2023, after being flown from Texas to Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Trân Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who met with some of the migrants who arrived Friday, said they told him they were approached by two women who spoke broken Spanish and promised them jobs. The women traveled with them by land from El Paso to Deming, New Mexico, where two men then accompanied them on the flight to Sacramento. The same men were on the flight Monday, Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see leaders and governments of other states and the state of Florida, Governor Ron DeSantis, acting with cruelty and inhumanity and moral bankruptcy and being petty and small and hurtful and harmful to those vulnerable asylum seekers is blood-boiling,” Bonta said in a Monday interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the migrants who arrived Friday told Bonta they had met each other on their nearly three-month journey to the United States and decided to stick together to keep each other safe as they slept on the streets in several countries, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the migrants arrived in California Monday, a Texas sheriff’s office announced it had recommended criminal charges over the two flights to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-ron-desantis-san-antonio-fc33092bca2af532841e583b73e24b7f\">Martha’s Vineyard last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnny Garcia, a spokesperson for the Bexar County Sheriff’s Office, said the office is not naming suspects at this time. It’s not clear whether the local district attorney will pursue the charges, which include misdemeanor and felony counts of unlawful restraint, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Immigration' tag='immigration']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of New Mexico Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham had no specifics as to why the immigrants were taken from Texas to New Mexico before being flown to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Lujan Grisham stresses, yet again, the urgent need for comprehensive, thoughtful federal immigration reform which is rooted in a humanitarian response that keeps border communities in mind,” the governor’s spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, DeSantis directed Republican lawmakers in Florida to create a program in his office dedicated to migrant relocations. It specified that the state could transport migrants from locations anywhere in the country. The law was designed to get around questions about the legality of transporting people on a flight that originated in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida’s alleged role in the arrival of the two groups in Sacramento is sure to escalate the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-president-democrats-2024-843877ca6aca701a5a68b8cb022203a2\">political feud between DeSantis and Newsom\u003c/a>, who have offered conflicting visions on immigration, abortion and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Olga Rodriguez reported from San Francisco. Associated Press writers Anthony Izaguirre in Tallahassee, Fla., Paul J. Weber in Austin, Texas, Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and Elliot Spagat in San Diego contributed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "About 20 asylum seekers, age 21 to 30, were flown by private jet to Sacramento on Monday, California Attorney General Rob Bonta said. It's the second such flight in four days.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Officials were investigating Tuesday whether Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis was behind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952227/migrants-flown-to-california-were-intentionally-deceived\">a flight that picked up asylum seekers\u003c/a> on the Texas border and flew them — apparently without their knowledge — to California’s capital, where faith-based groups scrambled to find housing and food for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 people ranging in age from 21 to 30 were flown by private jet to Sacramento on Monday, California Attorney General Rob Bonta said. It was the second such flight in four days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg and faith-based groups who have been assisting the migrants scheduled a news conference for Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, California Gov. Gavin Newsom lashed out at DeSantis on Twitter, calling him a “small, pathetic man” and suggesting that his state could pursue kidnapping charges.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>DeSantis and other Florida officials have remained mum, as they initially did last year when they flew 49 Venezuelan migrants to the upscale Massachusetts island of Martha’s Vineyard, luring them onto private jets from a shelter in San Antonio. The governor didn’t mention the flights during a Tuesday bill-signing ceremony, and his administration hasn’t provided information on the flights despite multiple requests from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSantis, who is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ron-desantis-2024-presidential-election-live-updates-0495d567326db1e760179d01f1f7c45e\">seeking the Republican nomination\u003c/a> for president, has been a fierce critic of federal immigration policy under President Joe Biden and has heavily publicized Florida’s role in past instances in which migrants were transported to Democratic-led states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has made the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/florida-desantis-immigration-bill-74d3efde87fe376202ebda74bab123b8\">migrant relocation program\u003c/a> one of his signature political priorities, using the state legislative process to direct millions of dollars to it and working with multiple contractors to carry out the flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-massachusetts-san-antonio-e88805be61d7a1a7cf71581d1c20c19f\">Vertol Systems Co.\u003c/a>, which was paid by Florida to fly migrants to Martha’s Vineyard, appears to be behind the flights to Sacramento on Monday and last Friday, Bonta said, adding that the migrants were carrying “an official document from the state of Florida” that mentions the company. The company didn’t respond to an email seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altogether, more than three dozen migrants arrived in Sacramento on the flights Friday and Monday. Most are from Colombia and Venezuela. California had not been their intended destination, and shelters and aid workers were taken by surprise, authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s group was dropped off at the Roman Catholic Church diocese’s headquarters in Sacramento. U.S. immigration officials had already processed them in Texas and given them court dates for their asylum cases, and none had planned to arrive in California, said Eddie Carmona, campaign director at PICO California, a faith-based group helping the migrants in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers can change the location of their court appearances, but many are reluctant to try and instead prefer sticking with a firm date, at least for their initial appearances. They figure it is a guarantee, even if horribly inconvenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican governors of Texas and Arizona have previously sent thousands of migrants on buses to New York, Chicago and Washington, D.C., but the rare charter flights by DeSantis mark an escalation in tactics. The two groups sent to Sacramento never went through Florida. Instead, they were approached in El Paso, Texas, by people with Florida-linked paperwork, sent to New Mexico, then put on private flights to California’s capital, California officials and advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952343\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952343\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED.jpg\" alt='A brick building with verdant landscaping on a sunny day and a brick sign reading \"Catholic Diocese of Sacramento: The Pastoral Center.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060623-SACRAMENTO-DIOCESE-MIGRANTS-02-AP-TN-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The offices of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento are seen in Sacramento on June 5, 2023. Sixteen migrants from Venezuela and Colombia were brought to the diocese’s offices on Friday, June 2, 2023, after being flown from Texas to Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Trân Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who met with some of the migrants who arrived Friday, said they told him they were approached by two women who spoke broken Spanish and promised them jobs. The women traveled with them by land from El Paso to Deming, New Mexico, where two men then accompanied them on the flight to Sacramento. The same men were on the flight Monday, Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see leaders and governments of other states and the state of Florida, Governor Ron DeSantis, acting with cruelty and inhumanity and moral bankruptcy and being petty and small and hurtful and harmful to those vulnerable asylum seekers is blood-boiling,” Bonta said in a Monday interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the migrants who arrived Friday told Bonta they had met each other on their nearly three-month journey to the United States and decided to stick together to keep each other safe as they slept on the streets in several countries, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the migrants arrived in California Monday, a Texas sheriff’s office announced it had recommended criminal charges over the two flights to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-ron-desantis-san-antonio-fc33092bca2af532841e583b73e24b7f\">Martha’s Vineyard last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnny Garcia, a spokesperson for the Bexar County Sheriff’s Office, said the office is not naming suspects at this time. It’s not clear whether the local district attorney will pursue the charges, which include misdemeanor and felony counts of unlawful restraint, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of New Mexico Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham had no specifics as to why the immigrants were taken from Texas to New Mexico before being flown to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Lujan Grisham stresses, yet again, the urgent need for comprehensive, thoughtful federal immigration reform which is rooted in a humanitarian response that keeps border communities in mind,” the governor’s spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, DeSantis directed Republican lawmakers in Florida to create a program in his office dedicated to migrant relocations. It specified that the state could transport migrants from locations anywhere in the country. The law was designed to get around questions about the legality of transporting people on a flight that originated in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida’s alleged role in the arrival of the two groups in Sacramento is sure to escalate the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-president-democrats-2024-843877ca6aca701a5a68b8cb022203a2\">political feud between DeSantis and Newsom\u003c/a>, who have offered conflicting visions on immigration, abortion and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Olga Rodriguez reported from San Francisco. Associated Press writers Anthony Izaguirre in Tallahassee, Fla., Paul J. Weber in Austin, Texas, Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and Elliot Spagat in San Diego contributed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Migrants Flown to California Were 'Intentionally Deceived'",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state of Florida picked up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11901984/for-asylum-seekers-finding-a-lawyer\">asylum seekers\u003c/a> on the Texas border Monday and took them by private jet to California’s capital city at taxpayer expense for the second time in four days, California officials said, prompting allegations that migrants were misled and catching shelters and aid workers by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/tag/ron-desantis\">Ron DeSantis\u003c/a> and other state officials were mum, as they were initially last year when they flew 49 Venezuelan migrants to the upscale Massachusetts enclave of Martha’s Vineyard, luring them onto private jets from a shelter in San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California Attorney General Rob Bonta investigated the migrants’ transportation, local officials and faith-based groups sought to provide housing, food and other resources to the more than three dozen new arrivals. Many were from Colombia and Venezuela, and California had not been their intended destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom, meanwhile, lashed out at DeSantis as a “small, pathetic man” and suggested the state could pursue kidnapping charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the migrants arrived in California, a Texas sheriff’s office announced Monday it has recommended criminal charges over the two flights to Martha’s Vineyard last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnny Garcia, spokesperson for the Bexar County Sheriff’s Office, said that at this time they are not naming suspects. It’s not clear whether the district attorney will pursue the charges, which include misdemeanor and felony counts of unlawful restraint, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952238 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man is looking off to his right shoulder in a room full of large paintings that hang on white walls. He wears a navy suit and tie with his salt and pepper hair slicked back.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement that he met with the newly arrived migrants and officials were working to ensure that they are ‘treated with respect and dignity.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Republican governors of Texas and Arizona have previously sent thousands of migrants on buses to New York, Chicago and Washington, D.C., but the rare charter flights by DeSantis mark an escalation in tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two groups of people sent to Sacramento never went through Florida. Instead, they were approached in El Paso by people with Florida-linked paperwork, sent to New Mexico, then put on private flights to California’s capital, California officials and advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSantis, who is seeking the Republican nomination to run for president, has been a fierce critic of federal immigration policy under President Joe Biden and has heavily publicized Florida’s role in past instances in which migrants were transported to Democratic-led states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Immigration' tag='immigration']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has made the migrant relocation program one of his signature political priorities, using the state legislative process to direct millions of dollars to it and working with multiple contractors to carry out the flights. \u003ca class=\"paragraph-link\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-massachusetts-san-antonio-e88805be61d7a1a7cf71581d1c20c19f\">Vertol Systems\u003c/a>, which was paid by Florida to fly migrants to Martha’s Vineyard, appears to be behind the flights to Sacramento, California officials said. The company didn’t respond to an email seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the flight that arrived Monday carried about 20 migrants and followed the arrival Friday of 16 others from Colombia and Venezuela. The newest arrivals remained at the airport for a couple of hours and were fed before being transported to a “religious institution,” said Kim Nava, a Sacramento County spokesperson. Nava said she didn’t know the nationalities of the new arrivals or where they had intended to go in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county social workers are en route and are going to assess all those folks, make sure they have the services and support that they need,” Nava said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first group of migrants was dropped off at the Roman Catholic Church diocese’s headquarters in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking over the weekend about the first group to arrive in Sacramento, Eddie Carmona, campaign director at PICO California, a faith-based group that helps migrants, said U.S. immigration officials had already processed the young women and men and given them court dates for their asylum cases when “individuals representing a private contractor” approached them outside a migrant center in El Paso, Texas, and offered to help them get jobs and get them to their final destinations.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kim Nava, Sacramento County spokesperson\"]‘Our county social workers are en route and are going to assess all those folks, make sure they have the services and support that they need.’[/pullquote]“They were lied to and intentionally deceived,” Carmona said, adding that the migrants had no idea where they were after being dropped off in Sacramento. He said they have court dates in cities throughout the country and that none of them meant to end up in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers can change the location of their court appearances, but many are reluctant to try and instead prefer sticking with a firm date, at least for their initial appearances. They figure it is a guarantee, even if horribly inconvenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of New Mexico Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham had no specifics as to why the immigrants were taken from Texas to New Mexico before being flown to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Lujan Grisham stresses, yet again, the urgent need for comprehensive, thoughtful federal immigration reform, which is rooted in a humanitarian response that keeps border communities in mind,” the governor’s spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, DeSantis directed Republican lawmakers in Florida to create a program in his office dedicated to migrant relocations. It specified that the state could transport migrants from locations anywhere in the country. The law was designed to get around questions about the legality of transporting people on a flight that originated in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida’s alleged role in the arrival of the two groups in Sacramento is sure to escalate the political feud between DeSantis and Newsom, who have offered conflicting visions on immigration, abortion and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Olga Rodriguez reported from San Francisco. Associated Press writers Anthony Izaguirre in Tallahassee, Fla., Paul J. Weber in Austin, Texas, Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and Elliot Spagat in San Diego contributed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state of Florida picked up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11901984/for-asylum-seekers-finding-a-lawyer\">asylum seekers\u003c/a> on the Texas border Monday and took them by private jet to California’s capital city at taxpayer expense for the second time in four days, California officials said, prompting allegations that migrants were misled and catching shelters and aid workers by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/tag/ron-desantis\">Ron DeSantis\u003c/a> and other state officials were mum, as they were initially last year when they flew 49 Venezuelan migrants to the upscale Massachusetts enclave of Martha’s Vineyard, luring them onto private jets from a shelter in San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California Attorney General Rob Bonta investigated the migrants’ transportation, local officials and faith-based groups sought to provide housing, food and other resources to the more than three dozen new arrivals. Many were from Colombia and Venezuela, and California had not been their intended destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom, meanwhile, lashed out at DeSantis as a “small, pathetic man” and suggested the state could pursue kidnapping charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the migrants arrived in California, a Texas sheriff’s office announced Monday it has recommended criminal charges over the two flights to Martha’s Vineyard last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnny Garcia, spokesperson for the Bexar County Sheriff’s Office, said that at this time they are not naming suspects. It’s not clear whether the district attorney will pursue the charges, which include misdemeanor and felony counts of unlawful restraint, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952238\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952238 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man is looking off to his right shoulder in a room full of large paintings that hang on white walls. He wears a navy suit and tie with his salt and pepper hair slicked back.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS48059_003_SanFrancisco_NewsomBontaPressConference_03242021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement that he met with the newly arrived migrants and officials were working to ensure that they are ‘treated with respect and dignity.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Republican governors of Texas and Arizona have previously sent thousands of migrants on buses to New York, Chicago and Washington, D.C., but the rare charter flights by DeSantis mark an escalation in tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two groups of people sent to Sacramento never went through Florida. Instead, they were approached in El Paso by people with Florida-linked paperwork, sent to New Mexico, then put on private flights to California’s capital, California officials and advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSantis, who is seeking the Republican nomination to run for president, has been a fierce critic of federal immigration policy under President Joe Biden and has heavily publicized Florida’s role in past instances in which migrants were transported to Democratic-led states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has made the migrant relocation program one of his signature political priorities, using the state legislative process to direct millions of dollars to it and working with multiple contractors to carry out the flights. \u003ca class=\"paragraph-link\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-florida-immigration-massachusetts-san-antonio-e88805be61d7a1a7cf71581d1c20c19f\">Vertol Systems\u003c/a>, which was paid by Florida to fly migrants to Martha’s Vineyard, appears to be behind the flights to Sacramento, California officials said. The company didn’t respond to an email seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the flight that arrived Monday carried about 20 migrants and followed the arrival Friday of 16 others from Colombia and Venezuela. The newest arrivals remained at the airport for a couple of hours and were fed before being transported to a “religious institution,” said Kim Nava, a Sacramento County spokesperson. Nava said she didn’t know the nationalities of the new arrivals or where they had intended to go in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county social workers are en route and are going to assess all those folks, make sure they have the services and support that they need,” Nava said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first group of migrants was dropped off at the Roman Catholic Church diocese’s headquarters in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking over the weekend about the first group to arrive in Sacramento, Eddie Carmona, campaign director at PICO California, a faith-based group that helps migrants, said U.S. immigration officials had already processed the young women and men and given them court dates for their asylum cases when “individuals representing a private contractor” approached them outside a migrant center in El Paso, Texas, and offered to help them get jobs and get them to their final destinations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“They were lied to and intentionally deceived,” Carmona said, adding that the migrants had no idea where they were after being dropped off in Sacramento. He said they have court dates in cities throughout the country and that none of them meant to end up in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers can change the location of their court appearances, but many are reluctant to try and instead prefer sticking with a firm date, at least for their initial appearances. They figure it is a guarantee, even if horribly inconvenient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of New Mexico Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham had no specifics as to why the immigrants were taken from Texas to New Mexico before being flown to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gov. Lujan Grisham stresses, yet again, the urgent need for comprehensive, thoughtful federal immigration reform, which is rooted in a humanitarian response that keeps border communities in mind,” the governor’s spokesperson, Caroline Sweeney, said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, DeSantis directed Republican lawmakers in Florida to create a program in his office dedicated to migrant relocations. It specified that the state could transport migrants from locations anywhere in the country. The law was designed to get around questions about the legality of transporting people on a flight that originated in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida’s alleged role in the arrival of the two groups in Sacramento is sure to escalate the political feud between DeSantis and Newsom, who have offered conflicting visions on immigration, abortion and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Olga Rodriguez reported from San Francisco. Associated Press writers Anthony Izaguirre in Tallahassee, Fla., Paul J. Weber in Austin, Texas, Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and Elliot Spagat in San Diego contributed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With the end of a pandemic-era immigration policy known as Title 42, Bay Area cities and nonprofits in Santa Clara County have been preparing for the arrival of asylum seekers who’ve been waiting months, if not years, to find refuge in places like the South Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Title 42 left thousands of asylum-seekers on the other side of the U.S. border or back to the countries they fled. Since the Biden administration lifted the order earlier this month, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Amigos de Guadalupe in East San Jose has helped several new families find food and shelter in a community that has long welcomed immigrants.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1YfPbabf-FNzyjLYLS-SfnUHmNTjqZKxz/view?usp=share_link\">\u003cem>Episode transcript\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Maritza Maldonado, founder and executive director of Amigos de Guadalupe in East San Jose\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC9022882365\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Links:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949477/a-firsthand-look-at-the-border-after-title-42-ended\">\u003cb>A Firsthand Look at the Border After Title 42 Ended\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The University of California on Thursday took a first step toward allowing the hiring of undocumented students for jobs across the 10-campus system, a move that follows months of pleas from those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/may23/b2.pdf\">The action by the system’s board of regents (PDF)\u003c/a> Thursday does not immediately authorize the employment of undocumented students. Instead, UC plans to create a working group that will spend the next six months considering the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regent leaders insisted Thursday that their intention is to ultimately permit the hiring of undocumented students, but said they want time to carefully consider the issue, including legal strategies. If implemented, UC would be the first known institution to argue that a federal statute barring the hiring of undocumented immigrants doesn’t apply to state entities. Doing so could attract a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our intention to find a way to allow employment opportunities for all our students regardless of their immigration status,” John Pérez, a regent and former chair of the board, told reporters following the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Richard Leib, chair, Board of Regents, University of California\"]‘We have a moral obligation to try to do what we can, because it is ridiculous. We are the University of California. We’re educating people. What are we educating them for? In part, to get into the workforce.’[/pullquote]First, though, the regents want to ensure they have “the best case to do that” legally, said Richard Leib, the current chair of the board who will be responsible for creating the working group, which will be made up entirely of regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people would enjoy having a decision right away, but it would be irresponsible from our standpoint,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The working group will complete its work by Nov. 30, at which point it will direct the system’s president, Michael Drake, on how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last fall, a coalition of undocumented students and their allies, including legal scholars at UCLA, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/university-of-californias-undocumented-students-push-for-right-to-work-campus-jobs/690413\">have called on the system to authorize the hiring of undocumented students\u003c/a> who don’t have protections offered under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. DACA offered permission to work for tens of thousands of young people, but the Trump administration ended the program in 2017 and no new applications have been accepted since then, leaving many undocumented students in higher education ineligible to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented student leaders with the Opportunity for All Campaign, the coalition that advocated for the policy, said they consider Thursday’s vote a victory. Students had lobbied the regents with a demonstration Wednesday, the second day of the three-day regents meeting, on the campus of UCLA, where the meeting was held. The students and their allies held signs calling for UC to allow the hiring of undocumented students as they took turns speaking and then marching across the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we were going for was full implementation, but I still consider this a win,” said Carlos Alarcón, who is pursuing a master’s degree in public policy at UCLA. “They’re creating a working group to come up with a plan of how the UC will implement and there’s a deadline of November. That is very important to us, so we can hold them accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarcón said the campaign’s goal over the next several months will be to engage the regents and make sure the working group is considering the input of undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the same opportunities our classmates are afforded,” said Carelia Maya Rios, an undocumented student who spoke during the regents meeting. “Yesterday, hundreds of students marched and rallied for victory… to let you know this is a critical and urgent need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950066\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A large, bronze statue of a bear showing its teeth is displayed outdoors on an university campus. Six students in UCLA hooded sweatshirts and jeans walk around the statue on their way to class. One young woman sits on a tan, chunky bench writing on a notepad.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1291\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-1536x1033.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students sit around the Bruin Bear statue during lunchtime on the campus of UCLA on April 23, 2012 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Diana Ortiz Aguilar, a student advocate and organizer for the group Opportunity4All at UC Berkeley, told KQED she’s familiar with the hardships many undocumented students face trying to find jobs on campus. She said, as an undocumented student herself, the regents’ decision directly impacts her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Education' tag='education']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been barred from multiple opportunities to continue developing my career and even [getting] financial security,” she said. “This isn’t the first time that [the regents are] deciding on undocumented rights, on my rights. Mainly, it’s fear of just continuing to live in uncertainty and living in a state where I don’t feel welcome. But I’m also just very hopeful, mainly because we’ve had such strong support from multiple UCs across the UC system. So it’s a little bit of both, happiness and just fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal theory was developed by \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/academics/centers/center-immigration-law-and-policy\">UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy\u003c/a> and is supported by legal scholars including \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/our-faculty/faculty-profiles/erwin-chemerinsky/\">Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of UC Berkeley’s School of Law.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950082\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A tall, white clock tower punctuates the middle of a college campus outdoor space. Sections of grass and chunky trees are scattered throughout. The sky is gray. Three college students walk down a brick pathway together toward the clock tower. They wear book bags and jackets.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk near Sather Tower on the University of California at Berkeley campus on February 24, 2005, in Berkeley, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Historically, states have followed a 1986 federal statute, the Immigration Reform and Control Act, that bans the hiring of undocumented immigrants without legal status and have required proof of legal status for employment. But in the view of UC’s undocumented students and their allies, UC is free to hire undocumented students because the statute doesn’t apply to state entities like UC. The legal theory was developed by \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/academics/centers/center-immigration-law-and-policy\">UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the idea were to ultimately be adopted, it could impact thousands of students at UC. There are more than 4,000 undocumented students across the ten campuses. It’s not known how many are without DACA protections, but it’s at least hundreds and likely many more, according to a spokesperson for the Opportunity for All Campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the ability to work at UC, undocumented students not only have a harder time affording college, but they are also shut out of critical opportunities that further their educational experience, such as internships and research jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a moral obligation to try to do what we can, because it is ridiculous,” Leib said. “We are the University of California. We’re educating people. What are we educating them for? In part, to get into the workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If UC were to ultimately allow the hiring of undocumented students, it could have national implications, Pérez predicted. He compared it to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/in-historic-action-uc-moves-to-drop-sat-act-and-develop-a-replacement-exam-for-admissions/632174\">UC’s decision to drop the SAT and ACT as admissions requirements\u003c/a>, a policy that many other universities across the country later adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often at the cutting edge of big national conversations. I think this will be much in the same way,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt#:~:text=Brian%20Watt%20is%20KQED's%20morning,his%20work%20won%20several%20awards.\">Brian Watt\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/agonzalez\">Alexander Gonzalez\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lesleymcclurg\">Lesley McClurg\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/uc-signals-support-for-hiring-of-undocumented-students-following-six-month-study/690855\">This story was originally published in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California on Thursday took a first step toward allowing the hiring of undocumented students for jobs across the 10-campus system, a move that follows months of pleas from those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/may23/b2.pdf\">The action by the system’s board of regents (PDF)\u003c/a> Thursday does not immediately authorize the employment of undocumented students. Instead, UC plans to create a working group that will spend the next six months considering the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regent leaders insisted Thursday that their intention is to ultimately permit the hiring of undocumented students, but said they want time to carefully consider the issue, including legal strategies. If implemented, UC would be the first known institution to argue that a federal statute barring the hiring of undocumented immigrants doesn’t apply to state entities. Doing so could attract a legal challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our intention to find a way to allow employment opportunities for all our students regardless of their immigration status,” John Pérez, a regent and former chair of the board, told reporters following the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>First, though, the regents want to ensure they have “the best case to do that” legally, said Richard Leib, the current chair of the board who will be responsible for creating the working group, which will be made up entirely of regents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think people would enjoy having a decision right away, but it would be irresponsible from our standpoint,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The working group will complete its work by Nov. 30, at which point it will direct the system’s president, Michael Drake, on how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last fall, a coalition of undocumented students and their allies, including legal scholars at UCLA, \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/university-of-californias-undocumented-students-push-for-right-to-work-campus-jobs/690413\">have called on the system to authorize the hiring of undocumented students\u003c/a> who don’t have protections offered under the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. DACA offered permission to work for tens of thousands of young people, but the Trump administration ended the program in 2017 and no new applications have been accepted since then, leaving many undocumented students in higher education ineligible to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented student leaders with the Opportunity for All Campaign, the coalition that advocated for the policy, said they consider Thursday’s vote a victory. Students had lobbied the regents with a demonstration Wednesday, the second day of the three-day regents meeting, on the campus of UCLA, where the meeting was held. The students and their allies held signs calling for UC to allow the hiring of undocumented students as they took turns speaking and then marching across the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we were going for was full implementation, but I still consider this a win,” said Carlos Alarcón, who is pursuing a master’s degree in public policy at UCLA. “They’re creating a working group to come up with a plan of how the UC will implement and there’s a deadline of November. That is very important to us, so we can hold them accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarcón said the campaign’s goal over the next several months will be to engage the regents and make sure the working group is considering the input of undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the same opportunities our classmates are afforded,” said Carelia Maya Rios, an undocumented student who spoke during the regents meeting. “Yesterday, hundreds of students marched and rallied for victory… to let you know this is a critical and urgent need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950066\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A large, bronze statue of a bear showing its teeth is displayed outdoors on an university campus. Six students in UCLA hooded sweatshirts and jeans walk around the statue on their way to class. One young woman sits on a tan, chunky bench writing on a notepad.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1291\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS19451_GettyImages-143309520-qut-1536x1033.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students sit around the Bruin Bear statue during lunchtime on the campus of UCLA on April 23, 2012 in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Diana Ortiz Aguilar, a student advocate and organizer for the group Opportunity4All at UC Berkeley, told KQED she’s familiar with the hardships many undocumented students face trying to find jobs on campus. She said, as an undocumented student herself, the regents’ decision directly impacts her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been barred from multiple opportunities to continue developing my career and even [getting] financial security,” she said. “This isn’t the first time that [the regents are] deciding on undocumented rights, on my rights. Mainly, it’s fear of just continuing to live in uncertainty and living in a state where I don’t feel welcome. But I’m also just very hopeful, mainly because we’ve had such strong support from multiple UCs across the UC system. So it’s a little bit of both, happiness and just fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal theory was developed by \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/academics/centers/center-immigration-law-and-policy\">UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy\u003c/a> and is supported by legal scholars including \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/our-faculty/faculty-profiles/erwin-chemerinsky/\">Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of UC Berkeley’s School of Law.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950082\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A tall, white clock tower punctuates the middle of a college campus outdoor space. Sections of grass and chunky trees are scattered throughout. The sky is gray. Three college students walk down a brick pathway together toward the clock tower. They wear book bags and jackets.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS18894_GettyImages-52237594-qut-1536x1026.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk near Sather Tower on the University of California at Berkeley campus on February 24, 2005, in Berkeley, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Historically, states have followed a 1986 federal statute, the Immigration Reform and Control Act, that bans the hiring of undocumented immigrants without legal status and have required proof of legal status for employment. But in the view of UC’s undocumented students and their allies, UC is free to hire undocumented students because the statute doesn’t apply to state entities like UC. The legal theory was developed by \u003ca href=\"https://law.ucla.edu/academics/centers/center-immigration-law-and-policy\">UCLA’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the idea were to ultimately be adopted, it could impact thousands of students at UC. There are more than 4,000 undocumented students across the ten campuses. It’s not known how many are without DACA protections, but it’s at least hundreds and likely many more, according to a spokesperson for the Opportunity for All Campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the ability to work at UC, undocumented students not only have a harder time affording college, but they are also shut out of critical opportunities that further their educational experience, such as internships and research jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a moral obligation to try to do what we can, because it is ridiculous,” Leib said. “We are the University of California. We’re educating people. What are we educating them for? In part, to get into the workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If UC were to ultimately allow the hiring of undocumented students, it could have national implications, Pérez predicted. He compared it to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2020/in-historic-action-uc-moves-to-drop-sat-act-and-develop-a-replacement-exam-for-admissions/632174\">UC’s decision to drop the SAT and ACT as admissions requirements\u003c/a>, a policy that many other universities across the country later adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are often at the cutting edge of big national conversations. I think this will be much in the same way,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt#:~:text=Brian%20Watt%20is%20KQED's%20morning,his%20work%20won%20several%20awards.\">Brian Watt\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/agonzalez\">Alexander Gonzalez\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/lesleymcclurg\">Lesley McClurg\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/uc-signals-support-for-hiring-of-undocumented-students-following-six-month-study/690855\">This story was originally published in EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits",
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"headTitle": "‘I’ve Been Contributing’: Undocumented Workers Are Key to California’s Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"undocumented-workers\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. [pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Ana Alfaro, house cleaner in San Francisco\"]‘Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community. It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.’[/pullquote]The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s undocumented immigrants contribute billions of dollars in taxes annually but are excluded from government financial assistance when they lose their jobs through no fault of their own. As more natural disasters and economic downturns are expected to hit the state, labor advocates are pushing to include these workers in the economic safety net.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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