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"content": "\u003cp>Prominent Latinos in Congress looked on quietly, at first, privately raising concerns with the Biden administration over the direction of border security talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Alex Padilla of California was on the phone constantly with administration officials questioning why the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-border-security-961a10ceb958e88c3c8d76cb04d225ce\">Senate negotiations\u003c/a> did not include any meaningful consideration of providing pathways to citizenship for longtime immigrants lacking the proper legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Mexico Democrat Sen. Ben Ray Luján made similar arguments as he tried to get meetings with top-level White House officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the talks didn’t seem to make enough difference, the influential lawmakers started leading the open opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A return to Trump-era policies is not the fix,” Padilla said. “In fact, it will make the problem worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla even pulled President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> aside at a fundraiser last weekend in California to warn him “to be careful” of being dragged into “harmful policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino senators have found themselves on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifting ground\u003c/a> in the debate over immigration as the Democratic president, who is reaching for a border deal as part of his $110 billion package for Ukraine, Israel and other national security needs, has tried to reduce the historic numbers of people arriving at the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The negotiations, which are expected to continue this weekend at the Capitol, come as the Biden administration has increasingly endured criticism over its handling of border and immigration issues — not just from Republicans, but from members of the president’s own party as well. Democratic cities and states have been vocal about the financial toll that they say migrants have been taking on their resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"US Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)\"]‘A return to Trump-era policies is not the fix. In fact, it will make the problem worse.’[/pullquote]But left off the table in the talks are pro-immigration changes, such as granting permanent legal status to thousands of immigrants who were brought to the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-health-access-to-care-business-ca0fad2cc4af777044c1e61b5ec5372e\">illegally as children,\u003c/a> often referred to as “Dreamers,” based on the DREAM Act that would have provided similar protections for young immigrants but was never approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after his conversation with the president, Padilla, Luján and Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), aired their concerns prominently at a Congressional Hispanic Caucus news conference in front of the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They slammed Senate Republicans for demanding the border policy changes in exchange for Ukraine aid, and they criticized Biden for making concessions that they say ultimately undermine the United States’ standing as a country that welcomes immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) has promised him and several other senators to allow them to see \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-ukraine-israel-funding-us-mexico-border-e1da808689aeef52308d19010a5e3cfa\">proposals before there is a final agreement.\u003c/a> But Latino lawmakers have largely been left outside the core negotiating group, even as they consistently proposed progressive fixes to the U.S. immigration system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden is facing pressure from all sides. He has been criticized about the record numbers of migrants at the border and he is also trying to address the political weakness before a potential campaign rematch next year with Donald Trump, the former Republican president, who has promised to enact far-right immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11958372,news_11937017,news_11957568,news_11949678,news_11910789\"]And the issue is now tied to a top Biden foreign policy goal: providing robust support for Ukraine’s defense against Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House and Senate leaders are pushing for a framework of the border deal by Sunday, according to one person granted anonymity to discuss the situation. But others cautioned it may take longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently during the negotiations, the White House has pushed to include provisions that would legalize young immigrants who came to the U.S. illegally as children, according to two people with knowledge of the closed-door talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have demanded several asylum restrictions that Democrats have so far resisted, but the protections for “Dreamers” would be one way for Democrats to secure one of their long-standing immigration priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still disagreements and we continue to work at them,” Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) told reporters after a round of talks Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bipartisan group negotiating the package has acknowledged that it expects to lose votes from both the left and right wings of either party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of people’s political persuasions, this is a crisis,” said Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, an Arizona independent who is part of the core negotiating group. “There is nothing that is humane about having thousands of individuals sitting in the desert without access to restrooms or food or water, no shade, just waiting for days to interact with a Border Patrol agent. That’s what’s happening in southern Arizona.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration advocates have been rallying opposition to the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-congress-humanitarian-parole-asylum-trump-5b5808183c1642bae520b7d9456cc36d\">proposed changes\u003c/a> — often comparing them to Trump-era measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using words like “draconian” and “betrayal,” advocates argued during a Friday call with reporters that the proposals would undermine U.S. commitments to accepting people fleeing persecution and do little to stop people from making the long, dangerous journey to the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the policies under consideration would allow border officials to easily send migrants back to Mexico without letting them seek asylum in America, but advocates argue it could just place them into the hands of dangerous cartels that prey on migrants in northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also say that when the Trump and Biden administrations previously used the expulsion authority on public health grounds during the pandemic, migrants sent back to Mexico didn’t return home. Instead they tried over and over again to enter the U.S. because there were no repercussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"US Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)\"]‘To think that concessions are going to be made without benefiting a single Dreamer, a single farm worker, a single undocumented essential worker is unconscionable.’[/pullquote]Greg Chen, senior director of government relations for the American Immigration Lawyers Association, said it would just make the border region “more chaotic, more dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policies under consideration would also be difficult to implement. Detaining migrants or families would lead to hundreds of thousands of people in custody — at a huge cost — and could force the Department of Homeland Security to divert staff from other duties to the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all things that are extremely, extremely worrying,” said Jason Houser, the former chief of staff at U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the legislation comes to a vote, Padilla and other prominent House Democrats, such as Reps. Nanette Barragán of California, the chair of the Hispanic Caucus, and Pramila Jayapal of Washington state, chair of the Progressive Caucus, will likely lead opposition from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates were also heartened to see support from prominent House members like Rep. Veronica Escobar of Texas, who is a co-chair of Biden’s reelection campaign, and Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, at the Hispanic Caucus news conference in front of the Capitol this past week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla warned that Biden’s concessions on border restrictions could have lasting impact on his support from Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that concessions are going to be made without benefiting a single Dreamer, a single farm worker, a single undocumented essential worker is unconscionable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Seung Min Kim contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Prominent Latinos in Congress looked on quietly, at first, privately raising concerns with the Biden administration over the direction of border security talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Sen. Alex Padilla of California was on the phone constantly with administration officials questioning why the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-border-security-961a10ceb958e88c3c8d76cb04d225ce\">Senate negotiations\u003c/a> did not include any meaningful consideration of providing pathways to citizenship for longtime immigrants lacking the proper legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Mexico Democrat Sen. Ben Ray Luján made similar arguments as he tried to get meetings with top-level White House officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the talks didn’t seem to make enough difference, the influential lawmakers started leading the open opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A return to Trump-era policies is not the fix,” Padilla said. “In fact, it will make the problem worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla even pulled President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> aside at a fundraiser last weekend in California to warn him “to be careful” of being dragged into “harmful policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latino senators have found themselves on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifting ground\u003c/a> in the debate over immigration as the Democratic president, who is reaching for a border deal as part of his $110 billion package for Ukraine, Israel and other national security needs, has tried to reduce the historic numbers of people arriving at the U.S. border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The negotiations, which are expected to continue this weekend at the Capitol, come as the Biden administration has increasingly endured criticism over its handling of border and immigration issues — not just from Republicans, but from members of the president’s own party as well. Democratic cities and states have been vocal about the financial toll that they say migrants have been taking on their resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But left off the table in the talks are pro-immigration changes, such as granting permanent legal status to thousands of immigrants who were brought to the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-health-access-to-care-business-ca0fad2cc4af777044c1e61b5ec5372e\">illegally as children,\u003c/a> often referred to as “Dreamers,” based on the DREAM Act that would have provided similar protections for young immigrants but was never approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days after his conversation with the president, Padilla, Luján and Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), aired their concerns prominently at a Congressional Hispanic Caucus news conference in front of the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They slammed Senate Republicans for demanding the border policy changes in exchange for Ukraine aid, and they criticized Biden for making concessions that they say ultimately undermine the United States’ standing as a country that welcomes immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) has promised him and several other senators to allow them to see \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-ukraine-israel-funding-us-mexico-border-e1da808689aeef52308d19010a5e3cfa\">proposals before there is a final agreement.\u003c/a> But Latino lawmakers have largely been left outside the core negotiating group, even as they consistently proposed progressive fixes to the U.S. immigration system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden is facing pressure from all sides. He has been criticized about the record numbers of migrants at the border and he is also trying to address the political weakness before a potential campaign rematch next year with Donald Trump, the former Republican president, who has promised to enact far-right immigration measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And the issue is now tied to a top Biden foreign policy goal: providing robust support for Ukraine’s defense against Russia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House and Senate leaders are pushing for a framework of the border deal by Sunday, according to one person granted anonymity to discuss the situation. But others cautioned it may take longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently during the negotiations, the White House has pushed to include provisions that would legalize young immigrants who came to the U.S. illegally as children, according to two people with knowledge of the closed-door talks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have demanded several asylum restrictions that Democrats have so far resisted, but the protections for “Dreamers” would be one way for Democrats to secure one of their long-standing immigration priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still disagreements and we continue to work at them,” Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) told reporters after a round of talks Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bipartisan group negotiating the package has acknowledged that it expects to lose votes from both the left and right wings of either party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless of people’s political persuasions, this is a crisis,” said Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, an Arizona independent who is part of the core negotiating group. “There is nothing that is humane about having thousands of individuals sitting in the desert without access to restrooms or food or water, no shade, just waiting for days to interact with a Border Patrol agent. That’s what’s happening in southern Arizona.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigration advocates have been rallying opposition to the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-congress-humanitarian-parole-asylum-trump-5b5808183c1642bae520b7d9456cc36d\">proposed changes\u003c/a> — often comparing them to Trump-era measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using words like “draconian” and “betrayal,” advocates argued during a Friday call with reporters that the proposals would undermine U.S. commitments to accepting people fleeing persecution and do little to stop people from making the long, dangerous journey to the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the policies under consideration would allow border officials to easily send migrants back to Mexico without letting them seek asylum in America, but advocates argue it could just place them into the hands of dangerous cartels that prey on migrants in northern Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also say that when the Trump and Biden administrations previously used the expulsion authority on public health grounds during the pandemic, migrants sent back to Mexico didn’t return home. Instead they tried over and over again to enter the U.S. because there were no repercussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Greg Chen, senior director of government relations for the American Immigration Lawyers Association, said it would just make the border region “more chaotic, more dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policies under consideration would also be difficult to implement. Detaining migrants or families would lead to hundreds of thousands of people in custody — at a huge cost — and could force the Department of Homeland Security to divert staff from other duties to the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all things that are extremely, extremely worrying,” said Jason Houser, the former chief of staff at U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the legislation comes to a vote, Padilla and other prominent House Democrats, such as Reps. Nanette Barragán of California, the chair of the Hispanic Caucus, and Pramila Jayapal of Washington state, chair of the Progressive Caucus, will likely lead opposition from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration advocates were also heartened to see support from prominent House members like Rep. Veronica Escobar of Texas, who is a co-chair of Biden’s reelection campaign, and Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, at the Hispanic Caucus news conference in front of the Capitol this past week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla warned that Biden’s concessions on border restrictions could have lasting impact on his support from Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that concessions are going to be made without benefiting a single Dreamer, a single farm worker, a single undocumented essential worker is unconscionable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Seung Min Kim contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as 'Enemy Aliens' During WWII",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">View the full episode transcript\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[dropcap] D[/dropcap]uring a casual Christmas celebration with her 90-year-old grandmother last year, Becca Gularte, a self-proclaimed history buff and third-generation Californian, was rocked by a family story she had never heard before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1942, her grandma Laura Gularte, then an elementary school kid in Santa Cruz, was forced to leave her coastal home because her dad was an Italian citizen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca was taken aback. She peppered Laura with questions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">‘Why did you have to move across town? What do you mean it was because you were Italians?’” Becca remembers. “We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up. We were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca’s husband, James King, asked Bay Curious to investigate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And as we found out, Becca’s great-grandfather was one of roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California who were forced to leave their homes during World War II. It was just one of many government measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Wartime security\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Within months of the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups also became the target of new wartime security measures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens living near California’s coastline and military sites — some 10,000 of them — were forced to leave their homes and find somewhere else to live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte’s father, Quinto Neri, was one of them. Neri left Tuscany in Northern Italy in 1911, eventually settling in Santa Cruz, California. He bought land on the coast and became a Brussels sprout farmer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura was just 7 years old when her family had to move from their coastal home in Santa Cruz to just across town, which was outside of an area prohibited by the U.S. military. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming,” Laura Gularte remembers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman poses with six adult grandchildren at her 90th birthday party. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-800x513.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1020x654.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1536x985.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Gularte, middle, at her 90th birthday party with all of her grandchildren. Bay Curious question-asker Becca Gularte is on the far left. \u003ccite>(Courtesy photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After Italy and Germany declared war on the United States, President Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders and other officials sweeping rights to protect the homeland. These new powers led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans as well as a slew of new rules on Italian and German citizens living in the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war,” Roosevelt says in a February 1942 speech. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for “contraband,” including cameras and radios. So-called enemy aliens could be arrested if they violated the new rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the new security measures were applied differently across the United States, and General John DeWitt, who oversaw security for the West Coast, was much more draconian than his counterparts elsewhere. On the East Coast, for example, Italian citizens had travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or the mass relocation ordered by General DeWitt, historians say.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[DeWitt] was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded,” says Lawrence DiStasi, author and editor of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/una-storia-segreta-the-secret-history-of-italian-american-evacuation-and-internment-during-world-war-ii/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cem>Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">DiStasi says “paranoia” led General DeWitt to evict Italians from large swaths of the Pacific coast to avoid an enemy invasion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It was partly hysteria, partly overkill, I think.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Bay Area Italians in limbo\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Millions of Italians came to the U.S. for a better life before World War II, many landing in urban centers like New York City. But others ventured to California, becoming fishermen, farmworkers and helping to grow the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians all around the San Francisco Bay Area were living in the newly declared prohibited zones, including thousands in the cities of Alameda, Richmond and Pittsburg. At least 1,500 Italians were relocated out of Pittsburg because of their proximity to a military site, says Vince Ferrante, president of the Pittsburg Italian American Club and historian for the Pittsburg Historical Society. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Some families lost their businesses, lost their livelihoods,” he says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To those who had to move, like Al Bruzzone, 92, in Richmond, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly man sitting outside. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bruzzone, 92, grew up in the East Bay city of Richmond and still lives there. When his parents were forced to relocate during World War II, he temporarily stayed in an Oakland apartment with his parents. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it,” he says.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bruzzone grew up on his family’s 40-acre lettuce farm in Richmond. He still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to a rented apartment in Oakland. But his siblings who were old enough to live by themselves, and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up,” remembers Bruzzone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians who didn’t have the money to rent homes when they were relocated moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here,” he says. “They would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italian fisherman\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the onset of the war, 80% of California’s fishermen were Italian. In 1942, their boats were seized by the U.S. Coast Guard, as the late historian Rose Scherini recounts in her chapter of “Una Storia Segreta.” Italian citizens were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That affected Italians working on San Francisco’s Fisherman’s Wharf, like Ken Borelli’s uncle Girolamo Cantatore. He lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman embarking off the now-famous tourist area. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Cantatore lost his vessel and his ability to fish during the war, he made a wooden replica of the boat, and his nephew, Borelli, still had it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969451\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks at a model boat on a kitchen table.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Borelli and the model boat his uncle Girolamo Cantatore made after the crab fishing boat he used was seized by US forces. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He was a very meticulous person,” Borelli says as he looks at the model boat, which is about two feet wide and is detailed with several deck levels and miniature lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli says he doesn’t know whether his uncle was ever compensated or saw his boat again (although according to Scherini, fishermen were given monthly compensation for their seized boats).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and “a yearning to go back to sea,” Borelli says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italians in prison camps\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. As many as 300–400 Italians were incarcerated, DiStasi says. They were moved around from camp to camp around the country until they ultimately wound up in Fort Missoula, Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears,” says UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang, adding that Italians and Germans also had their civil liberties infringed upon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">People were imprisoned for being journalists at Italian radio stations and newspapers, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War I. These activities were seen as promoting Italian pride, Yang says, and in the wartime era, that was considered subversive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of the assumptions about whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity,” Yang says. “Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power, could land you on one of these lists.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the U.S. at the time \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">were\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, DiStasi says, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world,” DiStasi says. “But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Being “high profile” didn’t exempt Italian citizens from wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.italianhistorical.org/internment.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> was incarcerated without charge for three months, according to Yang. And baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/proclamation-2527-internment-italian-americans\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was arrested\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘You have met the test’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, in October 1942, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/ag/legacy/2011/09/16/10-12-1942.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech at Carnegie Hall in New York City\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">,\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> applauding the high number of Italian Americans currently serving in the U.S. military.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Into the war against the Axis, they have sent their own sons,” Biddle proclaimed. “These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month Biddle says, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I say tonight: You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that all Italians remain loyal.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Italians who were imprisoned stayed in camps until 1943, but the relocated Italian Americans in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte, got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about eight months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Somebody finally realized they made a mistake,” Bruzzone says, pointing out the irony of Italian citizens in California being forced to move away from their homes while their children were being drafted to fight in the war. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte, who now lives in Salinas, says it was hard for her dad to restart his Brussels sprouts farm after restrictions were lifted, so he went to work for others in the agricultural industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She says her parents didn’t discuss their hardships with her, but she knows it was difficult for her father. At the same time, she says, “We were much luckier than the Japanese, who were encamped and lost everything.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ferrante, of Pittsburg, says many elders in the Italian American community didn’t pass these stories down, and that’s why second and third-generation families don’t know much about this history. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s a stigma attached to it,” explained Ferrante, whose great-grandmother was relocated during World War II. The sentiment among them was, “‘We’re tax-paying citizens, we’re productive in our community, we work here, so what happened, what did we do wrong?’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Historian Alice Yang says there are important reasons to remember this history. For the government: Not to use ethnicity to determine who is dangerous and not to let wartime fears subvert civil rights. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she knows more about what her great-grandfather went through, our question-asker, Becca Gularte, says, “It makes you realize … it’s a hard thing to be an immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect the fact that war time restrictions on Italians were issued through more than one government proclamation, not just Executive Order 9066.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Around the holidays, family stories sometimes surface at the dinner table. Remember Grandma Joyce? She rode a motorcycle. Or Great Gran-Daddy Willie? He scrimped and saved long after the Depression was over.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then there are tales like Becca Gularte recently heard from her grandma … about how her family was forced from their California home during World War 2. She hadn’t heard that one before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It was, it was sort of with that, wait, why did you have to move across town kind of thing? And then she said, Oh, it was because we were Italians. And then we kept prompting her with questions to say, What do you mean It was because you were Italians?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In the early 1940s, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups were also being targeted. Italian citizens living in California — some 10,000 of them — were forced to relocate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up and and just really that being sort of the story, especially in California. And I think we were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population of people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Becca and her husband wanted to know more, so they wrote to Bay Curious to find out how this bit of family history fits into California textbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What types of restrictions like this were placed on Italian Americans during World War Two and why don’t more people know about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today on Bay Curious, we’re doing a deep dive into what Italians experienced in California during World War II and how it was different here from the rest of the country. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Producer Pauline Bartolone picks up the story from here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To start investigating this question about how Italians were treated in California during World War two, we went straight to the source. Grandma… Our question-asker Becca Gularte’s grandma that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My name is Laura Neri Gularte. I’m 90 years old. I was born and grew up in Santa Cruz, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte now lives in Salinas. It was her father, Quinto Neri, who came to California in 1911 from Tuscany in Northern Italy. He was one of millions of Italians who came to the U.S. for a better life. Many stayed in urban centers like New York City, but others ventured farther to California, becoming fishermen, working in agriculture and the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He came at age 17 because they were starving. It was a large family. And he knew some people in San Francisco who sponsored him. And so he went to work in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s dad farmed Brussels sprouts and built a life for himself. He bought some land and a house. But then … the second World War hit and Italy declared war on the United States. Suddenly, Laura’s dad went from starting to achieve a middle-class life to being labeled ‘enemy alien.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war. It is different from all other wars of the past…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The President of the United States at the time, Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders sweeping rights to protect the homeland after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor. That’s what led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans. But since Italy and Germany had also declared war on the US, new restrictions applied to their citizens living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for so-called contraband, things like cameras and radios. People who violated the new rules could be arrested.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: …\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">remembering that the common enemy seeks to destroy every home and every freedom in every part of our land.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians on the West Coast were hit hardest by the new restrictions… The military forced Italian citizens, mostly living on the Pacific coastline, to find new homes. Defense commanders wanted to \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">protect the Western U.S. from an enemy invasion so they\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> created ‘prohibited zones’ where enemy aliens could not live or work… It included a sliver of land along the Pacific Ocean and some inland areas around military bases.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura’s father had to relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming. The fact that…he felt that he would not do anything against the United States and still had to be evacuated was hard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s family found a new place to rent, ironically, on the other side of town that was not within the prohibited zone. Her mom was born in Argentina, so she was able to travel freely, but her dad was stuck at home. Laura was only seven years old at the time, so she didn’t understand much about the stresses her parents were feeling.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Parents did not discuss a lot of things with their children. I know they were upset because they had to leave their home. But they didn’t talk about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They thought that Mussolini’s Navy might attack the West Coast. Of course, Mussolini didn’t have much of a Navy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Author Lawrence DiStasi helped write a book on Italian Americans during World War 2. He says the West Coast General, John DeWitt, used his military powers in a much more draconian way than generals in other parts of the nation. It was DeWitt who commanded the incarceration of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans and the relocation of Italians on the West Coast. On the east coast Italians did have travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or mass relocation, says DiStasi. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The paranoia exhibited by the West Coast General, General John DeWitt…he was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded. It never was, of course. It was partly hysteria, partly overkill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Because of DeWitt’s relocation orders, Italians all around the Bay Area were in limbo — including thousands in the city of Alameda and Pittsburg. To those who had to move, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Al Bruzzone grew up in Richmond on a 40-acre lettuce farm. He’s 92 now but still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to Oakland. But his siblings, who were old enough to live by themselves and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians didn’t have the money to rent homes nearby after being forced to relocate. Many moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here. /// And they would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians who worked on the coast also suffered.. Eighty percent of California’s fishermen were Italian… and in 1942, their boats were seized by the coast guard. They were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sound of papers rustling\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That is a story that Ken Borelli knows personally. It happened to his uncle, Girolamo Cantatore. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We called him Uncle Jim, but his name was Girolamo. And he lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman. And they would fish out of Fisherman’s Wharf and go all up and down northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After losing access to his vessel and the water during the war, Borelli’s uncle made a wooden replica of the boat. And Borelli still has it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s called the Teresa. You can see this back here… he wrote that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He shows me the 2-foot-long model boat, it’s super detailed, there are even lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He was a very meticulous person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli wishes he could have asked his uncle how he felt back then. His family never told him the details about whether his uncle was compensated or saw the boat again. But Borelli says the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and a mind that needed to be occupied. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">it was a yearning, as a yearning to go back to sea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation and lose property, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. There, some slept in makeshift shelters like tents and were held with Japanese and German detainees, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang says Italians and Germans living in the US also had their civil liberties infringed upon. People were imprisoned for being Italian journalists, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War 1.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: A lot of the assumptions about, you know, whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity…People who were part of organizations that were seen as promoting Italian pride. So in the pre-war period, that wasn’t considered dangerous or subversive, but in the wartime era. Right. Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power could land you on one of these lists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the US at the time were supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world….But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">music of Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">High-profile Italian immigrants were prey to the wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer Ezio Pinza was incarcerated without charge for 3 months. Baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, was arrested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Imprisoned Italians were moved from camp to camp around the country, many winding up in Fort Missoula Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. In October 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech touting the contributions of Italians in the United States Army. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Into the war against the Axis they have sent their own sons. These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation. In each division of the United States Army; nearly five hundred soldiers, on the average, are the sons of Italian immigrants to America.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To those who are affected by this change, ‘I say tonight:’You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">all\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians remain loyal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians who were already in U.S. prisons stayed in camps for another year, but the relocated families in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte — they got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about 8 months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Somebody finally realized they made a mistake and they sent everybody home because … the parents had to move away and they were drafting all their children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura Gularte says her dad lost his Brussels sprout farm near Santa Cruz. And it was hard to start all over again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> After they were able to go home, he never did go back to the farm. and he went to work for others in the agricultural industry…As I look back. I think that we were much luckier than the Japanese. Who were encamped and lost everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many Italian immigrants in California were like Laura Gularte’s parents… They didn’t feel a need to talk about hardships imposed on them to their kids or grandkids. But Historian Alice Yang says there are important things to learn from this history. For one, not to judge whether someone’s dangerous based on their ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And that especially when people are afraid. It is very easy for them to have irrational fears of entire groups based on race, religion, ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Americans let wartime fears subvert civil rights during World War II, Yang says. And that’s a lesson to learn from — and never repeat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "During World War II, roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California were forced to leave their homes. It was one of many war time security measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. ",
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"title": "How Bay Area Italians Were Treated as 'Enemy Aliens' During WWII | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">View the full episode transcript\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\"> D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>uring a casual Christmas celebration with her 90-year-old grandmother last year, Becca Gularte, a self-proclaimed history buff and third-generation Californian, was rocked by a family story she had never heard before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1942, her grandma Laura Gularte, then an elementary school kid in Santa Cruz, was forced to leave her coastal home because her dad was an Italian citizen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca was taken aback. She peppered Laura with questions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">‘Why did you have to move across town? What do you mean it was because you were Italians?’” Becca remembers. “We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up. We were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Becca’s husband, James King, asked Bay Curious to investigate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And as we found out, Becca’s great-grandfather was one of roughly 10,000 Italian citizens living in California who were forced to leave their homes during World War II. It was just one of many government measures meant to protect the West Coast from an enemy invasion that never came. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Wartime security\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Within months of the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups also became the target of new wartime security measures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens living near California’s coastline and military sites — some 10,000 of them — were forced to leave their homes and find somewhere else to live.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte’s father, Quinto Neri, was one of them. Neri left Tuscany in Northern Italy in 1911, eventually settling in Santa Cruz, California. He bought land on the coast and became a Brussels sprout farmer.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura was just 7 years old when her family had to move from their coastal home in Santa Cruz to just across town, which was outside of an area prohibited by the U.S. military. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming,” Laura Gularte remembers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969477\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969477\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly woman poses with six adult grandchildren at her 90th birthday party. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1231\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-800x513.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1020x654.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Gulartes_cropped-1536x985.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Gularte, middle, at her 90th birthday party with all of her grandchildren. Bay Curious question-asker Becca Gularte is on the far left. \u003ccite>(Courtesy photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After Italy and Germany declared war on the United States, President Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders and other officials sweeping rights to protect the homeland. These new powers led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans as well as a slew of new rules on Italian and German citizens living in the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war,” Roosevelt says in a February 1942 speech. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for “contraband,” including cameras and radios. So-called enemy aliens could be arrested if they violated the new rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the new security measures were applied differently across the United States, and General John DeWitt, who oversaw security for the West Coast, was much more draconian than his counterparts elsewhere. On the East Coast, for example, Italian citizens had travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or the mass relocation ordered by General DeWitt, historians say.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[DeWitt] was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded,” says Lawrence DiStasi, author and editor of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/una-storia-segreta-the-secret-history-of-italian-american-evacuation-and-internment-during-world-war-ii/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cem>Una Storia Segreta: The Secret History of Italian American Evacuation and Internment during World War II\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">DiStasi says “paranoia” led General DeWitt to evict Italians from large swaths of the Pacific coast to avoid an enemy invasion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It was partly hysteria, partly overkill, I think.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Bay Area Italians in limbo\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Millions of Italians came to the U.S. for a better life before World War II, many landing in urban centers like New York City. But others ventured to California, becoming fishermen, farmworkers and helping to grow the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians all around the San Francisco Bay Area were living in the newly declared prohibited zones, including thousands in the cities of Alameda, Richmond and Pittsburg. At least 1,500 Italians were relocated out of Pittsburg because of their proximity to a military site, says Vince Ferrante, president of the Pittsburg Italian American Club and historian for the Pittsburg Historical Society. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Some families lost their businesses, lost their livelihoods,” he says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To those who had to move, like Al Bruzzone, 92, in Richmond, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg\" alt=\"An elderly man sitting outside. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Bruzzone-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Al Bruzzone, 92, grew up in the East Bay city of Richmond and still lives there. When his parents were forced to relocate during World War II, he temporarily stayed in an Oakland apartment with his parents. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it,” he says.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bruzzone grew up on his family’s 40-acre lettuce farm in Richmond. He still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to a rented apartment in Oakland. But his siblings who were old enough to live by themselves, and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up,” remembers Bruzzone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians who didn’t have the money to rent homes when they were relocated moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here,” he says. “They would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italian fisherman\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the onset of the war, 80% of California’s fishermen were Italian. In 1942, their boats were seized by the U.S. Coast Guard, as the late historian Rose Scherini recounts in her chapter of “Una Storia Segreta.” Italian citizens were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That affected Italians working on San Francisco’s Fisherman’s Wharf, like Ken Borelli’s uncle Girolamo Cantatore. He lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman embarking off the now-famous tourist area. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Cantatore lost his vessel and his ability to fish during the war, he made a wooden replica of the boat, and his nephew, Borelli, still had it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969451\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969451\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks at a model boat on a kitchen table.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Borelli-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ken Borelli and the model boat his uncle Girolamo Cantatore made after the crab fishing boat he used was seized by US forces. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He was a very meticulous person,” Borelli says as he looks at the model boat, which is about two feet wide and is detailed with several deck levels and miniature lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli says he doesn’t know whether his uncle was ever compensated or saw his boat again (although according to Scherini, fishermen were given monthly compensation for their seized boats).\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and “a yearning to go back to sea,” Borelli says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Italians in prison camps\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. As many as 300–400 Italians were incarcerated, DiStasi says. They were moved around from camp to camp around the country until they ultimately wound up in Fort Missoula, Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears,” says UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang, adding that Italians and Germans also had their civil liberties infringed upon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">People were imprisoned for being journalists at Italian radio stations and newspapers, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War I. These activities were seen as promoting Italian pride, Yang says, and in the wartime era, that was considered subversive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A lot of the assumptions about whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity,” Yang says. “Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power, could land you on one of these lists.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the U.S. at the time \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">were\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, DiStasi says, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world,” DiStasi says. “But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Being “high profile” didn’t exempt Italian citizens from wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.italianhistorical.org/internment.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> was incarcerated without charge for three months, according to Yang. And baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/proclamation-2527-internment-italian-americans\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was arrested\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘You have met the test’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, in October 1942, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/ag/legacy/2011/09/16/10-12-1942.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech at Carnegie Hall in New York City\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">,\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> applauding the high number of Italian Americans currently serving in the U.S. military.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Into the war against the Axis, they have sent their own sons,” Biddle proclaimed. “These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month Biddle says, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I say tonight: You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that all Italians remain loyal.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Italians who were imprisoned stayed in camps until 1943, but the relocated Italian Americans in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte, got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about eight months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Somebody finally realized they made a mistake,” Bruzzone says, pointing out the irony of Italian citizens in California being forced to move away from their homes while their children were being drafted to fight in the war. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte, who now lives in Salinas, says it was hard for her dad to restart his Brussels sprouts farm after restrictions were lifted, so he went to work for others in the agricultural industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She says her parents didn’t discuss their hardships with her, but she knows it was difficult for her father. At the same time, she says, “We were much luckier than the Japanese, who were encamped and lost everything.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ferrante, of Pittsburg, says many elders in the Italian American community didn’t pass these stories down, and that’s why second and third-generation families don’t know much about this history. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s a stigma attached to it,” explained Ferrante, whose great-grandmother was relocated during World War II. The sentiment among them was, “‘We’re tax-paying citizens, we’re productive in our community, we work here, so what happened, what did we do wrong?’” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Historian Alice Yang says there are important reasons to remember this history. For the government: Not to use ethnicity to determine who is dangerous and not to let wartime fears subvert civil rights. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that she knows more about what her great-grandfather went through, our question-asker, Becca Gularte, says, “It makes you realize … it’s a hard thing to be an immigrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to reflect the fact that war time restrictions on Italians were issued through more than one government proclamation, not just Executive Order 9066.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Around the holidays, family stories sometimes surface at the dinner table. Remember Grandma Joyce? She rode a motorcycle. Or Great Gran-Daddy Willie? He scrimped and saved long after the Depression was over.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then there are tales like Becca Gularte recently heard from her grandma … about how her family was forced from their California home during World War 2. She hadn’t heard that one before. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It was, it was sort of with that, wait, why did you have to move across town kind of thing? And then she said, Oh, it was because we were Italians. And then we kept prompting her with questions to say, What do you mean It was because you were Italians?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In the early 1940s, as more than 100,000 Japanese Americans were being sent to incarceration camps, other ethnic groups were also being targeted. Italian citizens living in California — some 10,000 of them — were forced to relocate.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We had all heard so much about Japanese internment growing up and and just really that being sort of the story, especially in California. And I think we were all just so surprised that this had happened to this whole other population of people. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Becca and her husband wanted to know more, so they wrote to Bay Curious to find out how this bit of family history fits into California textbooks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Becca Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> What types of restrictions like this were placed on Italian Americans during World War Two and why don’t more people know about it? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Today on Bay Curious, we’re doing a deep dive into what Italians experienced in California during World War II and how it was different here from the rest of the country. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Producer Pauline Bartolone picks up the story from here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To start investigating this question about how Italians were treated in California during World War two, we went straight to the source. Grandma… Our question-asker Becca Gularte’s grandma that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> My name is Laura Neri Gularte. I’m 90 years old. I was born and grew up in Santa Cruz, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura Gularte now lives in Salinas. It was her father, Quinto Neri, who came to California in 1911 from Tuscany in Northern Italy. He was one of millions of Italians who came to the U.S. for a better life. Many stayed in urban centers like New York City, but others ventured farther to California, becoming fishermen, working in agriculture and the wine industry. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He came at age 17 because they were starving. It was a large family. And he knew some people in San Francisco who sponsored him. And so he went to work in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s dad farmed Brussels sprouts and built a life for himself. He bought some land and a house. But then … the second World War hit and Italy declared war on the United States. Suddenly, Laura’s dad went from starting to achieve a middle-class life to being labeled ‘enemy alien.’\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This war is a new kind of war. It is different from all other wars of the past…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The President of the United States at the time, Franklin Roosevelt gave military commanders sweeping rights to protect the homeland after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor. That’s what led to the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans. But since Italy and Germany had also declared war on the US, new restrictions applied to their citizens living here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian citizens had to register as enemy aliens, and many were subject to an 8 p.m. curfew. They couldn’t travel more than 5 miles away from home. People’s houses were searched for so-called contraband, things like cameras and radios. People who violated the new rules could be arrested.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Archival audio of President Franklin Roosevelt: …\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">remembering that the common enemy seeks to destroy every home and every freedom in every part of our land.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians on the West Coast were hit hardest by the new restrictions… The military forced Italian citizens, mostly living on the Pacific coastline, to find new homes. Defense commanders wanted to \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">protect the Western U.S. from an enemy invasion so they\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> created ‘prohibited zones’ where enemy aliens could not live or work… It included a sliver of land along the Pacific Ocean and some inland areas around military bases.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura’s father had to relocate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: It had a big impact on my father because he was farming rented land that was in the restricted area. So he had to give up his farming. The fact that…he felt that he would not do anything against the United States and still had to be evacuated was hard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Laura’s family found a new place to rent, ironically, on the other side of town that was not within the prohibited zone. Her mom was born in Argentina, so she was able to travel freely, but her dad was stuck at home. Laura was only seven years old at the time, so she didn’t understand much about the stresses her parents were feeling.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Parents did not discuss a lot of things with their children. I know they were upset because they had to leave their home. But they didn’t talk about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They thought that Mussolini’s Navy might attack the West Coast. Of course, Mussolini didn’t have much of a Navy.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Author Lawrence DiStasi helped write a book on Italian Americans during World War 2. He says the West Coast General, John DeWitt, used his military powers in a much more draconian way than generals in other parts of the nation. It was DeWitt who commanded the incarceration of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans and the relocation of Italians on the West Coast. On the east coast Italians did have travel restrictions, but they weren’t subject to curfew or mass relocation, says DiStasi. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The paranoia exhibited by the West Coast General, General John DeWitt…he was terrified that under his watch, the West Coast was going to be invaded. It never was, of course. It was partly hysteria, partly overkill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Because of DeWitt’s relocation orders, Italians all around the Bay Area were in limbo — including thousands in the city of Alameda and Pittsburg. To those who had to move, the dividing line between what was restricted or not seemed pretty arbitrary. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If you lived west of San Pablo Avenue, you had the move. If you lived east of San Pablo Avenue, you didn’t have to worry about it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Al Bruzzone grew up in Richmond on a 40-acre lettuce farm. He’s 92 now but still remembers being 11 years old when the relocation orders came. It split his family up — he and his two younger siblings moved with his parents to Oakland. But his siblings, who were old enough to live by themselves and American-born, stayed in Richmond and worked the farm.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On weekends, my brother Jim and I, we would go back. My brothers would pick us up, and we’d go back to where I was growing up. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other Italians didn’t have the money to rent homes nearby after being forced to relocate. Many moved in with friends or lived in substandard migrant housing. Bruzzone thought the whole ordeal was a big government mistake. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most of the people came to this country because they were poor in Europe and they had a chance to accomplish something here. /// And they would never, never, never go fight against the country because they were doing so well here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italians who worked on the coast also suffered.. Eighty percent of California’s fishermen were Italian… and in 1942, their boats were seized by the coast guard. They were not allowed to fish on coastal waters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sound of papers rustling\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That is a story that Ken Borelli knows personally. It happened to his uncle, Girolamo Cantatore. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We called him Uncle Jim, but his name was Girolamo. And he lived in San Francisco and was a crab fisherman. And they would fish out of Fisherman’s Wharf and go all up and down northern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After losing access to his vessel and the water during the war, Borelli’s uncle made a wooden replica of the boat. And Borelli still has it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> It’s called the Teresa. You can see this back here… he wrote that….\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He shows me the 2-foot-long model boat, it’s super detailed, there are even lifeboats. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He was a very meticulous person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Borelli wishes he could have asked his uncle how he felt back then. His family never told him the details about whether his uncle was compensated or saw the boat again. But Borelli says the boat replica shows his uncle had idle hands and a mind that needed to be occupied. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ken Borelli: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">it was a yearning, as a yearning to go back to sea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Italian Americans didn’t just endure forced relocation and lose property, hundreds more were sent to prison camps too. There, some slept in makeshift shelters like tents and were held with Japanese and German detainees, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A lot of people mistakenly assume that Japanese Americans were the only ones affected by national security fears.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">UC Santa Cruz historian Alice Yang says Italians and Germans living in the US also had their civil liberties infringed upon. People were imprisoned for being Italian journalists, teaching the Italian language or simply being veterans of World War 1.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">: A lot of the assumptions about, you know, whether someone might be a security threat were based on prejudicial views of ethnicity…People who were part of organizations that were seen as promoting Italian pride. So in the pre-war period, that wasn’t considered dangerous or subversive, but in the wartime era. Right. Having ethnic pride, if your pride was associated with an axis power could land you on one of these lists. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be clear, DiStasi says a good portion of Italian immigrants in the US at the time were supporters of Benito Mussolini, the Nazi-allied fascist leader of Italy. They may not have been in favor of what he did, but they liked that he was creating a new image for Italy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lawrence DiStasi:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> They felt that he had finally put Italy on the map and gained some respect for Italy and throughout the world….But that didn’t mean that they were going to engage in any kind of anti-American activities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">music of Ezio Pinza\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">High-profile Italian immigrants were prey to the wartime security measures. New York-based opera singer Ezio Pinza was incarcerated without charge for 3 months. Baseball Hall of Famer Joe DiMaggio’s mother, who lived in San Francisco, was arrested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Imprisoned Italians were moved from camp to camp around the country, many winding up in Fort Missoula Montana. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then, quite sharply, the American government changed its tune about Italians. In October 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle gave a speech touting the contributions of Italians in the United States Army. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Into the war against the Axis they have sent their own sons. These Americans of Italian ancestry will help Italy again to become a free nation. In each division of the United States Army; nearly five hundred soldiers, on the average, are the sons of Italian immigrants to America.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By the end of the month, the restrictions on Italian citizens would end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice actor for Attorney General Francis Biddle:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> To those who are affected by this change, ‘I say tonight:’You have met the test. Your loyalty to the democracy which has given you this chance, you have proved and proved well. Make the most of it. See to it that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">all\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians remain loyal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Italians who were already in U.S. prisons stayed in camps for another year, but the relocated families in California, like Al Bruzzone and Laura Gularte — they got to go home. In total, they’d endured five months of a relocation order and about 8 months of curfews and travel restrictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Al Bruzzone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Somebody finally realized they made a mistake and they sent everybody home because … the parents had to move away and they were drafting all their children. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Laura Gularte says her dad lost his Brussels sprout farm near Santa Cruz. And it was hard to start all over again. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Laura Gularte:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> After they were able to go home, he never did go back to the farm. and he went to work for others in the agricultural industry…As I look back. I think that we were much luckier than the Japanese. Who were encamped and lost everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many Italian immigrants in California were like Laura Gularte’s parents… They didn’t feel a need to talk about hardships imposed on them to their kids or grandkids. But Historian Alice Yang says there are important things to learn from this history. For one, not to judge whether someone’s dangerous based on their ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Alice Yang: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And that especially when people are afraid. It is very easy for them to have irrational fears of entire groups based on race, religion, ethnicity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Americans let wartime fears subvert civil rights during World War II, Yang says. And that’s a lesson to learn from — and never repeat. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"slug": "how-central-valley-farmworker-communities-are-tackling-climate-change",
"title": "How Central Valley Farmworker Communities Are Tackling Climate Change",
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"headTitle": "How Central Valley Farmworker Communities Are Tackling Climate Change | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A rural community on the banks of the San Joaquin River was spared from flooding during last winter’s powerful storms after hundreds of acres of former farmland were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965257/california-looks-to-restore-floodplains-to-protect-communities-from-impacts-of-climate-change\">restored to their natural state as floodplains\u003c/a>, giving the rising water a place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An immigrant family in the Central Valley city of Tulare got relief from 100-degree heat and sky-high energy bills with insulation and energy retrofits installed under a state program to weatherize the homes of low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small town mayor in a region with some of the most polluted air in the nation launched a free rideshare program with a fleet of electric vehicles — the first step in his goal of creating hundreds of green jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are a few of the climate resilience strategies emerging in hard-hit agricultural communities in California’s Central Valley, supported by state and federal funds that could enable local initiatives to scale up. But the very places that need help the most may have the hardest time accessing the funding available, \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/aYv2COYZQzi2BvYEskPu2V?domain=next10.org\">research shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of San Joaquin Valley face a barrage of challenges as the planet warms and weather patterns shift, often with catastrophic results. Land development has been engineered over decades to maximize agricultural productivity, with little attention to environmental resilience. And low-income immigrant workers, who are the backbone of this economy, are on the front lines, living in communities that lack resources and critical infrastructure to cope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summer temperatures throughout the valley routinely spike into triple digits, making outdoor work dangerous and shoddily built homes stifling. Wildfires repeatedly blanket the region with smoke, exacerbating the air pollution that leads to the state’s worst rates of asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966814\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966814\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A dry field with an irrigation channel alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An irrigation channel carries water to new plantings in the recently restored floodplain on the banks of the San Joaquin River near Grayson, Calif., on Aug. 31. The restoration work was conducted by the nonprofit River Partners to allow the fast-moving river to spread out over a wider expanse, diminishing its destructive force and preventing catastrophic flooding. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Violent floods wash away homes and livelihoods in communities with neglected levees and insufficient storm drains. And recurring drought contributes to the fact that most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-118/index.html\">nearly 1 million Californians who lack access to safe drinking water\u003c/a> live in the Central Valley. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Pablo Ortiz-Partida, senior water and climate scientist, Union of Concerned Scientists\"]‘The biggest problem is the combination of things: farmworker communities not having a rest from one climate impact to another.’[/pullquote]“The biggest problem is the combination of things: farmworker communities not having a rest from one climate impact to another,” said Pablo Ortiz-Partida, senior water and climate scientist with the Union of Concerned Scientists. “All these things start interconnecting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz-Partida said policymakers must listen to those who live with these impacts daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be some top-down solutions, but also some bottom-up solutions,” he said. “How can we start that process of equitable transition to cleaner energies? … How can we start bringing a new, more sustainable vision of agriculture in the San Joaquin Valley?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Left behind in the clean energy transition\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has established itself as a national leader in climate policy. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/bio/merrian-borgeson/ca-climate-energy-policy-update-summer-2023\">Natural Resources Defense Council estimates\u003c/a> the state has committed to spend more than $52 billion over the next several years to \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/ab-32-climate-change-scoping-plan/2022-scoping-plan-documents\">transition off fossil fuels\u003c/a> and tackle the effects of climate change. That’s in addition to the hundreds of millions of dollars from President Joe Biden’s Infrastructure Act and \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/California.pdf\">Inflation Reduction Act\u003c/a> that will soon flow to the state to fight climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet low-income immigrant communities in rural areas that are among the most impacted have not always seen the benefit — and could be at risk of losing out again. [aside postID=news_11943590 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatters_01-1020x680.jpg'] A \u003ca href=\"https://www.next10.org/publications/local-climate\">new report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Center for Law, Energy, & the Environment, and two nonprofits — the Institute for Local Government and Next 10 — found that many California municipalities, especially smaller ones, need to staff up and develop detailed climate action plans if they want a shot at competitive grants for the unprecedented funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the state faces worsening impacts from climate change, local governments are the front-line defense for our communities,” said F. Noel Perry, founder of Next 10. “We need to identify the barriers cities and counties face so we can take full advantage of the historic federal and state funding available to better protect ourselves now and in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Anna Caballero represents some of the San Joaquin Valley’s poorest places and said climate policies don’t work if they only benefit wealthier residents of coastal cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s seen plenty of well-intentioned climate programs miss the mark for her Central Valley constituents. One example is rebates for purchasing electric cars and solar panels, which require paying the full price upfront and getting the discount later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency of getting this right and including rural communities in our discussion about climate change is that we’re going to end up with two separate worlds,” she said. “If you can afford it, you have an electric vehicle and a solar rooftop. And if you can’t, there’s nothing for you. There’s no job. There’s no way to pay your bills. And your community has no way of sustaining itself.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. Anna Caballero\"]‘If you can afford it, you have an electric vehicle and a solar rooftop. And if you can’t, there’s nothing for you.’[/pullquote]The region’s economy is dominated by agriculture and fossil fuel extraction industries, whose leaders trend Republican and have often resisted Democratic moves to slash carbon emissions and protect water and ecosystems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 55% of the San Joaquin Valley’s 4.3 million residents live in disadvantaged communities, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/CA4_CCA_SJ_Region_Eng_ada.pdf\">California’s Fourth Climate Change Assessment\u003c/a> for the region. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/ETA/naws/pdfs/NAWS%20Research%20Report%2015.pdf\">Among California farmworkers, 9 in 10 are immigrants\u003c/a>, and 8 in 10 are not citizens. Though their labor is essential, and many have lived here for decades, they can’t vote, so their voices and experiences aren’t always represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Caballero, a Democrat, and many other lawmakers and advocates have been pushing for equitable solutions, and some are beginning to bear fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The river is their backyard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The unincorporated community of Grayson, on the west bank of the San Joaquin River, is just five-by-six blocks. The only business, The One-Stop, is a gas station, convenience store, lunch counter and laundromat rolled into one. Residents rely on wells for drinking water that are often contaminated with agricultural chemicals from surrounding fields. Flooding has long been a risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilia Lomelí-Gil, who runs the Grayson United Community Center, pointed out some older homes on Charles Street, where the water rose ominously as rain pounded the region last winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with long hair stands in front of a dry field.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lilia Lomelí-Gil walks along the recently restored floodplain on the banks of the San Joaquin River near her home in Grayson, Calif., on Aug. 31. Lomelí-Gil, who runs the Grayson United Community Center, said the natural floodplain protected Grayson from flooding last winter and creates a place where community residents can get closer to nature. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The river is their backyard,” she said. “The lady that lives right there in that little house was at risk of getting flooded. It did go up to their yard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lomelí-Gil, 71, knows that risk firsthand. Back in 1997, she was living in nearby Modesto when \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mXEza6kPyFk\">a massive flood hit on New Year’s Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost my home,” she said. “Because the waters came in 4-feet high. And since we were downriver from the sewage plant, of course, it was all contaminated waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She salvaged what she could and moved back to Grayson, where she’d grown up the daughter of farmworkers from Mexico. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lilia Lomelí-Gil, co-founder, Grayson United Community Center\"]‘Going back to nature … It works with mental health and your physical health and your spiritual health. I think that triangle is the key to facing life’s challenges.’[/pullquote]During last winter’s storms, levees failed and catastrophic floods devastated other farmworker communities, like Pajaro and Planada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grayson, the San Joaquin River surged, but the outcome was very different: the town did not flood. One reason? A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/05/28/1178441292/flood-protection-california\">recent floodplain restoration project\u003c/a> allowed the fast-moving river to spread over a wider expanse, diminishing its destructive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work was done by \u003ca href=\"https://riverpartners.org\">River Partners\u003c/a>, a nonprofit organization that restores riverside habitats around California. The group purchased unused farmland abutting the river, then removed the earthen berms holding the water in its channel. Dozens of people from the local community, including Lomelí-Gil, got involved in planting native tree saplings and grasses to restore wildlife habitat in the new floodplain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday, Lomelí-Gil tramped down an abandoned road at the end of Minnie Street to show off the plantings. Once the work is complete, she said, she’s looking forward to taking kids and seniors from the community center out to walk along trails by the river.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going back to nature … It works with mental health and your physical health and your spiritual health,” she said, stopping to listen to the sound of the birds and the babbling water. “I think that triangle is the key to facing life’s challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing levees to allow floods to flow across fallow farmland is a low-tech solution with significant payoffs, River Partners executive director Julie Rentner said. It not only reduces flood risk and expands wildlife habitat and space for recreation, but it refills underground aquifers that have been depleted by decades of over-pumping — and that should lead to cleaner drinking water for Lomelí-Gil and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar projects will soon break ground. In the wake of last winter’s storms, state lawmakers budgeted nearly half a billion dollars to shore up levees and rebuild damaged communities. Tucked in there was $40 million for River Partners to restore natural floodplains on 2,500 more acres elsewhere along the San Joaquin River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is only a downpayment on what’s ultimately needed, Rentner said, but it’s an important step that could be a game-changer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s thinking more holistically about how we manage our water and our soil and our communities,” she said. ”So that we can find solutions to climate resilience that benefit us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Weatherization on steroids’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Extreme heat is another consequence of climate change hitting the San Joaquin Valley hard. Scientists calculate that annual average maximum \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/CA4_CCA_SJ_Region_Eng_ada.pdf\">temperatures increased by 1F from 1950 to 2020\u003c/a>. In 2021, Fresno experienced \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/media/hnx/SEPTEMBER%202021%20WEATHER%20SUMMARY.pdf\">a record 69 straight days with temperatures over 100F\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the little city of Tulare, nearly three hours south of Grayson, Arturo Yañez, 55, unloads crates of kiwis and pomegranates. He said in the three decades he’s lived in the valley, he’s felt it get a little hotter each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966816\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a baseball cap looks at photos on a shelf inside a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Yañez looks at family photos at his home in Tulare on Aug. 31. He received home weatherization and solar panels through a state program for green energy retrofits for farmworkers’ households. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This year, too, it was extremely hot,” he said in Spanish. “To work in these temperatures is tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help mitigate the heat, California uses funds from the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/california-climate-investments\">cap-and-trade program\u003c/a> to weatherize homes of low-income families, with some of that money \u003ca href=\"https://www.csd.ca.gov/Pages/Farmworker-Housing-Component.aspx\">carved out for the small percentage of farmworkers who are homeowners\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yañez is one of them. On a late summer afternoon, he showed where a crew had laid insulation in his attic and installed ceiling fans. An efficient, electric air-conditioning system was on the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the thermometer outdoors still reading 103 F at 5 p.m., those measures would make the house more comfortable, he said, and keep his energy costs more manageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, it’s tough to cover all the bills,” he said, adding that when it’s too hot to safely work outside, farmworkers are sent home early, costing them hours on their paychecks. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Arturo Yañez, San Joaquin Valley resident\"]‘We’ll be saving energy. And we can help reduce global warming too.’[/pullquote]Yañez had also applied for solar panels through the weatherization program, and that afternoon he learned that he’d qualified. His face lit up in relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s wonderful!” he said. “We’ll be saving energy. And we can help reduce global warming too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero said efforts like these are exactly what the valley needs but they must expand rapidly, to include hundreds of thousands of farmworker families who rent, often in shoddy homes with poor insulation and no air conditioning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of ‘weatherization on steroids,’” she said. “The benefits could be very, very powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office published an \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/-/media/CNRA-Website/Files/Initiatives/Climate-Resilience/2022-Final-Extreme-Heat-Action-Plan.pdf\">extreme heat action plan\u003c/a>, and the legislature budgeted $1.1 billion for “decarbonization” retrofits in the homes of low- and moderate-income Californians, such as electric appliances and heat pumps for heating and cooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Caballero wrote a bill, signed by Gov. Newsom, to monitor where those funds are spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to make sure that, with limited funds, we started with the communities that had the worst extreme heat,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a greener economy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the town of Huron, becoming more climate resilient is also about creating new jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by tomato fields and almond orchards, the Fresno County town of about 6,000 is not the kind of place you’d expect to see Teslas and Chevy Volts. The poverty rate is 40%, and just 3 in 10 adults have finished high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a moustache and wearing a baseball cap stands in front of a white car.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huron Mayor Rey León stands near an electric vehicle outside the Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute offices, known as LEAP, in Huron, Calif., on Sept. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet, from a former diesel garage on an alley behind the struggling main street, a busy rideshare service dispatches drivers in shiny electric cars to ferry Huron residents to the doctor and other appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The free program is called \u003ca href=\"https://greenraiteros.org\">Green Raiteros\u003c/a>, a play on the Spanish slang for someone who gives rides. The five-year-old project is the brainchild of Rey León, founding director of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://theleapinstitute.org\">Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute\u003c/a>, or LEAP. Green Raiteros is funded with state grants. And drivers are employees, not gig workers, with pay starting at $18 per hour, according to LEAP staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León, who’s also Huron’s mayor, said the program is part of his vision of meeting basic needs like transportation while leaning into the green economy. The hope is to both reduce emissions and create jobs, preparing the workforce as climate change-induced drought disrupts the agricultural economy of the Central Valley. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Huron Mayor Rey León\"]‘Huron is in an area that’s been not just drought-stricken, but poverty-stricken for a very long time.’[/pullquote]“Huron is in an area that’s been not just drought-stricken, but poverty-stricken for a very long time,” said León, sitting in his office upstairs from the dispatchers. “We hope we can make the investments necessary to employ, empower and really animate folks from the community to advance their economy — with innovative technologies so that we can simultaneously fight the climate crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León sees the physical health of his community as intertwined with its economic health — and both as inextricably linked with the health of the environment where they live: \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/california-has-some-of-the-worst-air-quality-in-the-country-the-problem-is-rooted-in-the-san-joaquin-valley\">one of the most contaminated air basins in the nation\u003c/a>. Huron residents breathe air that carries dust from the fields, pesticides and smog from nearby Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other efforts, León has installed 30 EV charging stations around town, planted 300 street trees and enacted measures to promote water conservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, León is aware that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/environment/2022-11-03/amid-californias-three-year-drought-a-san-joaquin-valley-farmworker-considers-seeking-work-outside-the-region\">tens of thousands of agricultural jobs could dry up\u003c/a> in coming years, as climate-change-fueled drought persists and environmental laws to restore depleted aquifers take effect. The LEAP headquarters on the alley is an incubator for projects he hopes will eventually lead to hundreds of well-paying jobs in manufacturing and environmental stewardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960224\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing a baseball cap looks out the window from the backseat of a car.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enrique Contreras gets a ride in an all-electric vehicle from the Green Raiteros rideshare program in Huron, Calif., to a doctor’s appointment on Sept. 1, 2023. The program is run by Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute offices, known as Leap. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In one bay of the garage, several men were building prototypes of portable trailers with solar panels on top, that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.grants.ca.gov/grants/gfo-20-310-mobile-renewable-backup-generation-morbugs/\">California Energy Commission hopes can serve as emergency shelters\u003c/a> and power stations, to deploy during wildfires or other disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a greenhouse behind the garage, two workers are running an experiment, funded by the USDA, to test a liquid organic fertilizer on tomatoes — with hopes of scaling up production and using local agricultural waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huron’s mayor, León is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.grants.ca.gov/grants/gfo-20-310-mobile-renewable-backup-generation-morbugs/\">scoping the possibility of developing a park\u003c/a> and nature conservancy on 3,000 acres of overgrown federal land just outside of town. He envisions replenishing the underground aquifer there using the town’s treated wastewater, and employing residents to build trails and plant native trees grown in LEAP greenhouses.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Solange Gould, co-director, Human Impact Partners\"]‘There’s a lot of funding, but the state needs to provide more technical assistance to Central Valley groups to be able to access that money.’[/pullquote]León’s dreams are big, but they’ll take more money, political muscle and capacity building to realize. He knows they won’t happen overnight and, for now, he’s experimenting at a small scale. The Green Raiteros fleet in Huron has 11 cars, but state grants are funding an expansion, with five additional vehicles in Fresno and three more in the Salinas Valley town of Pajaro. In a poor community like his, León said, such government funding has been essential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If not for the resources provided by state agencies, it really wouldn’t be possible,” he said. “We’re farmworkers and, traditionally, farmworkers have never been afforded the privilege of being able to build up wealth. … We hope that with the projects we’re doing, they could see them as pilots for what could be done in similar communities throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small farming towns like Huron have had some success winning competitive grants. But even with all the new money flowing from state and federal governments, it often goes to big cities and large nonprofits with sophisticated fundraising operations, leaving small, rural places at a disadvantage — even if their need is intense, some advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are dire inequities on every measure of human wellbeing in the Central Valley because of past and current policies and disinvestment,” said Solange Gould, co-director of Human Impact Partners, a nonprofit that advocates for health equity. “There’s a lot of funding, but the state needs to provide more technical assistance to Central Valley groups to be able to access that money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A rural community on the banks of the San Joaquin River was spared from flooding during last winter’s powerful storms after hundreds of acres of former farmland were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965257/california-looks-to-restore-floodplains-to-protect-communities-from-impacts-of-climate-change\">restored to their natural state as floodplains\u003c/a>, giving the rising water a place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An immigrant family in the Central Valley city of Tulare got relief from 100-degree heat and sky-high energy bills with insulation and energy retrofits installed under a state program to weatherize the homes of low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small town mayor in a region with some of the most polluted air in the nation launched a free rideshare program with a fleet of electric vehicles — the first step in his goal of creating hundreds of green jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are a few of the climate resilience strategies emerging in hard-hit agricultural communities in California’s Central Valley, supported by state and federal funds that could enable local initiatives to scale up. But the very places that need help the most may have the hardest time accessing the funding available, \u003ca href=\"https://protect-us.mimecast.com/s/aYv2COYZQzi2BvYEskPu2V?domain=next10.org\">research shows\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of San Joaquin Valley face a barrage of challenges as the planet warms and weather patterns shift, often with catastrophic results. Land development has been engineered over decades to maximize agricultural productivity, with little attention to environmental resilience. And low-income immigrant workers, who are the backbone of this economy, are on the front lines, living in communities that lack resources and critical infrastructure to cope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summer temperatures throughout the valley routinely spike into triple digits, making outdoor work dangerous and shoddily built homes stifling. Wildfires repeatedly blanket the region with smoke, exacerbating the air pollution that leads to the state’s worst rates of asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966814\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966814\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A dry field with an irrigation channel alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An irrigation channel carries water to new plantings in the recently restored floodplain on the banks of the San Joaquin River near Grayson, Calif., on Aug. 31. The restoration work was conducted by the nonprofit River Partners to allow the fast-moving river to spread out over a wider expanse, diminishing its destructive force and preventing catastrophic flooding. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Violent floods wash away homes and livelihoods in communities with neglected levees and insufficient storm drains. And recurring drought contributes to the fact that most of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-118/index.html\">nearly 1 million Californians who lack access to safe drinking water\u003c/a> live in the Central Valley. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The biggest problem is the combination of things: farmworker communities not having a rest from one climate impact to another.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The biggest problem is the combination of things: farmworker communities not having a rest from one climate impact to another,” said Pablo Ortiz-Partida, senior water and climate scientist with the Union of Concerned Scientists. “All these things start interconnecting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz-Partida said policymakers must listen to those who live with these impacts daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There needs to be some top-down solutions, but also some bottom-up solutions,” he said. “How can we start that process of equitable transition to cleaner energies? … How can we start bringing a new, more sustainable vision of agriculture in the San Joaquin Valley?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Left behind in the clean energy transition\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has established itself as a national leader in climate policy. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/bio/merrian-borgeson/ca-climate-energy-policy-update-summer-2023\">Natural Resources Defense Council estimates\u003c/a> the state has committed to spend more than $52 billion over the next several years to \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/ab-32-climate-change-scoping-plan/2022-scoping-plan-documents\">transition off fossil fuels\u003c/a> and tackle the effects of climate change. That’s in addition to the hundreds of millions of dollars from President Joe Biden’s Infrastructure Act and \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/California.pdf\">Inflation Reduction Act\u003c/a> that will soon flow to the state to fight climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet low-income immigrant communities in rural areas that are among the most impacted have not always seen the benefit — and could be at risk of losing out again. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> A \u003ca href=\"https://www.next10.org/publications/local-climate\">new report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley’s Center for Law, Energy, & the Environment, and two nonprofits — the Institute for Local Government and Next 10 — found that many California municipalities, especially smaller ones, need to staff up and develop detailed climate action plans if they want a shot at competitive grants for the unprecedented funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the state faces worsening impacts from climate change, local governments are the front-line defense for our communities,” said F. Noel Perry, founder of Next 10. “We need to identify the barriers cities and counties face so we can take full advantage of the historic federal and state funding available to better protect ourselves now and in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Anna Caballero represents some of the San Joaquin Valley’s poorest places and said climate policies don’t work if they only benefit wealthier residents of coastal cities like Los Angeles and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s seen plenty of well-intentioned climate programs miss the mark for her Central Valley constituents. One example is rebates for purchasing electric cars and solar panels, which require paying the full price upfront and getting the discount later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency of getting this right and including rural communities in our discussion about climate change is that we’re going to end up with two separate worlds,” she said. “If you can afford it, you have an electric vehicle and a solar rooftop. And if you can’t, there’s nothing for you. There’s no job. There’s no way to pay your bills. And your community has no way of sustaining itself.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The region’s economy is dominated by agriculture and fossil fuel extraction industries, whose leaders trend Republican and have often resisted Democratic moves to slash carbon emissions and protect water and ecosystems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 55% of the San Joaquin Valley’s 4.3 million residents live in disadvantaged communities, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/CA4_CCA_SJ_Region_Eng_ada.pdf\">California’s Fourth Climate Change Assessment\u003c/a> for the region. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/ETA/naws/pdfs/NAWS%20Research%20Report%2015.pdf\">Among California farmworkers, 9 in 10 are immigrants\u003c/a>, and 8 in 10 are not citizens. Though their labor is essential, and many have lived here for decades, they can’t vote, so their voices and experiences aren’t always represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Caballero, a Democrat, and many other lawmakers and advocates have been pushing for equitable solutions, and some are beginning to bear fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The river is their backyard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The unincorporated community of Grayson, on the west bank of the San Joaquin River, is just five-by-six blocks. The only business, The One-Stop, is a gas station, convenience store, lunch counter and laundromat rolled into one. Residents rely on wells for drinking water that are often contaminated with agricultural chemicals from surrounding fields. Flooding has long been a risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lilia Lomelí-Gil, who runs the Grayson United Community Center, pointed out some older homes on Charles Street, where the water rose ominously as rain pounded the region last winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966813\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person with long hair stands in front of a dry field.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lilia Lomelí-Gil walks along the recently restored floodplain on the banks of the San Joaquin River near her home in Grayson, Calif., on Aug. 31. Lomelí-Gil, who runs the Grayson United Community Center, said the natural floodplain protected Grayson from flooding last winter and creates a place where community residents can get closer to nature. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The river is their backyard,” she said. “The lady that lives right there in that little house was at risk of getting flooded. It did go up to their yard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lomelí-Gil, 71, knows that risk firsthand. Back in 1997, she was living in nearby Modesto when \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mXEza6kPyFk\">a massive flood hit on New Year’s Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost my home,” she said. “Because the waters came in 4-feet high. And since we were downriver from the sewage plant, of course, it was all contaminated waters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She salvaged what she could and moved back to Grayson, where she’d grown up the daughter of farmworkers from Mexico. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Going back to nature … It works with mental health and your physical health and your spiritual health. I think that triangle is the key to facing life’s challenges.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During last winter’s storms, levees failed and catastrophic floods devastated other farmworker communities, like Pajaro and Planada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grayson, the San Joaquin River surged, but the outcome was very different: the town did not flood. One reason? A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/05/28/1178441292/flood-protection-california\">recent floodplain restoration project\u003c/a> allowed the fast-moving river to spread over a wider expanse, diminishing its destructive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work was done by \u003ca href=\"https://riverpartners.org\">River Partners\u003c/a>, a nonprofit organization that restores riverside habitats around California. The group purchased unused farmland abutting the river, then removed the earthen berms holding the water in its channel. Dozens of people from the local community, including Lomelí-Gil, got involved in planting native tree saplings and grasses to restore wildlife habitat in the new floodplain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday, Lomelí-Gil tramped down an abandoned road at the end of Minnie Street to show off the plantings. Once the work is complete, she said, she’s looking forward to taking kids and seniors from the community center out to walk along trails by the river.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going back to nature … It works with mental health and your physical health and your spiritual health,” she said, stopping to listen to the sound of the birds and the babbling water. “I think that triangle is the key to facing life’s challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Removing levees to allow floods to flow across fallow farmland is a low-tech solution with significant payoffs, River Partners executive director Julie Rentner said. It not only reduces flood risk and expands wildlife habitat and space for recreation, but it refills underground aquifers that have been depleted by decades of over-pumping — and that should lead to cleaner drinking water for Lomelí-Gil and her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar projects will soon break ground. In the wake of last winter’s storms, state lawmakers budgeted nearly half a billion dollars to shore up levees and rebuild damaged communities. Tucked in there was $40 million for River Partners to restore natural floodplains on 2,500 more acres elsewhere along the San Joaquin River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money is only a downpayment on what’s ultimately needed, Rentner said, but it’s an important step that could be a game-changer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s thinking more holistically about how we manage our water and our soil and our communities,” she said. ”So that we can find solutions to climate resilience that benefit us all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Weatherization on steroids’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Extreme heat is another consequence of climate change hitting the San Joaquin Valley hard. Scientists calculate that annual average maximum \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2022-01/CA4_CCA_SJ_Region_Eng_ada.pdf\">temperatures increased by 1F from 1950 to 2020\u003c/a>. In 2021, Fresno experienced \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/media/hnx/SEPTEMBER%202021%20WEATHER%20SUMMARY.pdf\">a record 69 straight days with temperatures over 100F\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the little city of Tulare, nearly three hours south of Grayson, Arturo Yañez, 55, unloads crates of kiwis and pomegranates. He said in the three decades he’s lived in the valley, he’s felt it get a little hotter each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966816\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a baseball cap looks at photos on a shelf inside a home.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-CLIMATE-FLOODPLAIN-TH-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Yañez looks at family photos at his home in Tulare on Aug. 31. He received home weatherization and solar panels through a state program for green energy retrofits for farmworkers’ households. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This year, too, it was extremely hot,” he said in Spanish. “To work in these temperatures is tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help mitigate the heat, California uses funds from the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/our-work/programs/california-climate-investments\">cap-and-trade program\u003c/a> to weatherize homes of low-income families, with some of that money \u003ca href=\"https://www.csd.ca.gov/Pages/Farmworker-Housing-Component.aspx\">carved out for the small percentage of farmworkers who are homeowners\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yañez is one of them. On a late summer afternoon, he showed where a crew had laid insulation in his attic and installed ceiling fans. An efficient, electric air-conditioning system was on the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the thermometer outdoors still reading 103 F at 5 p.m., those measures would make the house more comfortable, he said, and keep his energy costs more manageable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, it’s tough to cover all the bills,” he said, adding that when it’s too hot to safely work outside, farmworkers are sent home early, costing them hours on their paychecks. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We’ll be saving energy. And we can help reduce global warming too.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Yañez had also applied for solar panels through the weatherization program, and that afternoon he learned that he’d qualified. His face lit up in relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s wonderful!” he said. “We’ll be saving energy. And we can help reduce global warming too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero said efforts like these are exactly what the valley needs but they must expand rapidly, to include hundreds of thousands of farmworker families who rent, often in shoddy homes with poor insulation and no air conditioning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of ‘weatherization on steroids,’” she said. “The benefits could be very, very powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office published an \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/-/media/CNRA-Website/Files/Initiatives/Climate-Resilience/2022-Final-Extreme-Heat-Action-Plan.pdf\">extreme heat action plan\u003c/a>, and the legislature budgeted $1.1 billion for “decarbonization” retrofits in the homes of low- and moderate-income Californians, such as electric appliances and heat pumps for heating and cooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Caballero wrote a bill, signed by Gov. Newsom, to monitor where those funds are spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to make sure that, with limited funds, we started with the communities that had the worst extreme heat,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a greener economy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the town of Huron, becoming more climate resilient is also about creating new jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by tomato fields and almond orchards, the Fresno County town of about 6,000 is not the kind of place you’d expect to see Teslas and Chevy Volts. The poverty rate is 40%, and just 3 in 10 adults have finished high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person with a moustache and wearing a baseball cap stands in front of a white car.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68672_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-50-BL-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huron Mayor Rey León stands near an electric vehicle outside the Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute offices, known as LEAP, in Huron, Calif., on Sept. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet, from a former diesel garage on an alley behind the struggling main street, a busy rideshare service dispatches drivers in shiny electric cars to ferry Huron residents to the doctor and other appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The free program is called \u003ca href=\"https://greenraiteros.org\">Green Raiteros\u003c/a>, a play on the Spanish slang for someone who gives rides. The five-year-old project is the brainchild of Rey León, founding director of the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://theleapinstitute.org\">Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute\u003c/a>, or LEAP. Green Raiteros is funded with state grants. And drivers are employees, not gig workers, with pay starting at $18 per hour, according to LEAP staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León, who’s also Huron’s mayor, said the program is part of his vision of meeting basic needs like transportation while leaning into the green economy. The hope is to both reduce emissions and create jobs, preparing the workforce as climate change-induced drought disrupts the agricultural economy of the Central Valley. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Huron is in an area that’s been not just drought-stricken, but poverty-stricken for a very long time.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Huron is in an area that’s been not just drought-stricken, but poverty-stricken for a very long time,” said León, sitting in his office upstairs from the dispatchers. “We hope we can make the investments necessary to employ, empower and really animate folks from the community to advance their economy — with innovative technologies so that we can simultaneously fight the climate crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>León sees the physical health of his community as intertwined with its economic health — and both as inextricably linked with the health of the environment where they live: \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/california-has-some-of-the-worst-air-quality-in-the-country-the-problem-is-rooted-in-the-san-joaquin-valley\">one of the most contaminated air basins in the nation\u003c/a>. Huron residents breathe air that carries dust from the fields, pesticides and smog from nearby Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other efforts, León has installed 30 EV charging stations around town, planted 300 street trees and enacted measures to promote water conservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, León is aware that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/environment/2022-11-03/amid-californias-three-year-drought-a-san-joaquin-valley-farmworker-considers-seeking-work-outside-the-region\">tens of thousands of agricultural jobs could dry up\u003c/a> in coming years, as climate-change-fueled drought persists and environmental laws to restore depleted aquifers take effect. The LEAP headquarters on the alley is an incubator for projects he hopes will eventually lead to hundreds of well-paying jobs in manufacturing and environmental stewardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960224\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing a baseball cap looks out the window from the backseat of a car.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS68646_230901-CentralValleyClimateSolutions-13-BL-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Enrique Contreras gets a ride in an all-electric vehicle from the Green Raiteros rideshare program in Huron, Calif., to a doctor’s appointment on Sept. 1, 2023. The program is run by Latino Equity Advocacy & Policy Institute offices, known as Leap. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In one bay of the garage, several men were building prototypes of portable trailers with solar panels on top, that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.grants.ca.gov/grants/gfo-20-310-mobile-renewable-backup-generation-morbugs/\">California Energy Commission hopes can serve as emergency shelters\u003c/a> and power stations, to deploy during wildfires or other disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a greenhouse behind the garage, two workers are running an experiment, funded by the USDA, to test a liquid organic fertilizer on tomatoes — with hopes of scaling up production and using local agricultural waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huron’s mayor, León is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.grants.ca.gov/grants/gfo-20-310-mobile-renewable-backup-generation-morbugs/\">scoping the possibility of developing a park\u003c/a> and nature conservancy on 3,000 acres of overgrown federal land just outside of town. He envisions replenishing the underground aquifer there using the town’s treated wastewater, and employing residents to build trails and plant native trees grown in LEAP greenhouses.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There’s a lot of funding, but the state needs to provide more technical assistance to Central Valley groups to be able to access that money.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>León’s dreams are big, but they’ll take more money, political muscle and capacity building to realize. He knows they won’t happen overnight and, for now, he’s experimenting at a small scale. The Green Raiteros fleet in Huron has 11 cars, but state grants are funding an expansion, with five additional vehicles in Fresno and three more in the Salinas Valley town of Pajaro. In a poor community like his, León said, such government funding has been essential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If not for the resources provided by state agencies, it really wouldn’t be possible,” he said. “We’re farmworkers and, traditionally, farmworkers have never been afforded the privilege of being able to build up wealth. … We hope that with the projects we’re doing, they could see them as pilots for what could be done in similar communities throughout the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small farming towns like Huron have had some success winning competitive grants. But even with all the new money flowing from state and federal governments, it often goes to big cities and large nonprofits with sophisticated fundraising operations, leaving small, rural places at a disadvantage — even if their need is intense, some advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are dire inequities on every measure of human wellbeing in the Central Valley because of past and current policies and disinvestment,” said Solange Gould, co-director of Human Impact Partners, a nonprofit that advocates for health equity. “There’s a lot of funding, but the state needs to provide more technical assistance to Central Valley groups to be able to access that money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Tale of Two California Cities: Contrasting Responses to Unexpected Migrant Arrivals",
"headTitle": "A Tale of Two California Cities: Contrasting Responses to Unexpected Migrant Arrivals | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Aura Silva was among 36 migrants who in early June were driven from Texas’ border to New Mexico and then flown to Sacramento. She had no family there to take her in and no knowledge of how to find shelter. She had just learned about the capital city several days before, after crossing the U.S. border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diocese of Sacramento and partner organizations stepped in to help, offering clothes and food to the 31-year-old Colombian mother and her fellow travelers. The next few days, the migrants slept at a synagogue before being placed in a hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Angelica Salas, director, The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\"]‘We have to be responsive to these major emergencies, sometimes not created from a natural flow of migration but by the politics in the nation.’[/pullquote]While grateful for that support, Silva soon began to feel frustrated because she couldn’t find a job. Without guidance on the convoluted U.S. asylum process, Silva didn’t know how to apply for a work permit, which can take six months or more to get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of waiting, Silva decided to leave Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend of mine told me I could find a job at a Mexican restaurant in Memphis. I thought about it for days until I left,” Silva said during a phone interview from the apartment she shares with three other migrants in Tennessee’s second largest city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People exit the bus wearing face masks and blue clothing holding bags.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles on 2 buses traveling from Texas on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Silva and her fellow new arrivals in Sacramento found an under-resourced local support system, community leaders said. Some, like Silva, already are considering moving on to other destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, other migrants are finding better support in Los Angeles. Since June, more than 900 migrants have arrived there, most on buses from Texas. Advocates say they are being quickly integrated into the L.A. community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People exit the bus wearing face masks and blue clothing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Texas ‘theatrics’ or California hospitality\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles has received millions of dollars from the state to help newly arrived migrants. Sacramento has received no such help from the state. State officials said that’s because of the significantly larger number of migrant arrivals in L.A. than in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers applaud California’s response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the governors of Florida and Texas have decided to play politics with human lives, our state has decided to take a compassionate approach towards individuals who are in need of care,” said Assembly member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles. “For me, it’s about coming together as a state to recognize the humanity of people, and treating them with dignity, rather than engaging in political theatrics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/06/gavin-newsom-migrant-flights/\">the political controversy\u003c/a> over the unexpected migrant arrivals, Silva’s experience raises a question: Does the capital city have sufficient resources to help migrants, especially compared to Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A family with a young girl on the left, a woman holding a baby in the center and a man on the right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left to right) Daughter Sheryl Paz, 11, Dena Arenas, 31, mother, 5-month-old daughter Hanna Paiz, and Hember Paiz, 30, father, stand for a portrait at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles Sept. 19, 2023. The family immigrated to the US from Guatemala in June 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days after Silva landed in Sacramento, Hember Paiz and Dena Arenas arrived in L.A.’s Union Station. They were part of Texas Gov. Greg Abbott’s plans to bus thousands of migrants to Democratic-led cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Guatemalan couple received a paper listing local resources and phone numbers. They knew who to call for legal advice, for instance. A relative picked them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later Paiz and Arenas were sitting in a downtown Los Angeles law office, ready to apply for a government work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is beautiful, honestly,” Paiz said in September. “We don’t yet have jobs to be able to become more independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With help from the local nonprofit Immigrant Defenders Law Center, Paiz and Arenas applied for work permits, received health care coverage for their family through Medi-Cal and enrolled in the state’s Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No funds available\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile in Sacramento, some community leaders were criticizing how California’s capital city responded to the arrival of the 36 migrants in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we saw in the experience of these particular migrants is that integration into this community has been slower,” said Jessie Tientcheu, CEO of Opening Doors, a resettlement organization in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black floral-printed dress stairs out a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aura Silva Vergara stands for a portrait at the home where she stays in Memphis, Tenn. \u003ccite>(Andrea Morales/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think we need a more coordinated approach. And that is going to include both the city and the county governments, as well as the state, frankly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For 32 years the mission of Sacramento Area Congregations Together (ACT) has been to organize and work with the faith community to further social justice causes. On June 2 the organization’s executive director, Gabby Trejo, received a phone call, informing her that a group of 16 migrants had been abruptly dropped off at the offices of the Sacramento diocese and needed immediate assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11958372,news_11957568\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Though Sacramento ACT had never provided direct services in a situation like this, Trejo said, the organization decided to respond to what seemed to be a temporary emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t temporary. Three days later, a second flight with 15 Latin American asylum seekers, including Silva, arrived in Sacramento similarly unprepared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning this incident was considered a crisis, but it quickly escalated,” Trejo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got a sense of how much the hotels cost per day, but we realized we would need help, so we pulled someone out of retirement to help us with folks going to ER, dental appointments, and a lot of coordination. We normally don’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anticipating the logistical and economic challenges of helping a growing number of asylum seekers in Sacramento, Trejo sent a funding request to Sacramento County on July 12, more than a month after the migrants’ unexpected arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trejo asked for nearly $194,000, to cover 17 hotel rooms for four months and to pay the salaries of a case manager and staff. Trejo said at first Sacramento County officials said they would explore available resources to assist the migrants, though spending the funds would require approval by the county Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County ultimately did not release the money, saying in a written statement that officials had not identified funds they could allocate for the immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fears of sleeping on streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Sacramento ACT waited for an official answer from Sacramento County, Silva feared having to sleep on the streets again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d experienced homelessness during her journey to the United States, she said. She had walked across mountains in the notorious Darién Gap rainforest in Panama and traversed several Central American countries to reach Mexico. She settled in Ciudad Juárez, near the U.S. border, for about a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May Silva surrendered to U.S. border officials in El Paso, Texas. Once Silva was released and placed into a shelter two men approached her, promising her housing and a job in California. Feeling hopeful, she accepted the ticket on a chartered flight, which was later revealed to have been paid for by Florida’s migrant relocation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silva thought Sacramento might be where she could start over and, little by little, fulfill the promise she had made to the 15-year-old daughter she left back in Colombia: to make enough money to help her daughter continue and improve on her education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some time before Sacramento County rejected Trejo’s funding request, the Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development (GO-Biz) \u003ca href=\"https://business.ca.gov/go-biz-announces-first-ever-grants-to-help-immigrants-succeed-in-their-communities/\">announced\u003c/a> the state’s first Local Immigrant Integration and Inclusion Grants, more than $6 million going to 12 local governments across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County was awarded $910,210 to “establish an interagency task force to promote cross-jurisdictional coordination to create a rapid response plan and system of care for newly arriving migrants,” according to the state agency. But the county would not be able to disburse the funds until January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Silva, some asylum seekers have left Sacramento. Ones who stayed were told Sacramento ACT could no longer help them financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State aid for Los Angeles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials began planning last spring for a potential increase in migrant arrivals linked to the impending end of Title 42, a federal emergency health rule that had allowed border officials to turn away migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border, to prevent the spread of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From April 2021 to September 30, 2023, the state helped more than 472,000 migrants who were processed and released at the border, said Scott Murray, a social services department spokesperson. That includes more than 98,000 who came to the state since Title 42 ended on May 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A white, blue and green colored bus on the street.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles on 2 buses traveling from Texas on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s preparation included a $1.3 million contract with the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles, the lead organization of the L.A. Welcomes Collective of nonprofits. Officials allowed that contract to stay in place, to provide humanitarian aid for migrants arriving to the L.A. area from Texas, Murray said. It expires in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the state’s 2023 budget, the L.A. County government also received $2 million from the state’s social services department, to work with nonprofits providing aid to newly arriving migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyndsay Toczylowski, executive director at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center, said her firm is providing legal guidance and support to migrants seeking asylum. The L.A. Welcomes Collective organizations also work with each other and with state and local officials to provide services to arriving migrants. That includes medical attention and a warm meal at arrival, and legal services and transportation to new destinations if migrants choose to leave L.A., said Jorge-Mario Cabrera, a spokesperson for the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights, more commonly known as CHIRLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is nothing new for the organization, said Executive Director Angelica Salas. “We feel like this is the nature of the work we do, which is that we have to be responsive to these major emergencies, sometimes not created from a natural flow of migration but by the politics in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A family’s flight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since June, Texas has sent dozens of buses of migrants to Los Angeles. The City Council in August \u003ca href=\"https://clkrep.lacity.org/onlinedocs/2023/23-0655_misc_6-16-23.pdf\">voted to (PDF)\u003c/a> investigate whether human trafficking, kidnapping, or any other crime was committed when the first bus arrived from Texas on June 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964112\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl wearing a white floral-printed shirt holds a baby to her face.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheryl Paiz, 11, holds her baby sister Hanna at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Paiz, Arenas and their two daughters were on one of those buses. The Guatemalan family had escaped gang violence in their hometown, they said, then endured a long journey hoping for a more stable life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The gang activity was growing and we were getting threats; we were being extorted and abused,” Paiz said. “It was a difficult situation. More than anything, that’s why I needed to look for some security and protection for my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz, 30, had been a propane gas salesman, and his daily routine involved driving a truck through various neighborhoods. Gang violence was growing in Guatemala, Paiz said, and gang members harassed him on his work routes. They stole money and, when he stopped carrying cash, they stole tanks of gas, which his employer deducted from his earnings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2023, two gang members approached him at work with a proposition, Paiz said: Would he join the gang as an informant? They asked that he give them information about his clients and in exchange, gang members would leave him alone and supplement his earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz said no and the gang assaulted him. He arrived home that day with his nose and mouth bloodied and his chest covered in bruises. Soon after the family left Guatemala and made the journey to the U.S.-Mexico border by car, bus and foot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Claiming asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the time Paiz, Arenas and their oldest daughter made it to the U.S.-Mexico border, Arenas, 31, was near the end of her pregnancy. Hanna was born in April in Tamaulipas, Mexico where they waited two months before crossing the border to Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There they claimed asylum, saying they had fled violence in Guatemala. The family was transported to a Laredo church where they waited two weeks for the bus that would take them to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanna, barely a month old, cried the whole way. She had wanted warm milk but there was no way to heat up her formula on the bus, Arenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only consolation, Arenas said, was the view out the window of a beautiful new country she had never seen before, as the bus made its way through the Arizona desert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later the family sat in a Los Angeles legal office. Arenas bounced Hanna on her lap as the infant babbled. Occasionally croons would begin to turn into cries, and Arenas would stand and rock Hanna to quiet her. Arenas handed Hanna to 11-year-old Sheryl, who rubbed noses with her baby sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz said the family is living in central Los Angeles with his uncle, and he’s looking for jobs while he waits for his permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want stability, emotionally and economically,” Paiz said. “My family wants to have a home free of everything we went through in Guatemala. To forget about all of that and build a new home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A promise to keep\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In total, California has spent more than $1.3 billion since 2019, to assist the federal government in providing humanitarian services and help for newly arriving migrants, said Murray, of the California Department of Social Services. The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights’ contract is part of that investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California does not have a contract with Sacramento ACT, or any other organization in Sacramento, for providing services to migrants sent there, Murray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Sacramento ACT couldn’t provide long-term assistance to asylum seekers, at least two other organizations stepped in. NorCal Resist has daily supplied food and basic necessities and Opening Doors, which has worked with Afghan and Ukrainian refugees, will pay for housing the asylum seekers for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tientcheu, of Opening Doors, said welcoming migrants is a good investment for the city and county of Sacramento — and for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants and refugees are incredibly entrepreneurial,” she said. “Over time, they pay more in taxes than they use in public benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964115\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing for a portrait with a view from her side. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aura Silva Vergara stands for a portrait at the home where she stays in Memphis, Tenn. \u003ccite>(Andrea Morales/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Days before Silva left Sacramento, she was able to start working on her declaration for asylum application, detailing her experiences in Colombia and her reasons for fleeing and fearing going back. But Silva wasn’t able to file her asylum application while in Sacramento, she said, because she wasn’t given proper information about the asylum process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her paperwork, Silva recounted that her former partner, a police officer in Colombia, psychically abused her. Before she could report it to authorities, he threatened to kill her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, seven months after she fled Colombia, Silva works as a waitress in Memphis. Her tips are best on weekends, she said, though her earnings aren’t enough to pay for her own apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Silva is able to send money to Colombia, to build a better future for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to leave Sacramento. I loved it,” Silva said. “But I came to this country to work and give my daughter a better education. That was a promise I will keep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "While many of the 900-plus migrants who arrived in Los Angeles from Republican states quickly integrated into the community, the few dozen who went to Sacramento found an under-resourced support system.",
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"description": "While many of the 900-plus migrants who arrived in Los Angeles from Republican states quickly integrated into the community, the few dozen who went to Sacramento found an under-resourced support system.",
"title": "A Tale of Two California Cities: Contrasting Responses to Unexpected Migrant Arrivals | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/kervy-robles/\">Justo Robles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/alejandra-reyesvelarde/\">Alejandra Reyes-Velarde\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aura Silva was among 36 migrants who in early June were driven from Texas’ border to New Mexico and then flown to Sacramento. She had no family there to take her in and no knowledge of how to find shelter. She had just learned about the capital city several days before, after crossing the U.S. border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Diocese of Sacramento and partner organizations stepped in to help, offering clothes and food to the 31-year-old Colombian mother and her fellow travelers. The next few days, the migrants slept at a synagogue before being placed in a hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We have to be responsive to these major emergencies, sometimes not created from a natural flow of migration but by the politics in the nation.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While grateful for that support, Silva soon began to feel frustrated because she couldn’t find a job. Without guidance on the convoluted U.S. asylum process, Silva didn’t know how to apply for a work permit, which can take six months or more to get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of waiting, Silva decided to leave Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend of mine told me I could find a job at a Mexican restaurant in Memphis. I thought about it for days until I left,” Silva said during a phone interview from the apartment she shares with three other migrants in Tennessee’s second largest city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People exit the bus wearing face masks and blue clothing holding bags.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_01.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles on 2 buses traveling from Texas on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Silva and her fellow new arrivals in Sacramento found an under-resourced local support system, community leaders said. Some, like Silva, already are considering moving on to other destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, other migrants are finding better support in Los Angeles. Since June, more than 900 migrants have arrived there, most on buses from Texas. Advocates say they are being quickly integrated into the L.A. community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"People exit the bus wearing face masks and blue clothing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Texas ‘theatrics’ or California hospitality\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles has received millions of dollars from the state to help newly arrived migrants. Sacramento has received no such help from the state. State officials said that’s because of the significantly larger number of migrant arrivals in L.A. than in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers applaud California’s response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the governors of Florida and Texas have decided to play politics with human lives, our state has decided to take a compassionate approach towards individuals who are in need of care,” said Assembly member Wendy Carrillo, a Democrat from Los Angeles. “For me, it’s about coming together as a state to recognize the humanity of people, and treating them with dignity, rather than engaging in political theatrics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/06/gavin-newsom-migrant-flights/\">the political controversy\u003c/a> over the unexpected migrant arrivals, Silva’s experience raises a question: Does the capital city have sufficient resources to help migrants, especially compared to Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964110\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A family with a young girl on the left, a woman holding a baby in the center and a man on the right.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_03.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(left to right) Daughter Sheryl Paz, 11, Dena Arenas, 31, mother, 5-month-old daughter Hanna Paiz, and Hember Paiz, 30, father, stand for a portrait at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles Sept. 19, 2023. The family immigrated to the US from Guatemala in June 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days after Silva landed in Sacramento, Hember Paiz and Dena Arenas arrived in L.A.’s Union Station. They were part of Texas Gov. Greg Abbott’s plans to bus thousands of migrants to Democratic-led cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Guatemalan couple received a paper listing local resources and phone numbers. They knew who to call for legal advice, for instance. A relative picked them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later Paiz and Arenas were sitting in a downtown Los Angeles law office, ready to apply for a government work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is beautiful, honestly,” Paiz said in September. “We don’t yet have jobs to be able to become more independent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With help from the local nonprofit Immigrant Defenders Law Center, Paiz and Arenas applied for work permits, received health care coverage for their family through Medi-Cal and enrolled in the state’s Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No funds available\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile in Sacramento, some community leaders were criticizing how California’s capital city responded to the arrival of the 36 migrants in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we saw in the experience of these particular migrants is that integration into this community has been slower,” said Jessie Tientcheu, CEO of Opening Doors, a resettlement organization in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black floral-printed dress stairs out a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100123_Aura-Silva-Vergara_AM_CM_02.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aura Silva Vergara stands for a portrait at the home where she stays in Memphis, Tenn. \u003ccite>(Andrea Morales/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think we need a more coordinated approach. And that is going to include both the city and the county governments, as well as the state, frankly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For 32 years the mission of Sacramento Area Congregations Together (ACT) has been to organize and work with the faith community to further social justice causes. On June 2 the organization’s executive director, Gabby Trejo, received a phone call, informing her that a group of 16 migrants had been abruptly dropped off at the offices of the Sacramento diocese and needed immediate assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Though Sacramento ACT had never provided direct services in a situation like this, Trejo said, the organization decided to respond to what seemed to be a temporary emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it wasn’t temporary. Three days later, a second flight with 15 Latin American asylum seekers, including Silva, arrived in Sacramento similarly unprepared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the beginning this incident was considered a crisis, but it quickly escalated,” Trejo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We got a sense of how much the hotels cost per day, but we realized we would need help, so we pulled someone out of retirement to help us with folks going to ER, dental appointments, and a lot of coordination. We normally don’t do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anticipating the logistical and economic challenges of helping a growing number of asylum seekers in Sacramento, Trejo sent a funding request to Sacramento County on July 12, more than a month after the migrants’ unexpected arrivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trejo asked for nearly $194,000, to cover 17 hotel rooms for four months and to pay the salaries of a case manager and staff. Trejo said at first Sacramento County officials said they would explore available resources to assist the migrants, though spending the funds would require approval by the county Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County ultimately did not release the money, saying in a written statement that officials had not identified funds they could allocate for the immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fears of sleeping on streets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Sacramento ACT waited for an official answer from Sacramento County, Silva feared having to sleep on the streets again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’d experienced homelessness during her journey to the United States, she said. She had walked across mountains in the notorious Darién Gap rainforest in Panama and traversed several Central American countries to reach Mexico. She settled in Ciudad Juárez, near the U.S. border, for about a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May Silva surrendered to U.S. border officials in El Paso, Texas. Once Silva was released and placed into a shelter two men approached her, promising her housing and a job in California. Feeling hopeful, she accepted the ticket on a chartered flight, which was later revealed to have been paid for by Florida’s migrant relocation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silva thought Sacramento might be where she could start over and, little by little, fulfill the promise she had made to the 15-year-old daughter she left back in Colombia: to make enough money to help her daughter continue and improve on her education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some time before Sacramento County rejected Trejo’s funding request, the Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development (GO-Biz) \u003ca href=\"https://business.ca.gov/go-biz-announces-first-ever-grants-to-help-immigrants-succeed-in-their-communities/\">announced\u003c/a> the state’s first Local Immigrant Integration and Inclusion Grants, more than $6 million going to 12 local governments across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County was awarded $910,210 to “establish an interagency task force to promote cross-jurisdictional coordination to create a rapid response plan and system of care for newly arriving migrants,” according to the state agency. But the county would not be able to disburse the funds until January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Silva, some asylum seekers have left Sacramento. Ones who stayed were told Sacramento ACT could no longer help them financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State aid for Los Angeles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials began planning last spring for a potential increase in migrant arrivals linked to the impending end of Title 42, a federal emergency health rule that had allowed border officials to turn away migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border, to prevent the spread of COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From April 2021 to September 30, 2023, the state helped more than 472,000 migrants who were processed and released at the border, said Scott Murray, a social services department spokesperson. That includes more than 98,000 who came to the state since Title 42 ended on May 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A white, blue and green colored bus on the street.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_04.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive to St. Anthony’s Croatian Catholic Church in Los Angeles on 2 buses traveling from Texas on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s preparation included a $1.3 million contract with the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles, the lead organization of the L.A. Welcomes Collective of nonprofits. Officials allowed that contract to stay in place, to provide humanitarian aid for migrants arriving to the L.A. area from Texas, Murray said. It expires in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the state’s 2023 budget, the L.A. County government also received $2 million from the state’s social services department, to work with nonprofits providing aid to newly arriving migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyndsay Toczylowski, executive director at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center, said her firm is providing legal guidance and support to migrants seeking asylum. The L.A. Welcomes Collective organizations also work with each other and with state and local officials to provide services to arriving migrants. That includes medical attention and a warm meal at arrival, and legal services and transportation to new destinations if migrants choose to leave L.A., said Jorge-Mario Cabrera, a spokesperson for the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights, more commonly known as CHIRLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is nothing new for the organization, said Executive Director Angelica Salas. “We feel like this is the nature of the work we do, which is that we have to be responsive to these major emergencies, sometimes not created from a natural flow of migration but by the politics in the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A family’s flight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since June, Texas has sent dozens of buses of migrants to Los Angeles. The City Council in August \u003ca href=\"https://clkrep.lacity.org/onlinedocs/2023/23-0655_misc_6-16-23.pdf\">voted to (PDF)\u003c/a> investigate whether human trafficking, kidnapping, or any other crime was committed when the first bus arrived from Texas on June 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964112\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl wearing a white floral-printed shirt holds a baby to her face.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/091923_Migrants-Los-Angeles_LJ_CM_05.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheryl Paiz, 11, holds her baby sister Hanna at the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles on Sept. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Paiz, Arenas and their two daughters were on one of those buses. The Guatemalan family had escaped gang violence in their hometown, they said, then endured a long journey hoping for a more stable life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The gang activity was growing and we were getting threats; we were being extorted and abused,” Paiz said. “It was a difficult situation. More than anything, that’s why I needed to look for some security and protection for my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz, 30, had been a propane gas salesman, and his daily routine involved driving a truck through various neighborhoods. Gang violence was growing in Guatemala, Paiz said, and gang members harassed him on his work routes. They stole money and, when he stopped carrying cash, they stole tanks of gas, which his employer deducted from his earnings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2023, two gang members approached him at work with a proposition, Paiz said: Would he join the gang as an informant? They asked that he give them information about his clients and in exchange, gang members would leave him alone and supplement his earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz said no and the gang assaulted him. He arrived home that day with his nose and mouth bloodied and his chest covered in bruises. Soon after the family left Guatemala and made the journey to the U.S.-Mexico border by car, bus and foot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Claiming asylum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the time Paiz, Arenas and their oldest daughter made it to the U.S.-Mexico border, Arenas, 31, was near the end of her pregnancy. Hanna was born in April in Tamaulipas, Mexico where they waited two months before crossing the border to Laredo, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There they claimed asylum, saying they had fled violence in Guatemala. The family was transported to a Laredo church where they waited two weeks for the bus that would take them to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hanna, barely a month old, cried the whole way. She had wanted warm milk but there was no way to heat up her formula on the bus, Arenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only consolation, Arenas said, was the view out the window of a beautiful new country she had never seen before, as the bus made its way through the Arizona desert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three months later the family sat in a Los Angeles legal office. Arenas bounced Hanna on her lap as the infant babbled. Occasionally croons would begin to turn into cries, and Arenas would stand and rock Hanna to quiet her. Arenas handed Hanna to 11-year-old Sheryl, who rubbed noses with her baby sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paiz said the family is living in central Los Angeles with his uncle, and he’s looking for jobs while he waits for his permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want stability, emotionally and economically,” Paiz said. “My family wants to have a home free of everything we went through in Guatemala. To forget about all of that and build a new home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A promise to keep\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In total, California has spent more than $1.3 billion since 2019, to assist the federal government in providing humanitarian services and help for newly arriving migrants, said Murray, of the California Department of Social Services. The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights’ contract is part of that investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California does not have a contract with Sacramento ACT, or any other organization in Sacramento, for providing services to migrants sent there, Murray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Sacramento ACT couldn’t provide long-term assistance to asylum seekers, at least two other organizations stepped in. NorCal Resist has daily supplied food and basic necessities and Opening Doors, which has worked with Afghan and Ukrainian refugees, will pay for housing the asylum seekers for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tientcheu, of Opening Doors, said welcoming migrants is a good investment for the city and county of Sacramento — and for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigrants and refugees are incredibly entrepreneurial,” she said. “Over time, they pay more in taxes than they use in public benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11964115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11964115\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman standing for a portrait with a view from her side. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100223_Aura-Silva_AM_CM_03.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aura Silva Vergara stands for a portrait at the home where she stays in Memphis, Tenn. \u003ccite>(Andrea Morales/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Days before Silva left Sacramento, she was able to start working on her declaration for asylum application, detailing her experiences in Colombia and her reasons for fleeing and fearing going back. But Silva wasn’t able to file her asylum application while in Sacramento, she said, because she wasn’t given proper information about the asylum process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her paperwork, Silva recounted that her former partner, a police officer in Colombia, psychically abused her. Before she could report it to authorities, he threatened to kill her, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, seven months after she fled Colombia, Silva works as a waitress in Memphis. Her tips are best on weekends, she said, though her earnings aren’t enough to pay for her own apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Silva is able to send money to Colombia, to build a better future for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want to leave Sacramento. I loved it,” Silva said. “But I came to this country to work and give my daughter a better education. That was a promise I will keep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "One Family Remembers Dianne Feinstein's Assistance During a Difficult Time",
"headTitle": "One Family Remembers Dianne Feinstein’s Assistance During a Difficult Time | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>As Sen. Dianne Feinstein is being eulogized for her long career in elected office, and her impact on gun control, water policy and other political issues, one Oakland family is remembering a more personal side of the late Senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Highland Hospital oncology nurse María Mendoza reached out to Feinstein’s office for help when she and her husband Eusebio Sánchez, a truck driver, were at risk of deportation to Mexico. Feinstein advocated vigorously, even sponsoring a private bill, to keep the parents in the U.S. with their four children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill failed and, in August 2017, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement warned the parents they would be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney Mendoza, now 29, remembers getting a call from the Senator’s staff the day before her parents were to board a plane. They were startled to hear that Feinstein was going to pay them a visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were confused because we didn’t know what they meant. And it turned out that the senator had her staff drive her from her office in San Francisco all the way to our little neighborhood in East Oakland,” said Vianney. “She came into our house, took my mother by the hand, and let her know, ‘I’m sorry that I couldn’t stop this. But your kids are going to be okay. I promise you that they’re going to be okay.’ And she hugged my mom. She hugged us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962980\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people sit on a sofa indoors and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1095\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg 1642w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (second from left) visited María Mendoza and her family at their home in Oakland in August 2017, the day before she and her husband flew to Mexico in the face of deportation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vianney said she was struck that Feinstein was not there for media recognition or to make a public statement, but because these were her constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made my family feel like we mattered,” she said. “She made us feel like we did belong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"María Mendoza \"]‘Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers. From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.’[/pullquote]That fall, as Vianney, a new graduate from UC Santa Cruz, was struggling to raise her younger sisters, she got another call: Feinstein invited them to join her family’s Thanksgiving dinner in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget me and my siblings scrambling to think of what we were going to wear to such an event,” she recalled. “It was an intimate setting. And for the entertainment, she hired a magician. So before dinner, we all saw a magic show in her living room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Feinstein’s help, a year and a half later, María Mendoza was able to return to California and her job at Highland Hospital on an H-1B visa, a temporary visa for skilled workers. Shortly afterward, in February 2019, the senator invited María to be her guest at President Donald Trump’s State of the Union speech in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers,” María said Friday. “From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg\" alt=\"Two people hug and pose for the camera in an indoor setting.\" width=\"1242\" height=\"1863\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg 1242w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-800x1200.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1020x1530.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1024x1536.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (left) poses with María Mendoza in her Washington, DC office before the State of the Union speech in February 2019, after Mendoza, an oncology nurse at Highland Hospital in Oakland, was able to return to the US on an H-1B visa. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some time later, the Senator invited the family to lunch at Water Bar, a seafood restaurant on San Francisco’s Embarcadero. Vianney recalled that Feinstein turned to her during the meal and asked her what she wanted to do with her life, now that her mother was home and she could think about her own plans again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a very daunting question to be asked by a Senator,” said Vianney, who has temporary immigration status through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. “I didn’t have too much of an answer, but I just let her know that I want to use my experience of what we went through to help people in my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney said Feinstein gave it some thought, then turned to her staff and asked if there were any openings in her district office. Shortly afterwards, Vianney was offered an internship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience enabled Vianney to land a job at the Alameda County District Attorney’s office, where she still works today, assisting crime victims and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator is someone who, to this day I hold near and dear to my heart,” she said. “She truly demonstrated to me the impact that one person can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Sen. Dianne Feinstein is being eulogized for her long career in elected office, and her impact on gun control, water policy and other political issues, one Oakland family is remembering a more personal side of the late Senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Highland Hospital oncology nurse María Mendoza reached out to Feinstein’s office for help when she and her husband Eusebio Sánchez, a truck driver, were at risk of deportation to Mexico. Feinstein advocated vigorously, even sponsoring a private bill, to keep the parents in the U.S. with their four children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill failed and, in August 2017, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement warned the parents they would be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney Mendoza, now 29, remembers getting a call from the Senator’s staff the day before her parents were to board a plane. They were startled to hear that Feinstein was going to pay them a visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were confused because we didn’t know what they meant. And it turned out that the senator had her staff drive her from her office in San Francisco all the way to our little neighborhood in East Oakland,” said Vianney. “She came into our house, took my mother by the hand, and let her know, ‘I’m sorry that I couldn’t stop this. But your kids are going to be okay. I promise you that they’re going to be okay.’ And she hugged my mom. She hugged us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962980\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1642px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962980\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg\" alt=\"A group of people sit on a sofa indoors and smile for the camera.\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1095\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED.jpeg 1642w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (second from left) visited María Mendoza and her family at their home in Oakland in August 2017, the day before she and her husband flew to Mexico in the face of deportation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vianney said she was struck that Feinstein was not there for media recognition or to make a public statement, but because these were her constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She made my family feel like we mattered,” she said. “She made us feel like we did belong here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers. From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That fall, as Vianney, a new graduate from UC Santa Cruz, was struggling to raise her younger sisters, she got another call: Feinstein invited them to join her family’s Thanksgiving dinner in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget me and my siblings scrambling to think of what we were going to wear to such an event,” she recalled. “It was an intimate setting. And for the entertainment, she hired a magician. So before dinner, we all saw a magic show in her living room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Feinstein’s help, a year and a half later, María Mendoza was able to return to California and her job at Highland Hospital on an H-1B visa, a temporary visa for skilled workers. Shortly afterward, in February 2019, the senator invited María to be her guest at President Donald Trump’s State of the Union speech in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Senator Feinstein was the answer to my prayers,” María said Friday. “From the first time I reached out to her for help, she was there for us. … She will forever live in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11962979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1242px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11962979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg\" alt=\"Two people hug and pose for the camera in an indoor setting.\" width=\"1242\" height=\"1863\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2.jpeg 1242w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-800x1200.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1020x1530.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-160x240.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230929-DIANNE-FEINSTEIN-IMMIGRATION-02-KQED-2-1024x1536.jpeg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1242px) 100vw, 1242px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein (left) poses with María Mendoza in her Washington, DC office before the State of the Union speech in February 2019, after Mendoza, an oncology nurse at Highland Hospital in Oakland, was able to return to the US on an H-1B visa. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of María Mendoza)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some time later, the Senator invited the family to lunch at Water Bar, a seafood restaurant on San Francisco’s Embarcadero. Vianney recalled that Feinstein turned to her during the meal and asked her what she wanted to do with her life, now that her mother was home and she could think about her own plans again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a very daunting question to be asked by a Senator,” said Vianney, who has temporary immigration status through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. “I didn’t have too much of an answer, but I just let her know that I want to use my experience of what we went through to help people in my community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vianney said Feinstein gave it some thought, then turned to her staff and asked if there were any openings in her district office. Shortly afterwards, Vianney was offered an internship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience enabled Vianney to land a job at the Alameda County District Attorney’s office, where she still works today, assisting crime victims and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senator is someone who, to this day I hold near and dear to my heart,” she said. “She truly demonstrated to me the impact that one person can have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Advocates Vow to Fight On After Newsom Vetoes Bill to End Some Transfers From Prison to ICE",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawmakers and immigrant advocates vow to persist after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have protected some immigrants from federal authorities if they’re released from prison under state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author, said she was disappointed in Newsom’s decision to veto \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946255/california-bill-would-protect-immigrants-freed-under-criminal-justice-reforms-from-being-handed-to-ice\">AB 1306, known as the HOME Act\u003c/a>, saying collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement amounts to “double punishment” for immigrants who have earned parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intention of the Legislature to exclude immigrants from restorative justice reform policies,” Carrillo said. “I am committed to re-introducing the policy and ending a dual system of justice in California that treats immigrants as less than and unworthy of a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"ICE Out of California Coalition\"]‘The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances. Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.’[/pullquote]The bill would have required the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to let noncitizens return to their homes and communities, as U.S. citizens do, if they earn clemency from the governor or resentencing under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">recent laws aimed at rehabilitation and reducing mass incarceration\u003c/a> and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current practice, prison officials alert federal authorities and arrange to transfer noncitizen inmates to immigration custody upon their release. Even longtime legal residents with green cards can spend months or years in ICE detention, and many are eventually deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed the bill Friday evening and issued a statement explaining the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would prevent information sharing and coordination upon a person’s release from CDCR custody for a significant number of people and, as a result, would impede CDCR’s interaction with a federal law enforcement agency charged with assessing public safety risks,” he wrote. “I believe current law strikes the right balance on limiting interaction to support community trust and cooperation between law enforcement and local communities. For this reason, I cannot sign this bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates called Newsom’s veto a calculated move to protect his presidential aspirations. A statement from the ICE Out of California Coalition reads in part: “We denounce Gov. Newsom’s cruel, callous and cowardly decision to veto this common-sense solution. When policy-making is driven by vanity and crass ambition rather than sound judgment, all Californians suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill would have prevented ICE from locating those people after they returned home. But it would have restricted the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">narrowly failed in the state Legislature last August\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960794/a-bill-to-stop-some-prison-to-ice-transfers-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">HOME Act overwhelmingly passed both the state Assembly and Senate this year\u003c/a>. It would have shielded incarcerated people from ICE if they qualified for release under criminal justice reform bills signed by Newsom and former Gov. Jerry Brown, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Elderly people or those suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were committed in their youth and have already served long sentences.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of suffering sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Several states, including Oregon, Illinois, plus Washington, D.C., have already enacted legislation to restrict prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement groups that had opposed the broader VISION Act took no position on the HOME Act, so the bill faced no organized opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, sanctuary laws prevent local police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement much of the time. But there’s a broad exemption for prisons. CDCR documents recently obtained under public records laws by the ACLU of Northern California show that in just two months last year California turned over 200 people to ICE after they’d served their time in prison. In addition, the records show, incarcerated people who have been flagged for ICE are barred from many re-entry programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances,” said the ICE Out of California Coalition. “Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person who knows the toll of the current policy is Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda. She served 19 years of a 40-year murder sentence she received for driving a van out of which a man shot and killed someone. But her conviction was vacated after California reformed a law that had caused people like her to be sentenced for murders they did not commit. In addition, Newsom commuted her sentence, based on her rehabilitation in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943030,news_11946255]But instead of going home, Castañeda, who’s had a legal green card since she was 9, spent an additional year in ICE detention fighting until her deportation case was dropped by an immigration judge last year. She said she feels devastated for other immigrants who will suffer a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a slap in the face,” she said of the governor’s veto. “He commuted me! We’ve been rehabilitated, and then you want us to get deported? But the fight doesn’t stop here. Hopefully someday somebody will realize that this law should pass.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another criminal justice bill that was well on its way to the governor’s desk was pulled back at the last minute. Lawmakers carrying the California Mandela Act (AB 280) — a bill to restrict the use of solitary confinement in jails, prisons and ICE facilities — decided to make it a two-year bill after indications that Newsom would veto it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill had passed the Assembly and the state Senate but the two houses have yet to concur on amendments. But the Mandela Act faces opposition from law enforcement groups. Supporters of that bill say they will try to establish a productive dialogue with Newsom and move it forward next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawmakers and immigrant advocates vow to persist after Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have protected some immigrants from federal authorities if they’re released from prison under state criminal justice reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author, said she was disappointed in Newsom’s decision to veto \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946255/california-bill-would-protect-immigrants-freed-under-criminal-justice-reforms-from-being-handed-to-ice\">AB 1306, known as the HOME Act\u003c/a>, saying collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement amounts to “double punishment” for immigrants who have earned parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intention of the Legislature to exclude immigrants from restorative justice reform policies,” Carrillo said. “I am committed to re-introducing the policy and ending a dual system of justice in California that treats immigrants as less than and unworthy of a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill would have required the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to let noncitizens return to their homes and communities, as U.S. citizens do, if they earn clemency from the governor or resentencing under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11714104/jerry-brown-will-leave-lasting-impact-on-criminal-justice-in-california\">recent laws aimed at rehabilitation and reducing mass incarceration\u003c/a> and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current practice, prison officials alert federal authorities and arrange to transfer noncitizen inmates to immigration custody upon their release. Even longtime legal residents with green cards can spend months or years in ICE detention, and many are eventually deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom vetoed the bill Friday evening and issued a statement explaining the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would prevent information sharing and coordination upon a person’s release from CDCR custody for a significant number of people and, as a result, would impede CDCR’s interaction with a federal law enforcement agency charged with assessing public safety risks,” he wrote. “I believe current law strikes the right balance on limiting interaction to support community trust and cooperation between law enforcement and local communities. For this reason, I cannot sign this bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates called Newsom’s veto a calculated move to protect his presidential aspirations. A statement from the ICE Out of California Coalition reads in part: “We denounce Gov. Newsom’s cruel, callous and cowardly decision to veto this common-sense solution. When policy-making is driven by vanity and crass ambition rather than sound judgment, all Californians suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill would have prevented ICE from locating those people after they returned home. But it would have restricted the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\">narrowly failed in the state Legislature last August\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960794/a-bill-to-stop-some-prison-to-ice-transfers-heads-to-newsoms-desk\">HOME Act overwhelmingly passed both the state Assembly and Senate this year\u003c/a>. It would have shielded incarcerated people from ICE if they qualified for release under criminal justice reform bills signed by Newsom and former Gov. Jerry Brown, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Elderly people or those suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were committed in their youth and have already served long sentences.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of suffering sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Several states, including Oregon, Illinois, plus Washington, D.C., have already enacted legislation to restrict prison-to-ICE transfers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement groups that had opposed the broader VISION Act took no position on the HOME Act, so the bill faced no organized opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, sanctuary laws prevent local police and sheriffs from cooperating in immigration enforcement much of the time. But there’s a broad exemption for prisons. CDCR documents recently obtained under public records laws by the ACLU of Northern California show that in just two months last year California turned over 200 people to ICE after they’d served their time in prison. In addition, the records show, incarcerated people who have been flagged for ICE are barred from many re-entry programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor may claim that he supports rehabilitation and second chances,” said the ICE Out of California Coalition. “Yet he cannot praise rehabilitation in one breath, but condone the racist targeting of immigrants for detention and deportation in the next.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person who knows the toll of the current policy is Los Angeles resident Sandra Castañeda. She served 19 years of a 40-year murder sentence she received for driving a van out of which a man shot and killed someone. But her conviction was vacated after California reformed a law that had caused people like her to be sentenced for murders they did not commit. In addition, Newsom commuted her sentence, based on her rehabilitation in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How Cambodian Americans Heal the Cycle of Intergenerational Trauma",
"headTitle": "How Cambodian Americans Heal the Cycle of Intergenerational Trauma | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem> 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]L[/dropcap]ions and angels guard the perimeter of the main pagoda at Fresno’s largest Cambodian Buddhist temple, resplendent in gold, green and red hues. They were witness to the inauguration of the temple’s first-ever abbot, a lifelong appointment so rare that dozens of Cambodian Buddhist monks from around the world flew in to offer blessings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sea of orange robes lined the procession route winding around the pagoda. At the center, the new abbot, Say Bunthon, sat atop a chariot serenely taking in the scene. Temple-goers began their circular march as a boisterous band of musicians and singers set the rhythm. This was where I met Nancy Meas a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aren’t they gorgeous?” she asked, smiling from behind a row of lush flower bouquets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960677\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The pagoda at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Designed to mimic the colors of the Buddhist flag, blue, orange, red, yellow and white bursts of delphiniums, snapdragons and mums were arranged on the dais. There are 12 in all, and together, they symbolize completion. For Meas, they were a hopeful sign that things were moving in a new direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s dealt with more than her fair share of pain and loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old was born and raised in Fresno to parents who fled the Khmer Rouge. From 1975 to 1979, soldiers under communist leader Pol Pot, murdered, tortured and starved people in an attempt to rebuild a society free of Western influences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after \u003ca href=\"https://sfi.usc.edu/collections/cambodian-genocide\">the genocide killed some 2 million Cambodians\u003c/a>, the refugees who survived are still struggling to move past the trauma they endured. And that brutal past is often echoed in the next generation — children of refugees like Meas and her siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Piecing life back together after a genocide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nancy’s father, Kong Meas, became a monk at the Fresno temple in 2014, a few years after his mother died. She was a nun and Kong felt the need to carry on the family tradition. Through his practice, he found a measure of peace after surviving brutal working conditions under the Khmer Rouge regime. There wasn’t always enough food and many people starved to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge,” he said, speaking in Khmer. “Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960680\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas (left) and her father Kong Meas hold a photo of Phay Prak, Nancy’s grandmother and Kong’s mother in the garden at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of his children died from starvation. His older brother was executed by Khmer Rouge soldiers. He never knew what happened to his remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They killed soldiers from the former Lon Nol government. They took them away by carloads, including my brother,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, when the regime fell, Kong and his family fled to Thailand. While they waited for exit visas, he risked his life to help other people sneak into their camp, Khao-I-Dang. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/famed-cambodian-refugee-camp-reopens-educational-centre\">It was the main place people could get visas to immigrate.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B1L6eMymNr0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, I would see others on the path having a difficult time,” Kong said. “Or sometimes, the people were lost and didn’t know the path. I would see them and just help guide them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong Meas recalled how risky the missions were. Most of the time, they had to travel at night. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kong Meas, monk, Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society \"]‘We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge. Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.’[/pullquote] They encountered thieves who searched travelers for hidden jewelry and he was always on the lookout for armed guards that prowled the jungle paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when we arrived, we wouldn’t go in immediately for fear that soldiers would see us and shoot us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, it was his family’s turn to leave. They received a visa for the United States and immigrated to Fresno in 1984. Nancy was born two years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after the genocide, Nancy knows her parents suffer from the trauma of what they witnessed, but they don’t talk much about the details. Even if her parents were willing to share more about what they went through, Nancy might not understand them. She grew up in the U.S., speaking English, while her parents mostly speak Khmer. Things get lost in translation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s broken English, broken Khmer all mixed up. There’s a lot of miscommunication,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community members offer alms to the monks at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are cultural differences at play between the generations too. Nancy said her parents didn’t understand the way their kids dressed or acted once they moved to Fresno. Cambodian society, where they had grown up, is a more reserved society, one with more rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from,” Nancy said. “It’s just a culture clash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Nancy said her parents didn’t have a lot of time to spend with their kids to overcome these barriers. They were busy adjusting to a foreign country and finding work, which left Nancy and her siblings fending for themselves in the lower-income neighborhood where they lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Second-generation trauma looks different\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Meas family survived a genocide, but they couldn’t escape more tragedy in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas is one of eight kids, but only five are still alive today. One child died in Cambodia, and Fresno claimed two more. Nancy’s older sister, Kunnea Meas, died by suicide in 2010 at age 25. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Meas\"]‘It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from. It’s just a culture clash.’[/pullquote] “We didn’t expect it to happen,” Nancy said. “My sister was a very bubbly person, loving, caring, kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea was only a year older than Nancy and they were close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just so hurtful that she couldn’t at least share what was going inside, what was bothering her because we were really best friends,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea had been struggling with depression for months, but it was taboo in their family to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be happy and move forward,” Nancy said. “And [my parents] would always tell me the kids back in Cambodia have it much worse than us. You know, we are blessed to be here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy knows this is how her parents learned to cope with all they suffered, but she wonders about the impact it had on her sister’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960681\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt like they were dismissing what we felt internally,” Nancy said. “[I don’t want] to blame them, but I feel, in a sense, that’s the reason why my sister hid everything inside and didn’t dare to let anything out. And she dealt with it by herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, one of Nancy’s brothers, Chantha, was detained for gang activity. She said gangs were hard to avoid in the Southeast Fresno neighborhood where they grew up. Gangs were a way for boys, in particular, to protect themselves. Two of Nancy’s four brothers got involved. Because of his gang connections, Chantha was deported to Cambodia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He doesn’t even know Cambodia,” she said. “He doesn’t know the culture. He can barely speak the language.” [aside postID=news_11954142 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/062623-CALIFORNIA-ARMENIA-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg'] Just after he was detained, Kunnea died by suicide. Chantha was in shackles when he attended Kunnea’s viewing. He wasn’t even allowed to stay in the country long enough to attend her funeral, which took place several days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took it really hard. He was able to go to her viewing for literally 30 minutes and it broke my heart to see him drop down to his knees and just bawl,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the family have been working to bring him back home for the past seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocked by these losses, Nancy planned a trip to Cambodia the following year. She wanted to visit sacred religious sites, check on her brother and ground herself. While there, she experienced something profound, what she calls an “awakening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I completely changed. I just completely prioritized my life and filtered out what wasn’t important and what was,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she returned to Fresno, she leaned into her faith, spending time at the temple meditating and praying. It helped her feel spiritually connected to her ancestors and able to accept what had happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had a huge role in bringing the family together in a sense, spiritually,” she said. “And if I don’t do that, I feel like we’re gonna fall apart again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nancy’s faith was put to the test once again. Just a few years ago, her oldest sister died from complications related to alcohol, a way of coping with all the other losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Culturally responsive mental health care could help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout her grief and loss, Nancy Meas continues to turn to her religion and culture for comfort. She saw a therapist when Kunnea died, but didn’t feel the need to continue sessions. She said if the care focused more specifically on the experience of Cambodian Americans, it might have been different. She would even be open to getting her parents to try it too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a model for that type of culturally responsive care in Fresno already. But it’s geared toward the Hmong population, many of whom are older and don’t like direct questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fresno Center in Fresno on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a dance,” said Ze Vang, the clinical director at \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocenter.org/\">The Fresno Center\u003c/a> whose mission is to offer health and immigration services to the Southeast Asian community. “They come in, we have to talk about, ‘So what did you do today?’ That type of thing, and they’re like, ‘Oh nothing.’ And we have to kind of dance around what they do and how they’re feeling. And then, 10 minutes into the session, they finally say, ‘Oh, I feel really depressed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno Center’s success with the Hmong community started with destigmatizing mental health, a huge obstacle to accessing mental health care. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Ghia Xiong, clinical psychologist and program director, The Fresno Center\"]‘Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health, you’re actually crazy.’[/pullquote] “Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health [treatment], you’re actually crazy,” said clinical psychologist and program director Dr. Ghia Xiong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turned out that people were turned off by terms like “mental health” or “clinic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually have the ladies test this out with their husbands,” Xiong said. “When he asks you where you’re going, you just say, ‘I’m going to the Happy House,’ rather than, ‘going and seeking mental health.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, crucially, the center offers therapy in the Hmong language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you provide mental health services with the interpreter, it completely changes the context of therapy,” Vang said. “Because then you have to translate what the client is saying to the interpreter, then the interpreter translates to you. You lose all the emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/transparency-suite/fiscal-transparency-dashboard/\">In California, mental health programs are growing in size and scope\u003c/a> and becoming more widely available for underserved populations like Hmong and Cambodian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960679\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The photos of community elders adorn the walls at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed Proposition 63, a ballot initiative known as the Mental Health Services Fund. It places a 1% tax on incomes over $1 million, which funds mental health programs like The Fresno Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Vang and Xiong are both Hmong and specialize in treating Hmong patients, they say the intergenerational trauma and barriers to accessing care are similar across the Southeast Asian community. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ze Vang, clinical director, The Fresno Center\"]‘Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids.’[/pullquote]“Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many don’t understand why their children are struggling in the U.S., where life is so much easier than in Cambodia. On the flip side, the younger generation can feel abandoned and misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really no sense of belonging with the family,” Vang said. “There’s no sort of relationship at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for that, children often try to find supportive relationships somewhere else, sometimes in gangs. Many also suffer from anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s because their parents have their own trauma,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fostering a sense of belonging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formal therapy isn’t the only way to help folks dealing with trauma. As Nancy Meas found, volunteering at the Cambodian Buddhist temple and maintaining a connection to the older generation through language and tradition can go a long way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It offers a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m American-born, I feel like to make my ancestors proud, to make my parents and family proud, I have to carry on the tradition,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/UKCP.org/\">United Khmer Cultural Preservation\u003c/a> is trying to do the same thing for more Cambodian kids. It runs a weekly language and cultural arts class for children and teens as a way of bridging the cultural gap between generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cahoeun (Chantao) Gov helps her granddaughters Zora Sanchez and Kai Sanchez pray at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Setha Nhim teaches on weekends, teaching children how to play traditional Cambodian instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started practicing a little before with Yeh Yeh,” said 8-year-old Nadine Gov as she tapped along on a drum. “I knew a little bit before we came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she can count to 100 in Khmer, which makes her grandmother — her Yeh Yeh — proud. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chhoeun Gov, grandmother\"]‘I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture. I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.’[/pullquote] “I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture,” said Chhoeun Gov, Nadine’s grandmother. “I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phany Sor enrolled all four of her kids in language classes at the cultural center because her husband is Lao and the kids mostly speak English at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of hard, like how you have two parents, different languages,” she said. “I want them to learn our language too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas doesn’t want to forget either. That’s why she often visits the Cambodian temple, taking a meditation walk each time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So each step that I take around the perimeter, you know the shrine, I feel like it brings me more healing, brings more peace, more comfort,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often lingers at her favorite spot, the pond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love seeing the lotus flowers,” she said gazing at a sea of green. The flowers sprout from green lily pads as tall, thin stalks blooming with white and pink flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order for it to become the beautiful flower, it has to go through mud and all the dirt and challenges, the weather,” Nancy said. “But at the end of all the challenges and the winds and the storms it blooms so beautifully.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis reporting was supported by the Carter Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cartercenter.org/health/mental_health/fellowships/\">Rosalynn Carter Fellowship for Mental Health Journalism\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Thousands of Cambodians fled the Khmer Rouge and ended up in California. Now, their children are trying to cope with the collective trauma.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem> 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">L\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ions and angels guard the perimeter of the main pagoda at Fresno’s largest Cambodian Buddhist temple, resplendent in gold, green and red hues. They were witness to the inauguration of the temple’s first-ever abbot, a lifelong appointment so rare that dozens of Cambodian Buddhist monks from around the world flew in to offer blessings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sea of orange robes lined the procession route winding around the pagoda. At the center, the new abbot, Say Bunthon, sat atop a chariot serenely taking in the scene. Temple-goers began their circular march as a boisterous band of musicians and singers set the rhythm. This was where I met Nancy Meas a year ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aren’t they gorgeous?” she asked, smiling from behind a row of lush flower bouquets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960677\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The pagoda at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Designed to mimic the colors of the Buddhist flag, blue, orange, red, yellow and white bursts of delphiniums, snapdragons and mums were arranged on the dais. There are 12 in all, and together, they symbolize completion. For Meas, they were a hopeful sign that things were moving in a new direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s dealt with more than her fair share of pain and loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old was born and raised in Fresno to parents who fled the Khmer Rouge. From 1975 to 1979, soldiers under communist leader Pol Pot, murdered, tortured and starved people in an attempt to rebuild a society free of Western influences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after \u003ca href=\"https://sfi.usc.edu/collections/cambodian-genocide\">the genocide killed some 2 million Cambodians\u003c/a>, the refugees who survived are still struggling to move past the trauma they endured. And that brutal past is often echoed in the next generation — children of refugees like Meas and her siblings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Piecing life back together after a genocide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nancy’s father, Kong Meas, became a monk at the Fresno temple in 2014, a few years after his mother died. She was a nun and Kong felt the need to carry on the family tradition. Through his practice, he found a measure of peace after surviving brutal working conditions under the Khmer Rouge regime. There wasn’t always enough food and many people starved to death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d work so hard every day, but they would only give us a little bit of porridge,” he said, speaking in Khmer. “Since I didn’t have food to eat, I became really skinny and I couldn’t walk. I would almost fall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960680\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960680\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas (left) and her father Kong Meas hold a photo of Phay Prak, Nancy’s grandmother and Kong’s mother in the garden at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of his children died from starvation. His older brother was executed by Khmer Rouge soldiers. He never knew what happened to his remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They killed soldiers from the former Lon Nol government. They took them away by carloads, including my brother,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1979, when the regime fell, Kong and his family fled to Thailand. While they waited for exit visas, he risked his life to help other people sneak into their camp, Khao-I-Dang. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/famed-cambodian-refugee-camp-reopens-educational-centre\">It was the main place people could get visas to immigrate.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/B1L6eMymNr0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/B1L6eMymNr0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes, I would see others on the path having a difficult time,” Kong said. “Or sometimes, the people were lost and didn’t know the path. I would see them and just help guide them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kong Meas recalled how risky the missions were. Most of the time, they had to travel at night. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> They encountered thieves who searched travelers for hidden jewelry and he was always on the lookout for armed guards that prowled the jungle paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even when we arrived, we wouldn’t go in immediately for fear that soldiers would see us and shoot us,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, it was his family’s turn to leave. They received a visa for the United States and immigrated to Fresno in 1984. Nancy was born two years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after the genocide, Nancy knows her parents suffer from the trauma of what they witnessed, but they don’t talk much about the details. Even if her parents were willing to share more about what they went through, Nancy might not understand them. She grew up in the U.S., speaking English, while her parents mostly speak Khmer. Things get lost in translation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s broken English, broken Khmer all mixed up. There’s a lot of miscommunication,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community members offer alms to the monks at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are cultural differences at play between the generations too. Nancy said her parents didn’t understand the way their kids dressed or acted once they moved to Fresno. Cambodian society, where they had grown up, is a more reserved society, one with more rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to understand their parents, where they came from,” Nancy said. “It’s just a culture clash.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Nancy said her parents didn’t have a lot of time to spend with their kids to overcome these barriers. They were busy adjusting to a foreign country and finding work, which left Nancy and her siblings fending for themselves in the lower-income neighborhood where they lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Second-generation trauma looks different\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Meas family survived a genocide, but they couldn’t escape more tragedy in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas is one of eight kids, but only five are still alive today. One child died in Cambodia, and Fresno claimed two more. Nancy’s older sister, Kunnea Meas, died by suicide in 2010 at age 25. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “We didn’t expect it to happen,” Nancy said. “My sister was a very bubbly person, loving, caring, kind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea was only a year older than Nancy and they were close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just so hurtful that she couldn’t at least share what was going inside, what was bothering her because we were really best friends,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kunnea had been struggling with depression for months, but it was taboo in their family to talk about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to be happy and move forward,” Nancy said. “And [my parents] would always tell me the kids back in Cambodia have it much worse than us. You know, we are blessed to be here in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy knows this is how her parents learned to cope with all they suffered, but she wonders about the impact it had on her sister’s mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960681\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960681\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nancy Meas at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt like they were dismissing what we felt internally,” Nancy said. “[I don’t want] to blame them, but I feel, in a sense, that’s the reason why my sister hid everything inside and didn’t dare to let anything out. And she dealt with it by herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the same time, one of Nancy’s brothers, Chantha, was detained for gang activity. She said gangs were hard to avoid in the Southeast Fresno neighborhood where they grew up. Gangs were a way for boys, in particular, to protect themselves. Two of Nancy’s four brothers got involved. Because of his gang connections, Chantha was deported to Cambodia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He doesn’t even know Cambodia,” she said. “He doesn’t know the culture. He can barely speak the language.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Just after he was detained, Kunnea died by suicide. Chantha was in shackles when he attended Kunnea’s viewing. He wasn’t even allowed to stay in the country long enough to attend her funeral, which took place several days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took it really hard. He was able to go to her viewing for literally 30 minutes and it broke my heart to see him drop down to his knees and just bawl,” Nancy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the family have been working to bring him back home for the past seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocked by these losses, Nancy planned a trip to Cambodia the following year. She wanted to visit sacred religious sites, check on her brother and ground herself. While there, she experienced something profound, what she calls an “awakening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I completely changed. I just completely prioritized my life and filtered out what wasn’t important and what was,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she returned to Fresno, she leaned into her faith, spending time at the temple meditating and praying. It helped her feel spiritually connected to her ancestors and able to accept what had happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like I had a huge role in bringing the family together in a sense, spiritually,” she said. “And if I don’t do that, I feel like we’re gonna fall apart again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nancy’s faith was put to the test once again. Just a few years ago, her oldest sister died from complications related to alcohol, a way of coping with all the other losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Culturally responsive mental health care could help\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout her grief and loss, Nancy Meas continues to turn to her religion and culture for comfort. She saw a therapist when Kunnea died, but didn’t feel the need to continue sessions. She said if the care focused more specifically on the experience of Cambodian Americans, it might have been different. She would even be open to getting her parents to try it too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a model for that type of culturally responsive care in Fresno already. But it’s geared toward the Hmong population, many of whom are older and don’t like direct questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Fresno Center in Fresno on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a dance,” said Ze Vang, the clinical director at \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocenter.org/\">The Fresno Center\u003c/a> whose mission is to offer health and immigration services to the Southeast Asian community. “They come in, we have to talk about, ‘So what did you do today?’ That type of thing, and they’re like, ‘Oh nothing.’ And we have to kind of dance around what they do and how they’re feeling. And then, 10 minutes into the session, they finally say, ‘Oh, I feel really depressed.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno Center’s success with the Hmong community started with destigmatizing mental health, a huge obstacle to accessing mental health care. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “Generation after generation told them that if you have mental health [treatment], you’re actually crazy,” said clinical psychologist and program director Dr. Ghia Xiong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turned out that people were turned off by terms like “mental health” or “clinic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We actually have the ladies test this out with their husbands,” Xiong said. “When he asks you where you’re going, you just say, ‘I’m going to the Happy House,’ rather than, ‘going and seeking mental health.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, crucially, the center offers therapy in the Hmong language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you provide mental health services with the interpreter, it completely changes the context of therapy,” Vang said. “Because then you have to translate what the client is saying to the interpreter, then the interpreter translates to you. You lose all the emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://mhsoac.ca.gov/transparency-suite/fiscal-transparency-dashboard/\">In California, mental health programs are growing in size and scope\u003c/a> and becoming more widely available for underserved populations like Hmong and Cambodian Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960679\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The photos of community elders adorn the walls at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2004, California voters passed Proposition 63, a ballot initiative known as the Mental Health Services Fund. It places a 1% tax on incomes over $1 million, which funds mental health programs like The Fresno Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Vang and Xiong are both Hmong and specialize in treating Hmong patients, they say the intergenerational trauma and barriers to accessing care are similar across the Southeast Asian community. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Sometimes, the parents are just so busy making a living, so busy with making sure that there’s food on the table, they don’t have time for their kids,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many don’t understand why their children are struggling in the U.S., where life is so much easier than in Cambodia. On the flip side, the younger generation can feel abandoned and misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really no sense of belonging with the family,” Vang said. “There’s no sort of relationship at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for that, children often try to find supportive relationships somewhere else, sometimes in gangs. Many also suffer from anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s because their parents have their own trauma,” Vang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fostering a sense of belonging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formal therapy isn’t the only way to help folks dealing with trauma. As Nancy Meas found, volunteering at the Cambodian Buddhist temple and maintaining a connection to the older generation through language and tradition can go a long way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It offers a sense of belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though I’m American-born, I feel like to make my ancestors proud, to make my parents and family proud, I have to carry on the tradition,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/UKCP.org/\">United Khmer Cultural Preservation\u003c/a> is trying to do the same thing for more Cambodian kids. It runs a weekly language and cultural arts class for children and teens as a way of bridging the cultural gap between generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/091023-CAMBODIAN-MENTAL-HEALTH-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cahoeun (Chantao) Gov helps her granddaughters Zora Sanchez and Kai Sanchez pray at the Fresno Cambodian Buddhist Society temple on Sept. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Setha Nhim teaches on weekends, teaching children how to play traditional Cambodian instruments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started practicing a little before with Yeh Yeh,” said 8-year-old Nadine Gov as she tapped along on a drum. “I knew a little bit before we came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she can count to 100 in Khmer, which makes her grandmother — her Yeh Yeh — proud. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “I bring my grandchildren to learn about culture,” said Chhoeun Gov, Nadine’s grandmother. “I don’t want to forget Cambodian culture. And I like my culture a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phany Sor enrolled all four of her kids in language classes at the cultural center because her husband is Lao and the kids mostly speak English at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of hard, like how you have two parents, different languages,” she said. “I want them to learn our language too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Meas doesn’t want to forget either. That’s why she often visits the Cambodian temple, taking a meditation walk each time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So each step that I take around the perimeter, you know the shrine, I feel like it brings me more healing, brings more peace, more comfort,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often lingers at her favorite spot, the pond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love seeing the lotus flowers,” she said gazing at a sea of green. The flowers sprout from green lily pads as tall, thin stalks blooming with white and pink flowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order for it to become the beautiful flower, it has to go through mud and all the dirt and challenges, the weather,” Nancy said. “But at the end of all the challenges and the winds and the storms it blooms so beautifully.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nThis reporting was supported by the Carter Center’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cartercenter.org/health/mental_health/fellowships/\">Rosalynn Carter Fellowship for Mental Health Journalism\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Bill to Stop Some Prison-to-ICE Transfers Heads to Newsom's Desk",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Legislature took steps Monday to close an exception to the state’s sanctuary laws and offer incarcerated immigrants the same opportunity as U.S. citizens to restart their lives upon release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a vote of 29–9, the California state Senate gave final approval to a bill that would bar state officials from turning some immigrants over to federal authorities when they’re granted parole. The bill, known as \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1306\">the HOME Act\u003c/a>, now goes to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk. He has until Oct. 14 to decide whether to sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passage is a victory for advocates, who have pressed for years to end the practice by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation of flagging foreign-born people in its custody and, after they’ve served their times, transferring them to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for detention and possible deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The existing state sanctuary laws have not covered people in CDCR custody, and that’s been heartbreaking for a lot of families who’ve been separated because an individual obtained release from state prison but then was handed over to ICE,” said Angela Chan, an immigration expert at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office who helped craft the bill. “To have the HOME Act pass the Legislature, and hopefully, get signed by the governor, means we’re going to make a significant dent in covering this glaring gap.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Asm. Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park)\"]‘It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals. We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice …’[/pullquote]AB 1306 would bar prison-to-ICE transfers specifically for people who win clemency from the governor or are released from prison under any of several criminal justice reform laws recently enacted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s author, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park), said she was elated by the overwhelming support for the bill, which would allow immigrants to benefit from recent laws that aim to reduce over-incarceration and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals,” she said. “We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice, which results in the indefinite incarceration of justice-impacted individuals when transferred to immigration detention centers to serve an additional sentence that is never handed down by a criminal court or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents with green cards can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill prevents ICE from locating those people after they return home, but it reduces the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\"> narrowly failed in the state Legislature\u003c/a> last August after three Democratic senators joined Republicans to vote against the bill and nine others abstained from voting. A number of those Democrats voted in support of the HOME Act on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One was Sen. Susan Talamantes Eggman.[aside label='More on California Law' tag='california-law']“Last year’s bill was far more expansive than I could support due to public safety concerns,” Eggman told KQED. “This year’s bill is a more measured approach that protects immigrants and helps keep families together without putting public safety at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say the agency does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposed the broader VISION Act last year, but chose not to take a position on the HOME Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration detainer\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act would bar prisons from handing over noncitizens to ICE who are being released as a result of several criminal justice reforms signed by Gov. Newsom or his predecessor, Jerry Brown. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>People eligible for compassionate release or parole because they are older or suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for early parole after serving a set amount of time because their crimes were committed in their youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of having been victims of sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for release because they demonstrate that racial bias affected their case.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for resentencing because they were originally convicted under the felony murder rule but did not kill anyone.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The bill would also protect people whose sentences were commuted by the governor. And, where the unsuccessful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">VISION Act also would have banned transfers from local jails to ICE\u003c/a>, the HOME Act only focuses on restricting transfers by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, or CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming weeks, advocates plan to press Newsom to support the bill, and Chan noted that it passed both the Senate and Assembly with veto-proof supermajorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to hold his feet to the fire and make sure that we strongly encourage him to sign the HOME Act into law,” she said. “He certainly hasn’t said anything yet, so we’re reading the tea leaves. But we’re pretty hopeful because the bills have passed the legislature with no opposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "‘It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals. We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice …’",
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"citation": "Asm. Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park)",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>AB 1306 would bar prison-to-ICE transfers specifically for people who win clemency from the governor or are released from prison under any of several criminal justice reform laws recently enacted in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s author, Assemblymember Wendy Carrillo (D-Echo Park), said she was elated by the overwhelming support for the bill, which would allow immigrants to benefit from recent laws that aim to reduce over-incarceration and racial disparities in sentencing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was never the intent of the Legislature to create a dual system of justice that treats immigrants differently and as second-class individuals,” she said. “We now look to the governor in putting a stop to this inhumane practice, which results in the indefinite incarceration of justice-impacted individuals when transferred to immigration detention centers to serve an additional sentence that is never handed down by a criminal court or a judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under federal immigration law, even legal permanent residents with green cards can lose their lawful status and be deported if they have committed certain crimes. Nothing in the state bill prevents ICE from locating those people after they return home, but it reduces the state’s role in cooperating with ICE’s enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act is more limited than a different bill last year, the VISION Act, which would have blocked all transfers from prison to ICE. That bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11924388/effort-to-block-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california-fails-in-final-hours-of-legislative-session\"> narrowly failed in the state Legislature\u003c/a> last August after three Democratic senators joined Republicans to vote against the bill and nine others abstained from voting. A number of those Democrats voted in support of the HOME Act on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One was Sen. Susan Talamantes Eggman.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Last year’s bill was far more expansive than I could support due to public safety concerns,” Eggman told KQED. “This year’s bill is a more measured approach that protects immigrants and helps keep families together without putting public safety at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officials say the agency does not comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peace Officers Research Association of California opposed the broader VISION Act last year, but chose not to take a position on the HOME Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB937\">nearly 1,600 people come out of state prison each year with an immigration detainer\u003c/a> that leads to their transfer to ICE to be deported, according to an estimate by state Senate staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The HOME Act would bar prisons from handing over noncitizens to ICE who are being released as a result of several criminal justice reforms signed by Gov. Newsom or his predecessor, Jerry Brown. They include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>People eligible for compassionate release or parole because they are older or suffering severe medical conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for early parole after serving a set amount of time because their crimes were committed in their youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People whose crimes were a direct result of having been victims of sexual assault or domestic violence.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for release because they demonstrate that racial bias affected their case.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>People eligible for resentencing because they were originally convicted under the felony murder rule but did not kill anyone.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The bill would also protect people whose sentences were commuted by the governor. And, where the unsuccessful \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923465/immigrant-advocates-make-final-push-to-pass-bill-ending-prison-to-ice-transfers-in-california\">VISION Act also would have banned transfers from local jails to ICE\u003c/a>, the HOME Act only focuses on restricting transfers by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, or CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming weeks, advocates plan to press Newsom to support the bill, and Chan noted that it passed both the Senate and Assembly with veto-proof supermajorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to hold his feet to the fire and make sure that we strongly encourage him to sign the HOME Act into law,” she said. “He certainly hasn’t said anything yet, so we’re reading the tea leaves. But we’re pretty hopeful because the bills have passed the legislature with no opposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias",
"title": "¿Trabaja en los campos de California? Qué hacer si su patrón toma represalias contra usted",
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"headTitle": "¿Trabaja en los campos de California? Qué hacer si su patrón toma represalias contra usted | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>21 trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">recibirán colectivamente 328 mil 077 dólares de su antiguo empleador, Mauritson Farms\u003c/a>, una empresa de viñedos del condado de Sonoma, después de que el productor llegó a un acuerdo con los reguladores laborales estatales este verano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funcionarios de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés) anunciaron en julio que su investigación había determinado que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra los trabajadores, quienes se encontraban en Estados Unidos con una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de haber pedido mejoras laborales en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los campesinos no recibieron una oferta de empleo para la siguiente temporada de cultivo. El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB.[aside postID=\"news_11957505\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/farmworker-lady-and-supporters.jpg\"]“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en el estado de Oaxaca, México, manejando varios trabajos para poder mantener a su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desgraciadamente, es algo común en la industria agrícola ver casos donde los patrones toman represalias contra trabajadores que alzan la voz. En la industria agrícola muchos trabajadores son castigados por su jefe, o por la persona que les dio empleo, después de solicitar un lugar de trabajo mejor o más seguro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Al hacer clic en una de estas preguntas, tendrá más información específica:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#considera\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve “inseguro” para los campesinos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#siguen\">\u003cstrong>¿Estas protecciones también benefician a los trabajadores indocumentados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#organismos\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las leyes laborales en California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#creo\">\u003cstrong>Creo que mi empleador ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#preocupa\">\u003cstrong>Me preocupa mi situación migratoria si denuncio algo que pasó en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>En California es ilegal que un empresario tome represalias contra un empleado, independientemente de su situación en materia de inmigración o documentación. Pero eso no impide que algunos cultivadores castiguen a los trabajadores que denuncian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando trabaja en el campo, aunque esté en Estados Unidos sin papeles, su empleador tiene que respetar sus derechos, por eso hemos creado esta guía para informar a los trabajadores agrícolas sobre sus derechos y qué hacer si su empleador no los respeta.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"considera\">\u003c/a>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve inseguro?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California cuenta con una \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">larga lista de normas que definen lo que es un lugar de trabajo seguro en la agricultura\u003c/a>. Esta lista cubre temas como la seguridad de los trabajadores durante los incendios forestales, el manejo de maquinaria agrícola, e incluso en el caso de las lecherías e instalaciones de grano, cómo prevenir accidentes en espacios confinados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin importar la temperatura, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">los empresarios deben siempre proveer a los campesinos suficiente agua potable cerca de donde están trabajando.\u003c/a> Cada empleado debe tener acceso al menos a un litro de agua cada hora, e incluso si la gente trae sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar.[aside postID=\"news_11955907\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 27 centígrados), los empresarios también deben proporcionar una zona con sombra suficiente para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en la propiedad. En los días en que la temperatura supere los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados), los supervisores deben monitorear el bienestar de los trabajadores a lo largo del día y asegurarse de que tomen descansos de al menos 10 minutos cada 2 horas para evitar la insolación. No basta con “ofrecer” estas pausas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es importante recalcar que estas normas de seguridad contra el calor se aplican a los trabajadores de todas las industrias, no sólo del sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En California, se entiende por represalia cuando un empresario despide, castiga o recorta el salario o el horario de un trabajador porque éste ha intentado mejorar sus condiciones laborales. Esto incluye los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">casos de cultivadores que se niegan a volver a contratar a trabajadores de temporada para la próxima cosecha después de que hayan denunciado su situación\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedirle a su jefe que mejore las condiciones de trabajo no tiene que ser algo grande como organizar una huelga o una marcha. También puede ser el:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pedir más agua y sombra para los días de mucho calor.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pedir el equipo necesario para trabajar con seguridad en el campo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Señalar que le falta parte de su salario.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Si hay una ley que tenga que ver con su seguridad, sus derechos laborales o su salario, y su empleador no la está cumpliendo, debe poder hablar de ello con libertad y seguridad con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"siguen\">\u003c/a>¿Estas protecciones aplican incluso si uno no tiene papeles?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí. Las normas de seguridad de California benefician a todos los trabajadores, sin importar su estatus migratorio. Su empleador no puede usar su situación migratoria como razón para excluir a usted o sus colegas de las protecciones de seguridad.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB\"]‘Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas.’[/pullquote]Además, los trabajadores indocumentados pueden pedir ayuda a las dependencias estatales que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales; es decir, ser indocumentado no les impide solicitar (y obtener) esta ayuda del estado de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas”, confirma Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB, que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Y si no tengo un contrato formal para trabajar, siguen aplicándose estas protecciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si trabaja para un particular o una empresa sin un contrato de trabajo formal, los expertos en derechos laborales afirman que estas protecciones siguen siendo aplicables en su caso, siempre y cuando pueda demostrar que, como trabajador, ha proporcionado mano de obra a cambio de una remuneración, o sea un pago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En algunos casos, esa prueba puede incluir una comunicación escrita entre el trabajador y el empresario, como un correo electrónico o un mensaje de texto, que confirme que se ha producido un intercambio de servicios a cambio de dinero.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"organismos\">\u003c/a>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las normas laborales en California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Existen tres dependencias estatales que investigan las infracciones laborales y tienen autoridad para sancionar a los malos empleadores. Las tres agencias pueden investigar casos en la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB fue creado en 1975 después de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown firmara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California en 1975. Esta legislación también define lo que es una violación de derechos laborales, lo que incluye represalias, despedir o recortar el salario de los empleados que piden mejores condiciones de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quienes creen que sus derechos laborales no fueron respetados, yo recomendaría que llamen a nuestra oficina”, dijo Arciniega del ALRB. “Nuestro personal no sólo es bilingüe, sino que también entiende bien la cultura. Muchos de ellos, sus familias o generaciones pasadas han trabajado en la agricultura o actualmente son trabajadores agrícolas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto directamente con el ALRB llamando al 1-800-449-3699 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">dirigirse a sus oficinas regionales situadas en Indio, Oxnard, Salinas, Santa Rosa, o Visalia\u003c/a>. Los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía deben ponerse en contacto con la oficina de Santa Rosa (el teléfono para esa oficina es: (707) 527-3256)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un funcionario del ALRB puede hablarle más sobre cuáles son las normas de seguridad en el trabajo y qué derechos aplican en su situación. Además, pueden explicarle cómo usted puede presentar una denuncia contra su empleador, lo que podría desencadenar una investigación formal de su empleador por parte del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cal/OSHA\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA crea y hace cumplir las normas estatales sobre seguridad en el lugar de trabajo, asegurándose de que los empleados no estén expuestos a sustancias químicas peligrosas ni se encuentren en situaciones de riesgo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si su jefe le obliga a usted o a sus compañeros a hacer algo que no sabe si es seguro o no, puede ponerse en contacto con la agencia llamando al (415) 557-0100 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/complaint.htm\">visitando la página web de la agencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Comisionado Laboral, también conocida como la División de Cumplimiento de Normas Laborales (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés), es la parte del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales de California y se encarga de investigar el robo de salarios y las represalias de los empleadores contra los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted cree que su jefe no le paga correctamente por las horas que trabaja o se niega a pagar las horas extra, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtoreportviolationtobofe.htm\">éste es el organismo al que debe dirigirse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"creo\">\u003c/a>Creo que mi jefe ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Haga una pausa mientras lo documenta todo.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si acaba de perder su empleo o su salario y cree que se debe a represalias, primero dese tiempo para procesar la situación y ordenar sus ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo recomendio que escribas todo lo que te pasó, porque con todas esas emociones fuertes que uno tiene en ese momento, es fácil olvidar los detalles importantes”, dijo Ana Salgado, ex trabajadora agrícola e integrante de la junta directiva de North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), un grupo de derechos laborales que ayudó a los campesinos que denunciaron a Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cree en ti mismo y en lo que tú sabes que pasó”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957508\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en una rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recopile pruebas anteriores\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras anota sus experiencias, busque también mensajes escritos entre usted y su empleador en los que describen las condiciones de trabajo y la respuesta de su supervisor. Puede tratarse de cartas, correos electrónicos o incluso capturas de pantalla de una conversación por mensaje de texto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros detalles importantes que debe buscar: sus recibos o comprobantes de pago si es que hubo un recorte en su salario o las horas que trabajó. Además, tenga fotos de donde trabaja, lo que puede incluir los campos o cualquier otro sitio donde usted labora y ha visto condiciones laborales inseguras, y su vivienda, si esa es proporcionada por su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Busque ayuda de los profesionales\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado, activista con NBJWJ, también recomienda buscar la ayuda de una organización de derechos laborales en su zona. Los integrantes del grupo pueden ayudarle a crear una cronología de lo ocurrido, a ponerse en contacto con su empresa si quiere intentar resolver la situación directamente, o incluso prepararle para hablar con funcionarios estatales si decide dar ese paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En función de sus recursos, como el número de empleados, algunos grupos pueden ofrecer más ayuda que otros. Por eso, si cree que necesitas más orientación y apoyo, considere la posibilidad de acudir a más de una organización.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquí hay algunas organizaciones en el Área de la Bahía que pueden conectar a los trabajadores agrícolas con ayuda:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Quiero presentar una denuncia para que los funcionarios investiguen mi situación. ¿Qué hay que hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si está dispuesto a denunciar lo ocurrido, el ALRB será el organismo al que deberá dirigirse. Necesitará \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">un formulario de Denuncia contra el empleador\u003c/a>, el cual deberá imprimir, rellenar y enviar por correo electrónico o postal, a la oficina local del ALRB más cercana, y si necesita rellenar el formulario en otro idioma que no sea el inglés, también contacte al ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para los residentes del Área de la Bahía, la oficina indicada se encuentra en Santa Rosa:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Teléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo electrónico: Póngase en contacto con la directora regional Jessica Arciniega escribiendo a Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo postal: 606 Healdsburg Avenue, Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el ALRB requiere que al menos dos trabajadores se reúnan para presentar una denuncia. Si le pone nervioso este paso, un grupo de derechos laborales puede presentar una denuncia en su nombre, que es lo que ocurrió en el caso de Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Por qué debe presentar una denuncia lo antes posible (aunque esté nervioso)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quienes abogan por los derechos de los campesinos recomiendan que uno denuncie lo que pasó lo más antes posible. De este modo, los funcionarios del estado tienen más tiempo para hablar con los trabajadores e investigar lo ocurrido en los campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El tiempo es aún más importante cuando los trabajadores agrícolas están en el país con un permiso de trabajo temporal, como la visa H-2A.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Es comprensible que se sienta muy nervioso a la hora de presentar una denuncia, sobre todo si teme que su empleador o la persona que le consiguió el trabajo le amenace con más represalias. Pero tenga en cuenta que hay un límite de tiempo para denunciar un incidente ante el estado. Sólo tiene seis meses desde el momento en que sufrió represalias (cuando le recortaron horas, o le despidieron o supo que no le volverían a contratar) para presentar una denuncia ante el ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que ya hayan pasado los seis meses, los funcionarios no pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Y si su jefe, o la persona que le conectó con el empleo, como un reclutador, sigue amenazándole con más represalias si habla con el estado?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, podría ser una buena idea buscar ayuda de un grupo de derechos laborales para protegerse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ya que yo haya presentado una denuncia ante el ALRB, ¿qué ocurre?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La agencia evalúa su caso\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los funcionarios decidirán primero si su situación cumple los requisitos para iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos ejemplos de cuándo el ALRB no podría tomar su caso son: si fue despedido, hace dos años, y cree que su jefe lo hizo para tomar represalias contra usted, ya que esa situación excede el límite de tiempo de seis meses del ALRB, y la agencia no puede iniciar una investigación. O si el incidente tuvo lugar en un rancho ubicado en otro estado, eso también queda fuera de la jurisdicción del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='Una persona con cabello largo y ropa forma; habla frente a otras personas con carteles que dicen \"Los campesinos merecen pago por desastre\". El grupo se encuentra en un parque.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB, habla en una rueda de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, el lunes, 24 de julio de 2023. Montgomery, junto con otros funcionarios del ALRB, compartieron detalles sobre el acuerdo legal entre su dependencia y el empleador Mauritson Farms, para resolver una denuncia presentada por un grupo de campesinos que previamente trabajaban en los viñedos de Mauritson. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se inicia una investigación y su empleador es notificado\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el organismo puede aceptar el caso, los funcionarios del ALRB se lo confirmarán. A partir de ese momento, notificarán a su empleador de la acusación y que se iniciará una investigación, explica Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un equipo de abogados e investigadores se encargará de la investigación, que puede incluir a los trabajadores implicados en la investigación, otros empleados, supervisores y cualquier otra persona que pueda tener información relevante”, dijo Montgomery. Los investigadores también pueden solicitar documentos y otros registros escritos tanto a los empresarios como a los trabajadores, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este paso puede tardar meses, o incluso años. Si ya no se encuentra en EE.UU. debido a su situación migratoria, el ALRB seguirá intentando ponerse en contacto con usted. En casos anteriores, los funcionarios de la agencia han localizado a trabajadores agrícolas incluso cuando han viajado de regreso a comunidades rurales remotas en sus países de origen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se toma una decisión sobre la acusación\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras la investigación, los funcionarios determinarán si hay pruebas suficientes para confirmar si hubo represalias u otra práctica laboral injusta. Si no hay pruebas suficientes, se desestima la denuncia, o sea que se termina el proceso de investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si las pruebas son suficientes, el director regional del ALRB presentará una denuncia formal contra el empresario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero espere, eso no significa que haya ganado su caso todavía — falta aún más.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El ALRB presenta una demanda legal contra un empresario\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Se fijará una fecha para una audiencia con un juez, el cual decidirá si el empresario violó la ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambas partes tendrán la oportunidad de defender su caso: su empleador y sus representantes legales, y el ALRB, que argumentará que usted sufrió represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el juez falla a favor del ALRB y de los empleados implicados, los trabajadores pueden recibir un monto para compensar los salarios perdidos y, potencialmente, incluso volver a ser contratados si perdieron su empleo. Los funcionarios del ALRB se desplazarán al rancho e informarán a los demás empleados del caso. Además, los empresarios podrían enfrentarse a fuertes multas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cualquier momento del proceso, el ALRB puede llegar a un acuerdo con el empresario. Un acuerdo puede incluir indemnizaciones para los trabajadores afectados o incluso ofertas de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"preocupa\">\u003c/a>Me preocupa mi situación de inmigración si denuncio lo ocurrido en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció un \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales de inmigración gratuitos a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales (enlace sólo en inglés)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoría legal y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tengan un caso pendiente ya sea con la ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.[aside postID=\"news_11941448\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/FARMWORKETS-SHOVELING-DIRT-YELLOW-RAINGEAR.jpg\"]El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratados, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para obtener más información sobre el programa piloto y si su caso podría calificar para servicios legales gratuitos del estado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">contacte la oficina de ALRB más cercana a usted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "En California, es ilegal que un patrón castigue o corra a un campesino por pedir mejoras laborales. Le explicamos sus derechos, los cuales aplican a todos, incluso a los inmigrantes indocumentados.",
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"title": "¿Trabaja en los campos de California? Qué hacer si su patrón toma represalias contra usted | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>21 trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957505/campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron\">recibirán colectivamente 328 mil 077 dólares de su antiguo empleador, Mauritson Farms\u003c/a>, una empresa de viñedos del condado de Sonoma, después de que el productor llegó a un acuerdo con los reguladores laborales estatales este verano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funcionarios de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés) anunciaron en julio que su investigación había determinado que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra los trabajadores, quienes se encontraban en Estados Unidos con una visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Después de haber pedido mejoras laborales en los campos de Mauritson Farms, los campesinos no recibieron una oferta de empleo para la siguiente temporada de cultivo. El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en el estado de Oaxaca, México, manejando varios trabajos para poder mantener a su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desgraciadamente, es algo común en la industria agrícola ver casos donde los patrones toman represalias contra trabajadores que alzan la voz. En la industria agrícola muchos trabajadores son castigados por su jefe, o por la persona que les dio empleo, después de solicitar un lugar de trabajo mejor o más seguro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Al hacer clic en una de estas preguntas, tendrá más información específica:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#considera\">\u003cstrong>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve “inseguro” para los campesinos?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#represalias\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#siguen\">\u003cstrong>¿Estas protecciones también benefician a los trabajadores indocumentados?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#organismos\">\u003cstrong>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las leyes laborales en California?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#creo\">\u003cstrong>Creo que mi empleador ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#preocupa\">\u003cstrong>Me preocupa mi situación migratoria si denuncio algo que pasó en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>En California es ilegal que un empresario tome represalias contra un empleado, independientemente de su situación en materia de inmigración o documentación. Pero eso no impide que algunos cultivadores castiguen a los trabajadores que denuncian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando trabaja en el campo, aunque esté en Estados Unidos sin papeles, su empleador tiene que respetar sus derechos, por eso hemos creado esta guía para informar a los trabajadores agrícolas sobre sus derechos y qué hacer si su empleador no los respeta.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"considera\">\u003c/a>¿Cuándo es que un lugar de trabajo se vuelve inseguro?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California cuenta con una \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">larga lista de normas que definen lo que es un lugar de trabajo seguro en la agricultura\u003c/a>. Esta lista cubre temas como la seguridad de los trabajadores durante los incendios forestales, el manejo de maquinaria agrícola, e incluso en el caso de las lecherías e instalaciones de grano, cómo prevenir accidentes en espacios confinados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin importar la temperatura, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955907/derechos-laborales-ola-de-calor\">los empresarios deben siempre proveer a los campesinos suficiente agua potable cerca de donde están trabajando.\u003c/a> Cada empleado debe tener acceso al menos a un litro de agua cada hora, e incluso si la gente trae sus propias botellas de agua, los empleadores deben tener suficiente agua disponible en el lugar.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuando las temperaturas superan los 80 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 27 centígrados), los empresarios también deben proporcionar una zona con sombra suficiente para acomodar a todos los trabajadores en la propiedad. En los días en que la temperatura supere los 95 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 35 centígrados), los supervisores deben monitorear el bienestar de los trabajadores a lo largo del día y asegurarse de que tomen descansos de al menos 10 minutos cada 2 horas para evitar la insolación. No basta con “ofrecer” estas pausas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Es importante recalcar que estas normas de seguridad contra el calor se aplican a los trabajadores de todas las industrias, no sólo del sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"represalias\">\u003c/a>¿Qué son las represalias por parte de un empresario?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En California, se entiende por represalia cuando un empresario despide, castiga o recorta el salario o el horario de un trabajador porque éste ha intentado mejorar sus condiciones laborales. Esto incluye los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">casos de cultivadores que se niegan a volver a contratar a trabajadores de temporada para la próxima cosecha después de que hayan denunciado su situación\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedirle a su jefe que mejore las condiciones de trabajo no tiene que ser algo grande como organizar una huelga o una marcha. También puede ser el:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pedir más agua y sombra para los días de mucho calor.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pedir el equipo necesario para trabajar con seguridad en el campo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Señalar que le falta parte de su salario.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Si hay una ley que tenga que ver con su seguridad, sus derechos laborales o su salario, y su empleador no la está cumpliendo, debe poder hablar de ello con libertad y seguridad con su jefe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"siguen\">\u003c/a>¿Estas protecciones aplican incluso si uno no tiene papeles?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Sí. Las normas de seguridad de California benefician a todos los trabajadores, sin importar su estatus migratorio. Su empleador no puede usar su situación migratoria como razón para excluir a usted o sus colegas de las protecciones de seguridad.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Además, los trabajadores indocumentados pueden pedir ayuda a las dependencias estatales que hacen cumplir las leyes laborales; es decir, ser indocumentado no les impide solicitar (y obtener) esta ayuda del estado de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nuestra oficina no pregunta por su estatus migratorio, si usted cree que podría traerle problemas”, confirma Jessica Arciniega, directora regional del ALRB, que investiga posibles abusos laborales en el sector agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>¿Y si no tengo un contrato formal para trabajar, siguen aplicándose estas protecciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si trabaja para un particular o una empresa sin un contrato de trabajo formal, los expertos en derechos laborales afirman que estas protecciones siguen siendo aplicables en su caso, siempre y cuando pueda demostrar que, como trabajador, ha proporcionado mano de obra a cambio de una remuneración, o sea un pago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En algunos casos, esa prueba puede incluir una comunicación escrita entre el trabajador y el empresario, como un correo electrónico o un mensaje de texto, que confirme que se ha producido un intercambio de servicios a cambio de dinero.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"organismos\">\u003c/a>¿Qué organismos hacen cumplir las normas laborales en California?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Existen tres dependencias estatales que investigan las infracciones laborales y tienen autoridad para sancionar a los malos empleadores. Las tres agencias pueden investigar casos en la industria agrícola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El ALRB fue creado en 1975 después de que el entonces gobernador Jerry Brown firmara la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California en 1975. Esta legislación también define lo que es una violación de derechos laborales, lo que incluye represalias, despedir o recortar el salario de los empleados que piden mejores condiciones de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A quienes creen que sus derechos laborales no fueron respetados, yo recomendaría que llamen a nuestra oficina”, dijo Arciniega del ALRB. “Nuestro personal no sólo es bilingüe, sino que también entiende bien la cultura. Muchos de ellos, sus familias o generaciones pasadas han trabajado en la agricultura o actualmente son trabajadores agrícolas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto directamente con el ALRB llamando al 1-800-449-3699 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">dirigirse a sus oficinas regionales situadas en Indio, Oxnard, Salinas, Santa Rosa, o Visalia\u003c/a>. Los trabajadores del Área de la Bahía deben ponerse en contacto con la oficina de Santa Rosa (el teléfono para esa oficina es: (707) 527-3256)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un funcionario del ALRB puede hablarle más sobre cuáles son las normas de seguridad en el trabajo y qué derechos aplican en su situación. Además, pueden explicarle cómo usted puede presentar una denuncia contra su empleador, lo que podría desencadenar una investigación formal de su empleador por parte del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cal/OSHA\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA crea y hace cumplir las normas estatales sobre seguridad en el lugar de trabajo, asegurándose de que los empleados no estén expuestos a sustancias químicas peligrosas ni se encuentren en situaciones de riesgo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si su jefe le obliga a usted o a sus compañeros a hacer algo que no sabe si es seguro o no, puede ponerse en contacto con la agencia llamando al (415) 557-0100 o \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/complaint.htm\">visitando la página web de la agencia\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oficina del Comisionado Laboral\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Oficina del Comisionado Laboral, también conocida como la División de Cumplimiento de Normas Laborales (DLSE por sus siglas en inglés), es la parte del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales de California y se encarga de investigar el robo de salarios y las represalias de los empleadores contra los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted cree que su jefe no le paga correctamente por las horas que trabaja o se niega a pagar las horas extra, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtoreportviolationtobofe.htm\">éste es el organismo al que debe dirigirse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"creo\">\u003c/a>Creo que mi jefe ha tomado represalias contra mí por denunciar las condiciones de trabajo. ¿Qué debo hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Haga una pausa mientras lo documenta todo.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si acaba de perder su empleo o su salario y cree que se debe a represalias, primero dese tiempo para procesar la situación y ordenar sus ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo recomendio que escribas todo lo que te pasó, porque con todas esas emociones fuertes que uno tiene en ese momento, es fácil olvidar los detalles importantes”, dijo Ana Salgado, ex trabajadora agrícola e integrante de la junta directiva de North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), un grupo de derechos laborales que ayudó a los campesinos que denunciaron a Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cree en ti mismo y en lo que tú sabes que pasó”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957508\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en una rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recopile pruebas anteriores\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras anota sus experiencias, busque también mensajes escritos entre usted y su empleador en los que describen las condiciones de trabajo y la respuesta de su supervisor. Puede tratarse de cartas, correos electrónicos o incluso capturas de pantalla de una conversación por mensaje de texto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Otros detalles importantes que debe buscar: sus recibos o comprobantes de pago si es que hubo un recorte en su salario o las horas que trabajó. Además, tenga fotos de donde trabaja, lo que puede incluir los campos o cualquier otro sitio donde usted labora y ha visto condiciones laborales inseguras, y su vivienda, si esa es proporcionada por su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Busque ayuda de los profesionales\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado, activista con NBJWJ, también recomienda buscar la ayuda de una organización de derechos laborales en su zona. Los integrantes del grupo pueden ayudarle a crear una cronología de lo ocurrido, a ponerse en contacto con su empresa si quiere intentar resolver la situación directamente, o incluso prepararle para hablar con funcionarios estatales si decide dar ese paso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En función de sus recursos, como el número de empleados, algunos grupos pueden ofrecer más ayuda que otros. Por eso, si cree que necesitas más orientación y apoyo, considere la posibilidad de acudir a más de una organización.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aquí hay algunas organizaciones en el Área de la Bahía que pueden conectar a los trabajadores agrícolas con ayuda:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Quiero presentar una denuncia para que los funcionarios investiguen mi situación. ¿Qué hay que hacer?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Si está dispuesto a denunciar lo ocurrido, el ALRB será el organismo al que deberá dirigirse. Necesitará \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">un formulario de Denuncia contra el empleador\u003c/a>, el cual deberá imprimir, rellenar y enviar por correo electrónico o postal, a la oficina local del ALRB más cercana, y si necesita rellenar el formulario en otro idioma que no sea el inglés, también contacte al ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para los residentes del Área de la Bahía, la oficina indicada se encuentra en Santa Rosa:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Teléfono: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo electrónico: Póngase en contacto con la directora regional Jessica Arciniega escribiendo a Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Correo postal: 606 Healdsburg Avenue, Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el ALRB requiere que al menos dos trabajadores se reúnan para presentar una denuncia. Si le pone nervioso este paso, un grupo de derechos laborales puede presentar una denuncia en su nombre, que es lo que ocurrió en el caso de Mauritson Farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Por qué debe presentar una denuncia lo antes posible (aunque esté nervioso)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Quienes abogan por los derechos de los campesinos recomiendan que uno denuncie lo que pasó lo más antes posible. De este modo, los funcionarios del estado tienen más tiempo para hablar con los trabajadores e investigar lo ocurrido en los campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El tiempo es aún más importante cuando los trabajadores agrícolas están en el país con un permiso de trabajo temporal, como la visa H-2A.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Es comprensible que se sienta muy nervioso a la hora de presentar una denuncia, sobre todo si teme que su empleador o la persona que le consiguió el trabajo le amenace con más represalias. Pero tenga en cuenta que hay un límite de tiempo para denunciar un incidente ante el estado. Sólo tiene seis meses desde el momento en que sufrió represalias (cuando le recortaron horas, o le despidieron o supo que no le volverían a contratar) para presentar una denuncia ante el ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que ya hayan pasado los seis meses, los funcionarios no pueden iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>¿Y si su jefe, o la persona que le conectó con el empleo, como un reclutador, sigue amenazándole con más represalias si habla con el estado?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En este caso, podría ser una buena idea buscar ayuda de un grupo de derechos laborales para protegerse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Ya que yo haya presentado una denuncia ante el ALRB, ¿qué ocurre?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>La agencia evalúa su caso\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los funcionarios decidirán primero si su situación cumple los requisitos para iniciar una investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos ejemplos de cuándo el ALRB no podría tomar su caso son: si fue despedido, hace dos años, y cree que su jefe lo hizo para tomar represalias contra usted, ya que esa situación excede el límite de tiempo de seis meses del ALRB, y la agencia no puede iniciar una investigación. O si el incidente tuvo lugar en un rancho ubicado en otro estado, eso también queda fuera de la jurisdicción del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956406\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956406\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt='Una persona con cabello largo y ropa forma; habla frente a otras personas con carteles que dicen \"Los campesinos merecen pago por desastre\". El grupo se encuentra en un parque.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67225_20230724-NBJWJPresser-05-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB, habla en una rueda de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, el lunes, 24 de julio de 2023. Montgomery, junto con otros funcionarios del ALRB, compartieron detalles sobre el acuerdo legal entre su dependencia y el empleador Mauritson Farms, para resolver una denuncia presentada por un grupo de campesinos que previamente trabajaban en los viñedos de Mauritson. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se inicia una investigación y su empleador es notificado\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el organismo puede aceptar el caso, los funcionarios del ALRB se lo confirmarán. A partir de ese momento, notificarán a su empleador de la acusación y que se iniciará una investigación, explica Julia Montgomery, abogada principal del ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Un equipo de abogados e investigadores se encargará de la investigación, que puede incluir a los trabajadores implicados en la investigación, otros empleados, supervisores y cualquier otra persona que pueda tener información relevante”, dijo Montgomery. Los investigadores también pueden solicitar documentos y otros registros escritos tanto a los empresarios como a los trabajadores, explicó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Este paso puede tardar meses, o incluso años. Si ya no se encuentra en EE.UU. debido a su situación migratoria, el ALRB seguirá intentando ponerse en contacto con usted. En casos anteriores, los funcionarios de la agencia han localizado a trabajadores agrícolas incluso cuando han viajado de regreso a comunidades rurales remotas en sus países de origen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Se toma una decisión sobre la acusación\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras la investigación, los funcionarios determinarán si hay pruebas suficientes para confirmar si hubo represalias u otra práctica laboral injusta. Si no hay pruebas suficientes, se desestima la denuncia, o sea que se termina el proceso de investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, si las pruebas son suficientes, el director regional del ALRB presentará una denuncia formal contra el empresario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero espere, eso no significa que haya ganado su caso todavía — falta aún más.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>El ALRB presenta una demanda legal contra un empresario\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Se fijará una fecha para una audiencia con un juez, el cual decidirá si el empresario violó la ley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ambas partes tendrán la oportunidad de defender su caso: su empleador y sus representantes legales, y el ALRB, que argumentará que usted sufrió represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el juez falla a favor del ALRB y de los empleados implicados, los trabajadores pueden recibir un monto para compensar los salarios perdidos y, potencialmente, incluso volver a ser contratados si perdieron su empleo. Los funcionarios del ALRB se desplazarán al rancho e informarán a los demás empleados del caso. Además, los empresarios podrían enfrentarse a fuertes multas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En cualquier momento del proceso, el ALRB puede llegar a un acuerdo con el empresario. Un acuerdo puede incluir indemnizaciones para los trabajadores afectados o incluso ofertas de empleo.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"preocupa\">\u003c/a>Me preocupa mi situación de inmigración si denuncio lo ocurrido en el trabajo. ¿Cuáles son mis opciones?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom anunció un \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales de inmigración gratuitos a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales (enlace sólo en inglés)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoría legal y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tengan un caso pendiente ya sea con la ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratados, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para obtener más información sobre el programa piloto y si su caso podría calificar para servicios legales gratuitos del estado, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">contacte la oficina de ALRB más cercana a usted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "campesinos-denunciaron-a-un-vinedo-por-abusos-laborales-y-ganaron",
"title": "Cómo un grupo de campesinos denunció a un viñedo por abusos laborales y ganó",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc. en el condado de Sonoma pagará 328 mil 077 dólares a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">21 de sus ex empleados\u003c/a> como parte de un \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">acuerdo legal\u003c/a> con la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés), el mayor acuerdo monetario que se ha visto en la oficina de Santa Rosa de esta dependencia. Funcionarios de la ALRB, junto con decenas de activistas laborales y trabajadores agrícolas, anunciaron el acuerdo en una conferencia de prensa el lunes 24 de julio de 2023 en Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc, que gestiona los viñedos, es una empresa independiente y distinta de Mauritson Wines. Ambas empresas son propiedad de la familia Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras una investigación impulsada por las quejas de los trabajadores agrícolas, los funcionarios del ALRB determinaron que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra el equipo entero de antiguos empleados porque algunos de ellos se organizaron a finales de la temporada de cultivo de 2021 para denunciar las condiciones de trabajo inseguras en los viñedos de Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debemos reconocer que se trata de una victoria iniciada por los trabajadores para defender no sólo sus derechos, sino también su dignidad”, dijo el activista Davin Cárdenas en una conferencia que se llevó a cabo el pasado 24 de julio. Cárdenas es el director de la organización North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ, por sus siglas en inglés), un grupo de derechos laborales que apoyó a los trabajadores en su denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se trata de un caso que establece un precedente para otros trabajadores de la región”, afirmó Cárdenas.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que denunciaron el trato recibido en Mauritson\"]‘Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos.’[/pullquote]Los trabajadores implicados eran inmigrantes mexicanos, originarios del estado de Oaxaca, y se encontraban en los Estados Unidos con la visa H-2A, que permite a los trabajadores agrícolas permanecer en el país por períodos limitados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED r\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">eportó por vez primera el año pasado\u003c/a> que ninguno de los trabajadores oaxaqueños que denunciaron los hechos en 2021 fueron recontratados para la temporada de cultivo de 2022, pese a las promesas que hizo la dirección de la empresa. En su denuncia presentada contra Mauritson el pasado mes de marzo, el ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determinó que el hecho de que Mauritson no volviera a contratar a estos trabajadores representa una violación de sus derechos laborales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en Oaxaca, con varios trabajos para mantener a su familia.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nSandoval Rivera y sus compañeros dijeron que sufrieron acoso verbal por parte de su supervisor, que se les negó sombra mientras trabajaban en los campos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 90 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 32 centígrados) y que no recibieron sus períodos de descanso y almuerzo en algunas ocasiones. Todo esto viola las regulaciones laborales de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seis de los trabajadores, incluido Sandoval Rivera, buscaron el apoyo del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ para mediar en la situación. NBJWJ organizó una reunión con los trabajadores y los directivos de la empresa en octubre de 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En esa reunión, el director del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, prometió que las condiciones en los campos mejorarían y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">aseguró a los trabajadores que volvería a contratarlos en 2022\u003c/a>, aliviando así la mayor preocupación de los trabajadores: que se les fuera a negar empleo en el futuro por haber pedido mejoras laborales. Después de esa plática, Mauritson Farms, que según los trabajadores previamente gestionaba el proceso de contratación a través de las redes sociales, contrató a CIERTO Global, una empresa multinacional que busca mano de obra en el extranjero para el sector agrícola de Estados Unidos.[aside postID=\"news_11919450\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/FarmworkersIlloVignet-1020x659-1.jpg\"]Mauritson Farms pide a CIERTO Global que busque a trabajadores para la temporada de 2022, y por ende le cierra la puerta a los campesinos oaxaqueños. Según la denuncia del ALRB, para las empresas de cultivo de uva, CIERTO Global sólo recluta a trabajadores que viven en el estado mexicano de Baja California, no en Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, las capturas de pantalla de un grupo de Facebook que los trabajadores oaxaqueños compartieron con KQED mostraron que los directivos de Mauritson compartieron información incorrecta sobre cómo debían ponerse en contacto los trabajadores con CIERTO para ser considerados para la temporada de 2022. Representantes de CIERTO confirmaron a KQED que esas instrucciones eran falsas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas instrucciones no reflejan nuestras prácticas con ninguno de los trabajadores a los que atendemos”, respondió por correo electrónico un representante de CIERTO. “Las instrucciones de Mauritson no fueron autorizadas ni difundidas por CIERTO”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando los trabajadores se dieron cuenta de lo que estaba ocurriendo, alertaron al grupo NBJWJ. En febrero de 2022, los activistas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">presentaron una demanda ante el ALRB en nombre de los seis trabajadores que asistieron a la reunión con Mauritson\u003c/a>. Inicialmente, seis de ellos hablaron, pero en su investigación, el ALRB descubrió que Mauritson había tomado represalias contra todo la cuadrilla de 21 personas al que pertenecían los seis trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB. Una audiencia con un juez ya había sido programada para finales de este verano, pero el acuerdo entre la empresa y el ALRB concluye este proceso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración enviada por correo electrónico a KQED, Mauritson Farms declaró que “cree firmemente que [no estaba] en ninguna violación de la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (ALRA). Este acuerdo es estrictamente una decisión empresarial que nos permite resolver este asunto sin necesidad de más litigios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg\" alt='Varias personas de distintas edades sostienen letreros con consignas. Algunos letreros dicen, \"La unión hace la fuerza\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas Antonio Flores (izquierda) y su hijo Mateo, Rosalba Gutiérrez (centro) y Valentina Sosa (derecha) se sientan en la conferencia de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, donde se dio a conocer el acuerdo con Mauritson Farms en la plaza central de Healdsburg el lunes 24 de julio de 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos”, dijo Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson. Durante el último año y medio, ha buscado cualquier trabajo en su comunidad rural de Oaxaca para mantener a su esposa y sus dos hijos y, al mismo tiempo, se ha mantenido en contacto con funcionarios del ALRB que investigaban la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante meses, el ALRB trabajó para localizar a los 21 trabajadores que no fueron recontratados. Una vez finalizada la temporada de 2021, muchos regresaron a pueblos remotos de Oaxaca, donde el acceso al internet y la cobertura de telefonía móvil son extremadamente limitados y, para algunos, inexistentes. Localizar a la gente fue uno de los retos, dijo la directora regional de ALRB, Jessica Arciniega. El otro era establecer confianza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En muchos casos, resulta difícil mantener la comunicación con los trabajadores”, explica. “Pueden no estar familiarizados con nuestro proceso, con nosotros como agencia gubernamental y con lo que realmente hacemos. Así que puede que no siempre se sientan 100% preparados o cómodos de compartir toda esta información”.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ana Salgado, antigua trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta de NBJWJ\"]‘Muchos [trabajadores H-2A] tienen miedo de perder la oportunidad que tienen \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque temen perder lo que consideran un privilegio.’[/pullquote]Los trabajadores no sólo temen sufrir más represalias del mismo empleador, sino que, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">como informó KQED el año pasado, muchos empleadores utilizan una red de reclutadores para impedir que los trabajadores que denuncian encuentren otro empleo en el futuro\u003c/a>. En ese mismo reportaje, KQED compartió la historia de Kevin y Samuel, dos ex empleados de Mauritson que estaban entre los seis que hicieron la primera denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin y Samuel eran en realidad los alias de Sandoval Rivera y Bravo Silva, respectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aquel momento, ambos hombres tenían mucho miedo de las repercusiones que podría tener el compartir públicamente sus identidades durante la investigación del ALRB. A medida la investigación se hacía más larga, Sandoval Rivera sentía cada vez menos confianza en que hubiera una respuesta por parte de las autoridades, especialmente a medida que empeoraba la situación económica de su familia. “La necesidad te hace pensar muchas cosas”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, él y Bravo Silva se alegran de haber esperado los resultados de la investigación y el acuerdo. Esto no sólo les beneficiará a ellos, dice Bravo Silva, “sino también a los trabajadores inmigrantes que ahora trabajan en esa empresa, para que se les respete más y no se sientan solos. Hay leyes que protegen a los trabajadores agrícolas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Celebrando una difícil victoria\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas y carteles, muchos de ellos con la frase de Emiliano Zapata, como “La tierra es de quien la trabaja”, decenas de trabajadores agrícolas y activistas con NBJWJ llenaron parte de la plaza principal de Healdsburg para la conferencia de prensa que se realizó el pasado 24 de julio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ustedes representan a los trabajadores agrícolas que no pueden estar hoy aquí, pero cuya valentía nos ha dejado este legado, que luchando y encontrando aliados, los trabajadores podemos lograr muchas cosas”, dijo Ana Salgado, quien anteriormente era una trabajadora agrícola y ahora es una activista comunitaria y forma parte de la junta directiva de NBJWJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957508 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A pocas calles de esa plaza se encuentra el centro comunitario donde Salgado conoció a varios de los hombres que entonces trabajaban para Mauritson. Recuerda las primeras conversaciones que mantuvo con los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Miré a uno de ellos y vi la preocupación en su cara”, dijo, “tomé su mano y le dije ‘ya puedes abrirte, estás en un espacio seguro'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tantos trabajadores que tienen la visa H-2A temen perder la oportunidad que tienen porque los empleadores les dicen que es un privilegio ser traídos de México con una visa”, explicó. “Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque tienen miedo de perder lo que consideran un privilegio”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Leyes que no se cumplen’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa de visados H-2A es el sucesor del Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">que trajo trabajadores mexicanos a los campos agrícolas de Estados Unidos durante la década de 1940\u003c/a>. El actual sistema H-2A ahora trae a trabajadores de todo el mundo para trabajar en Estados Unidos y, como parte del programa, los empleadores deben proporcionar alojamiento, transporte y comidas, lo que da a las empresas un increíble poder sobre la vida personal de sus trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y al igual que el Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">el sistema H-2A está plagado de robo de salarios, abuso físico y mental a los empleados, y represalias por parte de los empleadores hacia los trabajadores que denuncian\u003c/a> las condiciones laborales, esto según una investigación de 18 meses publicada en abril por las agencias de noticias Prism, Futuro Investigates y Latino USA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957509 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Un hombre da un discurso ante una multitud. Muchos de los asistentes sostienen pancartas con consignas de protesta. El grupo se encuentra en un parque.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Davin Cárdenas, director del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del 24 de agosto en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanto el gobierno federal como el de California han reforzado sus leyes laborales desde la década de 1940, así que ¿por qué persiste el abuso de los trabajadores H-2A?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las razones es que las dependencias regulatorias necesitan más personal y recursos para hacer cumplir las normas laborales, dice Josephine Weinberg, abogada de California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés), un bufete de abogados sin fines de lucro que representa a campesinos que han sufrido represalias y abusos en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contamos con las dependencias. Contamos con normas. Pero faltan los mecanismos para hacer cumplir las leyes y monitorear los campos. Así que lo que nos toca no es más que leyes simbólicas'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aproximadamente 1 de cada 3 puestos sigue vacante en la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral de California, uno de los organismos encargados de investigar el robo de sueldos y las represalias en todas las industrias en el estado. La escasez de empleados en esta dependencia deja al personal actual sobrecargado de casos, lo que significa que quienes presentan una denuncia a menudo tienen que esperar años para obtener un resultado. Decenas de empleados de esta agencia mandaron una carta a legisladores estatales a principios de julio, argumentando que ellos están “fracasando en nuestra misión si no podemos contratar y retener al personal necesario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el ALRB, la directora regional Jessica Arciniega señala que su agencia tiene cinco oficinas repartidas por varias regiones agrícolas del estado, “pero California es un estado inmenso y hay muchos trabajadores agrícolas en todo el estado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenemos oficinas en todas las regiones agrícolas”, dice, “así que hacemos lo que podemos en este enorme estado para cubrir dondequiera que estén los trabajadores”. Añade que el departamento colabora estrechamente con organizaciones comunitarias y sindicales, como NBJWJ, para conectar con más obreros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero activistas laborales insisten en que hay que hacer más para aplicar mejor las normas laborales y mejorar el programa H-2A en su conjunto. Weinberg, de CRLA, añade que los reguladores deben vigilar más de cerca los campos agrícolas, con visitas aleatorias durante la temporada de cultivo. Y por otro lado, los empleadores deben facilitar que las agencias y los grupos laborales hablen con los campesinos sin restricciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La forma en que se diseñó el programa H-2A, en el que las empresas tienen un control directo sobre el alojamiento, el transporte, la situación migratoria e incluso la alimentación de sus empleados, dificulta enormemente que los trabajadores puedan hablar libremente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tienen acceso a un lugar donde sientan que pueden hablar confidencialmente o de forma anónima sobre lo que está pasando”, dijo Weinberg.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">anunció un programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales gratuitos de inmigración a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales\u003c/a>. Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoramiento jurídico y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tienen un caso pendiente ya sea con el ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, que es el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratado, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, por encima de todo, afirma Salgado de NBJWJ, lo que realmente ayuda a la gente a sentirse con la seguridad de hablar es saber que hay casos en los que el sistema funciona a favor de los trabajadores. “Sin duda, el resultado del caso Mauritson, reafirma la fe entre nosotros, pero también la credibilidad del trabajo que hacemos cuando salimos a hablar con los trabajadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: La versión original de este reportaje describió de manera errónea a Mauritson Farms como una bodega vinícola, en vez de una empresa de viñedos. Este reportaje ha sido actualizado para aclarar la relación entre Mauritson Farms, Inc. y Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo incluye información de las periodistas Farida Jhabvala Romero y Tyche Hendricks, de KQED. Además fue traducido por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "El viñedo Mauritson Farms Inc. ubicado en California, pagará $328,077 a 21 de sus ex empleados, quienes trabajaron por varios años por este empleador con una visa H-2A y reportaron faltas a sus derechos laborales.",
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"title": "Cómo un grupo de campesinos denunció a un viñedo por abusos laborales y ganó | KQED",
"description": "El viñedo Mauritson Farms Inc. ubicado en California, pagará $328,077 a 21 de sus ex empleados, quienes trabajaron por varios años por este empleador con una visa H-2A y reportaron faltas a sus derechos laborales.",
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"headline": "Cómo un grupo de campesinos denunció a un viñedo por abusos laborales y ganó",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc. en el condado de Sonoma pagará 328 mil 077 dólares a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">21 de sus ex empleados\u003c/a> como parte de un \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885712/settlement-agreement-june-2023.pdf\">acuerdo legal\u003c/a> con la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB, por sus siglas en inglés), el mayor acuerdo monetario que se ha visto en la oficina de Santa Rosa de esta dependencia. Funcionarios de la ALRB, junto con decenas de activistas laborales y trabajadores agrícolas, anunciaron el acuerdo en una conferencia de prensa el lunes 24 de julio de 2023 en Healdsburg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mauritson Farms Inc, que gestiona los viñedos, es una empresa independiente y distinta de Mauritson Wines. Ambas empresas son propiedad de la familia Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras una investigación impulsada por las quejas de los trabajadores agrícolas, los funcionarios del ALRB determinaron que Mauritson Farms tomó represalias contra el equipo entero de antiguos empleados porque algunos de ellos se organizaron a finales de la temporada de cultivo de 2021 para denunciar las condiciones de trabajo inseguras en los viñedos de Mauritson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Debemos reconocer que se trata de una victoria iniciada por los trabajadores para defender no sólo sus derechos, sino también su dignidad”, dijo el activista Davin Cárdenas en una conferencia que se llevó a cabo el pasado 24 de julio. Cárdenas es el director de la organización North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ, por sus siglas en inglés), un grupo de derechos laborales que apoyó a los trabajadores en su denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Se trata de un caso que establece un precedente para otros trabajadores de la región”, afirmó Cárdenas.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los trabajadores implicados eran inmigrantes mexicanos, originarios del estado de Oaxaca, y se encontraban en los Estados Unidos con la visa H-2A, que permite a los trabajadores agrícolas permanecer en el país por períodos limitados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED r\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">eportó por vez primera el año pasado\u003c/a> que ninguno de los trabajadores oaxaqueños que denunciaron los hechos en 2021 fueron recontratados para la temporada de cultivo de 2022, pese a las promesas que hizo la dirección de la empresa. En su denuncia presentada contra Mauritson el pasado mes de marzo, el ALRB \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/23885711/alrb-complaint-march-2023.pdf\">determinó que el hecho de que Mauritson no volviera a contratar a estos trabajadores representa una violación de sus derechos laborales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando recibí la noticia, agradecí a Dios que se ganó porque no fue nada fácil. Teníamos mucho miedo de hablar. Fue un proceso complicado, pero hay que quitarse ese miedo”, dijo Martín Sandoval Rivera, uno de los trabajadores que denunció las condiciones en Mauritson Farms. Actualmente se encuentra en Oaxaca, con varios trabajos para mantener a su familia.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nSandoval Rivera y sus compañeros dijeron que sufrieron acoso verbal por parte de su supervisor, que se les negó sombra mientras trabajaban en los campos cuando las temperaturas superaban los 90 grados Fahrenheit (equivalente a 32 centígrados) y que no recibieron sus períodos de descanso y almuerzo en algunas ocasiones. Todo esto viola las regulaciones laborales de California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seis de los trabajadores, incluido Sandoval Rivera, buscaron el apoyo del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ para mediar en la situación. NBJWJ organizó una reunión con los trabajadores y los directivos de la empresa en octubre de 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En esa reunión, el director del viñedo, Cameron Mauritson, prometió que las condiciones en los campos mejorarían y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">aseguró a los trabajadores que volvería a contratarlos en 2022\u003c/a>, aliviando así la mayor preocupación de los trabajadores: que se les fuera a negar empleo en el futuro por haber pedido mejoras laborales. Después de esa plática, Mauritson Farms, que según los trabajadores previamente gestionaba el proceso de contratación a través de las redes sociales, contrató a CIERTO Global, una empresa multinacional que busca mano de obra en el extranjero para el sector agrícola de Estados Unidos.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mauritson Farms pide a CIERTO Global que busque a trabajadores para la temporada de 2022, y por ende le cierra la puerta a los campesinos oaxaqueños. Según la denuncia del ALRB, para las empresas de cultivo de uva, CIERTO Global sólo recluta a trabajadores que viven en el estado mexicano de Baja California, no en Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, las capturas de pantalla de un grupo de Facebook que los trabajadores oaxaqueños compartieron con KQED mostraron que los directivos de Mauritson compartieron información incorrecta sobre cómo debían ponerse en contacto los trabajadores con CIERTO para ser considerados para la temporada de 2022. Representantes de CIERTO confirmaron a KQED que esas instrucciones eran falsas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estas instrucciones no reflejan nuestras prácticas con ninguno de los trabajadores a los que atendemos”, respondió por correo electrónico un representante de CIERTO. “Las instrucciones de Mauritson no fueron autorizadas ni difundidas por CIERTO”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando los trabajadores se dieron cuenta de lo que estaba ocurriendo, alertaron al grupo NBJWJ. En febrero de 2022, los activistas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">presentaron una demanda ante el ALRB en nombre de los seis trabajadores que asistieron a la reunión con Mauritson\u003c/a>. Inicialmente, seis de ellos hablaron, pero en su investigación, el ALRB descubrió que Mauritson había tomado represalias contra todo la cuadrilla de 21 personas al que pertenecían los seis trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El acuerdo de 328 mil 077 dólares que beneficiará a los 21 trabajadores representa lo que los trabajadores perdieron en ingresos por haber sido excluidos de la temporada de 2022, según los cálculos del ALRB. Una audiencia con un juez ya había sido programada para finales de este verano, pero el acuerdo entre la empresa y el ALRB concluye este proceso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En una declaración enviada por correo electrónico a KQED, Mauritson Farms declaró que “cree firmemente que [no estaba] en ninguna violación de la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (ALRA). Este acuerdo es estrictamente una decisión empresarial que nos permite resolver este asunto sin necesidad de más litigios”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957507 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg\" alt='Varias personas de distintas edades sostienen letreros con consignas. Algunos letreros dicen, \"La unión hace la fuerza\".' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/LA-UNION-HACE-LA-FUERZA-BANNERS-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los trabajadores agrícolas Antonio Flores (izquierda) y su hijo Mateo, Rosalba Gutiérrez (centro) y Valentina Sosa (derecha) se sientan en la conferencia de prensa organizada por el grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, donde se dio a conocer el acuerdo con Mauritson Farms en la plaza central de Healdsburg el lunes 24 de julio de 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Después de tantos abusos, creo que es justo que se respeten nuestros derechos y se nos respete por lo que somos”, dijo Miguel Ángel Bravo Silva, uno de los seis trabajadores que se reunieron con Mauritson. Durante el último año y medio, ha buscado cualquier trabajo en su comunidad rural de Oaxaca para mantener a su esposa y sus dos hijos y, al mismo tiempo, se ha mantenido en contacto con funcionarios del ALRB que investigaban la situación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante meses, el ALRB trabajó para localizar a los 21 trabajadores que no fueron recontratados. Una vez finalizada la temporada de 2021, muchos regresaron a pueblos remotos de Oaxaca, donde el acceso al internet y la cobertura de telefonía móvil son extremadamente limitados y, para algunos, inexistentes. Localizar a la gente fue uno de los retos, dijo la directora regional de ALRB, Jessica Arciniega. El otro era establecer confianza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En muchos casos, resulta difícil mantener la comunicación con los trabajadores”, explica. “Pueden no estar familiarizados con nuestro proceso, con nosotros como agencia gubernamental y con lo que realmente hacemos. Así que puede que no siempre se sientan 100% preparados o cómodos de compartir toda esta información”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Muchos [trabajadores H-2A] tienen miedo de perder la oportunidad que tienen \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque temen perder lo que consideran un privilegio.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Los trabajadores no sólo temen sufrir más represalias del mismo empleador, sino que, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">como informó KQED el año pasado, muchos empleadores utilizan una red de reclutadores para impedir que los trabajadores que denuncian encuentren otro empleo en el futuro\u003c/a>. En ese mismo reportaje, KQED compartió la historia de Kevin y Samuel, dos ex empleados de Mauritson que estaban entre los seis que hicieron la primera denuncia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin y Samuel eran en realidad los alias de Sandoval Rivera y Bravo Silva, respectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En aquel momento, ambos hombres tenían mucho miedo de las repercusiones que podría tener el compartir públicamente sus identidades durante la investigación del ALRB. A medida la investigación se hacía más larga, Sandoval Rivera sentía cada vez menos confianza en que hubiera una respuesta por parte de las autoridades, especialmente a medida que empeoraba la situación económica de su familia. “La necesidad te hace pensar muchas cosas”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, él y Bravo Silva se alegran de haber esperado los resultados de la investigación y el acuerdo. Esto no sólo les beneficiará a ellos, dice Bravo Silva, “sino también a los trabajadores inmigrantes que ahora trabajan en esa empresa, para que se les respete más y no se sientan solos. Hay leyes que protegen a los trabajadores agrícolas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Celebrando una difícil victoria\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas y carteles, muchos de ellos con la frase de Emiliano Zapata, como “La tierra es de quien la trabaja”, decenas de trabajadores agrícolas y activistas con NBJWJ llenaron parte de la plaza principal de Healdsburg para la conferencia de prensa que se realizó el pasado 24 de julio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ustedes representan a los trabajadores agrícolas que no pueden estar hoy aquí, pero cuya valentía nos ha dejado este legado, que luchando y encontrando aliados, los trabajadores podemos lograr muchas cosas”, dijo Ana Salgado, quien anteriormente era una trabajadora agrícola y ahora es una activista comunitaria y forma parte de la junta directiva de NBJWJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957508 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer habla enfrente de una multitud. Muchos en la multitud sostienen letreros y pancartas con lemas de justicia labora.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/healdsburg-plaza-farm-workers-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ana Salgado (centro), ex trabajadora agrícola y miembro de la junta directiva de NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del lunes, 24 de julio de 2023, en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A pocas calles de esa plaza se encuentra el centro comunitario donde Salgado conoció a varios de los hombres que entonces trabajaban para Mauritson. Recuerda las primeras conversaciones que mantuvo con los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Miré a uno de ellos y vi la preocupación en su cara”, dijo, “tomé su mano y le dije ‘ya puedes abrirte, estás en un espacio seguro'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tantos trabajadores que tienen la visa H-2A temen perder la oportunidad que tienen porque los empleadores les dicen que es un privilegio ser traídos de México con una visa”, explicó. “Pueden estar sufriendo muchos abusos, pero no quieren decir nada porque tienen miedo de perder lo que consideran un privilegio”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘Leyes que no se cumplen’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El programa de visados H-2A es el sucesor del Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/07/31/634442195/when-the-u-s-government-tried-to-replace-migrant-farmworkers-with-high-schoolers\">que trajo trabajadores mexicanos a los campos agrícolas de Estados Unidos durante la década de 1940\u003c/a>. El actual sistema H-2A ahora trae a trabajadores de todo el mundo para trabajar en Estados Unidos y, como parte del programa, los empleadores deben proporcionar alojamiento, transporte y comidas, lo que da a las empresas un increíble poder sobre la vida personal de sus trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y al igual que el Programa Bracero, \u003ca href=\"https://prismreports.org/2023/04/14/h2a-visa-wage-theft-exploitation/\">el sistema H-2A está plagado de robo de salarios, abuso físico y mental a los empleados, y represalias por parte de los empleadores hacia los trabajadores que denuncian\u003c/a> las condiciones laborales, esto según una investigación de 18 meses publicada en abril por las agencias de noticias Prism, Futuro Investigates y Latino USA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11957509 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg\" alt=\"Un hombre da un discurso ante una multitud. Muchos de los asistentes sostienen pancartas con consignas de protesta. El grupo se encuentra en un parque.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/davin-cardenas-with-migrant-workers-at-rally-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Davin Cárdenas, director del grupo de derechos laborales NBJWJ, habla en la rueda de prensa del 24 de agosto en la plaza central de Healdsburg. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanto el gobierno federal como el de California han reforzado sus leyes laborales desde la década de 1940, así que ¿por qué persiste el abuso de los trabajadores H-2A?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las razones es que las dependencias regulatorias necesitan más personal y recursos para hacer cumplir las normas laborales, dice Josephine Weinberg, abogada de California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés), un bufete de abogados sin fines de lucro que representa a campesinos que han sufrido represalias y abusos en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Contamos con las dependencias. Contamos con normas. Pero faltan los mecanismos para hacer cumplir las leyes y monitorear los campos. Así que lo que nos toca no es más que leyes simbólicas'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aproximadamente 1 de cada 3 puestos sigue vacante en la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral de California, uno de los organismos encargados de investigar el robo de sueldos y las represalias en todas las industrias en el estado. La escasez de empleados en esta dependencia deja al personal actual sobrecargado de casos, lo que significa que quienes presentan una denuncia a menudo tienen que esperar años para obtener un resultado. Decenas de empleados de esta agencia mandaron una carta a legisladores estatales a principios de julio, argumentando que ellos están “fracasando en nuestra misión si no podemos contratar y retener al personal necesario”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el ALRB, la directora regional Jessica Arciniega señala que su agencia tiene cinco oficinas repartidas por varias regiones agrícolas del estado, “pero California es un estado inmenso y hay muchos trabajadores agrícolas en todo el estado”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenemos oficinas en todas las regiones agrícolas”, dice, “así que hacemos lo que podemos en este enorme estado para cubrir dondequiera que estén los trabajadores”. Añade que el departamento colabora estrechamente con organizaciones comunitarias y sindicales, como NBJWJ, para conectar con más obreros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero activistas laborales insisten en que hay que hacer más para aplicar mejor las normas laborales y mejorar el programa H-2A en su conjunto. Weinberg, de CRLA, añade que los reguladores deben vigilar más de cerca los campos agrícolas, con visitas aleatorias durante la temporada de cultivo. Y por otro lado, los empleadores deben facilitar que las agencias y los grupos laborales hablen con los campesinos sin restricciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La forma en que se diseñó el programa H-2A, en el que las empresas tienen un control directo sobre el alojamiento, el transporte, la situación migratoria e incluso la alimentación de sus empleados, dificulta enormemente que los trabajadores puedan hablar libremente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tienen acceso a un lugar donde sientan que pueden hablar confidencialmente o de forma anónima sobre lo que está pasando”, dijo Weinberg.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El 19 de julio, el gobernador Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">anunció un programa piloto de 4.5 millones de dólares para proporcionar servicios legales gratuitos de inmigración a los trabajadores agrícolas que están involucrados en investigaciones laborales estatales\u003c/a>. Esto incluiría servicios de revisión de casos, asesoramiento jurídico y representación por un abogado a los trabajadores en California que tienen un caso pendiente ya sea con el ALRB, la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral o Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El objetivo de este programa, según los funcionarios, es abordar uno de los temores que impiden a los empleados hablar, que es el miedo a perder su visado o a no volver a ser contratado, poniéndolos en contacto con expertos en inmigración que podrían ayudarles a encontrar formas de permanecer en este país. Y a principios de este año, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941448/que-es-el-programa-de-accion-diferida-de-la-administracion-biden-para-trabajadores-indocumentados\">el gobierno del presidente Biden presentó una nueva y simplificada iniciativa de “acción diferida”\u003c/a> que permite a los trabajadores solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección frente a la deportación si cooperan con una investigación sobre derechos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, por encima de todo, afirma Salgado de NBJWJ, lo que realmente ayuda a la gente a sentirse con la seguridad de hablar es saber que hay casos en los que el sistema funciona a favor de los trabajadores. “Sin duda, el resultado del caso Mauritson, reafirma la fe entre nosotros, pero también la credibilidad del trabajo que hacemos cuando salimos a hablar con los trabajadores”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nota del editor: La versión original de este reportaje describió de manera errónea a Mauritson Farms como una bodega vinícola, en vez de una empresa de viñedos. Este reportaje ha sido actualizado para aclarar la relación entre Mauritson Farms, Inc. y Mauritson Wines.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo incluye información de las periodistas Farida Jhabvala Romero y Tyche Hendricks, de KQED. Además fue traducido por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one immigrant farmworkers will collectively receive $328,077 from their former employer, Mauritson Farms, a Sonoma County vineyard company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">after the grower reached a settlement with state labor regulators\u003c/a> earlier this summer. Officials with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) announced in July that their investigation determined Mauritson Farms retaliated against the workers — who were in the U.S. on H-2A visas — after they spoke up about unsafe conditions in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such incidents of employer retaliation against workers who speak up are unfortunately not rare. In the agriculture industry, many workers get punished by their boss — or the person that connected them to employment — after they request a better or safer workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to specific advice: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#unsafe\">What’s considered ‘unsafe working conditions’ for farmworkers?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#retaliation\">What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#undocumented\">Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enforce\">Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#options\">I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In California, it is illegal for an employer to retaliate against their employee, regardless of their immigration or documentation status. But that still doesn’t prevent some growers from punishing workers that speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we have created this guide to inform farmworkers about their rights and protections. When you work in the fields, even if you are in the United States without documentation, your employer needs to respect your rights — and this is how they can be held accountable if they don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"unsafe\">\u003c/a>What’s considered unsafe working conditions for farmworkers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">a complex set of rules for what a safe working environment is in the agriculture industry (PDF)\u003c/a>, which cover things like worker safety during wildfires, handling farm machinery, and even in the case of dairies and grain facilities, how to prevent accidents in confined spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">how hot it is\u003c/a>, employers must always provide farmworkers with enough drinking water near their stations. Each employee should have access to at least one quart of water every hour. And even if folks bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.[aside postID=news_11886628]When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. On days hotter than 95 degrees, supervisors must check in with laborers consistently throughout the day and ensure workers take breaks that are at least 10 minutes long every 2 hours to prevent overheating. Just “offering” these breaks is not sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These heat-safety rules apply to workers in all industries, not just the agricultural sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"retaliation\">\u003c/a>What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, retaliation means when an employer fires, punishes or cuts the wages or hours of a worker because that individual sought to improve their working conditions. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">cases of growers refusing to rehire seasonal workers for the next harvest after they have spoken up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking your boss to improve working conditions doesn’t have to be something big like organizing a strike or a march. It can also include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Asking for more water and shade to be provided on very hot days.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asking for equipment necessary to keep you safe when working in the fields.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pointing out that some of your wages are missing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If there is a law concerning your safety, your labor rights or your wages that your employer is not following, you should be able to talk about it with your boss freely and safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"undocumented\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. California’s safety rules benefit all workers, regardless of their immigration status. Your employer cannot use your immigration status as a reason to exclude you from safety protections.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Arciniega, regional director, ALRB\"]‘Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about.’[/pullquote]Additionally, undocumented workers can still seek help from state agencies that enforce labor protections — that is, being undocumented doesn’t disqualify them from seeking (and getting) this help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about,” confirmed Jessica Arciniega, regional director of the ALRB, which investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"withoutcontract\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for those working without a formal contract?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working for an individual or a business without a formal job contract, labor rights experts say that these protections still apply to you — as long as it can be proven that you, as a worker, have provided labor in exchange for payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, that proof could include written communication between a worker and an employer — like an email, or a text message — that confirms that an exchange of services for payment took place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enforce\">\u003c/a>Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are three state agencies that investigate labor violations and have the authority to penalize bad employers. All three agencies can investigate cases in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ALRB was created in 1975 after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act in 1975. This legislation also defines what an unfair labor practice is: actions taken by an employer that violate the rights of farmworkers, which includes retaliation — firing or cutting the wages of employees who ask for better working conditions. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">Jump straight to what you can do if you believe your employer has retaliated against you.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would encourage anybody that’s considering whether or not their rights were violated to call our office,” said the ALRB’s Arciniega. “Not only is our staff bilingual, but they’re culturally competent. Many of them, their families or past generations have worked in agriculture or are farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact the ALRB directly by calling 1-800-449-3699 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to its regional offices located in Santa Rosa, Salinas, Visalia, Oxnard and Indio\u003c/a>. Bay Area workers should contact the Santa Rosa office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ALRB official can talk to you more about workplace safety rules and your rights as a worker specific to your situation. Additionally, they can explain how you can file an unfair labor practice charge against your employer which could set off a formal investigation of your employer by the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Division of Occupational Safety and Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA creates and enforces the state’s rules on workplace safety, making sure that employees are not exposed to dangerous chemicals or placed in risky situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your boss is making you or your colleagues do something you are not sure is safe, you can check in with the agency by calling (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office — which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE) — is the part of California’s Department of Industrial Relations that looks into wage theft and retaliation by employers against workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think your boss is not paying you correctly for the hours you work or refuses to pay you for overtime, this is the agency you should contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"speakingup\">\u003c/a>I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pause while you document everything.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you just lost your job or wages, and you think it’s because of retaliation, first take some time to process the situation, and collect your thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d recommend folks to write down everything they remember that led up to this, because with the strong feelings you have at the moment, it is easy to forget important details,” said Ana Salgado, former farmworker and board member of North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that assisted the former employees of Mauritson Farms in their case with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Believe in yourself and in what you know happened to you,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Collect past evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you’re jotting down your experiences, also look for written messages between you and your employer where you describe conditions at work and your supervisor’s response. This could be letters, emails or even screenshots of a text message conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other important pieces of information to look for are your pay stubs that show a cut in wages or hours after you spoke, or photos of conditions in the fields, your workstation or housing, if it’s employer-provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"laborrightsgroups\">\u003c/a>Seek help from the professionals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado also recommends looking for the help of a labor rights organization in your area. Advocates can help you create a timeline of what happened, help you contact your employer if you want to try resolving the situation directly, or even prepare you for talking to state officials if you choose to take that step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on their resources, like staff numbers, some groups can provide more help than others. So if you think you may need extra guidance and support, consider reaching out to more than one organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations in the Bay Area that can connect farmworkers with help:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"fileclaim\">\u003c/a>I want to file a claim so officials can investigate my situation. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are ready to report what happened, the ALRB will be the agency you contact. You will need a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">Charge Against Employer form (PDF)\u003c/a>, which you need to print out, complete and either email or mail to your \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">nearest ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area residents, that’s the Santa Rosa office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Phone: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email: Contact regional director Jessica Arciniega at \u003ca href=\"Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\">Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mail: 606 Healdsburg Avenue Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you need to complete the form in another language that is not English, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to your nearest field office directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that the ALRB requires at least two workers to come together to file a charge. If you are nervous about this step, a workers’ rights group can file a charge on your behalf — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">which is what happened in the Mauritson Farms case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why you should file a charge as soon as possible (even if you’re anxious)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates recommend employees report what happened to them as soon as they can. This gives state officials more time to talk to laborers and investigate what happened in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing becomes even more important when farmworkers are in the country on a temporary work permit, like the H-2A visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is completely understandable if you are feeling very nervous about filing a report — especially if you are afraid your employer or the person that got you the job is threatening you with further retaliation. But keep in mind that there is a time limit to report an incident with the state. You only have six months from the moment you experienced retaliation (when your hours were cut, or you were fired or knew you would not be rehired) to file a charge with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the six-month mark, officials cannot launch an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if your boss — or the individual that connected you with employment, like a job recruiter — continues to threaten you with further retaliation if you talk to the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, it could be a good idea to seek help from a labor rights group to protect yourself. \u003ca href=\"#laborrightsgroups\">See a list of labor rights groups you can contact.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Once I file a charge with the ALRB, what happens?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The agency assesses your case.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials will first decide if your situation meets the requirements to begin an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some examples of when the ALRB wouldn’t be able to take your case: if you were fired — two years ago — and you think your boss did that to retaliate against you, that exceeds the ALRB’s six-month time limit and the agency cannot launch an investigation. Or if the incident took place in a farm in another state, that is also out of the ALRB’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An investigation begins, and your employer is notified.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the agency is able to take the case, ALRB officials will confirm that with you. They will then notify your employer about the charge, and that an investigation will begin, says ALRB General Counsel Julia Montgomery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A team of lawyers and investigators will take on the investigation, which can include the workers involved in the investigation, other employees, supervisors and anyone else that could have relevant information,” said Montgomery. Investigators can also request documents and other written records from both employers and workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This step can take months, or even years. If you are no longer in the U.S. during the investigation because of your immigration situation, the ALRB will still look to contact you. In past cases, agency officials have sought out farmworkers even when they have traveled back to remote rural communities in their countries of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A decision is made about the charge.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigation, officials will determine if there is enough evidence to confirm if retaliation or another unfair labor practice took place. If there is not enough evidence, the charge is dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the evidence is sufficient, however, the ALRB regional director will present a formal complaint against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, hold on, that doesn’t mean you have won your case yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the ALRB brings a case against an employer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A date for a hearing will be set and an administrative judge will decide whether the employer did in fact break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides will have an opportunity to defend their case: your employer and their legal representatives, and the ALRB which will argue that you experienced retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge decides in favor of the ALRB and the employees involved, workers can receive compensation to make up for lost wages and potentially even be re-employed if they lost their jobs. ALRB officials will travel to the farm and inform other employees of the case. Additionally, employers could face heavy fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At any step of the process, the ALRB can strike a settlement agreement with the employer. A settlement can also include compensation for the affected workers or even employment offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">$4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case-review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.[aside postID=news_11956315]The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about the pilot program and whether your case could qualify for free legal services from the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">talk to your ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "California Farmworkers Guide to Unsafe Working Conditions and Worker Protections",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-one immigrant farmworkers will collectively receive $328,077 from their former employer, Mauritson Farms, a Sonoma County vineyard company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">after the grower reached a settlement with state labor regulators\u003c/a> earlier this summer. Officials with the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB) announced in July that their investigation determined Mauritson Farms retaliated against the workers — who were in the U.S. on H-2A visas — after they spoke up about unsafe conditions in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such incidents of employer retaliation against workers who speak up are unfortunately not rare. In the agriculture industry, many workers get punished by their boss — or the person that connected them to employment — after they request a better or safer workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to specific advice: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#unsafe\">What’s considered ‘unsafe working conditions’ for farmworkers?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#retaliation\">What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#undocumented\">Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#enforce\">Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#options\">I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In California, it is illegal for an employer to retaliate against their employee, regardless of their immigration or documentation status. But that still doesn’t prevent some growers from punishing workers that speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why we have created this guide to inform farmworkers about their rights and protections. When you work in the fields, even if you are in the United States without documentation, your employer needs to respect your rights — and this is how they can be held accountable if they don’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"unsafe\">\u003c/a>What’s considered unsafe working conditions for farmworkers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/dosh_publications/ag-field-operations.pdf\">a complex set of rules for what a safe working environment is in the agriculture industry (PDF)\u003c/a>, which cover things like worker safety during wildfires, handling farm machinery, and even in the case of dairies and grain facilities, how to prevent accidents in confined spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">how hot it is\u003c/a>, employers must always provide farmworkers with enough drinking water near their stations. Each employee should have access to at least one quart of water every hour. And even if folks bring their own water bottles, employers must still have enough water available on site.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When temperatures rise above 80 degrees, employers must also provide an area with enough shade to accommodate every worker on-site. On days hotter than 95 degrees, supervisors must check in with laborers consistently throughout the day and ensure workers take breaks that are at least 10 minutes long every 2 hours to prevent overheating. Just “offering” these breaks is not sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These heat-safety rules apply to workers in all industries, not just the agricultural sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"retaliation\">\u003c/a>What is retaliation by an employer?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In California, retaliation means when an employer fires, punishes or cuts the wages or hours of a worker because that individual sought to improve their working conditions. This includes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">cases of growers refusing to rehire seasonal workers for the next harvest after they have spoken up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking your boss to improve working conditions doesn’t have to be something big like organizing a strike or a march. It can also include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Asking for more water and shade to be provided on very hot days.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asking for equipment necessary to keep you safe when working in the fields.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pointing out that some of your wages are missing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If there is a law concerning your safety, your labor rights or your wages that your employer is not following, you should be able to talk about it with your boss freely and safely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"undocumented\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for undocumented employees?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes. California’s safety rules benefit all workers, regardless of their immigration status. Your employer cannot use your immigration status as a reason to exclude you from safety protections.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Additionally, undocumented workers can still seek help from state agencies that enforce labor protections — that is, being undocumented doesn’t disqualify them from seeking (and getting) this help from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration status, if that’s an issue, is not anything that our office asks folks about,” confirmed Jessica Arciniega, regional director of the ALRB, which investigates possible workplace abuses in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"withoutcontract\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Do these protections still apply for those working without a formal contract?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re working for an individual or a business without a formal job contract, labor rights experts say that these protections still apply to you — as long as it can be proven that you, as a worker, have provided labor in exchange for payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, that proof could include written communication between a worker and an employer — like an email, or a text message — that confirms that an exchange of services for payment took place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"enforce\">\u003c/a>Which agencies enforce labor rules in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are three state agencies that investigate labor violations and have the authority to penalize bad employers. All three agencies can investigate cases in the agricultural industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Agricultural Labor Relations Board\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ALRB was created in 1975 after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act in 1975. This legislation also defines what an unfair labor practice is: actions taken by an employer that violate the rights of farmworkers, which includes retaliation — firing or cutting the wages of employees who ask for better working conditions. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#speakingup\">Jump straight to what you can do if you believe your employer has retaliated against you.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would encourage anybody that’s considering whether or not their rights were violated to call our office,” said the ALRB’s Arciniega. “Not only is our staff bilingual, but they’re culturally competent. Many of them, their families or past generations have worked in agriculture or are farmworkers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can contact the ALRB directly by calling 1-800-449-3699 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to its regional offices located in Santa Rosa, Salinas, Visalia, Oxnard and Indio\u003c/a>. Bay Area workers should contact the Santa Rosa office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ALRB official can talk to you more about workplace safety rules and your rights as a worker specific to your situation. Additionally, they can explain how you can file an unfair labor practice charge against your employer which could set off a formal investigation of your employer by the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Division of Occupational Safety and Health\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA creates and enforces the state’s rules on workplace safety, making sure that employees are not exposed to dangerous chemicals or placed in risky situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your boss is making you or your colleagues do something you are not sure is safe, you can check in with the agency by calling (833) 579-0927.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office — which is also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement (DLSE) — is the part of California’s Department of Industrial Relations that looks into wage theft and retaliation by employers against workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you think your boss is not paying you correctly for the hours you work or refuses to pay you for overtime, this is the agency you should contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"speakingup\">\u003c/a>I believe my employer retaliated against me for speaking up about conditions at work. What should I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pause while you document everything.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you just lost your job or wages, and you think it’s because of retaliation, first take some time to process the situation, and collect your thoughts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d recommend folks to write down everything they remember that led up to this, because with the strong feelings you have at the moment, it is easy to forget important details,” said Ana Salgado, former farmworker and board member of North Bay Jobs With Justice (NBJWJ), a labor rights group that assisted the former employees of Mauritson Farms in their case with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Believe in yourself and in what you know happened to you,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Collect past evidence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you’re jotting down your experiences, also look for written messages between you and your employer where you describe conditions at work and your supervisor’s response. This could be letters, emails or even screenshots of a text message conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other important pieces of information to look for are your pay stubs that show a cut in wages or hours after you spoke, or photos of conditions in the fields, your workstation or housing, if it’s employer-provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"laborrightsgroups\">\u003c/a>Seek help from the professionals\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salgado also recommends looking for the help of a labor rights organization in your area. Advocates can help you create a timeline of what happened, help you contact your employer if you want to try resolving the situation directly, or even prepare you for talking to state officials if you choose to take that step.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on their resources, like staff numbers, some groups can provide more help than others. So if you think you may need extra guidance and support, consider reaching out to more than one organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations in the Bay Area that can connect farmworkers with help:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>California Rural Legal Assistance: (800) 337-0690\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Legal Aid at Work: (415) 864-8208\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>North Bay Organizing Project: (707) 843-7858\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Asian Americans Advancing Justice/Asian Law Caucus: (415) 896-1701\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland): (510) 437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco): (415) 575-3500\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"fileclaim\">\u003c/a>I want to file a claim so officials can investigate my situation. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are ready to report what happened, the ALRB will be the agency you contact. You will need a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/alrb_form38_en.pdf\">Charge Against Employer form (PDF)\u003c/a>, which you need to print out, complete and either email or mail to your \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">nearest ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Bay Area residents, that’s the Santa Rosa office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Phone: (707) 527-3256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Email: Contact regional director Jessica Arciniega at \u003ca href=\"Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\">Jessica.Arciniega@alrb.ca.gov\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mail: 606 Healdsburg Avenue Santa Rosa, CA 95401\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you need to complete the form in another language that is not English, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">reach out to your nearest field office directly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind that the ALRB requires at least two workers to come together to file a charge. If you are nervous about this step, a workers’ rights group can file a charge on your behalf — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956413/how-california-farmworkers-took-on-a-sonoma-winery-over-abuses-and-won\">which is what happened in the Mauritson Farms case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why you should file a charge as soon as possible (even if you’re anxious)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Labor advocates recommend employees report what happened to them as soon as they can. This gives state officials more time to talk to laborers and investigate what happened in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing becomes even more important when farmworkers are in the country on a temporary work permit, like the H-2A visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is completely understandable if you are feeling very nervous about filing a report — especially if you are afraid your employer or the person that got you the job is threatening you with further retaliation. But keep in mind that there is a time limit to report an incident with the state. You only have six months from the moment you experienced retaliation (when your hours were cut, or you were fired or knew you would not be rehired) to file a charge with the ALRB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the six-month mark, officials cannot launch an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if your boss — or the individual that connected you with employment, like a job recruiter — continues to threaten you with further retaliation if you talk to the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, it could be a good idea to seek help from a labor rights group to protect yourself. \u003ca href=\"#laborrightsgroups\">See a list of labor rights groups you can contact.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Once I file a charge with the ALRB, what happens?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The agency assesses your case.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials will first decide if your situation meets the requirements to begin an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some examples of when the ALRB wouldn’t be able to take your case: if you were fired — two years ago — and you think your boss did that to retaliate against you, that exceeds the ALRB’s six-month time limit and the agency cannot launch an investigation. Or if the incident took place in a farm in another state, that is also out of the ALRB’s jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An investigation begins, and your employer is notified.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the agency is able to take the case, ALRB officials will confirm that with you. They will then notify your employer about the charge, and that an investigation will begin, says ALRB General Counsel Julia Montgomery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A team of lawyers and investigators will take on the investigation, which can include the workers involved in the investigation, other employees, supervisors and anyone else that could have relevant information,” said Montgomery. Investigators can also request documents and other written records from both employers and workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This step can take months, or even years. If you are no longer in the U.S. during the investigation because of your immigration situation, the ALRB will still look to contact you. In past cases, agency officials have sought out farmworkers even when they have traveled back to remote rural communities in their countries of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A decision is made about the charge.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigation, officials will determine if there is enough evidence to confirm if retaliation or another unfair labor practice took place. If there is not enough evidence, the charge is dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the evidence is sufficient, however, the ALRB regional director will present a formal complaint against the employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, hold on, that doesn’t mean you have won your case yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the ALRB brings a case against an employer\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A date for a hearing will be set and an administrative judge will decide whether the employer did in fact break the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides will have an opportunity to defend their case: your employer and their legal representatives, and the ALRB which will argue that you experienced retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge decides in favor of the ALRB and the employees involved, workers can receive compensation to make up for lost wages and potentially even be re-employed if they lost their jobs. ALRB officials will travel to the farm and inform other employees of the case. Additionally, employers could face heavy fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At any step of the process, the ALRB can strike a settlement agreement with the employer. A settlement can also include compensation for the affected workers or even employment offers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"options\">\u003c/a>I am nervous about my immigration situation if I report what happened at work. What are my options?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On July 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956315/some-migrant-farmworkers-to-get-free-legal-help-with-immigration\">$4.5 million pilot program to provide free immigration legal services to farmworkers who are involved in state labor investigations\u003c/a>. This would include case-review services, legal advice and representation by an attorney to laborers in California who have a pending case with either the ALRB, the Labor Commissioner’s Office or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The goal of this program, officials say, is to address one of the fears that prevents employees from speaking up — the fear of losing their visa or not being rehired — by connecting them to immigration experts who could help them find ways to stay in this country. And earlier this year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Biden administration unveiled a new, streamlined “deferred action” initiative\u003c/a> that allows workers to apply for a work permit and two years of protection from deportation, if they are cooperating with a labor rights investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about the pilot program and whether your case could qualify for free legal services from the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/contact-us/\">talk to your ALRB field office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In San Francisco, immigrants’ rights lawyers are preparing court filings this month in a legal fight to end the Biden administration’s border policies, which they say are too restrictive and violate the rights of asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, migrants keep arriving on buses sent from Texas by Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who says President Joe Biden’s policies are not restrictive enough and create chaos at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum and border politics are playing out across California and, as the presidential election season begins to heat up, the rhetoric — and the stakes — are likely to get more intense in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the ending in May of pandemic border restrictions known as Title 42 that first allowed former President Donald Trump and then Biden to expel migrants without a legally required asylum screening, the Biden administration is trying to thread the needle with an approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jul/26/us-homeland-security-chief-house-hearing-border-policies\">border management that officials describe as both secure and humane\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/spotlight/2023/01/2023-a-moment-of-truth-for-global-displacement/\">high migration globally\u003c/a>, including at the U.S.-Mexico border, the administration is facing criticism from both the left and the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, progressives accuse the president of caring more about the political optics of border control than respect for the legal duty to provide refuge. On the other, Republicans see a political advantage in portraying the border as out of control and are denouncing what they call the “Biden Border Crisis” in \u003ca href=\"https://rondesantis.com/mission/stop-the-invasion/\">campaign material\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://oversight.house.gov/landing/bidens-border-crisis/\">Congressional hearings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/biden-border-crisis\">conservative think tanks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/us/bidens-border-crisis-forced-rancher-caretaking-drug-traffickers-migrants\">right-wing news outlets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Americans] say, ‘We’d like to admit legitimate refugees,’ but there’s political pushback due to the high numbers and the perceived disorderliness,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/person/theresa-cardinal-brown/\">an immigration expert at the Bipartisan Policy Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C. “It’s clearly an issue Republicans want to hammer Biden over… It’s highly motivating for the Republican base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the dynamics may be a little different. \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/06/21/importance-of-californians-views-on-immigration-policies-pub-90018\">Two-thirds of Californians overall believe immigrants are a benefit to the state\u003c/a>, though only a quarter of Republicans do, according to polling by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden’s new border management rule\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as Title 42 lifted on May 11, the Department of Homeland Security put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/05/11/fact-sheet-circumvention-lawful-pathways-final-rule\">a new rule aimed at deterring unlawful border crossings, anticipating a surge in the number of asylum seekers trying to come to the U.S.\u003c/a>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"asylum\"]Under the rule, migrants are required to make an appointment, using the Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">CBP One smartphone app,\u003c/a> to be screened at an official port of entry. People caught entering the country illegally — even those with an asylum claim — face swift deportation and a five-year bar to reentry, unless they can show they were turned down for asylum in another country on the way here, or unless they face an acute medical emergency or an imminent threat to their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further reduce the number of people waiting at the border, the government is granting \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CHNV\">up to 30,000 people a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela\u003c/a> a two-year humanitarian parole — similar to programs for Ukrainians and Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to tell whether these policies will reduce illegal border crossings. In June, the first month after the border rule took effect, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">number of people encountered by the Border Patrol dropped dramatically\u003c/a> — by more than 40% — to just below 100,000 arrests. But preliminary numbers for July, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2023/08/01/border-arrests-migrants-biden/\">first reported in \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, were ticking back up again, though they are still lower than in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First stop: shelter in San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many migrants in Tijuana and other border cities report frustrating challenges with the government’s app and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">months of failed attempts\u003c/a> to get an appointment — and some still try to cross illegally. But nationally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-one-appointments-increased-1450-day\">nearly 1,500 people a day\u003c/a> are getting access to the U.S.-Mexico border using the app, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who cross into San Diego — roughly 250 a day, advocates say — are met by representatives from the San Diego Rapid Response Network and taken to the network’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.jfssd.org/our-services/refugees-immigration/shelter-services/\">shelter, operated by Jewish Family Service of San Diego\u003c/a>. There they can rest for a couple of days and get a health screening, legal orientation and help with travel arrangements to their destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years in which Title 42 gave asylum seekers no way to cross the border legally, the new system is safe, humane and orderly, said Kate Clark, who runs the immigration program at Jewish Family Service.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Kate Clark, senior director of immigration services, Jewish Family Service\"]‘I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.’[/pullquote]“I am absolutely supportive of the port of entry processing,” said Clark. “Also I’m very keenly aware of the challenges that non-citizens in very vulnerable circumstances are having in getting appointments… I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/complaint-east-bay-sanctuary-covenant-v-biden\">a federal lawsuit filed by the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant and other immigrant advocacy groups\u003c/a> charged that the administration’s rule violates U.S. immigration law — which says\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1158\"> anyone on U.S. soil may request asylum\u003c/a>, regardless of how they entered the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/07/25/1189794196/asylum-border-migrants-judge-cbpone-justice-department\">U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in Oakland agreed\u003c/a>. The Biden administration appealed the ruling to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, with a hearing likely in late September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has said the administration is working with limited resources and a dysfunctional immigration system that Congress has not updated, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ns7XCYY7JYk\">he defends the legality of the asylum rule\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawsuits make it more difficult for officials to implement a coherent border policy — and they send mixed messages to migrants and smugglers, said Doris Meissner, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/staff/doris-meissner\">a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I give the administration credit for trying to cobble together legal pathways and a humanitarian dimension to a more orderly border regime, in the face of no help from Congress, and litigation that could stop the initiatives,” said Meissner, who was the commissioner of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Bill Clinton.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, border rights project director, Al Otro Lado\"]‘People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people. This is not a capacity issue. This is a lack of willingness.’[/pullquote]But to Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, director of the border rights project at the immigrant advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, the Biden administration’s restrictions on access to asylum are no different than more sweeping rules imposed by former President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos works in Tijuana, where many thousands of migrants are still waiting for slots to seek asylum in the U.S., and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">becoming increasingly desperate\u003c/a>. She described one family who spent four months trying to make an appointment through the app and were only allowed into the U.S. after the father in the family was murdered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people,” she said. “This is not a capacity issue,” she said. “This is a lack of willingness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Otro Lado filed suit last month in federal court in San Diego\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\"> to prevent the government from requiring asylum seekers to use the app\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bussing migrants to California to make a political point\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Republicans have sought to keep the spotlight on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/may/29/texas-invasion-clause-migrants-racist-dangerous\">what Abbott has called an “invasion,”\u003c/a> at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made headlines by flying migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard, and to Sacramento in June — in an incident that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952335/california-investigates-desantis-role-in-migrants-arrival-in-sacramento\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta vowed to investigate\u003c/a>. And Abbott is waging a campaign of bussing migrants from Texas to Democratic-led cities, including Los Angeles, saying Texas border towns are “\u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-announces-first-bus-of-migrants-arrives-in-los-angeles\">overwhelmed and overrun\u003c/a>” because Biden is failing to enforce the law.[aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"immigration\"]The latest of eight buses to Los Angeles arrived today. City officials have coordinated with faith and human rights groups to welcome the 323 asylum seekers who’ve come so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://mayor.lacity.gov/news/mayor-bass-issues-statement-regarding-arrival-migrants-los-angeles\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass called the practice a “despicable stunt,”\u003c/a> adding it’s “abhorrent that an American elected official is using human beings as pawns in his cheap political games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s Democratic leaders push back against Republicans, Biden’s team is conscious that public perception of his border management could sway independent voters next year — and that’s led to a tougher border policy with the 2024 election in mind, says Meissner, of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If what they’ve done can hold, so the ‘chaos at the border’ narratives are off the front page, that’s the best they can hope for,” she said. “If the Abbott/DeSantis rhetoric can start to ring hollow, [Biden and his advisors] don’t mind pressure from the left. They want to be positioned as taking a tougher stance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates like Kate Clark, who works with asylum seekers in San Diego every day, says what’s often missing in the political conversation is empathy for migrants as human beings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about centering humanity,” she said. “If there was more of a focus on the humanity behind this issue, maybe others would better understand the challenges that are faced and be more comfortable with moving forward with [welcoming] policies.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, immigrants’ rights lawyers are preparing court filings this month in a legal fight to end the Biden administration’s border policies, which they say are too restrictive and violate the rights of asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, migrants keep arriving on buses sent from Texas by Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who says President Joe Biden’s policies are not restrictive enough and create chaos at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum and border politics are playing out across California and, as the presidential election season begins to heat up, the rhetoric — and the stakes — are likely to get more intense in coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the ending in May of pandemic border restrictions known as Title 42 that first allowed former President Donald Trump and then Biden to expel migrants without a legally required asylum screening, the Biden administration is trying to thread the needle with an approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/jul/26/us-homeland-security-chief-house-hearing-border-policies\">border management that officials describe as both secure and humane\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a time of \u003ca href=\"https://www.unhcr.org/spotlight/2023/01/2023-a-moment-of-truth-for-global-displacement/\">high migration globally\u003c/a>, including at the U.S.-Mexico border, the administration is facing criticism from both the left and the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, progressives accuse the president of caring more about the political optics of border control than respect for the legal duty to provide refuge. On the other, Republicans see a political advantage in portraying the border as out of control and are denouncing what they call the “Biden Border Crisis” in \u003ca href=\"https://rondesantis.com/mission/stop-the-invasion/\">campaign material\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://oversight.house.gov/landing/bidens-border-crisis/\">Congressional hearings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/biden-border-crisis\">conservative think tanks\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.foxnews.com/us/bidens-border-crisis-forced-rancher-caretaking-drug-traffickers-migrants\">right-wing news outlets\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Americans] say, ‘We’d like to admit legitimate refugees,’ but there’s political pushback due to the high numbers and the perceived disorderliness,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/person/theresa-cardinal-brown/\">an immigration expert at the Bipartisan Policy Center\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C. “It’s clearly an issue Republicans want to hammer Biden over… It’s highly motivating for the Republican base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the dynamics may be a little different. \u003ca href=\"https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/06/21/importance-of-californians-views-on-immigration-policies-pub-90018\">Two-thirds of Californians overall believe immigrants are a benefit to the state\u003c/a>, though only a quarter of Republicans do, according to polling by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden’s new border management rule\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as Title 42 lifted on May 11, the Department of Homeland Security put in place \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/05/11/fact-sheet-circumvention-lawful-pathways-final-rule\">a new rule aimed at deterring unlawful border crossings, anticipating a surge in the number of asylum seekers trying to come to the U.S.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Under the rule, migrants are required to make an appointment, using the Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">CBP One smartphone app,\u003c/a> to be screened at an official port of entry. People caught entering the country illegally — even those with an asylum claim — face swift deportation and a five-year bar to reentry, unless they can show they were turned down for asylum in another country on the way here, or unless they face an acute medical emergency or an imminent threat to their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To further reduce the number of people waiting at the border, the government is granting \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/CHNV\">up to 30,000 people a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela\u003c/a> a two-year humanitarian parole — similar to programs for Ukrainians and Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s too soon to tell whether these policies will reduce illegal border crossings. In June, the first month after the border rule took effect, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">number of people encountered by the Border Patrol dropped dramatically\u003c/a> — by more than 40% — to just below 100,000 arrests. But preliminary numbers for July, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2023/08/01/border-arrests-migrants-biden/\">first reported in \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, were ticking back up again, though they are still lower than in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First stop: shelter in San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many migrants in Tijuana and other border cities report frustrating challenges with the government’s app and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">months of failed attempts\u003c/a> to get an appointment — and some still try to cross illegally. But nationally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-one-appointments-increased-1450-day\">nearly 1,500 people a day\u003c/a> are getting access to the U.S.-Mexico border using the app, officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who cross into San Diego — roughly 250 a day, advocates say — are met by representatives from the San Diego Rapid Response Network and taken to the network’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.jfssd.org/our-services/refugees-immigration/shelter-services/\">shelter, operated by Jewish Family Service of San Diego\u003c/a>. There they can rest for a couple of days and get a health screening, legal orientation and help with travel arrangements to their destinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three years in which Title 42 gave asylum seekers no way to cross the border legally, the new system is safe, humane and orderly, said Kate Clark, who runs the immigration program at Jewish Family Service.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I am absolutely supportive of the port of entry processing,” said Clark. “Also I’m very keenly aware of the challenges that non-citizens in very vulnerable circumstances are having in getting appointments… I think that there has been significant progress and we have some more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/complaint-east-bay-sanctuary-covenant-v-biden\">a federal lawsuit filed by the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant and other immigrant advocacy groups\u003c/a> charged that the administration’s rule violates U.S. immigration law — which says\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1158\"> anyone on U.S. soil may request asylum\u003c/a>, regardless of how they entered the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/07/25/1189794196/asylum-border-migrants-judge-cbpone-justice-department\">U.S. District Judge Jon Tigar in Oakland agreed\u003c/a>. The Biden administration appealed the ruling to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, with a hearing likely in late September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has said the administration is working with limited resources and a dysfunctional immigration system that Congress has not updated, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ns7XCYY7JYk\">he defends the legality of the asylum rule\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawsuits make it more difficult for officials to implement a coherent border policy — and they send mixed messages to migrants and smugglers, said Doris Meissner, \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/about/staff/doris-meissner\">a senior fellow at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a>, in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I give the administration credit for trying to cobble together legal pathways and a humanitarian dimension to a more orderly border regime, in the face of no help from Congress, and litigation that could stop the initiatives,” said Meissner, who was the commissioner of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But to Nicole Elizabeth Ramos, director of the border rights project at the immigrant advocacy group \u003ca href=\"https://alotrolado.org\">Al Otro Lado\u003c/a>, the Biden administration’s restrictions on access to asylum are no different than more sweeping rules imposed by former President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos works in Tijuana, where many thousands of migrants are still waiting for slots to seek asylum in the U.S., and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11957568/long-wait-for-asylum-at-california-border-leaves-migrants-vulnerable\">becoming increasingly desperate\u003c/a>. She described one family who spent four months trying to make an appointment through the app and were only allowed into the U.S. after the father in the family was murdered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are dying that don’t have to die because they don’t want to process people,” she said. “This is not a capacity issue,” she said. “This is a lack of willingness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al Otro Lado filed suit last month in federal court in San Diego\u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\"> to prevent the government from requiring asylum seekers to use the app\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bussing migrants to California to make a political point\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Republicans have sought to keep the spotlight on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/may/29/texas-invasion-clause-migrants-racist-dangerous\">what Abbott has called an “invasion,”\u003c/a> at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made headlines by flying migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard, and to Sacramento in June — in an incident that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952335/california-investigates-desantis-role-in-migrants-arrival-in-sacramento\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta vowed to investigate\u003c/a>. And Abbott is waging a campaign of bussing migrants from Texas to Democratic-led cities, including Los Angeles, saying Texas border towns are “\u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-announces-first-bus-of-migrants-arrives-in-los-angeles\">overwhelmed and overrun\u003c/a>” because Biden is failing to enforce the law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The latest of eight buses to Los Angeles arrived today. City officials have coordinated with faith and human rights groups to welcome the 323 asylum seekers who’ve come so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, \u003ca href=\"https://mayor.lacity.gov/news/mayor-bass-issues-statement-regarding-arrival-migrants-los-angeles\">Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass called the practice a “despicable stunt,”\u003c/a> adding it’s “abhorrent that an American elected official is using human beings as pawns in his cheap political games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s Democratic leaders push back against Republicans, Biden’s team is conscious that public perception of his border management could sway independent voters next year — and that’s led to a tougher border policy with the 2024 election in mind, says Meissner, of the Migration Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If what they’ve done can hold, so the ‘chaos at the border’ narratives are off the front page, that’s the best they can hope for,” she said. “If the Abbott/DeSantis rhetoric can start to ring hollow, [Biden and his advisors] don’t mind pressure from the left. They want to be positioned as taking a tougher stance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates like Kate Clark, who works with asylum seekers in San Diego every day, says what’s often missing in the political conversation is empathy for migrants as human beings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about centering humanity,” she said. “If there was more of a focus on the humanity behind this issue, maybe others would better understand the challenges that are faced and be more comfortable with moving forward with [welcoming] policies.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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