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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly a decade has passed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> agreed to sell more than $110 million worth of land to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\">Google\u003c/a>, to support the tech giant’s plans to transform a flagging industrial area of downtown into a vibrant village filled with gleaming new offices, apartments, hotels, shops and parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, almost none of the grand development plans — which city and business leaders praised at the time as a once-in-a-generation economic opportunity for the self-proclaimed capital of Silicon Valley — have come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google has instead laid a thick coat of varnish, both literal and metaphorical, over portions of roughly 80 acres near Diridon Station and the SAP Center, a swath of land it dubbed Downtown West. But the Mountain View-based company has shared scant details publicly about its current timeline or strategy for the collection of land and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The void has left those living, working or investing here in limbo — without a clear idea of whether a full-blown mixed-use neighborhood will materialize and unable to bank on it when making personal and business decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems, quite frankly, pretty long ago where we were promised all of this,” said Alan “Gumby” Marques, the past board president and interim CEO of the San José Downtown Association at the time of an interview in December. “As much as I would like to see that happen, I’ve kind of moved on. I don’t have any dependency on Google coming in and building the campus that they had planned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google declined a phone interview request from KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google’s Bay View campus in Mountain View on June 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Zhang Yi/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In emailed comments, a Google spokesperson did not clearly answer questions about whether it still intends to move forward with the development plans in San José, signaling that it is still evaluating the company’s real estate needs as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it has already brought new social activities and gathering spaces to the long-overlooked area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large endeavors like Downtown West can take multiple decades to complete, and can ebb and flow over the years, Google spokesperson Ryan Lamont said, adding that the company still communicates with developers to evaluate potential future work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some business advocates and residents say they still believe Google intends to eventually build out the area, noting the company hasn’t sold any of the hundreds of millions of dollars worth of land it purchased from the city and private owners.[aside postID=news_12066245 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251208-BART-SILICON-VALLEY-TOUR-MD-03-KQED.jpg']“I think at some point in time in history, they plan on following through,” said Walter Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate. His organization was part of a now-inactive group that provided input to Google about its plans for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really going. And then all of a sudden it just didn’t,” Wilson said of the development momentum. “I’ve talked to some people at Google, and they say that this is a process that they’re still committed to. It’s not a matter of if, but when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s clear to anyone familiar with the area is that the project has been pushed far beyond its original timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council agreed to sell Google nearly a dozen acres of land in 2018, and the company later indicated some of the first buildings could be completed as soon as 2023 or 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorful renderings presented by the company featured an “urban destination” touting more than 7 million square feet of office space, and at least 4,000 new homes in an area in desperate need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also envisioned 500,000 square feet of mixed uses, such as retail shops, cultural and art spaces and hotels, along with 15 acres of parks and plazas. Between 2022 and 2024, the company demolished older structures, including the remnants of an old hardware store and a longtime \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/08/01/farewell-to-pattys-inn-a-san-jose-bar-with-character/\">neighborhood bar called Patty’s Inn\u003c/a> that slung beer and other beverages for nearly 90 years, to make way for what was to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the lack of any new construction following those demolition efforts, some people have lost hope for a drastically reshaped neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for proposed development in front of San José Diridon Station in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“To be honest, I’m not counting on it, you know?” said Jay Meduri, the owner of Poor House Bistro, a Cajun- and Italian-inspired restaurant that operated for years on the corner of Barack Obama Boulevard and San Fernando Street, before he sold the site to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company helped him relocate the restaurant to a new location in Little Italy in 2022, where he formally reopened in 2023 after operating temporarily out of food trucks and cloud kitchens. He said most of the people he used to communicate with at Google have moved on or been laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meduri said he has no hard feelings toward Google, but he does get a bit wistful sometimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to say it’s bittersweet when I drive by there every day, and I used to see where we were located and now that’s completely dug out and getting leveled out. And then Patty’s Inn, which was across the street and kind of a historic staple to San José — now they have containers,” he said.[aside postID=news_12068653 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_6335.jpg']“Who knows when Google Downtown West is going to be completed. But hopefully it’s while I’m still operating the restaurant and can enjoy all these visions that I saw of making this Downtown West a hopping spot, right? So, it remains to be seen when that’s gonna happen or if it happens,” Meduri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the lack of action, project supporters, including current and former city officials and business boosters, say they’re confident Google is still committed to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman Sam Liccardo, who spearheaded San José’s deals with Google when he was mayor from 2015 through 2022, said the city has already gained “enormous benefit” from the tech giant’s presence and its land-buying spree, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/09/16/google-village-downtown-san-jose-property-value-jump-real-estate-tech/\">some estimates\u003c/a> have pegged at several hundred million dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties the company bought have significantly increased in assessed value, boosting the tax base for the city and county. Google also donated $12.5 million to nonprofits and community-serving organizations and programs, out of a plan to eventually pour $200 million into such efforts, and is bringing in new tenants to give life to the area, Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whole host of things [are] bringing people into a part of downtown where a few years ago, you could shoot a cannon down the street and not hit anybody,” Liccardo said. “You’re now starting to see activity and that will make, obviously, that part of the downtown much more attractive for future office tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The former Kearny Pattern Works and Foundry in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Google, through a subcontractor, has boosted what it calls the Creekside area with the recent opening of a beer garden run by local favorite Hapa’s Brewing Company. It has also repurposed a parking lot where Patty’s Inn once stood for events centered around food trucks, including art, fitness, cultural gatherings and hockey watch parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preservation Action Council of San José, which pushes for historic preservation, education and appreciation in the city, is opening a rummage and reuse hub soon in a former warehouse, and has plans for a racket sport facility where Poor House Bistro once stood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said it shouldn’t come as a surprise that Google is not putting shovels in the ground for new offices in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, which upended work culture and contributed to massive office space vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the third quarter of 2025, national vacancy rates were nearly 19%, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbre.com/insights/figures/silicon-valley-office-snapshot-q3-2025\"> commercial real estate firm CBRE\u003c/a>. While the Silicon Valley office market was about 17%, in San José’s downtown core, it was 32%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069846\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069846\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Templo La Hermosa is boarded up and behind a chain link fence in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Google has tried to do something and ran headfirst into a global pandemic. And like virtually every other entity that planned to build offices or office expansion, they put the brakes on their plan. And I expect those brakes will be in place for several years,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he thinks Google is “going to act like any landowner would at a time of great economic uncertainty,” and may simply sit on the land until it’s clear they need more office space. “And that’s certainly not now, and it’s probably not going to be next year either,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the potential expansion of the artificial intelligence-driven economy could push Google’s original development plans into reality, it’s also possible the company may need to “reimagine” uses for the land to skew more toward housing, Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bert Weaver, a board member of the Delmas Park Neighborhood Association, representing residents whose homes abut Google’s planned village, said he thinks the company has been a good neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the company listened to input from residents and local organizations, maintains and secures the parking lots and buildings it owns, and puts on events at the Creekside area that are “very well attended.” Even if the development has stalled for now, Weaver said he’s “cautiously optimistic” the plans will eventually shape up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for Creekside San José in front of the lot where the Poor House stood in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I hear occasional comments from neighbors that ‘No, Google is never going to come here,’ and all that. But I really don’t feel that way. And a number of my friends, a number of leaders of our group, feel the same way, that one day they will. As business improves, things will begin to happen,” Weaver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the neighborhood association leaders had a meeting with a Google representative in October, where no timelines were shared, but the company “sort of tried to assuage our fears and remind us that the bad rumors are not necessarily true, but, you know, they’re still there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hannah Coffee, a cafe across from SAP Center, customers are mostly neighborhood residents and people who work nearby at local businesses or for the San José Sharks, according to Andrew Harms, a manager at the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harms said that since he moved to the area about three years ago, he has heard a lot about the Google development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign on a fence commemorating the Stephen’s Meat Products sign in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The privatization of any amount of space here is always, I think, a concerning thing to people, whether or not it affects their day-to-day lives, because it’ll change the landscape of the city forever, potentially,” Harms said. When the project was moving through the city approval process years ago, many residents and community organizations expressed concerns about gentrification and whether the development would benefit some while hurting others. But more jobs, housing, liveliness and gathering spaces would be a net benefit for the area, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the lack of substantial progress on the plans has been noticeable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s strange to hand the golden keys, so to speak, to Google and have them do basically nothing with the space,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Baker, San José’s director of economic development, who came to the city last summer from the Pacific Northwest, sees the area with fresh eyes. She expressed optimism about the potential of not only Downtown West, but the broader 250-acre Diridon Station area, where the city has envisioned millions more square feet of office space and up to 12,000 homes, including Google’s original plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069860\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069860\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of three Victorian-era homes on W. Julian Street in San José now owned by Google that could eventually be relocated as part of the company’s development plans for the area on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s really a unique and amazing site and space. How many West Coast cities have potentially developable acreage that is in downtown or downtown adjacent to really accomplish a major vision?” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic’s effects on the economy and office markets have meant that projects didn’t move at the pace many were hoping for, Baker said, but she sees “an amazing canvas of opportunity” there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realize that the timeline for people is not what was anticipated,” Baker said, “but I’m very bullish that something amazing will be realized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly a decade has passed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> agreed to sell more than $110 million worth of land to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\">Google\u003c/a>, to support the tech giant’s plans to transform a flagging industrial area of downtown into a vibrant village filled with gleaming new offices, apartments, hotels, shops and parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, almost none of the grand development plans — which city and business leaders praised at the time as a once-in-a-generation economic opportunity for the self-proclaimed capital of Silicon Valley — have come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google has instead laid a thick coat of varnish, both literal and metaphorical, over portions of roughly 80 acres near Diridon Station and the SAP Center, a swath of land it dubbed Downtown West. But the Mountain View-based company has shared scant details publicly about its current timeline or strategy for the collection of land and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The void has left those living, working or investing here in limbo — without a clear idea of whether a full-blown mixed-use neighborhood will materialize and unable to bank on it when making personal and business decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems, quite frankly, pretty long ago where we were promised all of this,” said Alan “Gumby” Marques, the past board president and interim CEO of the San José Downtown Association at the time of an interview in December. “As much as I would like to see that happen, I’ve kind of moved on. I don’t have any dependency on Google coming in and building the campus that they had planned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google declined a phone interview request from KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google’s Bay View campus in Mountain View on June 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Zhang Yi/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In emailed comments, a Google spokesperson did not clearly answer questions about whether it still intends to move forward with the development plans in San José, signaling that it is still evaluating the company’s real estate needs as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it has already brought new social activities and gathering spaces to the long-overlooked area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large endeavors like Downtown West can take multiple decades to complete, and can ebb and flow over the years, Google spokesperson Ryan Lamont said, adding that the company still communicates with developers to evaluate potential future work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some business advocates and residents say they still believe Google intends to eventually build out the area, noting the company hasn’t sold any of the hundreds of millions of dollars worth of land it purchased from the city and private owners.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think at some point in time in history, they plan on following through,” said Walter Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate. His organization was part of a now-inactive group that provided input to Google about its plans for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really going. And then all of a sudden it just didn’t,” Wilson said of the development momentum. “I’ve talked to some people at Google, and they say that this is a process that they’re still committed to. It’s not a matter of if, but when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s clear to anyone familiar with the area is that the project has been pushed far beyond its original timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council agreed to sell Google nearly a dozen acres of land in 2018, and the company later indicated some of the first buildings could be completed as soon as 2023 or 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorful renderings presented by the company featured an “urban destination” touting more than 7 million square feet of office space, and at least 4,000 new homes in an area in desperate need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also envisioned 500,000 square feet of mixed uses, such as retail shops, cultural and art spaces and hotels, along with 15 acres of parks and plazas. Between 2022 and 2024, the company demolished older structures, including the remnants of an old hardware store and a longtime \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/08/01/farewell-to-pattys-inn-a-san-jose-bar-with-character/\">neighborhood bar called Patty’s Inn\u003c/a> that slung beer and other beverages for nearly 90 years, to make way for what was to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the lack of any new construction following those demolition efforts, some people have lost hope for a drastically reshaped neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-01-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for proposed development in front of San José Diridon Station in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“To be honest, I’m not counting on it, you know?” said Jay Meduri, the owner of Poor House Bistro, a Cajun- and Italian-inspired restaurant that operated for years on the corner of Barack Obama Boulevard and San Fernando Street, before he sold the site to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company helped him relocate the restaurant to a new location in Little Italy in 2022, where he formally reopened in 2023 after operating temporarily out of food trucks and cloud kitchens. He said most of the people he used to communicate with at Google have moved on or been laid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meduri said he has no hard feelings toward Google, but he does get a bit wistful sometimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to say it’s bittersweet when I drive by there every day, and I used to see where we were located and now that’s completely dug out and getting leveled out. And then Patty’s Inn, which was across the street and kind of a historic staple to San José — now they have containers,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Who knows when Google Downtown West is going to be completed. But hopefully it’s while I’m still operating the restaurant and can enjoy all these visions that I saw of making this Downtown West a hopping spot, right? So, it remains to be seen when that’s gonna happen or if it happens,” Meduri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the lack of action, project supporters, including current and former city officials and business boosters, say they’re confident Google is still committed to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman Sam Liccardo, who spearheaded San José’s deals with Google when he was mayor from 2015 through 2022, said the city has already gained “enormous benefit” from the tech giant’s presence and its land-buying spree, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/09/16/google-village-downtown-san-jose-property-value-jump-real-estate-tech/\">some estimates\u003c/a> have pegged at several hundred million dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties the company bought have significantly increased in assessed value, boosting the tax base for the city and county. Google also donated $12.5 million to nonprofits and community-serving organizations and programs, out of a plan to eventually pour $200 million into such efforts, and is bringing in new tenants to give life to the area, Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whole host of things [are] bringing people into a part of downtown where a few years ago, you could shoot a cannon down the street and not hit anybody,” Liccardo said. “You’re now starting to see activity and that will make, obviously, that part of the downtown much more attractive for future office tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The former Kearny Pattern Works and Foundry in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Google, through a subcontractor, has boosted what it calls the Creekside area with the recent opening of a beer garden run by local favorite Hapa’s Brewing Company. It has also repurposed a parking lot where Patty’s Inn once stood for events centered around food trucks, including art, fitness, cultural gatherings and hockey watch parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preservation Action Council of San José, which pushes for historic preservation, education and appreciation in the city, is opening a rummage and reuse hub soon in a former warehouse, and has plans for a racket sport facility where Poor House Bistro once stood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said it shouldn’t come as a surprise that Google is not putting shovels in the ground for new offices in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, which upended work culture and contributed to massive office space vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the third quarter of 2025, national vacancy rates were nearly 19%, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbre.com/insights/figures/silicon-valley-office-snapshot-q3-2025\"> commercial real estate firm CBRE\u003c/a>. While the Silicon Valley office market was about 17%, in San José’s downtown core, it was 32%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069846\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069846\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Templo La Hermosa is boarded up and behind a chain link fence in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Google has tried to do something and ran headfirst into a global pandemic. And like virtually every other entity that planned to build offices or office expansion, they put the brakes on their plan. And I expect those brakes will be in place for several years,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he thinks Google is “going to act like any landowner would at a time of great economic uncertainty,” and may simply sit on the land until it’s clear they need more office space. “And that’s certainly not now, and it’s probably not going to be next year either,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the potential expansion of the artificial intelligence-driven economy could push Google’s original development plans into reality, it’s also possible the company may need to “reimagine” uses for the land to skew more toward housing, Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bert Weaver, a board member of the Delmas Park Neighborhood Association, representing residents whose homes abut Google’s planned village, said he thinks the company has been a good neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the company listened to input from residents and local organizations, maintains and secures the parking lots and buildings it owns, and puts on events at the Creekside area that are “very well attended.” Even if the development has stalled for now, Weaver said he’s “cautiously optimistic” the plans will eventually shape up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for Creekside San José in front of the lot where the Poor House stood in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I mean, I hear occasional comments from neighbors that ‘No, Google is never going to come here,’ and all that. But I really don’t feel that way. And a number of my friends, a number of leaders of our group, feel the same way, that one day they will. As business improves, things will begin to happen,” Weaver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the neighborhood association leaders had a meeting with a Google representative in October, where no timelines were shared, but the company “sort of tried to assuage our fears and remind us that the bad rumors are not necessarily true, but, you know, they’re still there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hannah Coffee, a cafe across from SAP Center, customers are mostly neighborhood residents and people who work nearby at local businesses or for the San José Sharks, according to Andrew Harms, a manager at the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harms said that since he moved to the area about three years ago, he has heard a lot about the Google development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-19-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign on a fence commemorating the Stephen’s Meat Products sign in San José on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The privatization of any amount of space here is always, I think, a concerning thing to people, whether or not it affects their day-to-day lives, because it’ll change the landscape of the city forever, potentially,” Harms said. When the project was moving through the city approval process years ago, many residents and community organizations expressed concerns about gentrification and whether the development would benefit some while hurting others. But more jobs, housing, liveliness and gathering spaces would be a net benefit for the area, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the lack of substantial progress on the plans has been noticeable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s strange to hand the golden keys, so to speak, to Google and have them do basically nothing with the space,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Baker, San José’s director of economic development, who came to the city last summer from the Pacific Northwest, sees the area with fresh eyes. She expressed optimism about the potential of not only Downtown West, but the broader 250-acre Diridon Station area, where the city has envisioned millions more square feet of office space and up to 12,000 homes, including Google’s original plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069860\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069860\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251208-DOWNTOWN-WEST-MD-21-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of three Victorian-era homes on W. Julian Street in San José now owned by Google that could eventually be relocated as part of the company’s development plans for the area on Dec. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s really a unique and amazing site and space. How many West Coast cities have potentially developable acreage that is in downtown or downtown adjacent to really accomplish a major vision?” Baker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic’s effects on the economy and office markets have meant that projects didn’t move at the pace many were hoping for, Baker said, but she sees “an amazing canvas of opportunity” there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realize that the timeline for people is not what was anticipated,” Baker said, “but I’m very bullish that something amazing will be realized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "as-california-silicosis-cases-rise-engineered-stone-industry-seeks-immunity-in-dc",
"title": "As California Silicosis Cases Rise, Engineered Stone Industry Seeks Immunity in DC",
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"headTitle": "As California Silicosis Cases Rise, Engineered Stone Industry Seeks Immunity in DC | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064693/california-doctors-urge-ban-on-engineered-stone-as-silicosis-cases-surge\">hundreds of lawsuits by sick workers\u003c/a> in California, a major U.S. artificial stone manufacturer and other industry representatives testified in support of a bill in Congress that would immunize their companies from liability during a Republican-led hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial stone is linked to an aggressive form of an incurable lung disease diagnosed in more than 480 California stonecutters who inhaled toxic silica dust released when slicing and polishing the popular kitchen countertop material. Dozens have undergone lung transplants and 27 people have died from silicosis since 2019, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/OHB/Pages/essdashboard.aspx\">state health authorities\u003c/a>. Reported cases nationwide are expected to surge as awareness and surveillance increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/5437/text\">H.R. 5437\u003c/a>, introduced by Republican Rep. Tom McClintock last September, would prohibit civil lawsuits against stone slab manufacturers or sellers for harm resulting from the alteration of their products, such as to make kitchen and bathroom countertops and other construction surfaces. The bill would also dismiss hundreds of pending lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry representatives, led by Minnesota-based Cambria, told lawmakers they are being unfairly targeted for damages they attribute to downstream employers at countertop fabrication shops that fail to follow required worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than hold the bad actors accountable, the lawsuits are being filed against dozens of innocent stone slab manufacturers,” Rebecca Schult, Cambria’s chief legal officer, said. “The wrong parties are being sued, and the lawsuits are overwhelming good companies throughout our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican members of the House Judiciary subcommittee seemed sympathetic to the companies’ plight. They denounced job safety regulators for insufficient enforcement and focused many of their questions on the impacts of mounting litigation and insurance costs for businesses, which jeopardize industry jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone fabricator places his hand on a table that he cut at his home in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gary Talwar, vice president of Natural Stone Resources, said the Los Angeles area distribution company his family owns faces 65 silica lawsuits and higher insurance premiums. Many small operations are struggling to keep their doors open as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as a small business, I bring product in, I put it in a warehouse, and I ship it out. Once it leaves my warehouse, I don’t know who cuts it, how they cut it, or what happens,” Talwar said. “There’s hundreds of, maybe thousands of companies across the country, just like myself, that are being hammered with lawsuits. We’re fighting for our lives, and we can’t afford it anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the two-hour hearing, Democrats slammed H.R. 5437 as a proposal seeking special treatment for artificial stone manufacturers and distributors and preventing injured workers from accessing justice in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress would make a millionaire CEO’s problems go away just like that, while the workers who cut, grind, polish, and install this dangerous product struggle to make ends meet, struggle to stay alive,” said Rep. Hank Johnson, a Georgia Democrat, referring to Cambria’s CEO, Marty Davis, whose campaign donations have benefitted President Donald Trump and GOP candidates.[aside postID=news_12066901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251115-DEADLY-LUNG-DISEASE-MD-04-KQED-2.jpg']Artificial stone, also known as engineered stone or quartz, can contain more than 90% crystalline silica. Resins and other chemicals added to the factory-made slabs contribute to making engineered stone dust \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">more dangerous than dust from natural stones\u003c/a> such as granite or marble, according to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria faces 400 lawsuits from stoneworkers for silica-related injuries, most of them in California, Schult said. Other major manufacturers facing lawsuits, such as Israel-based Caesarstone and Cosentino, headquartered in Spain, have developed low or no-crystalline silica alternatives. But Cambria, which owns a quartz mine that supplies its high-silica products, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin said the courts should determine whether manufacturers have any responsibility for the impact of their products on stoneworkers. In one of the two cases against Cambria and other manufacturers that went to trial, the company was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-07/jury-finds-stone-companies-at-fault-in-suit-by-countertop-cutter-with-silicosis\">partially liable\u003c/a> in a $52.4 million verdict for failing to adequately warn of the hazards. Cambria appealed the jury decision. In a separate case, a jury ruled in favor of the defendant manufacturers, a decision that is also on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are looking for categorical absolute immunity in all of these cases,” Raskin said in a testy exchange with Schult. “On your definition, there’s no defect on the product, right? So how could you ever be held liable?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria has emerged as a vocal opponent of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">doctor’s petition\u003c/a> last month asking California to ban cutting and polishing of artificial stone. The Western Occupational and Environmental Medicine Association said such a ban would encourage the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/petition-609.pdf\">use of safer substitutes\u003c/a> developed by some manufacturers for the Australian market. That country was the world’s first to prohibit the sale and use of high-silica artificial stone in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schult said Cambria’s own fabrication shops have cut artificial stone safely for more than 20 years, without a single silicosis case. A Cambria safety video played at the start of the hearing showed state-of-the-art facilities that use robotic machines to cut slabs in glass-enclosed areas. The company told KQED that Cambria’s fabrication practices include the use of handheld devices, but declined to specify how many of its cutting tasks are done by the robotic machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone countertop fabricator wears a mask to help protect against airborne particles, which can contribute to silicosis, at a shop on Oct. 31, 2023, in Sun Valley, California. \u003ccite>(Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some silicosis experts and employers doubt the sophisticated and expensive measures needed to safely handle engineered stone are feasible or affordable for most fabrication shops, which are typically small businesses with fewer than 10 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA inspectors have found that about 95% of the fabrication operations they’ve visited were not following all of the state’s safety rules. California’s regulations, the nation’s strictest, require artificial stone to be cut or polished with machines that cover the material’s surface in water to suppress dust. Employers must also provide workers with sophisticated respirators that can cost more than $1,000 each, and a ventilation system to clean the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Nevin, an attorney at Brayton Purcell LLP representing hundreds of stonecutters, said that workers are contracting silicosis in even the most sophisticated fabrication facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This epidemic starts and stops with crystalline silica artificial stone. It is entirely the uniquely toxic product that is the problem, not ‘a few bad actors’ in the countertop fabrication process,” Nevin told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly all of the sick stoneworkers in California are Latino men, many of them undocumented immigrants. McClintock, whose district includes parts of California’s Central Valley, said fabrication shops that violate worker protections undercut law-abiding competitors while regulators fail to enforce existing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12064718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of a pair of lungs with silicosis used in a Cal/OSHA presentation slide about the disease, and rising numbers of cases in California, at a public meeting on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Museomed via Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It appears they’re just turning a blind eye to law-breaking by sweatshops that are breaking our immigration laws, labor, health and safety laws, exposing their employees to the dust that causes silicosis,” McClintock told Schult. “And it appears that instead of enforcing the law against these illegal practices, the Democrats prefer to drive you out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state facing a growing silicosis problem. Dozens of additional cases have been identified in Washington, Utah, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts and other states where engineered stone is being cut. David Michaels, a former assistant secretary at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, believes thousands more silicosis cases across the country have not been reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawsuits play an important role in public health protection. If lawsuits by workers with silicosis are prohibited, these manufacturers will make no effort to prevent more workers from dying or becoming disabled by silicosis,” Michaels, an epidemiologist and professor at the George Washington University Milken Institute School of Public Health, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be discussing immunity from litigation. We should be discussing banning this product to make it safe for workers, and that would protect the manufacturers and the distributors as well,” he added. “We should not allow the carnage to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, fabrication workers not yet diagnosed with silicosis sued Cambria and other major manufacturers and distributors in federal court in San Francisco, seeking to require the companies to pay for medical monitoring for all California workers exposed to artificial stone dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Artificial stone manufacturers, facing hundreds of silicosis lawsuits in California, urged lawmakers in Washington, D.C., to pass a bill shielding the industry from liability as cases rise nationwide among countertop fabrication workers.",
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"title": "As California Silicosis Cases Rise, Engineered Stone Industry Seeks Immunity in DC | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064693/california-doctors-urge-ban-on-engineered-stone-as-silicosis-cases-surge\">hundreds of lawsuits by sick workers\u003c/a> in California, a major U.S. artificial stone manufacturer and other industry representatives testified in support of a bill in Congress that would immunize their companies from liability during a Republican-led hearing on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artificial stone is linked to an aggressive form of an incurable lung disease diagnosed in more than 480 California stonecutters who inhaled toxic silica dust released when slicing and polishing the popular kitchen countertop material. Dozens have undergone lung transplants and 27 people have died from silicosis since 2019, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DEODC/OHB/Pages/essdashboard.aspx\">state health authorities\u003c/a>. Reported cases nationwide are expected to surge as awareness and surveillance increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/5437/text\">H.R. 5437\u003c/a>, introduced by Republican Rep. Tom McClintock last September, would prohibit civil lawsuits against stone slab manufacturers or sellers for harm resulting from the alteration of their products, such as to make kitchen and bathroom countertops and other construction surfaces. The bill would also dismiss hundreds of pending lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry representatives, led by Minnesota-based Cambria, told lawmakers they are being unfairly targeted for damages they attribute to downstream employers at countertop fabrication shops that fail to follow required worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than hold the bad actors accountable, the lawsuits are being filed against dozens of innocent stone slab manufacturers,” Rebecca Schult, Cambria’s chief legal officer, said. “The wrong parties are being sued, and the lawsuits are overwhelming good companies throughout our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican members of the House Judiciary subcommittee seemed sympathetic to the companies’ plight. They denounced job safety regulators for insufficient enforcement and focused many of their questions on the impacts of mounting litigation and insurance costs for businesses, which jeopardize industry jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033047\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033047\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/231017-StonecutterSilicosis-002-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone fabricator places his hand on a table that he cut at his home in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gary Talwar, vice president of Natural Stone Resources, said the Los Angeles area distribution company his family owns faces 65 silica lawsuits and higher insurance premiums. Many small operations are struggling to keep their doors open as well, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as a small business, I bring product in, I put it in a warehouse, and I ship it out. Once it leaves my warehouse, I don’t know who cuts it, how they cut it, or what happens,” Talwar said. “There’s hundreds of, maybe thousands of companies across the country, just like myself, that are being hammered with lawsuits. We’re fighting for our lives, and we can’t afford it anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the two-hour hearing, Democrats slammed H.R. 5437 as a proposal seeking special treatment for artificial stone manufacturers and distributors and preventing injured workers from accessing justice in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress would make a millionaire CEO’s problems go away just like that, while the workers who cut, grind, polish, and install this dangerous product struggle to make ends meet, struggle to stay alive,” said Rep. Hank Johnson, a Georgia Democrat, referring to Cambria’s CEO, Marty Davis, whose campaign donations have benefitted President Donald Trump and GOP candidates.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Artificial stone, also known as engineered stone or quartz, can contain more than 90% crystalline silica. Resins and other chemicals added to the factory-made slabs contribute to making engineered stone dust \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">more dangerous than dust from natural stones\u003c/a> such as granite or marble, according to doctors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria faces 400 lawsuits from stoneworkers for silica-related injuries, most of them in California, Schult said. Other major manufacturers facing lawsuits, such as Israel-based Caesarstone and Cosentino, headquartered in Spain, have developed low or no-crystalline silica alternatives. But Cambria, which owns a quartz mine that supplies its high-silica products, has not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin said the courts should determine whether manufacturers have any responsibility for the impact of their products on stoneworkers. In one of the two cases against Cambria and other manufacturers that went to trial, the company was found \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-07/jury-finds-stone-companies-at-fault-in-suit-by-countertop-cutter-with-silicosis\">partially liable\u003c/a> in a $52.4 million verdict for failing to adequately warn of the hazards. Cambria appealed the jury decision. In a separate case, a jury ruled in favor of the defendant manufacturers, a decision that is also on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are looking for categorical absolute immunity in all of these cases,” Raskin said in a testy exchange with Schult. “On your definition, there’s no defect on the product, right? So how could you ever be held liable?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cambria has emerged as a vocal opponent of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067166/health-emergency-california-doctors-urge-ban-of-countertop-material-linked-to-deadly-disease\">doctor’s petition\u003c/a> last month asking California to ban cutting and polishing of artificial stone. The Western Occupational and Environmental Medicine Association said such a ban would encourage the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/petition-609.pdf\">use of safer substitutes\u003c/a> developed by some manufacturers for the Australian market. That country was the world’s first to prohibit the sale and use of high-silica artificial stone in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schult said Cambria’s own fabrication shops have cut artificial stone safely for more than 20 years, without a single silicosis case. A Cambria safety video played at the start of the hearing showed state-of-the-art facilities that use robotic machines to cut slabs in glass-enclosed areas. The company told KQED that Cambria’s fabrication practices include the use of handheld devices, but declined to specify how many of its cutting tasks are done by the robotic machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/StoneworkerGetty1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A stone countertop fabricator wears a mask to help protect against airborne particles, which can contribute to silicosis, at a shop on Oct. 31, 2023, in Sun Valley, California. \u003ccite>(Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some silicosis experts and employers doubt the sophisticated and expensive measures needed to safely handle engineered stone are feasible or affordable for most fabrication shops, which are typically small businesses with fewer than 10 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal/OSHA inspectors have found that about 95% of the fabrication operations they’ve visited were not following all of the state’s safety rules. California’s regulations, the nation’s strictest, require artificial stone to be cut or polished with machines that cover the material’s surface in water to suppress dust. Employers must also provide workers with sophisticated respirators that can cost more than $1,000 each, and a ventilation system to clean the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Nevin, an attorney at Brayton Purcell LLP representing hundreds of stonecutters, said that workers are contracting silicosis in even the most sophisticated fabrication facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This epidemic starts and stops with crystalline silica artificial stone. It is entirely the uniquely toxic product that is the problem, not ‘a few bad actors’ in the countertop fabrication process,” Nevin told KQED in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly all of the sick stoneworkers in California are Latino men, many of them undocumented immigrants. McClintock, whose district includes parts of California’s Central Valley, said fabrication shops that violate worker protections undercut law-abiding competitors while regulators fail to enforce existing rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12064718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251119-Miners-Lung-silicosis-01-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of a pair of lungs with silicosis used in a Cal/OSHA presentation slide about the disease, and rising numbers of cases in California, at a public meeting on Nov. 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Museomed via Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It appears they’re just turning a blind eye to law-breaking by sweatshops that are breaking our immigration laws, labor, health and safety laws, exposing their employees to the dust that causes silicosis,” McClintock told Schult. “And it appears that instead of enforcing the law against these illegal practices, the Democrats prefer to drive you out of business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is not the only state facing a growing silicosis problem. Dozens of additional cases have been identified in Washington, Utah, Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts and other states where engineered stone is being cut. David Michaels, a former assistant secretary at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, believes thousands more silicosis cases across the country have not been reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawsuits play an important role in public health protection. If lawsuits by workers with silicosis are prohibited, these manufacturers will make no effort to prevent more workers from dying or becoming disabled by silicosis,” Michaels, an epidemiologist and professor at the George Washington University Milken Institute School of Public Health, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We shouldn’t be discussing immunity from litigation. We should be discussing banning this product to make it safe for workers, and that would protect the manufacturers and the distributors as well,” he added. “We should not allow the carnage to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, fabrication workers not yet diagnosed with silicosis sued Cambria and other major manufacturers and distributors in federal court in San Francisco, seeking to require the companies to pay for medical monitoring for all California workers exposed to artificial stone dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest news in the governor’s race this week is who isn’t running: After months of fits and starts and conflicting signals, Attorney General Rob Bonta said late Sunday that he will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069366/attorney-general-rob-bonta-announces-he-wont-run-for-governor\">not seek the top job\u003c/a> and instead run for reelection as attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the latest high-profile Democrat to pass despite pressure from labor and other progressive groups who were hoping to see a well-known ally jump into the race and consolidate the Democratic vote. Former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla also opted against running last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves a crowded — but wide — open field. The latest \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">UC Berkeley poll\u003c/a> showed only two candidates — former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter and Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco — in double digits. Another recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2025/\">poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California had Porter leading the field with former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, a Democrat, and Republican businessman Steve Hilton tied for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those surveys were taken before two Democrats jumped into the race: Rep. Eric Swalwell and billionaire progressive activist Tom Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic field also includes Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former state Controller Betty Yee. San José Mayor Matt Mahan has also been making noises about potentially getting in — but has yet to decide. (A quick note: It’s unlikely a Republican could actually win the office, given that Democrats outnumber GOP voters in the state nearly two to one, but Hilton or Bianco could make it into the top two runoff.)[aside postID=news_12069366 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/RobBontaTrumpGetty.jpg']Mark Baldassare, who leads the PPIC poll, said the survey showed mixed signals from the state’s sizable Democratic electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many Californians are saying they’re looking for somebody with experience and a proven track record, but not necessarily somebody who’s gonna continue to do what Gavin Newsom has done, although he remains popular as governor,” he said, noting that the poll found 56% of likely voters approve of the job Newsom’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic — Newsom remaining relatively popular among his base while voters want the next governor to move the state in a new direction — could make for some interesting messaging gymnastics among the Democratic candidates in the months leading up to the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billionaire tax dustup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Speaking of potentially awkward conversations, mainstream Democrats are in a tizzy about a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/25-0024A1%20%28Billionaire%20Tax%20%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> from some of their closest allies in labor to impose a one-time tax on billionaires in California to fill deep cuts to healthcare approved by the Trump administration and congressional Republicans. The proposal would have to be approved by state voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has already made his displeasure known, while none of the candidates for governor has taken a firm position yet several, including Steyer and Thurmond, have signaled their openness to the idea but haven’t weighed in on the actual ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the measure has yet to qualify for the ballot, it’s shaping up to be a huge fight, with Newsom staunchly opposed, some billionaires \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/26/technology/california-wealth-tax-page-thiel.html\">considering fleeing the state\u003c/a> and national Republicans salivating over the prospect of California alienating its wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom greets legislators as he arrives at the state Capitol in Sacramento to give his final State of the State address as governor on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom seemed to be dancing around the proposal in his final State of the State address last week, where he gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">full-throated defense\u003c/a> of the state’s progressive tax system that also seemed to serve as a thinly veiled message to his progressive allies pushing the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we proudly built one of the most progressive tax systems in the nation. One that asks the highest-income residents to pay a little bit more, without punishing people who are making a little bit less,” he said. “Think about this: 11 states tax their middle class more than California does, and 16 states tax their low-wage earners more than California taxes its high-wage earners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much of Newsom’s opposition has to do with his potential run for president in 2028 — he won’t be in the governor’s office to deal with the fallout if it passes. But his flat rejection of the tax and other tax proposals in recent years has earned him high marks from one key group in California: the state’s powerful chamber of commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Chamber of Commerce CEO Jennifer Barrera praised the governor for “drawing the line in the sand on tax policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Congressional shakeup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>November’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061715/california-divided-heres-whats-at-stake-for-californians-whose-districts-could-get-rewritten-by-prop-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, which redrew the state’s congressional maps to give Democrats a leg up in the 2026 midterms, isn’t the only thing shuffling House races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a longtime North State politician, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068742/northern-california-republican-congressman-doug-lamalfa-dies-at-65\">died suddenly last week\u003c/a>. His death leaves Republicans with an even smaller House majority and means Newsom is now responsible for deciding when a special election to replace him for the rest of his term — which ends next January — should take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whatever happens with LaMalfa’s seat this year, the future of his district is even more uncertain: The district previously ran from just north of Sacramento up to the Oregon border, encompassing mostly rural, red areas. But the boundaries were significantly changed by Prop. 50 to include parts of more liberal Sonoma County, making it a tough seat for Republicans to win this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have been an uphill battle even for someone as well-known as LaMalfa, and it’s not clear which Republicans may enter the race. On Wednesday, Republican state Assemblyman James Gallagher said he will run in the special election to fill the final months of LaMalfa’s term, but did not say if he will run for a full term in the new district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat is one of five congressional districts redrawn to give Democrats an advantage. On Wednesday, a federal appeals court ruled that Proposition 50 should stand, rejecting Republican arguments that it amounts to illegal gerrymandering. The state GOP, which brought the suit, said it plans to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be closely watching that court case — along with all the congressional races — in the year ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California v. Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, we can’t talk about the stories we’ll be watching in 2026 without mentioning the ongoing tensions and battles between the Trump administration and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just this week, Trump said he plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-payments-funding-sanctuary-cities-states-11354460\">cut off all funding\u003c/a> to sanctuary jurisdictions on Feb. 1, including the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just funding fights: There’s the ongoing anger simmering between the administration and blue cities and states over immigration raids and last week’s fatal Minneapolis shooting by an ICE officer. California officials say they’re ready to hold federal officials to account if they do anything illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On our podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>, I sat down with San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins this week to talk about what that could look like and what concerns she has about the Minnesota investigation, given the exclusion of local and state investigators from that probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Minneapolis shooting also came after a rare loss for Trump in the U.S. Supreme Court over his deployment of National Guard troops. The ruling led to the withdrawal of troops from Los Angeles, where they’d been stationed since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be keeping a close eye on all these things in 2026, from funding cuts to ICE raids to potential troop deployments. Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Don’t Miss:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Next week, Political Breakdown co-host Scott Shafer and I will step out of the podcast booth and on-stage to interview San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one year into his first term. The in-person event is sold out, but come catch us on the free livestream! \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/6022\">You can register here\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest news in the governor’s race this week is who isn’t running: After months of fits and starts and conflicting signals, Attorney General Rob Bonta said late Sunday that he will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069366/attorney-general-rob-bonta-announces-he-wont-run-for-governor\">not seek the top job\u003c/a> and instead run for reelection as attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s the latest high-profile Democrat to pass despite pressure from labor and other progressive groups who were hoping to see a well-known ally jump into the race and consolidate the Democratic vote. Former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla also opted against running last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves a crowded — but wide — open field. The latest \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8wp3s6qw\">UC Berkeley poll\u003c/a> showed only two candidates — former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter and Republican Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco — in double digits. Another recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-december-2025/\">poll\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California had Porter leading the field with former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, a Democrat, and Republican businessman Steve Hilton tied for second place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, who leads the PPIC poll, said the survey showed mixed signals from the state’s sizable Democratic electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many Californians are saying they’re looking for somebody with experience and a proven track record, but not necessarily somebody who’s gonna continue to do what Gavin Newsom has done, although he remains popular as governor,” he said, noting that the poll found 56% of likely voters approve of the job Newsom’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic — Newsom remaining relatively popular among his base while voters want the next governor to move the state in a new direction — could make for some interesting messaging gymnastics among the Democratic candidates in the months leading up to the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Billionaire tax dustup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Speaking of potentially awkward conversations, mainstream Democrats are in a tizzy about a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/25-0024A1%20%28Billionaire%20Tax%20%29.pdf\">proposal\u003c/a> from some of their closest allies in labor to impose a one-time tax on billionaires in California to fill deep cuts to healthcare approved by the Trump administration and congressional Republicans. The proposal would have to be approved by state voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has already made his displeasure known, while none of the candidates for governor has taken a firm position yet several, including Steyer and Thurmond, have signaled their openness to the idea but haven’t weighed in on the actual ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though the measure has yet to qualify for the ballot, it’s shaping up to be a huge fight, with Newsom staunchly opposed, some billionaires \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/26/technology/california-wealth-tax-page-thiel.html\">considering fleeing the state\u003c/a> and national Republicans salivating over the prospect of California alienating its wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HJA_2939_SOTS_001-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom greets legislators as he arrives at the state Capitol in Sacramento to give his final State of the State address as governor on Thursday, Jan. 8, 2026. \u003ccite>(Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom seemed to be dancing around the proposal in his final State of the State address last week, where he gave a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069094/in-final-state-of-state-speech-gov-newsom-says-california-offers-model-for-the-nation\">full-throated defense\u003c/a> of the state’s progressive tax system that also seemed to serve as a thinly veiled message to his progressive allies pushing the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, we proudly built one of the most progressive tax systems in the nation. One that asks the highest-income residents to pay a little bit more, without punishing people who are making a little bit less,” he said. “Think about this: 11 states tax their middle class more than California does, and 16 states tax their low-wage earners more than California taxes its high-wage earners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how much of Newsom’s opposition has to do with his potential run for president in 2028 — he won’t be in the governor’s office to deal with the fallout if it passes. But his flat rejection of the tax and other tax proposals in recent years has earned him high marks from one key group in California: the state’s powerful chamber of commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Chamber of Commerce CEO Jennifer Barrera praised the governor for “drawing the line in the sand on tax policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Congressional shakeup\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>November’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061715/california-divided-heres-whats-at-stake-for-californians-whose-districts-could-get-rewritten-by-prop-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, which redrew the state’s congressional maps to give Democrats a leg up in the 2026 midterms, isn’t the only thing shuffling House races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a longtime North State politician, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068742/northern-california-republican-congressman-doug-lamalfa-dies-at-65\">died suddenly last week\u003c/a>. His death leaves Republicans with an even smaller House majority and means Newsom is now responsible for deciding when a special election to replace him for the rest of his term — which ends next January — should take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But whatever happens with LaMalfa’s seat this year, the future of his district is even more uncertain: The district previously ran from just north of Sacramento up to the Oregon border, encompassing mostly rural, red areas. But the boundaries were significantly changed by Prop. 50 to include parts of more liberal Sonoma County, making it a tough seat for Republicans to win this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have been an uphill battle even for someone as well-known as LaMalfa, and it’s not clear which Republicans may enter the race. On Wednesday, Republican state Assemblyman James Gallagher said he will run in the special election to fill the final months of LaMalfa’s term, but did not say if he will run for a full term in the new district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seat is one of five congressional districts redrawn to give Democrats an advantage. On Wednesday, a federal appeals court ruled that Proposition 50 should stand, rejecting Republican arguments that it amounts to illegal gerrymandering. The state GOP, which brought the suit, said it plans to appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be closely watching that court case — along with all the congressional races — in the year ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California v. Trump\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, we can’t talk about the stories we’ll be watching in 2026 without mentioning the ongoing tensions and battles between the Trump administration and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just this week, Trump said he plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-payments-funding-sanctuary-cities-states-11354460\">cut off all funding\u003c/a> to sanctuary jurisdictions on Feb. 1, including the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not just funding fights: There’s the ongoing anger simmering between the administration and blue cities and states over immigration raids and last week’s fatal Minneapolis shooting by an ICE officer. California officials say they’re ready to hold federal officials to account if they do anything illegal here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On our podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069540/san-francisco-da-weighs-in-on-minneapolis-ice-shooting\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>, I sat down with San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins this week to talk about what that could look like and what concerns she has about the Minnesota investigation, given the exclusion of local and state investigators from that probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Minneapolis shooting also came after a rare loss for Trump in the U.S. Supreme Court over his deployment of National Guard troops. The ruling led to the withdrawal of troops from Los Angeles, where they’d been stationed since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We will be keeping a close eye on all these things in 2026, from funding cuts to ICE raids to potential troop deployments. Stay tuned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Don’t Miss:\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> Next week, Political Breakdown co-host Scott Shafer and I will step out of the podcast booth and on-stage to interview San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, one year into his first term. The in-person event is sold out, but come catch us on the free livestream! \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/event/6022\">You can register here\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "‘Our School Felt Sick’: Former Staff Allege Turmoil at Berkley Maynard Academy",
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"content": "\u003cp>C’erah King-Polk was among the first elementary school students to attend Berkley Maynard Academy, or BMA, when the North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> charter school opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school felt like home, and teachers and classmates were like family. King-Polk met her best friend at BMA, still keeps in touch with her fourth-grade teacher, and she later returned to work at BMA as an after-school educator and substitute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ride with BMA, you die with BMA,” said King-Polk, who worked at BMA until 2024. “I was one of those students who gave my teachers a hard time, but I grew to realize the teachers I had were the ones who really cared about my education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BMA is part of Aspire Public Schools, an organization of California charter schools founded to address inequities in education and prepare underserved students for success. Generations of families were drawn in by the school’s mission of inclusion and support for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beginning in the 2024-25 school year, King-Polk, as well as former staff at the school, say support systems rapidly unraveled. The former employees allege students with Individualized Education Programs — legally binding written documents outlining the services each student with a disability is entitled to — were not receiving sufficient support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said her younger siblings felt the changes too: her sister told her she wasn’t learning in class and her brother, who has an IEP, wasn’t consistently receiving the services he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know where the ball was dropped. But I know it was dropped,” King-Polk, 28, said. “There were so many ‘wants’ that nobody really paid attention to the ‘needs.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Javier Cabra Walteros, executive director for Aspire Public Schools in the Bay Area, said students, especially those with IEPs, remain the organization’s top priority. He wrote that while staffing in special education roles is a nationwide challenge, Aspire is “proud of our teammates who commit every day to providing a high-quality, equitable education to all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 14 former or current educators at BMA who spoke with KQED described a culture on campus where those who raised concerns about students with disabilities were ignored, dismissed or blamed. Some asked not to be named, citing fears of retaliation or jeopardizing future employment, and said that without needed support to learn, students would become disruptive or violent in class, or in some instances, leave their classrooms or the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former assistant principal, who former colleagues described as a strong advocate for students with disabilities, was abruptly terminated midyear in 2024. Months later, a wave of educators decided to leave, finding the working environment unsustainable.[aside postID=news_12053938 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-172_qed.jpg']Now, two former employees — ex-assistant principal Iris Velasco (identified in court filings as Iris Velasco Wilkes) and former teacher Maryann Doudna — are suing Aspire Public Schools. They allege they were retaliated against for raising concerns about support for students with disabilities. They want justice for teachers and students, and say Aspire failed to live up to its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do something to still try to advocate for those students even though I wasn’t going to be there to do it as their teacher,” Doudna said. “No kid should have to go through what a lot of these kids went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions regarding the complaints, an Aspire Public Schools spokesperson wrote in an email that the organization “vehemently denies the egregious allegations made by these former employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Aspire Public Schools said in a written statement that the organization could not comment on the specifics of pending litigation. The spokesperson said the California Department of Education found Aspire to be “broadly in compliance” with state and federal laws related to students with disabilities, and that an outside law firm determined all formal complaints alleging discrimination, harassment and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning that NPR is presenting a partial view of this issue based on allegations, some from anonymous sources, that we have proven to be false,” the spokesperson said. “This important topic deserves fair, informed reporting that reflects the full context of how public education and special education policies operate in schools at the systemic level, not assumptions and misconceptions that overlook the complexity of serving every student well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco filed a complaint with the California Department of Education, which records show found the school “in compliance” on five of the seven allegations and “out of compliance” on two.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The school where ‘people wanted to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Until recently, BMA had a reputation as a jewel among Aspire campuses. Velasco became an assistant principal at BMA in 2023, drawn by the school’s strong reputation and long-serving principal, Jay Stack. She believed her experience in special education would be an asset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA is somewhere everyone wanted to be,” Velasco said. “And once you’re there, people wanted to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the 2023-24 school year, Stack was leaving after nearly two decades with BMA. The community braced for change. But once the hiring process began, former teachers said their perspectives on who should next lead their school were overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for Aspire said the organization “maintains a consistent hiring process that aligns with Aspire’s mission and values” and that there are “verifiable examples of where BMA staff provided feedback about the process, and that feedback was incorporated immediately and/or in future hiring processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The principal who was initially hired to replace Stack did not last long: Daron Frazier left the school after allegedly making derogatory social media posts. The posts, reviewed by KQED, include tweets “Why do white people feel the need to speak to me AT ALL” and “White people couldn’t find the mind your got damn business button if that shit was on their forehead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Frazier said BMA employees were not privy to confidential information regarding his separation, and the allegations are false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish the community nothing but the best and I pray for the success of the current leaders of BMA,” Frazier wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Frazier left, Cabra Walteros, executive director of Aspire Public Schools Bay Area, stepped in as BMA’s interim principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said she had concerns early on. She alleges the school began seeing students with more moderate to extensive needs, but lacked staff and resources to provide the legally mandated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without needed support, students wandered from classrooms or left campus, she said. Velasco recalled finding a kindergarten student who required a one-to-one aide but hadn’t been assigned one, crying in the middle of campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to try to console him, and he just folded and really shut down,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said the health of a school can often be measured by its special education department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our school felt sick,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco alleges that she repeatedly raised concerns with administrators, but was met with hostility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of Aspire campuses in the Bay Area, BMA has the largest Black student population, according to a review of demographic data from Aspire’s website and Ed-Data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA just happens to be our Blackest school, and for them to do wrong by our school with the most Black scholars is just particularly egregious,” Velasco said. “There were conscious choices made. I don’t want that message to get lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire Public Schools spokesperson declined to comment on specifics in pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said Aspire’s regional team meets weekly with BMA to provide coaching for teachers and leaders, as well as targeted support in special education, student services and operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire’s spokesperson also noted that the organization provides extensive data to the California Department of Education, and that Oakland Unified has the authority to review complaints, “ensuring multiple layers of oversight and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protesting an administrator’s firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October 2024, Velasco filed a complaint with Aspire’s human resources department, alleging whistleblower retaliation for reporting several issues at the school, including alleged violations of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks later, she learned the complaint was deemed unsubstantiated, according to her lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over an hour later, she was terminated, a sequence she alleges was retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of those folks who made the decision to terminate me saw firsthand how much that hurt students. They saw firsthand students crying, the families were asking questions, teachers were asking questions,” Velasco said. “I still cannot fathom that the decision was made to release me when there was clearly such a need for support. I was never told why.”[aside postID=news_12068035 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251205-OUSDVIOLENCEINTERRUPTER-12-BL-KQED.jpg']The day after Velasco’s firing, teachers wore black in protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a huge advocate for special ed students at our school,” said Lili Kuchar, a former reading interventionist at BMA who considers Velasco a whistleblower. “You fire the person who knows what they are doing? It made no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former and current educators said Velasco’s firing left them afraid of speaking out or raising concerns. Students asked about the missing administrator who checked in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the kids were like, ‘Where is she?’ They thought she died. We’re talking about kids with trauma. She didn’t get to say goodbye to anybody,” Kuchar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said it upholds a comprehensive anti-retaliation policy and anyone who believes they are subject to or have witnessed retaliation is encouraged to report it to the organization’s HR department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it relates to these claims, an independent law firm conducted an extensive investigation and determined that all formal complaints made to Aspire alleging discrimination, harassment, and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective actions,” an Aspire spokesperson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The difficult choice to leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doudna, the teacher who is suing Aspire, alleges in her lawsuit that during the 2024-25 school year, she also saw how lapses in IEP support made the campus less safe. One of her students, who she said wasn’t receiving mandated services, began hitting classmates and screaming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you are not feeling safe in your classroom, it’s hard to learn,” Doudna said. “And after a certain point in the year, there had been so much damage done that the support the student did receive — it still wasn’t the full services the student was entitled to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maryann Doudna outside her home in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She alleges that the more she raised concerns, the less support she received from administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ignored,” Doudna said. “There would be fights in class. I would reach out to different administrators for support, and no one would come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire spokesperson declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the school year, she felt she could no longer keep students safe and made the painful decision to leave the school she had planned to retire from, a choice many of her colleagues also made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick that the students in our community were not getting what they deserved. That’s why I felt like I had to be such a squeaky wheel,” Doudna said. “My squeaky wheel is no longer there to squeak. And I think that’s what they wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What can we do to make this better?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several former educators who left BMA earlier this school year — and those who work there still — said the climate has continued to deteriorate. Some said that with so many staff leaving, substitutes are filling in the gaps, but without the training or support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, Aspire’s website shows BMA is looking to hire positions including elementary teachers, an instructional aide and a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One former BMA educator said she left this school year because the job was unsustainable. She said she did not trust administrators to address student behavior or protect teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like nothing I have ever experienced before,” she said. “It was kind of like you were thrown in the woods and you just have to survive.”[aside postID=news_12055955 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250909-BERRYESSAUNIONCLOSURES_03248_TV-KQED.jpg']Parents are noticing the instability. One parent has also complained to Oakland Unified’s Office of Charter Schools this school year, records show, alleging that her daughter has “not received any IEP services since the start of the school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the parent spoke with the principal, she was allegedly informed that the school does not have a Special Education coordinator. The parent believes the lack of a SpEd lead is preventing her daughter from accessing required services,” a summary of the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said its schools are supported either by on-site SPED coordinators or by regional teams responsible for overseeing processes and coordinating services for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander Asefaw pulled his fifth-grade son out of BMA this school year. In previous years, his son returned from BMA animated and excited. The family knew the teachers, and the teachers seemed happy. But Asefaw said much of the familiar staff were gone this year, and his son came home describing fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asefaw had enough when he said another student threatened his son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like you’re sending your kids to do UFC or wrestling instead of getting an education,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said the turnover has been devastating for her siblings and that the school needs to give teachers and families a reason to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My little sister didn’t even want to go back to BMA this year. Her thing is, ‘Why am I going to go back when I’m not going to learn anything?’” King-Polk said. “I understand there’s a teacher shortage. The school I care about is BMA. So what can we do to make this better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>C’erah King-Polk was among the first elementary school students to attend Berkley Maynard Academy, or BMA, when the North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> charter school opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school felt like home, and teachers and classmates were like family. King-Polk met her best friend at BMA, still keeps in touch with her fourth-grade teacher, and she later returned to work at BMA as an after-school educator and substitute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ride with BMA, you die with BMA,” said King-Polk, who worked at BMA until 2024. “I was one of those students who gave my teachers a hard time, but I grew to realize the teachers I had were the ones who really cared about my education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BMA is part of Aspire Public Schools, an organization of California charter schools founded to address inequities in education and prepare underserved students for success. Generations of families were drawn in by the school’s mission of inclusion and support for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beginning in the 2024-25 school year, King-Polk, as well as former staff at the school, say support systems rapidly unraveled. The former employees allege students with Individualized Education Programs — legally binding written documents outlining the services each student with a disability is entitled to — were not receiving sufficient support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said her younger siblings felt the changes too: her sister told her she wasn’t learning in class and her brother, who has an IEP, wasn’t consistently receiving the services he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know where the ball was dropped. But I know it was dropped,” King-Polk, 28, said. “There were so many ‘wants’ that nobody really paid attention to the ‘needs.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Javier Cabra Walteros, executive director for Aspire Public Schools in the Bay Area, said students, especially those with IEPs, remain the organization’s top priority. He wrote that while staffing in special education roles is a nationwide challenge, Aspire is “proud of our teammates who commit every day to providing a high-quality, equitable education to all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 14 former or current educators at BMA who spoke with KQED described a culture on campus where those who raised concerns about students with disabilities were ignored, dismissed or blamed. Some asked not to be named, citing fears of retaliation or jeopardizing future employment, and said that without needed support to learn, students would become disruptive or violent in class, or in some instances, leave their classrooms or the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former assistant principal, who former colleagues described as a strong advocate for students with disabilities, was abruptly terminated midyear in 2024. Months later, a wave of educators decided to leave, finding the working environment unsustainable.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, two former employees — ex-assistant principal Iris Velasco (identified in court filings as Iris Velasco Wilkes) and former teacher Maryann Doudna — are suing Aspire Public Schools. They allege they were retaliated against for raising concerns about support for students with disabilities. They want justice for teachers and students, and say Aspire failed to live up to its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do something to still try to advocate for those students even though I wasn’t going to be there to do it as their teacher,” Doudna said. “No kid should have to go through what a lot of these kids went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions regarding the complaints, an Aspire Public Schools spokesperson wrote in an email that the organization “vehemently denies the egregious allegations made by these former employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Aspire Public Schools said in a written statement that the organization could not comment on the specifics of pending litigation. The spokesperson said the California Department of Education found Aspire to be “broadly in compliance” with state and federal laws related to students with disabilities, and that an outside law firm determined all formal complaints alleging discrimination, harassment and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning that NPR is presenting a partial view of this issue based on allegations, some from anonymous sources, that we have proven to be false,” the spokesperson said. “This important topic deserves fair, informed reporting that reflects the full context of how public education and special education policies operate in schools at the systemic level, not assumptions and misconceptions that overlook the complexity of serving every student well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco filed a complaint with the California Department of Education, which records show found the school “in compliance” on five of the seven allegations and “out of compliance” on two.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The school where ‘people wanted to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Until recently, BMA had a reputation as a jewel among Aspire campuses. Velasco became an assistant principal at BMA in 2023, drawn by the school’s strong reputation and long-serving principal, Jay Stack. She believed her experience in special education would be an asset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA is somewhere everyone wanted to be,” Velasco said. “And once you’re there, people wanted to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the 2023-24 school year, Stack was leaving after nearly two decades with BMA. The community braced for change. But once the hiring process began, former teachers said their perspectives on who should next lead their school were overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for Aspire said the organization “maintains a consistent hiring process that aligns with Aspire’s mission and values” and that there are “verifiable examples of where BMA staff provided feedback about the process, and that feedback was incorporated immediately and/or in future hiring processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The principal who was initially hired to replace Stack did not last long: Daron Frazier left the school after allegedly making derogatory social media posts. The posts, reviewed by KQED, include tweets “Why do white people feel the need to speak to me AT ALL” and “White people couldn’t find the mind your got damn business button if that shit was on their forehead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Frazier said BMA employees were not privy to confidential information regarding his separation, and the allegations are false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish the community nothing but the best and I pray for the success of the current leaders of BMA,” Frazier wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Frazier left, Cabra Walteros, executive director of Aspire Public Schools Bay Area, stepped in as BMA’s interim principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said she had concerns early on. She alleges the school began seeing students with more moderate to extensive needs, but lacked staff and resources to provide the legally mandated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without needed support, students wandered from classrooms or left campus, she said. Velasco recalled finding a kindergarten student who required a one-to-one aide but hadn’t been assigned one, crying in the middle of campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to try to console him, and he just folded and really shut down,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said the health of a school can often be measured by its special education department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our school felt sick,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco alleges that she repeatedly raised concerns with administrators, but was met with hostility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of Aspire campuses in the Bay Area, BMA has the largest Black student population, according to a review of demographic data from Aspire’s website and Ed-Data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA just happens to be our Blackest school, and for them to do wrong by our school with the most Black scholars is just particularly egregious,” Velasco said. “There were conscious choices made. I don’t want that message to get lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire Public Schools spokesperson declined to comment on specifics in pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said Aspire’s regional team meets weekly with BMA to provide coaching for teachers and leaders, as well as targeted support in special education, student services and operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire’s spokesperson also noted that the organization provides extensive data to the California Department of Education, and that Oakland Unified has the authority to review complaints, “ensuring multiple layers of oversight and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protesting an administrator’s firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October 2024, Velasco filed a complaint with Aspire’s human resources department, alleging whistleblower retaliation for reporting several issues at the school, including alleged violations of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks later, she learned the complaint was deemed unsubstantiated, according to her lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over an hour later, she was terminated, a sequence she alleges was retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of those folks who made the decision to terminate me saw firsthand how much that hurt students. They saw firsthand students crying, the families were asking questions, teachers were asking questions,” Velasco said. “I still cannot fathom that the decision was made to release me when there was clearly such a need for support. I was never told why.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The day after Velasco’s firing, teachers wore black in protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a huge advocate for special ed students at our school,” said Lili Kuchar, a former reading interventionist at BMA who considers Velasco a whistleblower. “You fire the person who knows what they are doing? It made no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former and current educators said Velasco’s firing left them afraid of speaking out or raising concerns. Students asked about the missing administrator who checked in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the kids were like, ‘Where is she?’ They thought she died. We’re talking about kids with trauma. She didn’t get to say goodbye to anybody,” Kuchar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said it upholds a comprehensive anti-retaliation policy and anyone who believes they are subject to or have witnessed retaliation is encouraged to report it to the organization’s HR department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it relates to these claims, an independent law firm conducted an extensive investigation and determined that all formal complaints made to Aspire alleging discrimination, harassment, and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective actions,” an Aspire spokesperson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The difficult choice to leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doudna, the teacher who is suing Aspire, alleges in her lawsuit that during the 2024-25 school year, she also saw how lapses in IEP support made the campus less safe. One of her students, who she said wasn’t receiving mandated services, began hitting classmates and screaming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you are not feeling safe in your classroom, it’s hard to learn,” Doudna said. “And after a certain point in the year, there had been so much damage done that the support the student did receive — it still wasn’t the full services the student was entitled to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maryann Doudna outside her home in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She alleges that the more she raised concerns, the less support she received from administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ignored,” Doudna said. “There would be fights in class. I would reach out to different administrators for support, and no one would come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire spokesperson declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the school year, she felt she could no longer keep students safe and made the painful decision to leave the school she had planned to retire from, a choice many of her colleagues also made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick that the students in our community were not getting what they deserved. That’s why I felt like I had to be such a squeaky wheel,” Doudna said. “My squeaky wheel is no longer there to squeak. And I think that’s what they wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What can we do to make this better?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several former educators who left BMA earlier this school year — and those who work there still — said the climate has continued to deteriorate. Some said that with so many staff leaving, substitutes are filling in the gaps, but without the training or support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, Aspire’s website shows BMA is looking to hire positions including elementary teachers, an instructional aide and a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One former BMA educator said she left this school year because the job was unsustainable. She said she did not trust administrators to address student behavior or protect teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like nothing I have ever experienced before,” she said. “It was kind of like you were thrown in the woods and you just have to survive.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parents are noticing the instability. One parent has also complained to Oakland Unified’s Office of Charter Schools this school year, records show, alleging that her daughter has “not received any IEP services since the start of the school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the parent spoke with the principal, she was allegedly informed that the school does not have a Special Education coordinator. The parent believes the lack of a SpEd lead is preventing her daughter from accessing required services,” a summary of the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said its schools are supported either by on-site SPED coordinators or by regional teams responsible for overseeing processes and coordinating services for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander Asefaw pulled his fifth-grade son out of BMA this school year. In previous years, his son returned from BMA animated and excited. The family knew the teachers, and the teachers seemed happy. But Asefaw said much of the familiar staff were gone this year, and his son came home describing fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asefaw had enough when he said another student threatened his son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like you’re sending your kids to do UFC or wrestling instead of getting an education,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said the turnover has been devastating for her siblings and that the school needs to give teachers and families a reason to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My little sister didn’t even want to go back to BMA this year. Her thing is, ‘Why am I going to go back when I’m not going to learn anything?’” King-Polk said. “I understand there’s a teacher shortage. The school I care about is BMA. So what can we do to make this better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Santa Cruz the First in California to Terminate Its Contract With Flock Safety",
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"headTitle": "Santa Cruz the First in California to Terminate Its Contract With Flock Safety | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Santa Cruz has terminated its contract with Flock Safety, the automated license plate reader operator, over data privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz City Council voted 6-1 on Tuesday to terminate the city’s contract with Flock, citing reports that the city’s data has been accessed by out-of-state agencies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">at a time\u003c/a> when the Trump administration is pursuing an increasingly aggressive immigration enforcement agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, the threat to our civil liberties was greater than any benefit we could get from the flawed product,” said Mayor Fred Keeley, who voted against the Flock contract in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not interested, as they continue to develop their product, to be an experiment for a system which appears to have enormously big holes in it that they discover every day and try to patch to fix,” he said, adding he doesn’t fault the Santa Cruz Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5003726529\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, Santa Cruz police\u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2025/11/18/santa-cruz-pauses-participation-in-flocks-statewide-sharing-portal/\"> Chief Bernie Escalante confirmed\u003c/a> the city’s Flock data had been accessed by out-of-state agencies, prompting city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/city-of-santa-cruz-pauses-statewide-license-plate-data-sharing-citing-flock-safetys-violation-of-california-law/story\">temporarily limit\u003c/a> outside agencies’ access to the city’s license plate reader data and to review its agreement with Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California for 10 years has prohibited the sharing of license plate data out of state. Ten years!” said Peter Gelblum, chair of the ACLU’s Santa Cruz County Chapter, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-1536x946.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock camera at Fashion Valley Mall cast in silhouette on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Scott Rodd/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Gelblum and other civil liberties advocates, Santa Cruz is the first city in California to end its Flock contract. He credited the Trump administration’s immigration policies for dialing up the sense of urgency in the sanctuary city, as well as data compiled by the recently formed grassroots group \u003ca href=\"https://www.gettheflockout.org\">Get the Flock Out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laid out a case that included the finding that, between June and October 2025, state agencies\u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/anti-flock-group-finds-that-state-agencies-accessed-scpd-camera-data-thousands-of-times-on-feds-behalf-since-mid-2024/story\"> accessed Santa Cruz camera data roughly 4,000 times\u003c/a> on behalf of federal law enforcement, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, in violation of California’s SB 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 34, California law enforcement agencies are required to adopt detailed usage and privacy policies governing license plate reader data, restrict access to authorized purposes, and regularly audit searches to prevent misuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, the typical standard Flock contract, which the agencies in Santa Cruz County all signed, enables nationwide sharing, and nationwide sharing was going on the entire time,” Gelblum said.[aside postID=news_12066989 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-License-Plate-Readers-01-KQED.jpg']A Flock spokesman told KQED the company has always been willing to comply with requests from law enforcement agencies to shut down outside access to data, to ensure compliance with state and local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Chandler, director of public affairs for Flock, said the company is committed to honoring the values of every community, so that their civil liberty concerns “don’t have to come at the expense of community safety. All of those tools to customize sharing … can be customized at any moment, for any reason, by any city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though precise tallies differ, civil liberties advocates say roughly 30 municipalities nationwide have recently canceled their contracts with Flock. But Chandler said Flock doesn’t feel threatened by the increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw Oakland put their program on pause, then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">went on to reauthorize it\u003c/a>. We saw San Diego put their program on pause, customized safety features, then reauthorized it. So if the conversation with Santa Cruz comes back, we’re happy to have that conversation,” Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz first signed its contract with Flock in 2024, and it was scheduled to expire on March 27. Tuesday’s vote allows the city to terminate the agreement with 30 days’ notice, or Feb. 12 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Cruz got it right,” Sarah Hamid, director of strategic campaigns with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, wrote KQED. “Santa Cruz joins nearly two dozen jurisdictions in 2025 that canceled or rejected Flock contracts by exercising procurement power — local democracy’s most underutilized tool. These communities recognized that Flock’s surveillance risks are difficult to adequately mitigate through policy alone, and chose instead to invest in public safety approaches that don’t require mass surveillance infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Santa Cruz has terminated its contract with Flock Safety, the automated license plate reader operator, over data privacy concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz City Council voted 6-1 on Tuesday to terminate the city’s contract with Flock, citing reports that the city’s data has been accessed by out-of-state agencies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">at a time\u003c/a> when the Trump administration is pursuing an increasingly aggressive immigration enforcement agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, the threat to our civil liberties was greater than any benefit we could get from the flawed product,” said Mayor Fred Keeley, who voted against the Flock contract in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not interested, as they continue to develop their product, to be an experiment for a system which appears to have enormously big holes in it that they discover every day and try to patch to fix,” he said, adding he doesn’t fault the Santa Cruz Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5003726529\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, Santa Cruz police\u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2025/11/18/santa-cruz-pauses-participation-in-flocks-statewide-sharing-portal/\"> Chief Bernie Escalante confirmed\u003c/a> the city’s Flock data had been accessed by out-of-state agencies, prompting city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/city-of-santa-cruz-pauses-statewide-license-plate-data-sharing-citing-flock-safetys-violation-of-california-law/story\">temporarily limit\u003c/a> outside agencies’ access to the city’s license plate reader data and to review its agreement with Flock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California for 10 years has prohibited the sharing of license plate data out of state. Ten years!” said Peter Gelblum, chair of the ACLU’s Santa Cruz County Chapter, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12066350\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12066350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1084\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/flock-camera-6936dca8e38fe-1536x946.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Flock camera at Fashion Valley Mall cast in silhouette on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Scott Rodd/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Gelblum and other civil liberties advocates, Santa Cruz is the first city in California to end its Flock contract. He credited the Trump administration’s immigration policies for dialing up the sense of urgency in the sanctuary city, as well as data compiled by the recently formed grassroots group \u003ca href=\"https://www.gettheflockout.org\">Get the Flock Out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laid out a case that included the finding that, between June and October 2025, state agencies\u003ca href=\"https://lookout.co/anti-flock-group-finds-that-state-agencies-accessed-scpd-camera-data-thousands-of-times-on-feds-behalf-since-mid-2024/story\"> accessed Santa Cruz camera data roughly 4,000 times\u003c/a> on behalf of federal law enforcement, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, in violation of California’s SB 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 34, California law enforcement agencies are required to adopt detailed usage and privacy policies governing license plate reader data, restrict access to authorized purposes, and regularly audit searches to prevent misuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And yet, the typical standard Flock contract, which the agencies in Santa Cruz County all signed, enables nationwide sharing, and nationwide sharing was going on the entire time,” Gelblum said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A Flock spokesman told KQED the company has always been willing to comply with requests from law enforcement agencies to shut down outside access to data, to ensure compliance with state and local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trevor Chandler, director of public affairs for Flock, said the company is committed to honoring the values of every community, so that their civil liberty concerns “don’t have to come at the expense of community safety. All of those tools to customize sharing … can be customized at any moment, for any reason, by any city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though precise tallies differ, civil liberties advocates say roughly 30 municipalities nationwide have recently canceled their contracts with Flock. But Chandler said Flock doesn’t feel threatened by the increased scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw Oakland put their program on pause, then \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066989/california-cities-double-down-on-license-plate-readers-as-federal-surveillance-grows\">went on to reauthorize it\u003c/a>. We saw San Diego put their program on pause, customized safety features, then reauthorized it. So if the conversation with Santa Cruz comes back, we’re happy to have that conversation,” Chandler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz first signed its contract with Flock in 2024, and it was scheduled to expire on March 27. Tuesday’s vote allows the city to terminate the agreement with 30 days’ notice, or Feb. 12 at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Santa Cruz got it right,” Sarah Hamid, director of strategic campaigns with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, wrote KQED. “Santa Cruz joins nearly two dozen jurisdictions in 2025 that canceled or rejected Flock contracts by exercising procurement power — local democracy’s most underutilized tool. These communities recognized that Flock’s surveillance risks are difficult to adequately mitigate through policy alone, and chose instead to invest in public safety approaches that don’t require mass surveillance infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration has cut over 157 open roles at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Veterans Affairs Medical Center and outpatient clinics across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to the Federal Unionists Network, an association of federal workers, who say these jobs are critical. The SFVAMC employs physicians, nurses, social workers, psychologists and other healthcare professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontline VA workers, veterans and union representatives from the National Federation of Federal Employees held a rally outside the Medical Center at 4150 Clement St. in San Francisco on Wednesday afternoon to protest the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They warned that cuts will weaken the VA health care system by translating into higher strain on the medical center in the form of “longer wait times, heavier patient loads, reduced services and increased safety risks for the veterans who rely on the VA for care”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Smith, an occupational therapist and the NFFE Local 1 Union president, said the positions lost include peer support specialists — veterans hired to support fellow veterans’ access to mental health treatment — as well as psychologists, therapists and nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suzanne Gordon, an award-winning journalist and co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, speaks during a rally opposing proposed staffing cuts at the San Francisco VA Medical Center on Jan. 14, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That includes the SFVAMC’s singular emergency room social worker position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one is just ludicrous frankly … They help ensure veterans get the resources that they need when they’re in a crisis. This is absolutely going to have an impact on Bay Area veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has begun the process of cutting up to 37,000 vacant positions nationwide in what government officials have called a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-launches-veterans-health-administration-reorganization/\">“reorganization”\u003c/a> of the VA health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since March, we’ve been conducting a holistic review of the department centered on reducing bureaucracy and improving services to Veterans,” VA Secretary Doug Collins said in a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-to-reduce-staff-by-nearly-30k-by-end-of-fy2025/\">statement\u003c/a> in July. “As a result of our efforts, VA is headed in the right direction — both in terms of staff levels and customer service. A department-wide [Reduction in Force] is off the table, but that doesn’t mean we’re done improving VA. Our review has resulted in a host of new ideas for better serving Veterans that we will continue to pursue.”[aside postID=news_12068953 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/230913-ChildCareCenterEviction-007-BL_qed.jpg']Collins is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.veterans.senate.gov/2026/1/chairman-moran-announces-committee-hearing-with-secretary-collins-on-reorganization-of-va-healthcare-system\">testify\u003c/a> before the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs on the details surrounding proposed changes on Jan. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nationwide cuts were announced in December, targeting positions that have been vacant for at least a year. The VA has argued that the dissolution of these positions will not negatively affect care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No VA employees are being removed, and this will have zero impact on veteran care,” VA Press Secretary Pete Kasperowicz said. He called the positions “mostly COVID-era roles that are no longer necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s sort of like saying that, you know, you could throw out your fire extinguisher because your house hasn’t caught fire lately, and you have a sink and a bucket,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunny afternoon rally in San Francisco’s Land End drew honks and cheers from passing cars. Suzanne Gordon, co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, told the crowd that the administration’s decision will strangle the system and kill patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll end up depriving them of healthcare because of staff cuts and capping cuts … Every healthcare system has vacant positions, but a healthy healthcare system fills them quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco rally followed one in New York City \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/nurses-and-veterans-to-rally-against-trump-plan-to-eliminate-hundreds-of-va-jobs-in-nyc\">last week\u003c/a>. Nurses and Veterans rallied in the Bronx against the Trump administration’s cuts, after the VA eliminated at least 383 veterans-related health care positions across the five boroughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration has cut over 157 open roles at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Veterans Affairs Medical Center and outpatient clinics across the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to the Federal Unionists Network, an association of federal workers, who say these jobs are critical. The SFVAMC employs physicians, nurses, social workers, psychologists and other healthcare professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frontline VA workers, veterans and union representatives from the National Federation of Federal Employees held a rally outside the Medical Center at 4150 Clement St. in San Francisco on Wednesday afternoon to protest the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They warned that cuts will weaken the VA health care system by translating into higher strain on the medical center in the form of “longer wait times, heavier patient loads, reduced services and increased safety risks for the veterans who rely on the VA for care”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Smith, an occupational therapist and the NFFE Local 1 Union president, said the positions lost include peer support specialists — veterans hired to support fellow veterans’ access to mental health treatment — as well as psychologists, therapists and nurses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069822\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069822\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011426_SF-VA-CUTS-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Suzanne Gordon, an award-winning journalist and co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, speaks during a rally opposing proposed staffing cuts at the San Francisco VA Medical Center on Jan. 14, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That includes the SFVAMC’s singular emergency room social worker position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one is just ludicrous frankly … They help ensure veterans get the resources that they need when they’re in a crisis. This is absolutely going to have an impact on Bay Area veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has begun the process of cutting up to 37,000 vacant positions nationwide in what government officials have called a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-launches-veterans-health-administration-reorganization/\">“reorganization”\u003c/a> of the VA health care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since March, we’ve been conducting a holistic review of the department centered on reducing bureaucracy and improving services to Veterans,” VA Secretary Doug Collins said in a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/press-room/va-to-reduce-staff-by-nearly-30k-by-end-of-fy2025/\">statement\u003c/a> in July. “As a result of our efforts, VA is headed in the right direction — both in terms of staff levels and customer service. A department-wide [Reduction in Force] is off the table, but that doesn’t mean we’re done improving VA. Our review has resulted in a host of new ideas for better serving Veterans that we will continue to pursue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Collins is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://www.veterans.senate.gov/2026/1/chairman-moran-announces-committee-hearing-with-secretary-collins-on-reorganization-of-va-healthcare-system\">testify\u003c/a> before the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs on the details surrounding proposed changes on Jan. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nationwide cuts were announced in December, targeting positions that have been vacant for at least a year. The VA has argued that the dissolution of these positions will not negatively affect care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No VA employees are being removed, and this will have zero impact on veteran care,” VA Press Secretary Pete Kasperowicz said. He called the positions “mostly COVID-era roles that are no longer necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s sort of like saying that, you know, you could throw out your fire extinguisher because your house hasn’t caught fire lately, and you have a sink and a bucket,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunny afternoon rally in San Francisco’s Land End drew honks and cheers from passing cars. Suzanne Gordon, co-founder of the Veterans Healthcare Policy Institute, told the crowd that the administration’s decision will strangle the system and kill patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’ll end up depriving them of healthcare because of staff cuts and capping cuts … Every healthcare system has vacant positions, but a healthy healthcare system fills them quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco rally followed one in New York City \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalnursesunited.org/press/nurses-and-veterans-to-rally-against-trump-plan-to-eliminate-hundreds-of-va-jobs-in-nyc\">last week\u003c/a>. Nurses and Veterans rallied in the Bronx against the Trump administration’s cuts, after the VA eliminated at least 383 veterans-related health care positions across the five boroughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Attorney General Rob Bonta Says if Trump Ends Sanctuary City Funding, He Will Lose",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.[aside postID=news_12069540 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260113-BROOKE-JENKINS-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president, Bay Area prosecutors added, and the state would win again.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A three-judge panel ruled Wednesday that the new congressional maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062781/proposition-50-passes-in-california-boosting-democrats-in-fight-for-us-house-control\">created by California voters\u003c/a> in the fall are legal and should remain in place, handing a win to state Democrats who hope the new districts will swing five congressional seats for their party next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling denies a request by California Republicans and the Trump administration for the federal court in Los Angeles to issue a preliminary injunction blocking the maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">created by Proposition 50\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 117-page \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285.216.0.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, the federal judges rejected GOP arguments that the new maps amounted to racial gerrymandering, which has been prohibited by the U.S. Supreme Court. The panel ruled 2-1, with the two Democratic appointees ruling for California and Judge Kenneth K. Lee, who was appointed by President Trump, dissenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the opinion, Judge Josephine Staton wrote that the panel’s conclusion “probably seems obvious to anyone who followed the news” about Proposition 50 last year. She noted that during the campaign, no one ever described the new maps as racially motivated — including the Republican plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one on either side of that debate characterized the map as a racial gerrymander,” the opinion states, noting that the California Republican Party called it a “political power grab to help Democrats retake Congress and impeach Trump,” and Attorney General Pamela J. Bondi deemed it a “redistricting power grab” for political gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges also rejected Republican arguments that the voters’ intent did not matter. The majority wrote that voters clearly were endorsing the argument that both sides were making: that this was a partisan power grab, aimed at giving Democrats a leg up in the midterm elections and counteracting what GOP-led states were doing with their own districts.[aside postID=news_12069094 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomStateoftheState2026AP.jpg']Democrats celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans’ weak attempt to silence voters failed. California voters overwhelmingly supported Prop 50 — to respond to Trump’s rigging in Texas — and that is exactly what this court concluded,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Republican Party said they will appeal the decision and ask the U.S. Supreme Court for an emergency injunction blocking the maps. The question must be decided soon: Congressional candidates have until March 6 to file papers to run for office in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the majority of the three-judge panel did not side with our challenge to the Prop 50 map, we appreciate the thoughtful and timely work of all three judges,” said state party chair Corrin Rankin. “The well reasoned dissenting opinion better reflects our interpretation of the law and the facts, which we will reassert to the Supreme Court….We look forward to continuing this fight in the courts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed lawmakers to put Proposition 50 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">a special statewide ballot\u003c/a> after Trump set off a mid-decade redistricting scramble by demanding Texas redraw its maps to benefit Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his dissenting opinion, Lee wrote that race “likely played a predominant role in drawing at least one district because the smoking gun is in the hands of Paul Mitchell,” referring to a Democratic consultant who helped draw the new lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee argued that Mitchell publicly “boasted” about boosting Latino voting power in the 13th Congressional District in the Central Valley, and that voter intent should not be the only basis for the court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be sure, California’s main goal was to add more Democratic congressional seats. But that larger political gerrymandering plan does not allow California to smuggle in racially gerrymandered seats,” said Lee, who wrote that Democrats likely wanted to create a Latino majority district “as part of a racial spoils system to award a key constituency that may be drifting away from the Democratic party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A three-judge panel in Los Angeles ruled that the districts redrawn by Proposition 50 are legal, denying a challenge by California Republicans and the Trump administration.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A three-judge panel ruled Wednesday that the new congressional maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062781/proposition-50-passes-in-california-boosting-democrats-in-fight-for-us-house-control\">created by California voters\u003c/a> in the fall are legal and should remain in place, handing a win to state Democrats who hope the new districts will swing five congressional seats for their party next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling denies a request by California Republicans and the Trump administration for the federal court in Los Angeles to issue a preliminary injunction blocking the maps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064834/how-prop-50-just-rewrote-californias-2026-congressional-map\">created by Proposition 50\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 117-page \u003ca href=\"https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285/gov.uscourts.cacd.994285.216.0.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, the federal judges rejected GOP arguments that the new maps amounted to racial gerrymandering, which has been prohibited by the U.S. Supreme Court. The panel ruled 2-1, with the two Democratic appointees ruling for California and Judge Kenneth K. Lee, who was appointed by President Trump, dissenting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the opinion, Judge Josephine Staton wrote that the panel’s conclusion “probably seems obvious to anyone who followed the news” about Proposition 50 last year. She noted that during the campaign, no one ever described the new maps as racially motivated — including the Republican plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one on either side of that debate characterized the map as a racial gerrymander,” the opinion states, noting that the California Republican Party called it a “political power grab to help Democrats retake Congress and impeach Trump,” and Attorney General Pamela J. Bondi deemed it a “redistricting power grab” for political gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judges also rejected Republican arguments that the voters’ intent did not matter. The majority wrote that voters clearly were endorsing the argument that both sides were making: that this was a partisan power grab, aimed at giving Democrats a leg up in the midterm elections and counteracting what GOP-led states were doing with their own districts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democrats celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Republicans’ weak attempt to silence voters failed. California voters overwhelmingly supported Prop 50 — to respond to Trump’s rigging in Texas — and that is exactly what this court concluded,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Republican Party said they will appeal the decision and ask the U.S. Supreme Court for an emergency injunction blocking the maps. The question must be decided soon: Congressional candidates have until March 6 to file papers to run for office in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although the majority of the three-judge panel did not side with our challenge to the Prop 50 map, we appreciate the thoughtful and timely work of all three judges,” said state party chair Corrin Rankin. “The well reasoned dissenting opinion better reflects our interpretation of the law and the facts, which we will reassert to the Supreme Court….We look forward to continuing this fight in the courts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed lawmakers to put Proposition 50 on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052064/newsom-calls-for-special-election-to-redraw-californias-congressional-maps\">a special statewide ballot\u003c/a> after Trump set off a mid-decade redistricting scramble by demanding Texas redraw its maps to benefit Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his dissenting opinion, Lee wrote that race “likely played a predominant role in drawing at least one district because the smoking gun is in the hands of Paul Mitchell,” referring to a Democratic consultant who helped draw the new lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee argued that Mitchell publicly “boasted” about boosting Latino voting power in the 13th Congressional District in the Central Valley, and that voter intent should not be the only basis for the court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be sure, California’s main goal was to add more Democratic congressional seats. But that larger political gerrymandering plan does not allow California to smuggle in racially gerrymandered seats,” said Lee, who wrote that Democrats likely wanted to create a Latino majority district “as part of a racial spoils system to award a key constituency that may be drifting away from the Democratic party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11488191/map-a-history-of-big-sur-landslides-and-highway-1-closures\">Highway 1\u003c/a> through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049138/big-sur-visit-highway-one-closed-best-hikes-state-parks-camping-cabins\">Big Sur\u003c/a> fully opened Wednesday for the first time in three years, ending its longest sustained closure after crews cleared a troublesome slide area months ahead of schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopening of the Regent’s Slide section north of Lucia restores the iconic coastal connection between Carmel and Cambria, which had been severed by a series of massive landslides starting in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed nearly 80 days earlier than Caltrans’ previous estimate of March 30. The massive repair effort involved crews using remote-controlled heavy equipment and drilling more than 4,600 steel reinforcements up to 60 feet deep into the hillside to stabilize the unstable terrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of Highway 1 was open throughout the last three years, it was essentially split in two by Regent’s Slide, which occurred on Feb. 9, 2024, and Paul’s Slide, which hit six miles to the south on Jan. 14, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the roadway the “lifeblood” of the regional economy, saying in a statement that its “reopening will bring much-needed relief to small businesses and families in Big Sur and the surrounding communities who have shown remarkable resilience and strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn, said the restoration of the through traffic is a critical lifeline for local businesses that have seen a decrease in revenue since the road was first cut off.[aside postID=news_12044161 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/inntown-3-2000x1333.jpg']Perlmutter added that the early opening is particularly vital for the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988380/want-to-go-camping-in-big-sur-this-summer-what-to-know\"> upcoming summer season\u003c/a>, as visitors typically begin making their travel arrangements months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that during the closure, travelers from Southern California often bypassed the region entirely because they could not complete the full coastal drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to plan well in advance if you want to have a place to stay in Big Sur over the summertime. We have a very limited capacity in terms of places to stay overnight, in terms of places to dine and places to even visit,” Perlmutter said. “The road opening now means people can make plans for their summer vacations well in advance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. John Laird, who represents the region, said the closure created lasting hardship by threatening the region’s economic stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that reopening the corridor restores jobs and reconnects families to their livelihoods for the first time since the Regent’s Slide occurred in early 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the road is now fully open, Caltrans officials warned that the 75-mile stretch of coastline remains one of the most landslide-prone areas in the country. Travelers are encouraged to check current conditions, as seasonal winter storms may still cause temporary delays or debris removal efforts in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11488191/map-a-history-of-big-sur-landslides-and-highway-1-closures\">Highway 1\u003c/a> through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049138/big-sur-visit-highway-one-closed-best-hikes-state-parks-camping-cabins\">Big Sur\u003c/a> fully opened Wednesday for the first time in three years, ending its longest sustained closure after crews cleared a troublesome slide area months ahead of schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopening of the Regent’s Slide section north of Lucia restores the iconic coastal connection between Carmel and Cambria, which had been severed by a series of massive landslides starting in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed nearly 80 days earlier than Caltrans’ previous estimate of March 30. The massive repair effort involved crews using remote-controlled heavy equipment and drilling more than 4,600 steel reinforcements up to 60 feet deep into the hillside to stabilize the unstable terrain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While much of Highway 1 was open throughout the last three years, it was essentially split in two by Regent’s Slide, which occurred on Feb. 9, 2024, and Paul’s Slide, which hit six miles to the south on Jan. 14, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called the roadway the “lifeblood” of the regional economy, saying in a statement that its “reopening will bring much-needed relief to small businesses and families in Big Sur and the surrounding communities who have shown remarkable resilience and strength.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn, said the restoration of the through traffic is a critical lifeline for local businesses that have seen a decrease in revenue since the road was first cut off.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Perlmutter added that the early opening is particularly vital for the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988380/want-to-go-camping-in-big-sur-this-summer-what-to-know\"> upcoming summer season\u003c/a>, as visitors typically begin making their travel arrangements months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that during the closure, travelers from Southern California often bypassed the region entirely because they could not complete the full coastal drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to plan well in advance if you want to have a place to stay in Big Sur over the summertime. We have a very limited capacity in terms of places to stay overnight, in terms of places to dine and places to even visit,” Perlmutter said. “The road opening now means people can make plans for their summer vacations well in advance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. John Laird, who represents the region, said the closure created lasting hardship by threatening the region’s economic stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that reopening the corridor restores jobs and reconnects families to their livelihoods for the first time since the Regent’s Slide occurred in early 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the road is now fully open, Caltrans officials warned that the 75-mile stretch of coastline remains one of the most landslide-prone areas in the country. Travelers are encouraged to check current conditions, as seasonal winter storms may still cause temporary delays or debris removal efforts in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Trevor Norcross’s daughter entered high school, she joined the women’s track team. Competing as a sprinter and a long jumper for her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-luis-obispo\">San Luis Obispo\u003c/a> campus, he said, immediately gave her joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After the first track practice when we picked her up and brought her home, the smile on her face … to see her lighten up and … brighten up — that is, as a parent, that’s everything,” Norcross, whose daughter is now a junior, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier that year, she had come out as transgender. For the first time, he said, she was able to participate on a sports team that aligned with her gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she was in junior high and participating on the other gender sports team in cross-country and track and starting to understand who she was, she wasn’t fully there,” Norcross recalled. “Her saying, ‘I’m participating on the girls team,’ and the joy and acceptance that was there was amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state law requires public schools to allow transgender students to play on teams consistent with their gender identity. But amid national debates about competitive advantage, more than half of U.S. states have passed legislation prohibiting transgender girls from participating in women’s sports teams in schools in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hearing oral arguments in two cases challenging such bans in Idaho and West Virginia on Tuesday, the Supreme Court, which has a 6-3 conservative majority, appears poised to side with the states. Parents in the Bay Area worry that a forthcoming ruling could spur new challenges to California’s protective laws for trans youth — especially after Gov. Gavin Newsom suggested both in a podcast interview with late activist Charlie Kirk and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591\">again to KQED in October that \u003c/a>in some cases, allowing transgender women and girls to compete in women’s sports is unfair and that he hasn’t “been able to reconcile it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068933\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068933\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom stands with first partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom as he speaks during an election night news conference at a California Democratic Party office on Nov. 4, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state also faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\">pending lawsuit from the Department of Justice\u003c/a> over its refusal to bar trans female athletes from high school teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in California, it doesn’t at all feel like a safe haven,” said one East Bay mom, who has a 17-year-old transgender son. KQED is not using her or her son’s name out of concerns for her family’s safety. “There’s constant efforts to roll back and restrict the protections that we have and find ways to discriminate against our kids, even with the laws that we have in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Idaho and West Virginia’s solicitor generals, arguing on the states’ behalf Tuesday, said that their laws passed in 2020 and 2021 prohibiting trans girls and women from competing in women’s sports are legal under Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. These laws allow schools to make distinctions on the basis of sex, they argued, and allow schools to place athletes on teams on the basis of sex to “preserve fairness and safety.” They made the case that transgender athletes, who hold “countless competitive advantages,” according to Idaho, “displaces” cisgender competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the athletes’ legal teams say that’s not categorically true, and that the states are discriminating against their clients on the basis of sex.[aside postID=news_12067485 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-CAL-CALAMIA-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Attorneys for Becky Pepper-Jackson, a 15-year-old shot put and discus athlete in West Virginia, wrote in a brief filed with the court that West Virginia law’s “exclusion of [Pepper-Jackson] from girls’ sports teams not only treats [her] differently — it treats her worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother sued the state in 2021 over its “Save Women in Sports” Law, which prohibited Pepper-Jackson from joining her middle school’s track and cross country teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsay Hecox, who is now in her final year at Boise State University, sued Idaho after it passed a similar law the previous year, preventing her from trying out for the university’s NCAA track and cross country teams as a freshman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both legal teams say that only allowing the athletes to participate on a men’s team effectively prohibits them from participating at all, since it would be counter to the medical treatment and social work they’ve done to transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mom in the East Bay said that for her son, being able to join the middle school boys’ water polo team when he transitioned had the opposite effect on his well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like an external validation of everything he felt internally,” she told KQED. “He knew he was a boy and being on the boys team and being accepted by that team and being able to compete with them … that helped him know that his community saw him as he really is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049926\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049926\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Calder Storm waves a transgender flag at a rally and vigil, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, outside of Kaiser Permanente on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The justices appeared sympathetic to the states’ cases on Tuesday, posing questions about fairness and whether some medical gender-affirming treatment eliminates any physiological athletic advantage that they might have. Justice Brett Kavanaugh asked why the Court should “try to constitutionalize a rule” amid that uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the Court has upheld state laws that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/18/nx-s1-5421276/scotus-transgender-kids-decision\">ban\u003c/a> some gender-affirming medical treatments for minors, and allowed an order from President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/06/nx-s1-5388507/supreme-court-transgender-military\">barring\u003c/a> transgender people from serving in the military to remain in place as it undergoes appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s unclear how broad a ruling the Court will issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for both athletes have asked that their clients’ cases be assessed individually, taking into account the circumstances of their transitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper-Jackson’s lawyers say she never went through endogenous male puberty, since she was put on hormone-blocking therapy prior, and took estrogen that spurred female hormonal puberty. When she transitioned, Hecox took medication to suppress testosterone after puberty, and estrogen through prescribed hormone therapy, “minimizing the impact of testosterone in the body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1536x961.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1920x1201.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A track competitor starts the girls 4×100-meter relay during the 102nd CIF State Track and Field Championships at Veterans Memorial Stadium on the campus of Buchanan High School in Clovis, California, on May 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Keith Birmingham/MediaNews Group/Pasadena Star-News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Idaho’s arguments “all depend on the contested proposition that transgender women and girls have an athletic advantage over cisgender women and girls — even when (as in Lindsay’s case) their circulating testosterone is typical of cisgender women,” Hecox’s attorneys wrote in a brief to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They contend that per the lower courts’ record on her case, “Lindsay has no advantage over her cisgender peers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, both the National Collegiate Athletic Association and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee have recently disallowed transgender women and girls in women’s events.[aside postID=news_12050945 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-1_qed.jpg']Both Norcross and the mom in the East Bay said they’ve seen opposition to trans students’ participation in sports in their own communities, in places like local school board meetings to religious congregations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, California passed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab749\">state legislation\u003c/a> that sets up a commission to study inclusion in youth sports, including for trans kids. While the bill said the study will aim “to improve access to and involvement in sports for all youth, regardless of race, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity,” some advocates worry that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591\">it could lead to restrictions\u003c/a> on trans youth’s participation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a high school athlete in California garnered national attention for her success in multiple track and field events last spring, the California Interscholastic Federation piloted a policy during state finals that allowed an additional student to compete in events that a transgender athlete qualified for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents of trans athletes in California worry that such a policy could discriminate against and out trans athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also told KQED that even if their children aren’t directly impacted, uncertainty and the use of harmful rhetoric at the national level still threaten hard-fought rights in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To take all of the normal stresses of being a child and a teenager in this world, and being a trans person, and then layer on top of it hearing high-level politicians saying that you’re evil, or hearing people try to say that you don’t belong, and fearing that something that brings you joy and validation, like sports, is going to be away? It’s awful,” the East Bay mom told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a deliberate strategic choice to callously disregard harming these kids in order to achieve a political agenda. And it’s just heartbreaking and devastating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "While the ruling will not affect laws in Democrat-led states, experts noted that Supreme Court decisions affect the larger legal landscape and could spur future challenges.",
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"title": "California Advocates Fearful as Supreme Court Weighs Bans of Trans Student Athletes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Trevor Norcross’s daughter entered high school, she joined the women’s track team. Competing as a sprinter and a long jumper for her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-luis-obispo\">San Luis Obispo\u003c/a> campus, he said, immediately gave her joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After the first track practice when we picked her up and brought her home, the smile on her face … to see her lighten up and … brighten up — that is, as a parent, that’s everything,” Norcross, whose daughter is now a junior, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier that year, she had come out as transgender. For the first time, he said, she was able to participate on a sports team that aligned with her gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she was in junior high and participating on the other gender sports team in cross-country and track and starting to understand who she was, she wasn’t fully there,” Norcross recalled. “Her saying, ‘I’m participating on the girls team,’ and the joy and acceptance that was there was amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state law requires public schools to allow transgender students to play on teams consistent with their gender identity. But amid national debates about competitive advantage, more than half of U.S. states have passed legislation prohibiting transgender girls from participating in women’s sports teams in schools in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hearing oral arguments in two cases challenging such bans in Idaho and West Virginia on Tuesday, the Supreme Court, which has a 6-3 conservative majority, appears poised to side with the states. Parents in the Bay Area worry that a forthcoming ruling could spur new challenges to California’s protective laws for trans youth — especially after Gov. Gavin Newsom suggested both in a podcast interview with late activist Charlie Kirk and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591\">again to KQED in October that \u003c/a>in some cases, allowing transgender women and girls to compete in women’s sports is unfair and that he hasn’t “been able to reconcile it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068933\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068933\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GavinNewsomAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Gov. Gavin Newsom stands with first partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom as he speaks during an election night news conference at a California Democratic Party office on Nov. 4, 2025, in Sacramento, California. \u003ccite>(Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state also faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\">pending lawsuit from the Department of Justice\u003c/a> over its refusal to bar trans female athletes from high school teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in California, it doesn’t at all feel like a safe haven,” said one East Bay mom, who has a 17-year-old transgender son. KQED is not using her or her son’s name out of concerns for her family’s safety. “There’s constant efforts to roll back and restrict the protections that we have and find ways to discriminate against our kids, even with the laws that we have in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Idaho and West Virginia’s solicitor generals, arguing on the states’ behalf Tuesday, said that their laws passed in 2020 and 2021 prohibiting trans girls and women from competing in women’s sports are legal under Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. These laws allow schools to make distinctions on the basis of sex, they argued, and allow schools to place athletes on teams on the basis of sex to “preserve fairness and safety.” They made the case that transgender athletes, who hold “countless competitive advantages,” according to Idaho, “displaces” cisgender competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the athletes’ legal teams say that’s not categorically true, and that the states are discriminating against their clients on the basis of sex.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Attorneys for Becky Pepper-Jackson, a 15-year-old shot put and discus athlete in West Virginia, wrote in a brief filed with the court that West Virginia law’s “exclusion of [Pepper-Jackson] from girls’ sports teams not only treats [her] differently — it treats her worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother sued the state in 2021 over its “Save Women in Sports” Law, which prohibited Pepper-Jackson from joining her middle school’s track and cross country teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsay Hecox, who is now in her final year at Boise State University, sued Idaho after it passed a similar law the previous year, preventing her from trying out for the university’s NCAA track and cross country teams as a freshman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both legal teams say that only allowing the athletes to participate on a men’s team effectively prohibits them from participating at all, since it would be counter to the medical treatment and social work they’ve done to transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mom in the East Bay said that for her son, being able to join the middle school boys’ water polo team when he transitioned had the opposite effect on his well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like an external validation of everything he felt internally,” she told KQED. “He knew he was a boy and being on the boys team and being accepted by that team and being able to compete with them … that helped him know that his community saw him as he really is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049926\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049926\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/20250725_KaiserTransProtest_GC-31_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Calder Storm waves a transgender flag at a rally and vigil, honoring transgender patients affected by Kaiser’s decision to halt gender-affirming care to minors, outside of Kaiser Permanente on July 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The justices appeared sympathetic to the states’ cases on Tuesday, posing questions about fairness and whether some medical gender-affirming treatment eliminates any physiological athletic advantage that they might have. Justice Brett Kavanaugh asked why the Court should “try to constitutionalize a rule” amid that uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the Court has upheld state laws that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/18/nx-s1-5421276/scotus-transgender-kids-decision\">ban\u003c/a> some gender-affirming medical treatments for minors, and allowed an order from President Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/06/nx-s1-5388507/supreme-court-transgender-military\">barring\u003c/a> transgender people from serving in the military to remain in place as it undergoes appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s unclear how broad a ruling the Court will issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for both athletes have asked that their clients’ cases be assessed individually, taking into account the circumstances of their transitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper-Jackson’s lawyers say she never went through endogenous male puberty, since she was put on hormone-blocking therapy prior, and took estrogen that spurred female hormonal puberty. When she transitioned, Hecox took medication to suppress testosterone after puberty, and estrogen through prescribed hormone therapy, “minimizing the impact of testosterone in the body.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041807\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041807\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1536x961.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1920x1201.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A track competitor starts the girls 4×100-meter relay during the 102nd CIF State Track and Field Championships at Veterans Memorial Stadium on the campus of Buchanan High School in Clovis, California, on May 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Keith Birmingham/MediaNews Group/Pasadena Star-News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Idaho’s arguments “all depend on the contested proposition that transgender women and girls have an athletic advantage over cisgender women and girls — even when (as in Lindsay’s case) their circulating testosterone is typical of cisgender women,” Hecox’s attorneys wrote in a brief to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They contend that per the lower courts’ record on her case, “Lindsay has no advantage over her cisgender peers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, both the National Collegiate Athletic Association and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee have recently disallowed transgender women and girls in women’s events.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Norcross and the mom in the East Bay said they’ve seen opposition to trans students’ participation in sports in their own communities, in places like local school board meetings to religious congregations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, California passed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab749\">state legislation\u003c/a> that sets up a commission to study inclusion in youth sports, including for trans kids. While the bill said the study will aim “to improve access to and involvement in sports for all youth, regardless of race, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity,” some advocates worry that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061591\">it could lead to restrictions\u003c/a> on trans youth’s participation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a high school athlete in California garnered national attention for her success in multiple track and field events last spring, the California Interscholastic Federation piloted a policy during state finals that allowed an additional student to compete in events that a transgender athlete qualified for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents of trans athletes in California worry that such a policy could discriminate against and out trans athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also told KQED that even if their children aren’t directly impacted, uncertainty and the use of harmful rhetoric at the national level still threaten hard-fought rights in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To take all of the normal stresses of being a child and a teenager in this world, and being a trans person, and then layer on top of it hearing high-level politicians saying that you’re evil, or hearing people try to say that you don’t belong, and fearing that something that brings you joy and validation, like sports, is going to be away? It’s awful,” the East Bay mom told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a deliberate strategic choice to callously disregard harming these kids in order to achieve a political agenda. And it’s just heartbreaking and devastating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Many California Prisoners Get a Second Chance. A Declining Parole Rate Shows That's No Guarantee",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of prisoners in California go before the Board of Parole Hearings each year in hopes of a chance at freedom. It’s a daunting situation that deals in high stakes for all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parole commissioners must follow legal standards while balancing questions of rehabilitation, public safety and the lasting harms caused by the crime. Convicted offenders \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/menendez-brothers-parole-lessons/\">must try to present themselves truthfully\u003c/a> — warts and all — as their custody files and psychological risk assessments are openly discussed. Victims and prosecutors attend hearings, usually to argue against someone’s parole. Every so often, they advocate for the incarcerated person’s release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other than the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2023-05-31/leslie-van-houten-california-parole-gavin-newsom\">governor’s veto power\u003c/a>, the commissioners’ findings are generally the last buffer against a former criminal being released. Commissioners go through extensive training and take great care in their decisions of whether someone is suitable for parole, as evidenced by a recidivism rate of less than 3% — meaning 97% of prisoners paroled never reoffend. Less than 1% return for crimes involving violence against another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade or so, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/changes-in-the-law-expanding-parole-eligibility-for-long-term-offenders/\">expanded parole opportunities\u003c/a> for people convicted of crimes during their youth and for older prisoners. The annual number of parole hearings steadily increased — from 5,226 in 2018 to 9,017 in 2022, before plateauing at about 8,000 in 2023 and remaining there. The state’s prison population also dropped significantly during those years, from 128,000 in 2018 to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/california-prisons-recidivism-study/\">about 90,000 today\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has tried to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/06/prison-rehabilitation-norway-model/\">shift its model of incarceration\u003c/a> to focus on release from incarceration and re-entering society. Offering young prisoners better opportunities early in their incarceration can help them avoid the pitfalls of drug use, violence and gang activity in prison. Older prisoners generally tend to “age out” of their previous criminal behavior.[aside postID=news_12069430 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-AntiochPolice-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']By incentivizing rehabilitative programming, substance abuse treatment and higher education, the system now aspires to help offenders work productively toward personal growth and self-improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, even with seemingly much more opportunity and incentives, the success rate for prisoners to be found suitable for parole has gradually declined — from 39% in 2018 to roughly 35% for 2019 through 2021 to below 25% in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters talked to parole experts to try and understand the dynamics behind the numbers. No one could point to any one reason for the significant decline in parole suitability rates; the experts instead said the downward turn can be attributed to many different factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some older prisoners struggle at hearings\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many elderly California prisoners with life sentences began their terms decades ago when parole opportunities were scarce. They logically believed they had no hope of ever being paroled. Many were stuck at remote prisons that lacked access to rehabilitative programs. Now they face significant challenges to fully grasp and articulate evidence of personal transformation that parole commissioners require, such as insight, remorse and accountability.[aside postID=news_12069220 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/KernCountyICEDetentionGetty.jpg']“The number of people who are now elderly parole-eligible is going up in a significant way,” said Lilli Paratore, director of legal services for UnCommon Law, an organization that represents dozens of parole candidates each year at no cost to the prisoners. “In 2013, only 19% of hearings were 60-plus, but now 32% of hearings are people who are 60-plus, and of course that just mirrors the aging prison population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 19,000 prisoners are 55 or older, according to the state budget proposal Gov. Gavin Newsom released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as these older prisoners continue to age, their mental and physical health can deteriorate and adversely impact their ability to present themselves to the parole board. Instead of becoming better prepared over time, repeated parole denials just leave them feeling more and more frustrated, confused and discouraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less urgency from some young offenders\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The stakes are not nearly the same for offenders without a life sentence who committed crimes while under age 26. Expanded parole opportunities now allow them to go before the board after 15 years. Unlike lifers, they know they have a pre-determined release date. Getting denied parole might mean waiting another five or 10 years to go home, rather than potentially never being found suitable to be set free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, younger people may not make the best use of those first 15 years behind bars to pursue rehabilitation. Some do, but many falter before figuring themselves out. They tend to view their parole hearing as a chance to serve a reduced sentence, rather than their only chance at freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, youthful offenders serving life sentences get their first chance at parole after serving a minimum of either 20, or more usually, 25 years. That naturally allows them more time to mature and prepare themselves for a hearing. They appreciate their parole opportunities in ways non-lifers just can’t, because their sentences are open-ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>High bar for sex offenders\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sex crimes generate the most scrutiny at parole hearings and raise the most psychological red flags. Because these crimes are so difficult to speak about openly in group discussion — particularly within incarcerated communities — few rehabilitative programs are designed to address the specific triggers, causative factors and flawed belief systems underlying these offenses.[aside postID=news_12039556 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/050525-Corcoran-State-Prison-GR-Getty-01-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg']“There’s so many different types of people who commit sex crimes for a large variety of reasons and successful programming for those folks has to be tailored to that specific issue,” said former Board of Parole Hearings Executive Officer Jennifer Shaffer. “So you’ll have, for instance, sadists, people who actually get physically turned on by torturing people. That’s very different from somebody who has anger issues and expresses them through basically sexually dominating somebody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it’s much harder for sexual offenders to demonstrate to the parole board the necessary personal insight and transformation, parole commissioners are less likely to clear these offenders as no longer an “unreasonable risk to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem is that it’s more difficult for sexual offenders to clear a psychological risk assessment. “As horrible as this sounds, they may have at some point equated pain with sexual arousal — and breaking that connection is really difficult and takes a lot of very intense programming,” said Shaffer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A prisoner’s digital footprint\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parole commissioners look through a person’s entire dossier days before their hearing and are tasked with interpreting all the facts within it through the lens of public safety. Any piece of information — such as visitor logs, write-ups, personal expenses and more — might be deemed pertinent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last few years, the world of information the board is looking at is growing — even though that information isn’t necessarily related to violence risk,” said Paratore. “They’re looking more and more at (unemployment) fraud and restitution avoidance. They’re looking at medical records. They’re looking at confidential information more and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they think they need to consider has just grown without any guardrails and resulting in more people being denied parole because the board does not know how to properly interpret that information. This is especially true of medical records.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California began providing free electronic tablets to its incarcerated population in 2021, which ensures that all phone calls and text messages are now digitally monitored and ripe for analysis and search by artificial intelligence. Those types of detailed records can easily be highlighted now and made available to parole commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, more focus can be paid to how prisoners get outside money placed into their institutional trust accounts, and how they go about paying for canteen and other services. In the aftermath of COVID relief and the huge rash of fraudulent unemployment claims statewide, some incarcerated individuals’ trust account activity came into question. The extra level of scrutiny drew unwanted attention to other forms of potential misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Restitution fraud\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Criminal courts can order large amounts of restitution when a person is convicted, usually separated into court fees and victims services fees. Prisoners who owe restitution will always have 50% deducted from any wages or incoming money until the debt is paid off. If a person works in the kitchen for $80 a month, they get to keep $40. Same thing if their family sends them $200. They’ll receive $100 to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Particularly for lifers convicted of violent crimes, restitution can be quite high and seemingly impossible to finish paying through these 50% deducted installments. To avoid losing half their spending money, some prisoners will direct their families and friends to deposit money into other people’s accounts who do not owe restitution. The prisoners will agree to a much lower deduction fee amongst themselves, usually 20%, and hold onto more spending money for canteen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But such under-the-table transactions now leave more of a digital footprint. Parole commissioners want to see a person show remorse and demonstrate awareness into the impact of their crime on the victims. It’s a bad look for that same individual to be seen participating in \u003ca href=\"https://knock-la.com/california-lifers-are-kept-behind-bars-despite-being-found-suitable-for-parole/\">restitution avoidance\u003c/a> to save themselves money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restitution issue is the only thing I can think of to really explain the decline in the grant rate,” said Vanessa Nelson-Sloane, Director of Life Support Alliance, an advocacy group for incarcerated and formerly incarcerated lifers. “Sometimes when they pass a new law, a new population comes into the parole cycle, but there’s been no new laws recently that would make any difference in the considerations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so sure that this is it because that’s all I hear about from people who are getting denied — restitution, restitution, restitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter Jeremia Kimelman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Garcia is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/parole-board-suitability-denials/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of prisoners in California go before the Board of Parole Hearings each year in hopes of a chance at freedom. It’s a daunting situation that deals in high stakes for all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parole commissioners must follow legal standards while balancing questions of rehabilitation, public safety and the lasting harms caused by the crime. Convicted offenders \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/menendez-brothers-parole-lessons/\">must try to present themselves truthfully\u003c/a> — warts and all — as their custody files and psychological risk assessments are openly discussed. Victims and prosecutors attend hearings, usually to argue against someone’s parole. Every so often, they advocate for the incarcerated person’s release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other than the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2023-05-31/leslie-van-houten-california-parole-gavin-newsom\">governor’s veto power\u003c/a>, the commissioners’ findings are generally the last buffer against a former criminal being released. Commissioners go through extensive training and take great care in their decisions of whether someone is suitable for parole, as evidenced by a recidivism rate of less than 3% — meaning 97% of prisoners paroled never reoffend. Less than 1% return for crimes involving violence against another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade or so, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/changes-in-the-law-expanding-parole-eligibility-for-long-term-offenders/\">expanded parole opportunities\u003c/a> for people convicted of crimes during their youth and for older prisoners. The annual number of parole hearings steadily increased — from 5,226 in 2018 to 9,017 in 2022, before plateauing at about 8,000 in 2023 and remaining there. The state’s prison population also dropped significantly during those years, from 128,000 in 2018 to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/09/california-prisons-recidivism-study/\">about 90,000 today\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has tried to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/06/prison-rehabilitation-norway-model/\">shift its model of incarceration\u003c/a> to focus on release from incarceration and re-entering society. Offering young prisoners better opportunities early in their incarceration can help them avoid the pitfalls of drug use, violence and gang activity in prison. Older prisoners generally tend to “age out” of their previous criminal behavior.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By incentivizing rehabilitative programming, substance abuse treatment and higher education, the system now aspires to help offenders work productively toward personal growth and self-improvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, even with seemingly much more opportunity and incentives, the success rate for prisoners to be found suitable for parole has gradually declined — from 39% in 2018 to roughly 35% for 2019 through 2021 to below 25% in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters talked to parole experts to try and understand the dynamics behind the numbers. No one could point to any one reason for the significant decline in parole suitability rates; the experts instead said the downward turn can be attributed to many different factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we learned:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some older prisoners struggle at hearings\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many elderly California prisoners with life sentences began their terms decades ago when parole opportunities were scarce. They logically believed they had no hope of ever being paroled. Many were stuck at remote prisons that lacked access to rehabilitative programs. Now they face significant challenges to fully grasp and articulate evidence of personal transformation that parole commissioners require, such as insight, remorse and accountability.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The number of people who are now elderly parole-eligible is going up in a significant way,” said Lilli Paratore, director of legal services for UnCommon Law, an organization that represents dozens of parole candidates each year at no cost to the prisoners. “In 2013, only 19% of hearings were 60-plus, but now 32% of hearings are people who are 60-plus, and of course that just mirrors the aging prison population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 19,000 prisoners are 55 or older, according to the state budget proposal Gov. Gavin Newsom released this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as these older prisoners continue to age, their mental and physical health can deteriorate and adversely impact their ability to present themselves to the parole board. Instead of becoming better prepared over time, repeated parole denials just leave them feeling more and more frustrated, confused and discouraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less urgency from some young offenders\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The stakes are not nearly the same for offenders without a life sentence who committed crimes while under age 26. Expanded parole opportunities now allow them to go before the board after 15 years. Unlike lifers, they know they have a pre-determined release date. Getting denied parole might mean waiting another five or 10 years to go home, rather than potentially never being found suitable to be set free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, younger people may not make the best use of those first 15 years behind bars to pursue rehabilitation. Some do, but many falter before figuring themselves out. They tend to view their parole hearing as a chance to serve a reduced sentence, rather than their only chance at freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, youthful offenders serving life sentences get their first chance at parole after serving a minimum of either 20, or more usually, 25 years. That naturally allows them more time to mature and prepare themselves for a hearing. They appreciate their parole opportunities in ways non-lifers just can’t, because their sentences are open-ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>High bar for sex offenders\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sex crimes generate the most scrutiny at parole hearings and raise the most psychological red flags. Because these crimes are so difficult to speak about openly in group discussion — particularly within incarcerated communities — few rehabilitative programs are designed to address the specific triggers, causative factors and flawed belief systems underlying these offenses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s so many different types of people who commit sex crimes for a large variety of reasons and successful programming for those folks has to be tailored to that specific issue,” said former Board of Parole Hearings Executive Officer Jennifer Shaffer. “So you’ll have, for instance, sadists, people who actually get physically turned on by torturing people. That’s very different from somebody who has anger issues and expresses them through basically sexually dominating somebody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it’s much harder for sexual offenders to demonstrate to the parole board the necessary personal insight and transformation, parole commissioners are less likely to clear these offenders as no longer an “unreasonable risk to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem is that it’s more difficult for sexual offenders to clear a psychological risk assessment. “As horrible as this sounds, they may have at some point equated pain with sexual arousal — and breaking that connection is really difficult and takes a lot of very intense programming,” said Shaffer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A prisoner’s digital footprint\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Parole commissioners look through a person’s entire dossier days before their hearing and are tasked with interpreting all the facts within it through the lens of public safety. Any piece of information — such as visitor logs, write-ups, personal expenses and more — might be deemed pertinent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the last few years, the world of information the board is looking at is growing — even though that information isn’t necessarily related to violence risk,” said Paratore. “They’re looking more and more at (unemployment) fraud and restitution avoidance. They’re looking at medical records. They’re looking at confidential information more and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they think they need to consider has just grown without any guardrails and resulting in more people being denied parole because the board does not know how to properly interpret that information. This is especially true of medical records.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California began providing free electronic tablets to its incarcerated population in 2021, which ensures that all phone calls and text messages are now digitally monitored and ripe for analysis and search by artificial intelligence. Those types of detailed records can easily be highlighted now and made available to parole commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, more focus can be paid to how prisoners get outside money placed into their institutional trust accounts, and how they go about paying for canteen and other services. In the aftermath of COVID relief and the huge rash of fraudulent unemployment claims statewide, some incarcerated individuals’ trust account activity came into question. The extra level of scrutiny drew unwanted attention to other forms of potential misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Restitution fraud\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Criminal courts can order large amounts of restitution when a person is convicted, usually separated into court fees and victims services fees. Prisoners who owe restitution will always have 50% deducted from any wages or incoming money until the debt is paid off. If a person works in the kitchen for $80 a month, they get to keep $40. Same thing if their family sends them $200. They’ll receive $100 to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Particularly for lifers convicted of violent crimes, restitution can be quite high and seemingly impossible to finish paying through these 50% deducted installments. To avoid losing half their spending money, some prisoners will direct their families and friends to deposit money into other people’s accounts who do not owe restitution. The prisoners will agree to a much lower deduction fee amongst themselves, usually 20%, and hold onto more spending money for canteen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But such under-the-table transactions now leave more of a digital footprint. Parole commissioners want to see a person show remorse and demonstrate awareness into the impact of their crime on the victims. It’s a bad look for that same individual to be seen participating in \u003ca href=\"https://knock-la.com/california-lifers-are-kept-behind-bars-despite-being-found-suitable-for-parole/\">restitution avoidance\u003c/a> to save themselves money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The restitution issue is the only thing I can think of to really explain the decline in the grant rate,” said Vanessa Nelson-Sloane, Director of Life Support Alliance, an advocacy group for incarcerated and formerly incarcerated lifers. “Sometimes when they pass a new law, a new population comes into the parole cycle, but there’s been no new laws recently that would make any difference in the considerations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so sure that this is it because that’s all I hear about from people who are getting denied — restitution, restitution, restitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter Jeremia Kimelman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Joe Garcia is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/parole-board-suitability-denials/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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