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"content": "\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/fall-guide-2026\">jam-packed\u003c/a> fall slate of gatherings and concerts — including Folsom Street and Portola Music Festival — city health officials are reminding at-risk residents to get fully vaccinated against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mpox\">mpox\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health confirmed on Tuesday that over 70 cases of mpox — formerly known as monkeypox — have been reported in San Francisco this year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Eight of these infections involve clade I mpox: a strain that in other parts of the world has caused more severe symptoms than the clade II strain associated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919070/monkeypox-in-the-bay-area-from-symptoms-to-how-to-find-a-vaccine-heres-what-we-know\">2022 outbreak\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>According to SFDPH, mpox cases usually increase in summer and fall — especially when the city is hosting events that draw people from all over the world. “People come together, they’re meeting,” said Dr. Julia Janssen, deputy director of the STI and HIV branch at SFDPH. “That’s why we emphasize and recommend the Jynneos vaccine during this time.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12054358\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Thousands of people dance as Disclosure performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2024. (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco Pride celebrations back in June, health officials recommended the mpox vaccine — which has the brand name Jynneos — to the same at-risk populations that have been most affected by previous mpox outbreaks. These included gay and bisexual men, along with transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the fact that the clade I strain is also starting to \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/2025-DON587\">spread\u003c/a> among local populations in popular tourist destinations — including Italy, Spain and Portugal — has prompted San Francisco health officials to now recommend that \u003cem>more \u003c/em>people beyond those primary at-risk groups get vaccinated if they’re planning to travel to these areas.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have started to see local transmission in Western Europe,” Janssen said. “We recommend that anyone traveling outside of the United States — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — and [who] anticipates having sex during travel: Get the Jynneos vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The recommendation is also extended to Bay Area folks who have sex here with anyone who has just traveled to those areas.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There’s currently no evidence of local clade I transmission within San Francisco,” Janssen said. All confirmed clade I mpox cases in the city have been associated with international travel.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The absolute best protection’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The symptoms of clade I and clade II mpox are similar and can initially resemble the flu. The virus also appears as a rash or sores or spots that resemble pimples or blisters on the skin anywhere on the body, including the face, inside the mouth, hands, feet, chest, genitals and anus. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Clade I mpox, however, has historically caused more severe disease and more deaths in other countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/monkeypox/about/index.html\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the 2022 outbreak, more than 15,000 San Francisco residents \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/Health-and-Social-Services/ARCHIVED-Mpox-Vaccinations-Given-to-SF-Residents-O/6vxp-9av3/about_data\">received\u003c/a> both doses of the mpox vaccine. “That led to a dramatic decrease in cases,” Janssen said. “We’re in a much better place now because of the uptake of the Jynneos vaccine in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She called the vaccine “really the absolute best protection” and “the main tool in our toolbox.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both clade I and clade II usually spread through close skin-to-skin contact, including sex. Anyone can get mpox, but most cases in the United States are among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the heels of SDFPH’s advisory, here’s what to know about mpox and the Jynneos vaccine in the Bay Area this fall. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who’s eligible for an mpox vaccine in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vaccine currently available in the U.S. (brand name: Jynneos) is a two-dose series, with roughly a month between doses. Maximal immunity will build two weeks after your second dose.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vaccine “protects against both clade 1 and clade 2 mpox,” Janssen said, and added that if someone just got one dose in the past, they may just need the second dose now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Anyone who has received one dose can go ahead and receive their second dose if it has been 28 days or more since their first dose,” she said. “There’s no need to restart.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1611\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\" class=\"wp-image-11695637\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-800x671.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1020x856.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1200x1007.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1180x990.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-960x806.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-240x201.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-375x315.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-520x436.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018. (Michelle Wiley/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends the two-dose mpox vaccine to gay and bisexual men and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender, nonbinary or gender-diverse people who in the past 6 months have had:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>More than one sexual partner and/or\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A new diagnosis of one or more sexually transmitted infections.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC’s vaccine recommendations also include anyone who has had sex at a commercial sex venue like a sex club or bathhouse. See the CDC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/vaccines/index.html\">full mpox vaccine eligibility recommendations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco additionally recommends vaccination for anyone living with HIV, anyone taking PrEP or who’s eligible to take it and sex workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What about travel and mpox?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2025, SFDPH expanded their mpox vaccine recommendations to include anyone traveling outside the U.S. — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — who anticipates having sex while they travel. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends getting both doses of the Jynneos vaccine “if you anticipate experiencing any of the following” while traveling to these countries:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12097016\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Warren Manio, 36, sits on top of his friend’s shoulders as Natasha Bedingfield performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 28, 2024. (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>Sex with a new partner\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex at a commercial sex venue, such as a sex club or bathhouse\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex in exchange for money, goods, drugs or other trade\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex in association with a large public event, such as a rave, party or festival.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As of August this year, SFDPH also recommends that if you’re a Bay Area resident who is having sex with a person who’s traveled to these countries, you should also seek out the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The mpox vaccine was also originally only available for people aged 18 and older, but in 2022, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency-use authorization that allows providers to also give the vaccine to young people aged under 18 who are “determined to be at high risk” of infection.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Where can I find an mpox vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you have a regular health care provider, SFDPH recommends you ask them first about getting the mpox vaccine. Your vaccine will be free, but you may be charged a regular copay for seeing your provider.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you’re eligible for the vaccine, your health insurance should cover the costs thanks to the CDC’s recommendations. If you don’t have a regular health care provider or insurance, SFDPH said you can visit one of these \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-mpox-vaccines-testing-and-treatment\">four pharmacies\u003c/a> in the city (two Walgreens and two CVS locations).\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg\" alt=\"close-up photo of fingers holding a tiny vial which reads 'monkeypox vaccine'\" class=\"wp-image-11966643\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A vial of the mpox vaccine is displayed by a medical professional at a vaccination site in July, 2022. (James Carbone/Newsday RM via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>(As with the COVID-19 vaccine, receiving an mpox vaccine won’t make you a public charge or affect any future immigration processes you may enter into, and you won’t be asked about your immigration status to receive the mpox vaccine.)\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you get your health care through a health system like Kaiser Permanente, it’s unlikely you’ll be able to get your mpox vaccine covered by insurance at a pharmacy like CVS or Walgreens — the way you can’t get your COVID-19 or flu shot covered by Kaiser at a pharmacy either — and may have to seek it directly from a Kaiser provider.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you’re able to make an appointment online at a pharmacy for your mpox vaccine, you should consider calling that location ahead of time to verify that they do indeed have supplies in stock.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/nkhan\">\u003cem>Nisa Khan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/fall-guide-2026\">jam-packed\u003c/a> fall slate of gatherings and concerts — including Folsom Street and Portola Music Festival — city health officials are reminding at-risk residents to get fully vaccinated against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mpox\">mpox\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/fall-guide-2026\">jam-packed\u003c/a> fall slate of gatherings and concerts — including Folsom Street and Portola Music Festival — city health officials are reminding at-risk residents to get fully vaccinated against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mpox\">mpox\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health confirmed on Tuesday that over 70 cases of mpox — formerly known as monkeypox — have been reported in San Francisco this year. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Eight of these infections involve clade I mpox: a strain that in other parts of the world has caused more severe symptoms than the clade II strain associated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919070/monkeypox-in-the-bay-area-from-symptoms-to-how-to-find-a-vaccine-heres-what-we-know\">2022 outbreak\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Eight of these infections involve clade I mpox: a strain that in other parts of the world has caused more severe symptoms than the clade II strain associated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919070/monkeypox-in-the-bay-area-from-symptoms-to-how-to-find-a-vaccine-heres-what-we-know\">2022 outbreak\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>According to SFDPH, mpox cases usually increase in summer and fall — especially when the city is hosting events that draw people from all over the world. “People come together, they’re meeting,” said Dr. Julia Janssen, deputy director of the STI and HIV branch at SFDPH. “That’s why we emphasize and recommend the Jynneos vaccine during this time.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>According to SFDPH, mpox cases usually increase in summer and fall — especially when the city is hosting events that draw people from all over the world. “People come together, they’re meeting,” said Dr. Julia Janssen, deputy director of the STI and HIV branch at SFDPH. “That’s why we emphasize and recommend the Jynneos vaccine during this time.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12054358\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Thousands of people dance as Disclosure performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12054358\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Thousands of people dance as Disclosure performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco Pride celebrations back in June, health officials recommended the mpox vaccine — which has the brand name Jynneos — to the same at-risk populations that have been most affected by previous mpox outbreaks. These included gay and bisexual men, along with transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco Pride celebrations back in June, health officials recommended the mpox vaccine — which has the brand name Jynneos — to the same at-risk populations that have been most affected by previous mpox outbreaks. These included gay and bisexual men, along with transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But the fact that the clade I strain is also starting to \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/2025-DON587\">spread\u003c/a> among local populations in popular tourist destinations — including Italy, Spain and Portugal — has prompted San Francisco health officials to now recommend that \u003cem>more \u003c/em>people beyond those primary at-risk groups get vaccinated if they’re planning to travel to these areas.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But the fact that the clade I strain is also starting to \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/2025-DON587\">spread\u003c/a> among local populations in popular tourist destinations — including Italy, Spain and Portugal — has prompted San Francisco health officials to now recommend that \u003cem>more \u003c/em>people beyond those primary at-risk groups get vaccinated if they’re planning to travel to these areas.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We have started to see local transmission in Western Europe,” Janssen said. “We recommend that anyone traveling outside of the United States — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — and [who] anticipates having sex during travel: Get the Jynneos vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“We have started to see local transmission in Western Europe,” Janssen said. “We recommend that anyone traveling outside of the United States — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — and [who] anticipates having sex during travel: Get the Jynneos vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The recommendation is also extended to Bay Area folks who have sex here with anyone who has just traveled to those areas.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The recommendation is also extended to Bay Area folks who have sex here with anyone who has just traveled to those areas.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“There’s currently no evidence of local clade I transmission within San Francisco,” Janssen said. All confirmed clade I mpox cases in the city have been associated with international travel.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“There’s currently no evidence of local clade I transmission within San Francisco,” Janssen said. All confirmed clade I mpox cases in the city have been associated with international travel.\u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "‘The absolute best protection’",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The absolute best protection’\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The absolute best protection’\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The symptoms of clade I and clade II mpox are similar and can initially resemble the flu. The virus also appears as a rash or sores or spots that resemble pimples or blisters on the skin anywhere on the body, including the face, inside the mouth, hands, feet, chest, genitals and anus. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The symptoms of clade I and clade II mpox are similar and can initially resemble the flu. The virus also appears as a rash or sores or spots that resemble pimples or blisters on the skin anywhere on the body, including the face, inside the mouth, hands, feet, chest, genitals and anus. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Clade I mpox, however, has historically caused more severe disease and more deaths in other countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/monkeypox/about/index.html\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Clade I mpox, however, has historically caused more severe disease and more deaths in other countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/monkeypox/about/index.html\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>During the 2022 outbreak, more than 15,000 San Francisco residents \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/Health-and-Social-Services/ARCHIVED-Mpox-Vaccinations-Given-to-SF-Residents-O/6vxp-9av3/about_data\">received\u003c/a> both doses of the mpox vaccine. “That led to a dramatic decrease in cases,” Janssen said. “We’re in a much better place now because of the uptake of the Jynneos vaccine in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>During the 2022 outbreak, more than 15,000 San Francisco residents \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/Health-and-Social-Services/ARCHIVED-Mpox-Vaccinations-Given-to-SF-Residents-O/6vxp-9av3/about_data\">received\u003c/a> both doses of the mpox vaccine. “That led to a dramatic decrease in cases,” Janssen said. “We’re in a much better place now because of the uptake of the Jynneos vaccine in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She called the vaccine “really the absolute best protection” and “the main tool in our toolbox.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>She called the vaccine “really the absolute best protection” and “the main tool in our toolbox.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Both clade I and clade II usually spread through close skin-to-skin contact, including sex. Anyone can get mpox, but most cases in the United States are among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Both clade I and clade II usually spread through close skin-to-skin contact, including sex. Anyone can get mpox, but most cases in the United States are among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>On the heels of SDFPH’s advisory, here’s what to know about mpox and the Jynneos vaccine in the Bay Area this fall. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>On the heels of SDFPH’s advisory, here’s what to know about mpox and the Jynneos vaccine in the Bay Area this fall. \u003c/p>\n"
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"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "Who’s eligible for an mpox vaccine in the Bay Area?",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who’s eligible for an mpox vaccine in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who’s eligible for an mpox vaccine in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The vaccine currently available in the U.S. (brand name: Jynneos) is a two-dose series, with roughly a month between doses. Maximal immunity will build two weeks after your second dose.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The vaccine currently available in the U.S. (brand name: Jynneos) is a two-dose series, with roughly a month between doses. Maximal immunity will build two weeks after your second dose.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The vaccine “protects against both clade 1 and clade 2 mpox,” Janssen said, and added that if someone just got one dose in the past, they may just need the second dose now.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The vaccine “protects against both clade 1 and clade 2 mpox,” Janssen said, and added that if someone just got one dose in the past, they may just need the second dose now.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Anyone who has received one dose can go ahead and receive their second dose if it has been 28 days or more since their first dose,” she said. “There’s no need to restart.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Anyone who has received one dose can go ahead and receive their second dose if it has been 28 days or more since their first dose,” she said. “There’s no need to restart.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\" class=\"wp-image-11695637\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-800x671.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1020x856.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1200x1007.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1180x990.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-960x806.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-240x201.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-375x315.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-520x436.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Michelle Wiley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\" class=\"wp-image-11695637\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Michelle Wiley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends the two-dose mpox vaccine to gay and bisexual men and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender, nonbinary or gender-diverse people who in the past 6 months have had:\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends the two-dose mpox vaccine to gay and bisexual men and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender, nonbinary or gender-diverse people who in the past 6 months have had:\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>More than one sexual partner and/or\u003c/li>\n",
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{
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>A new diagnosis of one or more sexually transmitted infections.\u003c/li>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cli>A new diagnosis of one or more sexually transmitted infections.\u003c/li>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The CDC’s vaccine recommendations also include anyone who has had sex at a commercial sex venue like a sex club or bathhouse. See the CDC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/vaccines/index.html\">full mpox vaccine eligibility recommendations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The CDC’s vaccine recommendations also include anyone who has had sex at a commercial sex venue like a sex club or bathhouse. See the CDC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/vaccines/index.html\">full mpox vaccine eligibility recommendations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>San Francisco additionally recommends vaccination for anyone living with HIV, anyone taking PrEP or who’s eligible to take it and sex workers. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>San Francisco additionally recommends vaccination for anyone living with HIV, anyone taking PrEP or who’s eligible to take it and sex workers. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerBlocks": []
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{
"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "What about travel and mpox?",
"level": 2
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What about travel and mpox?\u003c/h2>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What about travel and mpox?\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 2025, SFDPH expanded their mpox vaccine recommendations to include anyone traveling outside the U.S. — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — who anticipates having sex while they travel. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>In 2025, SFDPH expanded their mpox vaccine recommendations to include anyone traveling outside the U.S. — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — who anticipates having sex while they travel. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends getting both doses of the Jynneos vaccine “if you anticipate experiencing any of the following” while traveling to these countries:\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends getting both doses of the Jynneos vaccine “if you anticipate experiencing any of the following” while traveling to these countries:\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12097016\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Warren Manio, 36, sits on top of his friend’s shoulders as Natasha Bedingfield performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 28, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12097016\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Warren Manio, 36, sits on top of his friend’s shoulders as Natasha Bedingfield performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 28, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>Sex with a new partner\u003c/li>\n",
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{
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"attrs": [],
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>Sex at a commercial sex venue, such as a sex club or bathhouse\u003c/li>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cli>Sex at a commercial sex venue, such as a sex club or bathhouse\u003c/li>\n"
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{
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>Sex in exchange for money, goods, drugs or other trade\u003c/li>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cli>Sex in association with a large public event, such as a rave, party or festival.\u003c/li>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cli>Sex in association with a large public event, such as a rave, party or festival.\u003c/li>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As of August this year, SFDPH also recommends that if you’re a Bay Area resident who is having sex with a person who’s traveled to these countries, you should also seek out the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>As of August this year, SFDPH also recommends that if you’re a Bay Area resident who is having sex with a person who’s traveled to these countries, you should also seek out the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The mpox vaccine was also originally only available for people aged 18 and older, but in 2022, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency-use authorization that allows providers to also give the vaccine to young people aged under 18 who are “determined to be at high risk” of infection.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>The mpox vaccine was also originally only available for people aged 18 and older, but in 2022, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency-use authorization that allows providers to also give the vaccine to young people aged under 18 who are “determined to be at high risk” of infection.\u003c/p>\n"
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{
"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "Where can I find an mpox vaccine?",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Where can I find an mpox vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Where can I find an mpox vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If you have a regular health care provider, SFDPH recommends you ask them first about getting the mpox vaccine. Your vaccine will be free, but you may be charged a regular copay for seeing your provider.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>If you have a regular health care provider, SFDPH recommends you ask them first about getting the mpox vaccine. Your vaccine will be free, but you may be charged a regular copay for seeing your provider.\u003c/p>\n"
],
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{
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If you’re eligible for the vaccine, your health insurance should cover the costs thanks to the CDC’s recommendations. If you don’t have a regular health care provider or insurance, SFDPH said you can visit one of these \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-mpox-vaccines-testing-and-treatment\">four pharmacies\u003c/a> in the city (two Walgreens and two CVS locations).\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>If you’re eligible for the vaccine, your health insurance should cover the costs thanks to the CDC’s recommendations. If you don’t have a regular health care provider or insurance, SFDPH said you can visit one of these \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-mpox-vaccines-testing-and-treatment\">four pharmacies\u003c/a> in the city (two Walgreens and two CVS locations).\u003c/p>\n"
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"attrs": {
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"linkDestination": "none",
"alt": "close-up photo of fingers holding a tiny vial which reads 'monkeypox vaccine'",
"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg\" alt=\"close-up photo of fingers holding a tiny vial which reads 'monkeypox vaccine'\" class=\"wp-image-11966643\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A vial of the mpox vaccine is displayed by a medical professional at a vaccination site in July, 2022.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (James Carbone/Newsday RM via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg\" alt=\"close-up photo of fingers holding a tiny vial which reads 'monkeypox vaccine'\" class=\"wp-image-11966643\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A vial of the mpox vaccine is displayed by a medical professional at a vaccination site in July, 2022.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (James Carbone/Newsday RM via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>(As with the COVID-19 vaccine, receiving an mpox vaccine won’t make you a public charge or affect any future immigration processes you may enter into, and you won’t be asked about your immigration status to receive the mpox vaccine.)\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>(As with the COVID-19 vaccine, receiving an mpox vaccine won’t make you a public charge or affect any future immigration processes you may enter into, and you won’t be asked about your immigration status to receive the mpox vaccine.)\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If you get your health care through a health system like Kaiser Permanente, it’s unlikely you’ll be able to get your mpox vaccine covered by insurance at a pharmacy like CVS or Walgreens — the way you can’t get your COVID-19 or flu shot covered by Kaiser at a pharmacy either — and may have to seek it directly from a Kaiser provider.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>If you get your health care through a health system like Kaiser Permanente, it’s unlikely you’ll be able to get your mpox vaccine covered by insurance at a pharmacy like CVS or Walgreens — the way you can’t get your COVID-19 or flu shot covered by Kaiser at a pharmacy either — and may have to seek it directly from a Kaiser provider.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If you’re able to make an appointment online at a pharmacy for your mpox vaccine, you should consider calling that location ahead of time to verify that they do indeed have supplies in stock.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>If you’re able to make an appointment online at a pharmacy for your mpox vaccine, you should consider calling that location ahead of time to verify that they do indeed have supplies in stock.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/nkhan\">\u003cem>Nisa Khan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/nkhan\">\u003cem>Nisa Khan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "Ahead of San Francisco's slate of gatherings and shows, city health officials are reminding at-risk residents to get fully vaccinated against mpox. Here’s how to find an mpox vaccine.",
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"title": "Who Should Get an Mpox Vaccine Before San Francisco’s Fall Party Season Begins? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/fall-guide-2026\">jam-packed\u003c/a> fall slate of gatherings and concerts — including Folsom Street and Portola Music Festival — city health officials are reminding at-risk residents to get fully vaccinated against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mpox\">mpox\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Public Health confirmed on Tuesday that over 70 cases of mpox — formerly known as monkeypox — have been reported in San Francisco this year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Eight of these infections involve clade I mpox: a strain that in other parts of the world has caused more severe symptoms than the clade II strain associated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919070/monkeypox-in-the-bay-area-from-symptoms-to-how-to-find-a-vaccine-heres-what-we-know\">2022 outbreak\u003c/a> in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>According to SFDPH, mpox cases usually increase in summer and fall — especially when the city is hosting events that draw people from all over the world. “People come together, they’re meeting,” said Dr. Julia Janssen, deputy director of the STI and HIV branch at SFDPH. “That’s why we emphasize and recommend the Jynneos vaccine during this time.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12054358\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/240928_Portola_EG_59_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Thousands of people dance as Disclosure performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 29, 2024. (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Ahead of San Francisco Pride celebrations back in June, health officials recommended the mpox vaccine — which has the brand name Jynneos — to the same at-risk populations that have been most affected by previous mpox outbreaks. These included gay and bisexual men, along with transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the fact that the clade I strain is also starting to \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/2025-DON587\">spread\u003c/a> among local populations in popular tourist destinations — including Italy, Spain and Portugal — has prompted San Francisco health officials to now recommend that \u003cem>more \u003c/em>people beyond those primary at-risk groups get vaccinated if they’re planning to travel to these areas.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have started to see local transmission in Western Europe,” Janssen said. “We recommend that anyone traveling outside of the United States — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — and [who] anticipates having sex during travel: Get the Jynneos vaccine.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The recommendation is also extended to Bay Area folks who have sex here with anyone who has just traveled to those areas.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There’s currently no evidence of local clade I transmission within San Francisco,” Janssen said. All confirmed clade I mpox cases in the city have been associated with international travel.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The absolute best protection’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The symptoms of clade I and clade II mpox are similar and can initially resemble the flu. The virus also appears as a rash or sores or spots that resemble pimples or blisters on the skin anywhere on the body, including the face, inside the mouth, hands, feet, chest, genitals and anus. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Clade I mpox, however, has historically caused more severe disease and more deaths in other countries, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/monkeypox/about/index.html\">according\u003c/a> to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the 2022 outbreak, more than 15,000 San Francisco residents \u003ca href=\"https://data.sfgov.org/Health-and-Social-Services/ARCHIVED-Mpox-Vaccinations-Given-to-SF-Residents-O/6vxp-9av3/about_data\">received\u003c/a> both doses of the mpox vaccine. “That led to a dramatic decrease in cases,” Janssen said. “We’re in a much better place now because of the uptake of the Jynneos vaccine in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She called the vaccine “really the absolute best protection” and “the main tool in our toolbox.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Both clade I and clade II usually spread through close skin-to-skin contact, including sex. Anyone can get mpox, but most cases in the United States are among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender people who have sex with men.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the heels of SDFPH’s advisory, here’s what to know about mpox and the Jynneos vaccine in the Bay Area this fall. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who’s eligible for an mpox vaccine in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vaccine currently available in the U.S. (brand name: Jynneos) is a two-dose series, with roughly a month between doses. Maximal immunity will build two weeks after your second dose.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The vaccine “protects against both clade 1 and clade 2 mpox,” Janssen said, and added that if someone just got one dose in the past, they may just need the second dose now.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Anyone who has received one dose can go ahead and receive their second dose if it has been 28 days or more since their first dose,” she said. “There’s no need to restart.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1611\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg\" alt=\"The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018.\" class=\"wp-image-11695637\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-800x671.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1020x856.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1200x1007.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-1180x990.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-960x806.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-240x201.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-375x315.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS33007_IMG_2033-qut-520x436.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Leather Pride flag flies at the Folsom Street Fair in San Francisco on Sept. 30, 2018. (Michelle Wiley/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends the two-dose mpox vaccine to gay and bisexual men and other men who have sex with men, as well as transgender, nonbinary or gender-diverse people who in the past 6 months have had:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>More than one sexual partner and/or\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>A new diagnosis of one or more sexually transmitted infections.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC’s vaccine recommendations also include anyone who has had sex at a commercial sex venue like a sex club or bathhouse. See the CDC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/vaccines/index.html\">full mpox vaccine eligibility recommendations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco additionally recommends vaccination for anyone living with HIV, anyone taking PrEP or who’s eligible to take it and sex workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">What about travel and mpox?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 2025, SFDPH expanded their mpox vaccine recommendations to include anyone traveling outside the U.S. — particularly to a country where clade I mpox is spreading between people — who anticipates having sex while they travel. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The CDC recommends getting both doses of the Jynneos vaccine “if you anticipate experiencing any of the following” while traveling to these countries:\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12097016\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/240928_Portola_EG_34_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Warren Manio, 36, sits on top of his friend’s shoulders as Natasha Bedingfield performs at Portola Music Festival in San Francisco on Sept. 28, 2024. (Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>Sex with a new partner\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex at a commercial sex venue, such as a sex club or bathhouse\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex in exchange for money, goods, drugs or other trade\u003c/li>\n\n\n\n\u003cli>Sex in association with a large public event, such as a rave, party or festival.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As of August this year, SFDPH also recommends that if you’re a Bay Area resident who is having sex with a person who’s traveled to these countries, you should also seek out the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The mpox vaccine was also originally only available for people aged 18 and older, but in 2022, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an emergency-use authorization that allows providers to also give the vaccine to young people aged under 18 who are “determined to be at high risk” of infection.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Where can I find an mpox vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you have a regular health care provider, SFDPH recommends you ask them first about getting the mpox vaccine. Your vaccine will be free, but you may be charged a regular copay for seeing your provider.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you’re eligible for the vaccine, your health insurance should cover the costs thanks to the CDC’s recommendations. If you don’t have a regular health care provider or insurance, SFDPH said you can visit one of these \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-mpox-vaccines-testing-and-treatment\">four pharmacies\u003c/a> in the city (two Walgreens and two CVS locations).\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg\" alt=\"close-up photo of fingers holding a tiny vial which reads 'monkeypox vaccine'\" class=\"wp-image-11966643\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A vial of the mpox vaccine is displayed by a medical professional at a vaccination site in July, 2022. (James Carbone/Newsday RM via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>(As with the COVID-19 vaccine, receiving an mpox vaccine won’t make you a public charge or affect any future immigration processes you may enter into, and you won’t be asked about your immigration status to receive the mpox vaccine.)\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you get your health care through a health system like Kaiser Permanente, it’s unlikely you’ll be able to get your mpox vaccine covered by insurance at a pharmacy like CVS or Walgreens — the way you can’t get your COVID-19 or flu shot covered by Kaiser at a pharmacy either — and may have to seek it directly from a Kaiser provider.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>If you’re able to make an appointment online at a pharmacy for your mpox vaccine, you should consider calling that location ahead of time to verify that they do indeed have supplies in stock.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/nkhan\">\u003cem>Nisa Khan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Under Proposed Trump Rule, Head Start Would Be English-Only",
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"headTitle": "Under Proposed Trump Rule, Head Start Would Be English-Only | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Chinatown, toddlers and preschoolers often learn their first English words at Lok Yuen Early Learning Center.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The center serves low-income families who qualify for Head Start, and the children come from households that speak Chinese, Vietnamese, Spanish, Arabic or Nepali. To connect with the kids and get them accustomed to the classroom, teachers greet them in their home languages and hang pictures and signs on the walls in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Even if we don’t know their language, being able to learn one or two words like, ‘Hola, como estas?’ can make them feel welcome,” said Jennifer Lee Yuen, a teacher at the center run by Wu Yee Children’s Services, the largest Head Start provider in the city.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But these practices could end under a proposal to reform the 61-year-old program led by Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy. Earlier this month, he unveiled a plan that would remove federal requirements for class sizes, staff qualifications and other standards with the goal of cutting administrative costs and increasing access to Head Start. Within that plan to eliminate “unnecessary bureaucracy,” however, is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/08/07/2026-16134/reducing-federal-burden-for-head-start-programs\">new requirement\u003c/a> that programs teach only in English.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096897\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A child opens a bottle of glue at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>If finalized, the requirement for English-only instruction would reverse longstanding regulations that Head Start programs support bilingualism. Administration officials say those regulations are “at odds” with President Donald Trump’s executive order designating English as the official language of the United States. But advocates for Head Start say this mandate would not only conflict with the administration’s messaging around decreasing federal oversight of the program, but it could also potentially cost jobs and millions of dollars to implement — a scenario the administration also acknowledges. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the proposed rule, officials with the Administration for Children and Families (ACF), which oversees and funds Head Start, estimated that implementing the English-only mandate would cost about $47 million to replace learning materials at nearly 19,000 classrooms. Some teachers might need retraining, they wrote, “while others may need to be replaced.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposal noted that having fewer bilingual staff might weaken non-English-speaking families’ engagement and suggested the educators use translation apps to communicate. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“To me that shows a disrespect of these families,” said Shantel Meek, executive director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. “It’s common sense to have someone on staff who speaks the language of the families being served.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cep.asu.edu/sites/g/files/litvpz916/files/2026-08/Preserving%20Access%20and%20Opportunity%20in%20Head%20Start%20for%20Children%20Dual%20Language%20Learners%20%20A%20Review%20of%20the%20Science%2C%20Legislative%20Mandates%2C%20and%20Regulatory%20Requirements%20%2811%29.pdf\">Meek co-authored a policy brief\u003c/a> that raises the possibility that the changes may conflict with the Head Start Act, a law passed by Congress which specifies that revisions to the program’s standards will not result in “any reduction in quality, scope, or types” of services already in place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Education experts say the policy also runs counter to evidence that children learn a second language faster when they \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0002831214545110\">maintain the first language\u003c/a> they learned at home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This really creates a false choice between learning English and maintaining a child’s home language,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together, an organization based in Long Beach that advocates for English learners and multilingual education in California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We absolutely want children to develop strong English,” she said. “The question is whether we have to ask a 3- or 4-year-old to give up the language they already know in order to do that. And the research-based approach has always been to build English while continuing to develop the home language\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Head Start programs for American Indian children would be exempt from the English-only requirement, but advocates in California worry the policy would affect Early Head Start, which serves expectant moms and children under the age of 3, as well as Migrant Head Start, which serves the children of farm workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096895\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Children and teachers prepare to work on a craft project at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-3 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12096894\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096894\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Signage is in multiple languages at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12096900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A pedestrian walks past Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“For Early Head Start, we have classrooms where all of the teachers are monolingual in just, say, Spanish, because that’s what all of the kids in that classroom speak,” said Melanee Cottrill, executive director of Head Start California, an association of Head Start programs serving over 70,000 children in the Golden State. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“If you switch to English only, all of those classrooms would be completely devastated, and we would lose all those teachers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Luis Bautista, who oversees Head Start programs for the Los Angeles County Office of Education, said the proposal has a “chilling effect.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning to think that this is the message we would be sending to children and families across the country, especially when we’re charged to serve children that are in foster care, families that are experiencing homelessness, families that are already dealing with quite a number of challenges,” Bautista said. “We should not be adding more barriers to their participation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096898\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Children play the red light, green light game with preschool lead teacher Tracey O’Brien on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>The ACF said cutting regulations would save money and give local providers and their parent-led governing bodies more flexibility to run programs that meet their communities’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“While the proposed rule requires programs to be conducted in English … it allows programs to seek a waiver from any specific requirement in the regulation as long as it does not relate to nutrition, physical activity, or eligibility,” an ACF representative told KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://headstart.gov/program-data/article/head-start-program-facts-fiscal-year-2024\">The most recent data show\u003c/a> more than 30% of Head Start staffers nationwide were bilingual, and 35% of children enrolled in the program were dual-language learners. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The numbers show that families seek out educators who speak the same language as them, said Savitha Moorthy, director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096899\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Preschool associate teacher Fanny Liang blows bubbles on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Their value is in their ability to provide instruction that’s in the family’s home languages, so [the proposal] is actually stripping away the diversity of the workforce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yuen, the teacher, said an English-only mandate would make it harder for her to do her job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In order for children to learn how to speak a language, they need to trust a teacher first,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When children feel safe and can trust the adults in their care, Yuen said, they’re open to learning. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed changes on the Federal Register are open to public comment until Oct. 6, and could still be amended before being finalized in the coming months. On Sept. 14, Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment and EDvance College will \u003ca href=\"https://zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_WBqylHS1SQm1bbvGt0xw1g#/registration\">host a webinar\u003c/a> to explain the public comment process.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Chinatown, toddlers and preschoolers often learn their first English words at Lok Yuen Early Learning Center.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The center serves low-income families who qualify for Head Start, and the children come from households that speak Chinese, Vietnamese, Spanish, Arabic or Nepali. To connect with the kids and get them accustomed to the classroom, teachers greet them in their home languages and hang pictures and signs on the walls in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The center serves low-income families who qualify for Head Start, and the children come from households that speak Chinese, Vietnamese, Spanish, Arabic or Nepali. To connect with the kids and get them accustomed to the classroom, teachers greet them in their home languages and hang pictures and signs on the walls in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Even if we don’t know their language, being able to learn one or two words like, ‘Hola, como estas?’ can make them feel welcome,” said Jennifer Lee Yuen, a teacher at the center run by Wu Yee Children’s Services, the largest Head Start provider in the city.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But these practices could end under a proposal to reform the 61-year-old program led by Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy. Earlier this month, he unveiled a plan that would remove federal requirements for class sizes, staff qualifications and other standards with the goal of cutting administrative costs and increasing access to Head Start. Within that plan to eliminate “unnecessary bureaucracy,” however, is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/08/07/2026-16134/reducing-federal-burden-for-head-start-programs\">new requirement\u003c/a> that programs teach only in English.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But these practices could end under a proposal to reform the 61-year-old program led by Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy. Earlier this month, he unveiled a plan that would remove federal requirements for class sizes, staff qualifications and other standards with the goal of cutting administrative costs and increasing access to Head Start. Within that plan to eliminate “unnecessary bureaucracy,” however, is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/08/07/2026-16134/reducing-federal-burden-for-head-start-programs\">new requirement\u003c/a> that programs teach only in English.\u003c/p>\n"
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096897\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A child opens a bottle of glue at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>If finalized, the requirement for English-only instruction would reverse longstanding regulations that Head Start programs support bilingualism. Administration officials say those regulations are “at odds” with President Donald Trump’s executive order designating English as the official language of the United States. But advocates for Head Start say this mandate would not only conflict with the administration’s messaging around decreasing federal oversight of the program, but it could also potentially cost jobs and millions of dollars to implement — a scenario the administration also acknowledges. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>If finalized, the requirement for English-only instruction would reverse longstanding regulations that Head Start programs support bilingualism. Administration officials say those regulations are “at odds” with President Donald Trump’s executive order designating English as the official language of the United States. But advocates for Head Start say this mandate would not only conflict with the administration’s messaging around decreasing federal oversight of the program, but it could also potentially cost jobs and millions of dollars to implement — a scenario the administration also acknowledges. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In the proposed rule, officials with the Administration for Children and Families (ACF), which oversees and funds Head Start, estimated that implementing the English-only mandate would cost about $47 million to replace learning materials at nearly 19,000 classrooms. Some teachers might need retraining, they wrote, “while others may need to be replaced.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In the proposed rule, officials with the Administration for Children and Families (ACF), which oversees and funds Head Start, estimated that implementing the English-only mandate would cost about $47 million to replace learning materials at nearly 19,000 classrooms. Some teachers might need retraining, they wrote, “while others may need to be replaced.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The proposal noted that having fewer bilingual staff might weaken non-English-speaking families’ engagement and suggested the educators use translation apps to communicate. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“To me that shows a disrespect of these families,” said Shantel Meek, executive director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. “It’s common sense to have someone on staff who speaks the language of the families being served.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“To me that shows a disrespect of these families,” said Shantel Meek, executive director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. “It’s common sense to have someone on staff who speaks the language of the families being served.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cep.asu.edu/sites/g/files/litvpz916/files/2026-08/Preserving%20Access%20and%20Opportunity%20in%20Head%20Start%20for%20Children%20Dual%20Language%20Learners%20%20A%20Review%20of%20the%20Science%2C%20Legislative%20Mandates%2C%20and%20Regulatory%20Requirements%20%2811%29.pdf\">Meek co-authored a policy brief\u003c/a> that raises the possibility that the changes may conflict with the Head Start Act, a law passed by Congress which specifies that revisions to the program’s standards will not result in “any reduction in quality, scope, or types” of services already in place.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cep.asu.edu/sites/g/files/litvpz916/files/2026-08/Preserving%20Access%20and%20Opportunity%20in%20Head%20Start%20for%20Children%20Dual%20Language%20Learners%20%20A%20Review%20of%20the%20Science%2C%20Legislative%20Mandates%2C%20and%20Regulatory%20Requirements%20%2811%29.pdf\">Meek co-authored a policy brief\u003c/a> that raises the possibility that the changes may conflict with the Head Start Act, a law passed by Congress which specifies that revisions to the program’s standards will not result in “any reduction in quality, scope, or types” of services already in place.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Education experts say the policy also runs counter to evidence that children learn a second language faster when they \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0002831214545110\">maintain the first language\u003c/a> they learned at home.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Education experts say the policy also runs counter to evidence that children learn a second language faster when they \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0002831214545110\">maintain the first language\u003c/a> they learned at home.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This really creates a false choice between learning English and maintaining a child’s home language,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together, an organization based in Long Beach that advocates for English learners and multilingual education in California. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“This really creates a false choice between learning English and maintaining a child’s home language,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together, an organization based in Long Beach that advocates for English learners and multilingual education in California. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We absolutely want children to develop strong English,” she said. “The question is whether we have to ask a 3- or 4-year-old to give up the language they already know in order to do that. And the research-based approach has always been to build English while continuing to develop the home language\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Head Start programs for American Indian children would be exempt from the English-only requirement, but advocates in California worry the policy would affect Early Head Start, which serves expectant moms and children under the age of 3, as well as Migrant Head Start, which serves the children of farm workers. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Head Start programs for American Indian children would be exempt from the English-only requirement, but advocates in California worry the policy would affect Early Head Start, which serves expectant moms and children under the age of 3, as well as Migrant Head Start, which serves the children of farm workers. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“For Early Head Start, we have classrooms where all of the teachers are monolingual in just, say, Spanish, because that’s what all of the kids in that classroom speak,” said Melanee Cottrill, executive director of Head Start California, an association of Head Start programs serving over 70,000 children in the Golden State. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“If you switch to English only, all of those classrooms would be completely devastated, and we would lose all those teachers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Luis Bautista, who oversees Head Start programs for the Los Angeles County Office of Education, said the proposal has a “chilling effect.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning to think that this is the message we would be sending to children and families across the country, especially when we’re charged to serve children that are in foster care, families that are experiencing homelessness, families that are already dealing with quite a number of challenges,” Bautista said. “We should not be adding more barriers to their participation.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The ACF said cutting regulations would save money and give local providers and their parent-led governing bodies more flexibility to run programs that meet their communities’ needs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“While the proposed rule requires programs to be conducted in English … it allows programs to seek a waiver from any specific requirement in the regulation as long as it does not relate to nutrition, physical activity, or eligibility,” an ACF representative told KQED. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“While the proposed rule requires programs to be conducted in English … it allows programs to seek a waiver from any specific requirement in the regulation as long as it does not relate to nutrition, physical activity, or eligibility,” an ACF representative told KQED. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://headstart.gov/program-data/article/head-start-program-facts-fiscal-year-2024\">The most recent data show\u003c/a> more than 30% of Head Start staffers nationwide were bilingual, and 35% of children enrolled in the program were dual-language learners. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://headstart.gov/program-data/article/head-start-program-facts-fiscal-year-2024\">The most recent data show\u003c/a> more than 30% of Head Start staffers nationwide were bilingual, and 35% of children enrolled in the program were dual-language learners. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The numbers show that families seek out educators who speak the same language as them, said Savitha Moorthy, director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The numbers show that families seek out educators who speak the same language as them, said Savitha Moorthy, director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096899\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Preschool associate teacher Fanny Liang blows bubbles on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096899\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Preschool associate teacher Fanny Liang blows bubbles on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Their value is in their ability to provide instruction that’s in the family’s home languages, so [the proposal] is actually stripping away the diversity of the workforce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yuen, the teacher, said an English-only mandate would make it harder for her to do her job.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“In order for children to learn how to speak a language, they need to trust a teacher first,” she said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When children feel safe and can trust the adults in their care, Yuen said, they’re open to learning. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The proposed changes on the Federal Register are open to public comment until Oct. 6, and could still be amended before being finalized in the coming months. On Sept. 14, Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment and EDvance College will \u003ca href=\"https://zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_WBqylHS1SQm1bbvGt0xw1g#/registration\">host a webinar\u003c/a> to explain the public comment process.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates for the early childhood program say the proposal would undermine learning for California children who are dual-language learners and contradict federal law meant to preserve Head Start quality standards. ",
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"title": "Under Proposed Trump Rule, Head Start Would Be English-Only | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Chinatown, toddlers and preschoolers often learn their first English words at Lok Yuen Early Learning Center.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The center serves low-income families who qualify for Head Start, and the children come from households that speak Chinese, Vietnamese, Spanish, Arabic or Nepali. To connect with the kids and get them accustomed to the classroom, teachers greet them in their home languages and hang pictures and signs on the walls in multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Even if we don’t know their language, being able to learn one or two words like, ‘Hola, como estas?’ can make them feel welcome,” said Jennifer Lee Yuen, a teacher at the center run by Wu Yee Children’s Services, the largest Head Start provider in the city.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But these practices could end under a proposal to reform the 61-year-old program led by Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy. Earlier this month, he unveiled a plan that would remove federal requirements for class sizes, staff qualifications and other standards with the goal of cutting administrative costs and increasing access to Head Start. Within that plan to eliminate “unnecessary bureaucracy,” however, is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/08/07/2026-16134/reducing-federal-burden-for-head-start-programs\">new requirement\u003c/a> that programs teach only in English.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096897\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A child opens a bottle of glue at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>If finalized, the requirement for English-only instruction would reverse longstanding regulations that Head Start programs support bilingualism. Administration officials say those regulations are “at odds” with President Donald Trump’s executive order designating English as the official language of the United States. But advocates for Head Start say this mandate would not only conflict with the administration’s messaging around decreasing federal oversight of the program, but it could also potentially cost jobs and millions of dollars to implement — a scenario the administration also acknowledges. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In the proposed rule, officials with the Administration for Children and Families (ACF), which oversees and funds Head Start, estimated that implementing the English-only mandate would cost about $47 million to replace learning materials at nearly 19,000 classrooms. Some teachers might need retraining, they wrote, “while others may need to be replaced.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposal noted that having fewer bilingual staff might weaken non-English-speaking families’ engagement and suggested the educators use translation apps to communicate. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“To me that shows a disrespect of these families,” said Shantel Meek, executive director of the Children’s Equity Project at Arizona State University. “It’s common sense to have someone on staff who speaks the language of the families being served.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cep.asu.edu/sites/g/files/litvpz916/files/2026-08/Preserving%20Access%20and%20Opportunity%20in%20Head%20Start%20for%20Children%20Dual%20Language%20Learners%20%20A%20Review%20of%20the%20Science%2C%20Legislative%20Mandates%2C%20and%20Regulatory%20Requirements%20%2811%29.pdf\">Meek co-authored a policy brief\u003c/a> that raises the possibility that the changes may conflict with the Head Start Act, a law passed by Congress which specifies that revisions to the program’s standards will not result in “any reduction in quality, scope, or types” of services already in place.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Education experts say the policy also runs counter to evidence that children learn a second language faster when they \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0002831214545110\">maintain the first language\u003c/a> they learned at home.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This really creates a false choice between learning English and maintaining a child’s home language,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together, an organization based in Long Beach that advocates for English learners and multilingual education in California. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We absolutely want children to develop strong English,” she said. “The question is whether we have to ask a 3- or 4-year-old to give up the language they already know in order to do that. And the research-based approach has always been to build English while continuing to develop the home language\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Head Start programs for American Indian children would be exempt from the English-only requirement, but advocates in California worry the policy would affect Early Head Start, which serves expectant moms and children under the age of 3, as well as Migrant Head Start, which serves the children of farm workers. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096895\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Children and teachers prepare to work on a craft project at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-3 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12096894\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096894\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Signage is in multiple languages at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" data-id=\"12096900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-60-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A pedestrian walks past Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“For Early Head Start, we have classrooms where all of the teachers are monolingual in just, say, Spanish, because that’s what all of the kids in that classroom speak,” said Melanee Cottrill, executive director of Head Start California, an association of Head Start programs serving over 70,000 children in the Golden State. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“If you switch to English only, all of those classrooms would be completely devastated, and we would lose all those teachers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Luis Bautista, who oversees Head Start programs for the Los Angeles County Office of Education, said the proposal has a “chilling effect.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning to think that this is the message we would be sending to children and families across the country, especially when we’re charged to serve children that are in foster care, families that are experiencing homelessness, families that are already dealing with quite a number of challenges,” Bautista said. “We should not be adding more barriers to their participation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096898\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-47-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Children play the red light, green light game with preschool lead teacher Tracey O’Brien on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>The ACF said cutting regulations would save money and give local providers and their parent-led governing bodies more flexibility to run programs that meet their communities’ needs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“While the proposed rule requires programs to be conducted in English … it allows programs to seek a waiver from any specific requirement in the regulation as long as it does not relate to nutrition, physical activity, or eligibility,” an ACF representative told KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://headstart.gov/program-data/article/head-start-program-facts-fiscal-year-2024\">The most recent data show\u003c/a> more than 30% of Head Start staffers nationwide were bilingual, and 35% of children enrolled in the program were dual-language learners. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The numbers show that families seek out educators who speak the same language as them, said Savitha Moorthy, director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096899\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-HEADSTARTDEREGULATION-NG-54-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Preschool associate teacher Fanny Liang blows bubbles on the playground at Wu Yee Children’s Services in San Francisco’s Chinatown on Aug. 24, 2026. (Nina Glick/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Their value is in their ability to provide instruction that’s in the family’s home languages, so [the proposal] is actually stripping away the diversity of the workforce,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yuen, the teacher, said an English-only mandate would make it harder for her to do her job.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In order for children to learn how to speak a language, they need to trust a teacher first,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When children feel safe and can trust the adults in their care, Yuen said, they’re open to learning. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed changes on the Federal Register are open to public comment until Oct. 6, and could still be amended before being finalized in the coming months. On Sept. 14, Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment and EDvance College will \u003ca href=\"https://zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_WBqylHS1SQm1bbvGt0xw1g#/registration\">host a webinar\u003c/a> to explain the public comment process.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "timber-fire-now-third-largest-in-state-chp-announces-highway-1-closure",
"title": "Timber Fire Now Third Largest in State, CHP Announces Highway 1 Closure",
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"headTitle": "Timber Fire Now Third Largest in State, CHP Announces Highway 1 Closure | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>A stretch of Highway 1 in Big Sur will close again on Thursday in an effort to regain control over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/timber-fire\">Timber Fire\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fire has burned nearly 19,000 acres as of Wednesday — more than double what \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">prompted initial evacuations\u003c/a> on Aug. 10. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Timber Fire is now the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026\">third\u003c/a> biggest fire in the state this year, according to CalFire. Much of that spread has been to the east, moving deeper into the Los Padres National Forest.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Henry Miller Memorial Library, a historic library located on Highway 1, will close indefinitely starting on Thursday. Staff implored visitors not to visit Big Sur in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/henrymillerlib/p/DchPwPBkiSy/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> post on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096989\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">To ensure public safety and facilitate firefighting efforts, Highway 1 will close Aug. 27, between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, Cal Fire said. (Courtesy of Cal Fire)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Officials are closing the road and evacuating the surrounding areas so that firefighters can “backburn” — set a controlled burn along the perimeter of the fire to clear out any vegetation that could fuel the flames. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Faith Fassett, a host at the historic Big Sur restaurant Nepenthe, evacuated for 12 days after the Timber Fire broke out earlier this month. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s been pretty rough,” Fassett said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fassett returned last week to find most things back to normal, before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">blaze\u003c/a> exploded and spread to about 8,665 acres on Saturday. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Monterey County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/emergency/alerts\">issued\u003c/a> new evacuation orders and warnings that will go into effect on Thursday at 1 p.m. Residents in MRY-F022, MRY-F023-A and MRY-F025 are now under mandatory evacuation orders, joining \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire\">11\u003c/a> other areas. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Those who decide to remain behind “must be prepared to self-sustain for up to 7 days,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/home/showpublisheddocument/147995\">press release\u003c/a> from the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Thursday at 1 p.m. will also mark a hard closure of Highway 1 between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, according to the California Highway Patrol. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A second fire broke out in Monterey County around 11 a.m. on Wednesday. At 40 acres, the Plaskett Fire has displaced 28 people, according to Commander Joseph Bañuelo, a spokesperson for the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094810\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles flames from the Timber Fire in Big Sur, California on Aug. 10, 2026. (Tayfun Coskun Anadolu/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Cal Fire public information officer Ahmad Touré said that Big Sur’s steep, rugged terrain has complicated containment efforts since the fire ignited on Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There are intersecting river valleys, and it’s really hard to get fire personnel and heavy equipment in those areas,” Touré told KQED on Wednesday. “It’s actually very dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CalFire reports 661 structures are under threat, as the crew continues to prioritize protecting people and structures along Highway 1. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095822/boom-and-bust-in-big-sur\">iconic state route\u003c/a> reopened Aug. 22 after the last closure related to the Timber Fire. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our operational objective from day one has been to keep the fire east of Highway 1,” Touré said. “That corridor is very important to the economies of the communities along it, so making sure that the fire didn’t burn that way was essential.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Cal Fire has been relying heavily on air support to prevent the fire from spreading. The operation includes 14 helicopters,1,788 personnel and 90 fire engines. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094843\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles with flames as the Timber Fire continues in Big Sur, California, Aug. 10, 2026. (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Touré said that hotter weather and dry nights along the coast contributed to the fire’s recent growth. He called this weather pattern normal for the region during this time of year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Monterey County \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire/updates/fcadd721-42a4-465d-a116-f68aa949615a\">closed\u003c/a> its evacuation shelter at Carmel Middle School last Wednesday. Bañuelo said that the county is working to find a new location for this week’s evacuees. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Climate scientist Daniel Swain at UC Agriculture and Natural Resources warned in a recent briefing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094965/dry-lightning-brews-over-california-increasing-fire-risks\">fire damage to the Big Sur\u003c/a> region’s watershed could trigger mudslides that shut down the Pacific Coast Highway this winter.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The odds that Highway 1 has big problems this winter were already high, and along this segment they might be even higher now,” Swain said Aug. 12.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story and will be updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Timber Fire is now the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026\">third\u003c/a> biggest fire in the state this year, according to CalFire. Much of that spread has been to the east, moving deeper into the Los Padres National Forest.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Timber Fire is now the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026\">third\u003c/a> biggest fire in the state this year, according to CalFire. Much of that spread has been to the east, moving deeper into the Los Padres National Forest.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Henry Miller Memorial Library, a historic library located on Highway 1, will close indefinitely starting on Thursday. Staff implored visitors not to visit Big Sur in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/henrymillerlib/p/DchPwPBkiSy/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> post on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Henry Miller Memorial Library, a historic library located on Highway 1, will close indefinitely starting on Thursday. Staff implored visitors not to visit Big Sur in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/henrymillerlib/p/DchPwPBkiSy/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> post on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096989\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">To ensure public safety and facilitate firefighting efforts, Highway 1 will close Aug. 27, between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, Cal Fire said.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096989\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">To ensure public safety and facilitate firefighting efforts, Highway 1 will close Aug. 27, between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, Cal Fire said.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Courtesy of Cal Fire)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Officials are closing the road and evacuating the surrounding areas so that firefighters can “backburn” — set a controlled burn along the perimeter of the fire to clear out any vegetation that could fuel the flames. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Officials are closing the road and evacuating the surrounding areas so that firefighters can “backburn” — set a controlled burn along the perimeter of the fire to clear out any vegetation that could fuel the flames. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Faith Fassett, a host at the historic Big Sur restaurant Nepenthe, evacuated for 12 days after the Timber Fire broke out earlier this month. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Faith Fassett, a host at the historic Big Sur restaurant Nepenthe, evacuated for 12 days after the Timber Fire broke out earlier this month. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s been pretty rough,” Fassett said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Fassett returned last week to find most things back to normal, before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">blaze\u003c/a> exploded and spread to about 8,665 acres on Saturday. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Fassett returned last week to find most things back to normal, before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">blaze\u003c/a> exploded and spread to about 8,665 acres on Saturday. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Monterey County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/emergency/alerts\">issued\u003c/a> new evacuation orders and warnings that will go into effect on Thursday at 1 p.m. Residents in MRY-F022, MRY-F023-A and MRY-F025 are now under mandatory evacuation orders, joining \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire\">11\u003c/a> other areas. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Monterey County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/emergency/alerts\">issued\u003c/a> new evacuation orders and warnings that will go into effect on Thursday at 1 p.m. Residents in MRY-F022, MRY-F023-A and MRY-F025 are now under mandatory evacuation orders, joining \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire\">11\u003c/a> other areas. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Those who decide to remain behind “must be prepared to self-sustain for up to 7 days,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/home/showpublisheddocument/147995\">press release\u003c/a> from the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Those who decide to remain behind “must be prepared to self-sustain for up to 7 days,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/home/showpublisheddocument/147995\">press release\u003c/a> from the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Thursday at 1 p.m. will also mark a hard closure of Highway 1 between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, according to the California Highway Patrol. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Thursday at 1 p.m. will also mark a hard closure of Highway 1 between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, according to the California Highway Patrol. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>A second fire broke out in Monterey County around 11 a.m. on Wednesday. At 40 acres, the Plaskett Fire has displaced 28 people, according to Commander Joseph Bañuelo, a spokesperson for the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>A second fire broke out in Monterey County around 11 a.m. on Wednesday. At 40 acres, the Plaskett Fire has displaced 28 people, according to Commander Joseph Bañuelo, a spokesperson for the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-1536x1024.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094810\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles flames from the Timber Fire in Big Sur, California on Aug. 10, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Tayfun Coskun Anadolu/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094810\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles flames from the Timber Fire in Big Sur, California on Aug. 10, 2026.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Tayfun Coskun Anadolu/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Cal Fire public information officer Ahmad Touré said that Big Sur’s steep, rugged terrain has complicated containment efforts since the fire ignited on Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Cal Fire public information officer Ahmad Touré said that Big Sur’s steep, rugged terrain has complicated containment efforts since the fire ignited on Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“There are intersecting river valleys, and it’s really hard to get fire personnel and heavy equipment in those areas,” Touré told KQED on Wednesday. “It’s actually very dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>“There are intersecting river valleys, and it’s really hard to get fire personnel and heavy equipment in those areas,” Touré told KQED on Wednesday. “It’s actually very dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>CalFire reports 661 structures are under threat, as the crew continues to prioritize protecting people and structures along Highway 1. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095822/boom-and-bust-in-big-sur\">iconic state route\u003c/a> reopened Aug. 22 after the last closure related to the Timber Fire. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>CalFire reports 661 structures are under threat, as the crew continues to prioritize protecting people and structures along Highway 1. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095822/boom-and-bust-in-big-sur\">iconic state route\u003c/a> reopened Aug. 22 after the last closure related to the Timber Fire. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our operational objective from day one has been to keep the fire east of Highway 1,” Touré said. “That corridor is very important to the economies of the communities along it, so making sure that the fire didn’t burn that way was essential.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Our operational objective from day one has been to keep the fire east of Highway 1,” Touré said. “That corridor is very important to the economies of the communities along it, so making sure that the fire didn’t burn that way was essential.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Cal Fire has been relying heavily on air support to prevent the fire from spreading. The operation includes 14 helicopters,1,788 personnel and 90 fire engines. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Cal Fire has been relying heavily on air support to prevent the fire from spreading. The operation includes 14 helicopters,1,788 personnel and 90 fire engines. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094843\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles with flames as the Timber Fire continues in Big Sur, California, Aug. 10, 2026. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094843\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles with flames as the Timber Fire continues in Big Sur, California, Aug. 10, 2026. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Touré said that hotter weather and dry nights along the coast contributed to the fire’s recent growth. He called this weather pattern normal for the region during this time of year. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Touré said that hotter weather and dry nights along the coast contributed to the fire’s recent growth. He called this weather pattern normal for the region during this time of year. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Monterey County \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire/updates/fcadd721-42a4-465d-a116-f68aa949615a\">closed\u003c/a> its evacuation shelter at Carmel Middle School last Wednesday. Bañuelo said that the county is working to find a new location for this week’s evacuees. \u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Monterey County \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire/updates/fcadd721-42a4-465d-a116-f68aa949615a\">closed\u003c/a> its evacuation shelter at Carmel Middle School last Wednesday. Bañuelo said that the county is working to find a new location for this week’s evacuees. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Climate scientist Daniel Swain at UC Agriculture and Natural Resources warned in a recent briefing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094965/dry-lightning-brews-over-california-increasing-fire-risks\">fire damage to the Big Sur\u003c/a> region’s watershed could trigger mudslides that shut down the Pacific Coast Highway this winter.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>Climate scientist Daniel Swain at UC Agriculture and Natural Resources warned in a recent briefing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094965/dry-lightning-brews-over-california-increasing-fire-risks\">fire damage to the Big Sur\u003c/a> region’s watershed could trigger mudslides that shut down the Pacific Coast Highway this winter.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The odds that Highway 1 has big problems this winter were already high, and along this segment they might be even higher now,” Swain said Aug. 12.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>“The odds that Highway 1 has big problems this winter were already high, and along this segment they might be even higher now,” Swain said Aug. 12.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story and will be updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story and will be updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n"
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"excerpt": "New evacuation orders are in place as the wildfire in Big Sur approaches 19,000 acres.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A stretch of Highway 1 in Big Sur will close again on Thursday in an effort to regain control over the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/timber-fire\">Timber Fire\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The fire has burned nearly 19,000 acres as of Wednesday — more than double what \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">prompted initial evacuations\u003c/a> on Aug. 10. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Timber Fire is now the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026\">third\u003c/a> biggest fire in the state this year, according to CalFire. Much of that spread has been to the east, moving deeper into the Los Padres National Forest.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Henry Miller Memorial Library, a historic library located on Highway 1, will close indefinitely starting on Thursday. Staff implored visitors not to visit Big Sur in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/henrymillerlib/p/DchPwPBkiSy/?hl=en\">Instagram\u003c/a> post on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096989\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire.jpeg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/CalFire-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">To ensure public safety and facilitate firefighting efforts, Highway 1 will close Aug. 27, between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, Cal Fire said. (Courtesy of Cal Fire)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Officials are closing the road and evacuating the surrounding areas so that firefighters can “backburn” — set a controlled burn along the perimeter of the fire to clear out any vegetation that could fuel the flames. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Faith Fassett, a host at the historic Big Sur restaurant Nepenthe, evacuated for 12 days after the Timber Fire broke out earlier this month. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s been pretty rough,” Fassett said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fassett returned last week to find most things back to normal, before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094539/timber-fire-in-big-sur-doubles-overnight-forcing-evacuations-of-popular-tourist-spots\">blaze\u003c/a> exploded and spread to about 8,665 acres on Saturday. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Monterey County Sheriff’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/emergency/alerts\">issued\u003c/a> new evacuation orders and warnings that will go into effect on Thursday at 1 p.m. Residents in MRY-F022, MRY-F023-A and MRY-F025 are now under mandatory evacuation orders, joining \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire\">11\u003c/a> other areas. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Those who decide to remain behind “must be prepared to self-sustain for up to 7 days,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.readymontereycounty.org/home/showpublisheddocument/147995\">press release\u003c/a> from the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Thursday at 1 p.m. will also mark a hard closure of Highway 1 between Andrew Molera State Park and Deetjen’s Big Sur Inn, according to the California Highway Patrol. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A second fire broke out in Monterey County around 11 a.m. on Wednesday. At 40 acres, the Plaskett Fire has displaced 28 people, according to Commander Joseph Bañuelo, a spokesperson for the Monterey County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094810\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/timber-fire-1-larger-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles flames from the Timber Fire in Big Sur, California on Aug. 10, 2026. (Tayfun Coskun Anadolu/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Cal Fire public information officer Ahmad Touré said that Big Sur’s steep, rugged terrain has complicated containment efforts since the fire ignited on Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There are intersecting river valleys, and it’s really hard to get fire personnel and heavy equipment in those areas,” Touré told KQED on Wednesday. “It’s actually very dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>CalFire reports 661 structures are under threat, as the crew continues to prioritize protecting people and structures along Highway 1. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095822/boom-and-bust-in-big-sur\">iconic state route\u003c/a> reopened Aug. 22 after the last closure related to the Timber Fire. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our operational objective from day one has been to keep the fire east of Highway 1,” Touré said. “That corridor is very important to the economies of the communities along it, so making sure that the fire didn’t burn that way was essential.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Cal Fire has been relying heavily on air support to prevent the fire from spreading. The operation includes 14 helicopters,1,788 personnel and 90 fire engines. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12094843\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/TimberFireGetty6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A firefighter battles with flames as the Timber Fire continues in Big Sur, California, Aug. 10, 2026. (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Touré said that hotter weather and dry nights along the coast contributed to the fire’s recent growth. He called this weather pattern normal for the region during this time of year. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Monterey County \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2026/8/8/timber-fire/updates/fcadd721-42a4-465d-a116-f68aa949615a\">closed\u003c/a> its evacuation shelter at Carmel Middle School last Wednesday. Bañuelo said that the county is working to find a new location for this week’s evacuees. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Climate scientist Daniel Swain at UC Agriculture and Natural Resources warned in a recent briefing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12094965/dry-lightning-brews-over-california-increasing-fire-risks\">fire damage to the Big Sur\u003c/a> region’s watershed could trigger mudslides that shut down the Pacific Coast Highway this winter.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The odds that Highway 1 has big problems this winter were already high, and along this segment they might be even higher now,” Swain said Aug. 12.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a developing story and will be updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "solano-supervisors-reject-california-forevers-streamlining-bill",
"title": "Solano Supervisors Reject California Forever’s Streamlining Bill",
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"headTitle": "Solano Supervisors Reject California Forever’s Streamlining Bill | KQED",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-forever\">California Forever’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089233/california-forevers-bid-to-win-manufacturing-jobs-divides-solano-county-residents\">legislative deal\u003c/a> to streamline a shipbuilding project in Solano County is likely dead after supervisors voted Tuesday to reject the plan.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bill, called the Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act, would have allowed the company to rely on a nearly 20-year-old environmental impact report for a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037142/california-forevers-shipbuilding-plans-need-more-details-solano-county-officials-say\">shipbuilding site\u003c/a> on land California Forever owns in Collinsville, a rural community at the mouth of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta. It would have also fast-tracked regulatory approvals for the project.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The 3-2 vote is a major setback for the billionaire-backed company, which had spent $455,000 to lobby for the bill’s passage, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=3178319&amendid=0\">recent state reports\u003c/a>. It comes just a month after California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091366/a-devastating-outcome-california-forever-boosters-decry-loss-of-shipbuilding-deal\">lost a major contract \u003c/a>with the autonomous defense startup Saronic, which instead chose to build its Port Alpha naval shipyard in Brownsville, Texas. And it likely kills any chance of getting a bill passed before the end of the legislative session, which closes on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, we’ve already heard this legislation has holes,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said. “We need to continue to work on this legislation.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a suit sits behind a desk with a sign that reads "Mitch Mashburn Chair District 5."\" class=\"wp-image-12000221\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solano County Supervisor Mitch Mashburn speaks at a Solano County Board of Supervisors meeting in Fairfield on June 25, 2024. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Most of the supervisors said they are interested in pursuing legislation in the future but want more time to work with the Governor’s Office, lawmakers and community groups between now and January, when the next legislative session starts, to draft a bill they fully understand and support.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Asked Wednesday about the deal’s demise, Gov. Gavin Newsom expressed frustration that the board didn’t jump at the opportunity and said he would “have voted for that in a nanosecond.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Continue to do what you’ve done, you’ll get what you got,” he said during a press conference on Mare Island in Vallejo. “Things are changing. … We’ve gotta step up our game.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When asked whether he would continue to pursue the legislative deal, he said he would be meeting with his team on “three or four dozen bills” related to other matters, but that he would work through those and assess afterward.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While California Forever officials had been working on the legislative effort since mid-April, a bill has yet to be formally introduced. And as the session neared its end, it kept changing shape. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, company officials said the bill would encompass all of California Forever’s projects, including a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043295/suisun-city-proposes-annexing-most-of-california-forevers-new-city\">advanced manufacturing site and housing\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, a person close to negotiations told KQED the bill could also streamline approvals for an aerospace site near Travis Air Force Base. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bill’s amorphous shape contributed to the supervisors’ skepticism. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson and state Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, both Democrats who represent areas impacted by the streamlining proposal, had been in talks with the supervisors in the months leading up to its expected introduction. After the vote, Wilson issued a statement on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DcfJiMBppiM/\">social\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=pfbid034SawPTKC53z2ZtZ5r4KfCUyu6zvNkQYTCRfBajFBzNn4BDpsWiH2b2e9nW8MjET4l&id=100080088566313&mibextid=wwXIfr&_rdr\">media\u003c/a> acknowledging the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Solano County leaders have made clear they do not support the proposed Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act at this time, and I will continue to let the county take the lead on shipbuilding and manufacturing opportunities,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While it is still possible for lawmakers to introduce the bill, it is unlikely given the lack of support from local officials. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Solano County has the land and workforce to become a center for shipbuilding and manufacturing and bring in tens of thousands of well-paying jobs,” California Forever spokesperson Jim Wunderman said in a statement. “But to attract employers, key stakeholders must show the county is open for business and able to operate at the speed of competing states. We look forward to working with everyone on next steps.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Waterfront in the town of Collinsville in Solano County on May 13, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the meeting’s three-hour public comment session, the crowd was overwhelmingly in opposition to the streamlining proposal, arguing it would limit the county’s ability to weigh in on future plans. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Karlyn Lewis, a county resident, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/ca-forever-opposition-letter\">a letter that opposition group Solano Together sent\u003c/a> to state lawmakers in early August, urging them to reject the deal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with jobs. It had to do with the state being able to come in and say, ‘We’re going to tell your locality what you need to do,’” she said. “I ask you to be against this proposal, this legislation, because we need to be able to chart our own destiny.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, supporters of the proposal said it would provide much-needed jobs, particularly for people who commute outside the county for work. Steve McCall, the business manager for the local plumbers and steamfitters union, urged the supervisors to support the bill “for the workers, for the people of the county.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12040859\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The intersection of Highway 12 and Highway 113 in Solano County outside of Suisun City on May 13, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People in this county drive outside of it to go to work,” he said. “And for an area that has the \u003ca href=\"https://vitalsigns.mtc.ca.gov/indicators/unemployment\">largest unemployment\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, I think we can make a change.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the deal said they didn’t get time to review the legislation, and it wouldn’t result in jobs and a loss of local control. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The company had been courting Saronic since last fall, with the hope that it would choose to build its shipyard on California Forever-owned land near Collinsville. This year’s legislative push was an attempt to woo the startup — and other prospective business partners — to set up shop on its site. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The legislation would have allowed California Forever to rely on a 2008 environmental impact report for the shipyard. The Solano County Board of Supervisors had previously designated about 1,350 acres near Collinsville for “water-dependent industrial use.” The bill would have also set hard permitting deadlines — 90 days for ministerial permits and 180 days for discretionary approvals — and created a shot clock of 45 days for disputes to be resolved. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Shortly after California Forever lost the Saronic deal, the Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development convened a meeting with state lawmakers and officials from Solano County and California Forever to discuss a bill to support maritime and advanced manufacturing activities at the Collinsville site. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mashburn said he worried the governor would include the legislation in a trailer bill, a secondary piece of legislation used to implement the state budget after it has been approved. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/02/california-trailer-bills-sneaky-law/\">Some have criticized\u003c/a> the use of trailer bills as a way to sidestep public input. At Tuesday’s meeting, supervisors voted to revisit the streamlining proposal at a later date. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The piece for me that gave it urgency was worrying about whether the governor was going to cram [the bill] down our throats,” Mashburn said. “And I got to tell you right now, I ain’t really that afraid of the governor.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisors Monica Brown and John Vasquez ultimately voted against Mashburn’s plan. While Vasquez did not comment on why he voted no, Brown said she did not want to support any future streamlining bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think we’re rushing into something and listening to something that I don’t think is going to [result in bringing] any kind of extra jobs without destroying the land,” Brown said. “And I don’t want the land to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This is not the first time supervisors have been asked to provide direction on streamlining legislation for California Forever. Last September, in the last days of the legislative session, company officials worked with state lawmakers to introduce a bill similar to the one they worked on this year. The supervisors ultimately supported the effort, but no legislation was introduced or passed before the session ended. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s meeting, Mashburn likened this year’s legislative push to “Groundhog Day,” and said he wants more time to discuss the details of any future deal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Not wait until the last minute,” he said. “That’s not going to play well.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\">Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The bill, called the Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act, would have allowed the company to rely on a nearly 20-year-old environmental impact report for a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037142/california-forevers-shipbuilding-plans-need-more-details-solano-county-officials-say\">shipbuilding site\u003c/a> on land California Forever owns in Collinsville, a rural community at the mouth of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta. It would have also fast-tracked regulatory approvals for the project.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The 3-2 vote is a major setback for the billionaire-backed company, which had spent $455,000 to lobby for the bill’s passage, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=3178319&amendid=0\">recent state reports\u003c/a>. It comes just a month after California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091366/a-devastating-outcome-california-forever-boosters-decry-loss-of-shipbuilding-deal\">lost a major contract \u003c/a>with the autonomous defense startup Saronic, which instead chose to build its Port Alpha naval shipyard in Brownsville, Texas. And it likely kills any chance of getting a bill passed before the end of the legislative session, which closes on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The 3-2 vote is a major setback for the billionaire-backed company, which had spent $455,000 to lobby for the bill’s passage, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=3178319&amendid=0\">recent state reports\u003c/a>. It comes just a month after California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091366/a-devastating-outcome-california-forever-boosters-decry-loss-of-shipbuilding-deal\">lost a major contract \u003c/a>with the autonomous defense startup Saronic, which instead chose to build its Port Alpha naval shipyard in Brownsville, Texas. And it likely kills any chance of getting a bill passed before the end of the legislative session, which closes on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Today, we’ve already heard this legislation has holes,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said. “We need to continue to work on this legislation.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Today, we’ve already heard this legislation has holes,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said. “We need to continue to work on this legislation.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a suit sits behind a desk with a sign that reads "Mitch Mashburn Chair District 5."\" class=\"wp-image-12000221\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solano County Supervisor Mitch Mashburn speaks at a Solano County Board of Supervisors meeting in Fairfield on June 25, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a suit sits behind a desk with a sign that reads "Mitch Mashburn Chair District 5."\" class=\"wp-image-12000221\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solano County Supervisor Mitch Mashburn speaks at a Solano County Board of Supervisors meeting in Fairfield on June 25, 2024.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Most of the supervisors said they are interested in pursuing legislation in the future but want more time to work with the Governor’s Office, lawmakers and community groups between now and January, when the next legislative session starts, to draft a bill they fully understand and support.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Most of the supervisors said they are interested in pursuing legislation in the future but want more time to work with the Governor’s Office, lawmakers and community groups between now and January, when the next legislative session starts, to draft a bill they fully understand and support.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Asked Wednesday about the deal’s demise, Gov. Gavin Newsom expressed frustration that the board didn’t jump at the opportunity and said he would “have voted for that in a nanosecond.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Asked Wednesday about the deal’s demise, Gov. Gavin Newsom expressed frustration that the board didn’t jump at the opportunity and said he would “have voted for that in a nanosecond.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Continue to do what you’ve done, you’ll get what you got,” he said during a press conference on Mare Island in Vallejo. “Things are changing. … We’ve gotta step up our game.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Continue to do what you’ve done, you’ll get what you got,” he said during a press conference on Mare Island in Vallejo. “Things are changing. … We’ve gotta step up our game.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When asked whether he would continue to pursue the legislative deal, he said he would be meeting with his team on “three or four dozen bills” related to other matters, but that he would work through those and assess afterward.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>When asked whether he would continue to pursue the legislative deal, he said he would be meeting with his team on “three or four dozen bills” related to other matters, but that he would work through those and assess afterward.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While California Forever officials had been working on the legislative effort since mid-April, a bill has yet to be formally introduced. And as the session neared its end, it kept changing shape. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While California Forever officials had been working on the legislative effort since mid-April, a bill has yet to be formally introduced. And as the session neared its end, it kept changing shape. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, company officials said the bill would encompass all of California Forever’s projects, including a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043295/suisun-city-proposes-annexing-most-of-california-forevers-new-city\">advanced manufacturing site and housing\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, a person close to negotiations told KQED the bill could also streamline approvals for an aerospace site near Travis Air Force Base. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, company officials said the bill would encompass all of California Forever’s projects, including a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043295/suisun-city-proposes-annexing-most-of-california-forevers-new-city\">advanced manufacturing site and housing\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, a person close to negotiations told KQED the bill could also streamline approvals for an aerospace site near Travis Air Force Base. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The bill’s amorphous shape contributed to the supervisors’ skepticism. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The bill’s amorphous shape contributed to the supervisors’ skepticism. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson and state Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, both Democrats who represent areas impacted by the streamlining proposal, had been in talks with the supervisors in the months leading up to its expected introduction. After the vote, Wilson issued a statement on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DcfJiMBppiM/\">social\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=pfbid034SawPTKC53z2ZtZ5r4KfCUyu6zvNkQYTCRfBajFBzNn4BDpsWiH2b2e9nW8MjET4l&id=100080088566313&mibextid=wwXIfr&_rdr\">media\u003c/a> acknowledging the vote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson and state Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, both Democrats who represent areas impacted by the streamlining proposal, had been in talks with the supervisors in the months leading up to its expected introduction. After the vote, Wilson issued a statement on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DcfJiMBppiM/\">social\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=pfbid034SawPTKC53z2ZtZ5r4KfCUyu6zvNkQYTCRfBajFBzNn4BDpsWiH2b2e9nW8MjET4l&id=100080088566313&mibextid=wwXIfr&_rdr\">media\u003c/a> acknowledging the vote.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Solano County leaders have made clear they do not support the proposed Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act at this time, and I will continue to let the county take the lead on shipbuilding and manufacturing opportunities,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Solano County leaders have made clear they do not support the proposed Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act at this time, and I will continue to let the county take the lead on shipbuilding and manufacturing opportunities,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While it is still possible for lawmakers to introduce the bill, it is unlikely given the lack of support from local officials. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While it is still possible for lawmakers to introduce the bill, it is unlikely given the lack of support from local officials. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Solano County has the land and workforce to become a center for shipbuilding and manufacturing and bring in tens of thousands of well-paying jobs,” California Forever spokesperson Jim Wunderman said in a statement. “But to attract employers, key stakeholders must show the county is open for business and able to operate at the speed of competing states. We look forward to working with everyone on next steps.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Solano County has the land and workforce to become a center for shipbuilding and manufacturing and bring in tens of thousands of well-paying jobs,” California Forever spokesperson Jim Wunderman said in a statement. “But to attract employers, key stakeholders must show the county is open for business and able to operate at the speed of competing states. We look forward to working with everyone on next steps.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Waterfront in the town of Collinsville in Solano County on May 13, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091524\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Waterfront in the town of Collinsville in Solano County on May 13, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>During the meeting’s three-hour public comment session, the crowd was overwhelmingly in opposition to the streamlining proposal, arguing it would limit the county’s ability to weigh in on future plans. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>During the meeting’s three-hour public comment session, the crowd was overwhelmingly in opposition to the streamlining proposal, arguing it would limit the county’s ability to weigh in on future plans. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Karlyn Lewis, a county resident, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/ca-forever-opposition-letter\">a letter that opposition group Solano Together sent\u003c/a> to state lawmakers in early August, urging them to reject the deal.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Karlyn Lewis, a county resident, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/ca-forever-opposition-letter\">a letter that opposition group Solano Together sent\u003c/a> to state lawmakers in early August, urging them to reject the deal.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with jobs. It had to do with the state being able to come in and say, ‘We’re going to tell your locality what you need to do,’” she said. “I ask you to be against this proposal, this legislation, because we need to be able to chart our own destiny.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with jobs. It had to do with the state being able to come in and say, ‘We’re going to tell your locality what you need to do,’” she said. “I ask you to be against this proposal, this legislation, because we need to be able to chart our own destiny.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, supporters of the proposal said it would provide much-needed jobs, particularly for people who commute outside the county for work. Steve McCall, the business manager for the local plumbers and steamfitters union, urged the supervisors to support the bill “for the workers, for the people of the county.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, supporters of the proposal said it would provide much-needed jobs, particularly for people who commute outside the county for work. Steve McCall, the business manager for the local plumbers and steamfitters union, urged the supervisors to support the bill “for the workers, for the people of the county.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12040859\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The intersection of Highway 12 and Highway 113 in Solano County outside of Suisun City on May 13, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12040859\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The intersection of Highway 12 and Highway 113 in Solano County outside of Suisun City on May 13, 2025.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“People in this county drive outside of it to go to work,” he said. “And for an area that has the \u003ca href=\"https://vitalsigns.mtc.ca.gov/indicators/unemployment\">largest unemployment\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, I think we can make a change.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“People in this county drive outside of it to go to work,” he said. “And for an area that has the \u003ca href=\"https://vitalsigns.mtc.ca.gov/indicators/unemployment\">largest unemployment\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, I think we can make a change.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the deal said they didn’t get time to review the legislation, and it wouldn’t result in jobs and a loss of local control. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the deal said they didn’t get time to review the legislation, and it wouldn’t result in jobs and a loss of local control. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The company had been courting Saronic since last fall, with the hope that it would choose to build its shipyard on California Forever-owned land near Collinsville. This year’s legislative push was an attempt to woo the startup — and other prospective business partners — to set up shop on its site. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The company had been courting Saronic since last fall, with the hope that it would choose to build its shipyard on California Forever-owned land near Collinsville. This year’s legislative push was an attempt to woo the startup — and other prospective business partners — to set up shop on its site. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The legislation would have allowed California Forever to rely on a 2008 environmental impact report for the shipyard. The Solano County Board of Supervisors had previously designated about 1,350 acres near Collinsville for “water-dependent industrial use.” The bill would have also set hard permitting deadlines — 90 days for ministerial permits and 180 days for discretionary approvals — and created a shot clock of 45 days for disputes to be resolved. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Shortly after California Forever lost the Saronic deal, the Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development convened a meeting with state lawmakers and officials from Solano County and California Forever to discuss a bill to support maritime and advanced manufacturing activities at the Collinsville site. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mashburn said he worried the governor would include the legislation in a trailer bill, a secondary piece of legislation used to implement the state budget after it has been approved. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/02/california-trailer-bills-sneaky-law/\">Some have criticized\u003c/a> the use of trailer bills as a way to sidestep public input. At Tuesday’s meeting, supervisors voted to revisit the streamlining proposal at a later date. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Mashburn said he worried the governor would include the legislation in a trailer bill, a secondary piece of legislation used to implement the state budget after it has been approved. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/02/california-trailer-bills-sneaky-law/\">Some have criticized\u003c/a> the use of trailer bills as a way to sidestep public input. At Tuesday’s meeting, supervisors voted to revisit the streamlining proposal at a later date. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The piece for me that gave it urgency was worrying about whether the governor was going to cram [the bill] down our throats,” Mashburn said. “And I got to tell you right now, I ain’t really that afraid of the governor.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“The piece for me that gave it urgency was worrying about whether the governor was going to cram [the bill] down our throats,” Mashburn said. “And I got to tell you right now, I ain’t really that afraid of the governor.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Supervisors Monica Brown and John Vasquez ultimately voted against Mashburn’s plan. While Vasquez did not comment on why he voted no, Brown said she did not want to support any future streamlining bill. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Supervisors Monica Brown and John Vasquez ultimately voted against Mashburn’s plan. While Vasquez did not comment on why he voted no, Brown said she did not want to support any future streamlining bill. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I think we’re rushing into something and listening to something that I don’t think is going to [result in bringing] any kind of extra jobs without destroying the land,” Brown said. “And I don’t want the land to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I think we’re rushing into something and listening to something that I don’t think is going to [result in bringing] any kind of extra jobs without destroying the land,” Brown said. “And I don’t want the land to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>This is not the first time supervisors have been asked to provide direction on streamlining legislation for California Forever. Last September, in the last days of the legislative session, company officials worked with state lawmakers to introduce a bill similar to the one they worked on this year. The supervisors ultimately supported the effort, but no legislation was introduced or passed before the session ended. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>This is not the first time supervisors have been asked to provide direction on streamlining legislation for California Forever. Last September, in the last days of the legislative session, company officials worked with state lawmakers to introduce a bill similar to the one they worked on this year. The supervisors ultimately supported the effort, but no legislation was introduced or passed before the session ended. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s meeting, Mashburn likened this year’s legislative push to “Groundhog Day,” and said he wants more time to discuss the details of any future deal. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Not wait until the last minute,” he said. “That’s not going to play well.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\">Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After a 12-hour meeting, the Solano County Board of Supervisors voted to oppose state legislation that would have fast-tracked approvals for the billionaire-backed company’s proposed shipbuilding site. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-forever\">California Forever’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089233/california-forevers-bid-to-win-manufacturing-jobs-divides-solano-county-residents\">legislative deal\u003c/a> to streamline a shipbuilding project in Solano County is likely dead after supervisors voted Tuesday to reject the plan.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bill, called the Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act, would have allowed the company to rely on a nearly 20-year-old environmental impact report for a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037142/california-forevers-shipbuilding-plans-need-more-details-solano-county-officials-say\">shipbuilding site\u003c/a> on land California Forever owns in Collinsville, a rural community at the mouth of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta. It would have also fast-tracked regulatory approvals for the project.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The 3-2 vote is a major setback for the billionaire-backed company, which had spent $455,000 to lobby for the bill’s passage, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=3178319&amendid=0\">recent state reports\u003c/a>. It comes just a month after California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12091366/a-devastating-outcome-california-forever-boosters-decry-loss-of-shipbuilding-deal\">lost a major contract \u003c/a>with the autonomous defense startup Saronic, which instead chose to build its Port Alpha naval shipyard in Brownsville, Texas. And it likely kills any chance of getting a bill passed before the end of the legislative session, which closes on Aug. 31.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, we’ve already heard this legislation has holes,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said. “We need to continue to work on this legislation.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing glasses and a suit sits behind a desk with a sign that reads "Mitch Mashburn Chair District 5."\" class=\"wp-image-12000221\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240625-SOLANO-COUNTY-BOARD-OF-SUPES-MD-04_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Solano County Supervisor Mitch Mashburn speaks at a Solano County Board of Supervisors meeting in Fairfield on June 25, 2024. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Most of the supervisors said they are interested in pursuing legislation in the future but want more time to work with the Governor’s Office, lawmakers and community groups between now and January, when the next legislative session starts, to draft a bill they fully understand and support.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Asked Wednesday about the deal’s demise, Gov. Gavin Newsom expressed frustration that the board didn’t jump at the opportunity and said he would “have voted for that in a nanosecond.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Continue to do what you’ve done, you’ll get what you got,” he said during a press conference on Mare Island in Vallejo. “Things are changing. … We’ve gotta step up our game.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When asked whether he would continue to pursue the legislative deal, he said he would be meeting with his team on “three or four dozen bills” related to other matters, but that he would work through those and assess afterward.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While California Forever officials had been working on the legislative effort since mid-April, a bill has yet to be formally introduced. And as the session neared its end, it kept changing shape. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, company officials said the bill would encompass all of California Forever’s projects, including a proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043295/suisun-city-proposes-annexing-most-of-california-forevers-new-city\">advanced manufacturing site and housing\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, a person close to negotiations told KQED the bill could also streamline approvals for an aerospace site near Travis Air Force Base. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The bill’s amorphous shape contributed to the supervisors’ skepticism. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Lori Wilson and state Sen. Christopher Cabaldon, both Democrats who represent areas impacted by the streamlining proposal, had been in talks with the supervisors in the months leading up to its expected introduction. After the vote, Wilson issued a statement on \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DcfJiMBppiM/\">social\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=pfbid034SawPTKC53z2ZtZ5r4KfCUyu6zvNkQYTCRfBajFBzNn4BDpsWiH2b2e9nW8MjET4l&id=100080088566313&mibextid=wwXIfr&_rdr\">media\u003c/a> acknowledging the vote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Solano County leaders have made clear they do not support the proposed Solano Maritime and Manufacturing Act at this time, and I will continue to let the county take the lead on shipbuilding and manufacturing opportunities,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While it is still possible for lawmakers to introduce the bill, it is unlikely given the lack of support from local officials. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Solano County has the land and workforce to become a center for shipbuilding and manufacturing and bring in tens of thousands of well-paying jobs,” California Forever spokesperson Jim Wunderman said in a statement. “But to attract employers, key stakeholders must show the county is open for business and able to operate at the speed of competing states. We look forward to working with everyone on next steps.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12091524\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Waterfront in the town of Collinsville in Solano County on May 13, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>During the meeting’s three-hour public comment session, the crowd was overwhelmingly in opposition to the streamlining proposal, arguing it would limit the county’s ability to weigh in on future plans. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Karlyn Lewis, a county resident, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/ca-forever-opposition-letter\">a letter that opposition group Solano Together sent\u003c/a> to state lawmakers in early August, urging them to reject the deal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with jobs. It had to do with the state being able to come in and say, ‘We’re going to tell your locality what you need to do,’” she said. “I ask you to be against this proposal, this legislation, because we need to be able to chart our own destiny.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, supporters of the proposal said it would provide much-needed jobs, particularly for people who commute outside the county for work. Steve McCall, the business manager for the local plumbers and steamfitters union, urged the supervisors to support the bill “for the workers, for the people of the county.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12040859\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-CaliforniaForeverAnnexExplainer-15-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The intersection of Highway 12 and Highway 113 in Solano County outside of Suisun City on May 13, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“People in this county drive outside of it to go to work,” he said. “And for an area that has the \u003ca href=\"https://vitalsigns.mtc.ca.gov/indicators/unemployment\">largest unemployment\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, I think we can make a change.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the deal said they didn’t get time to review the legislation, and it wouldn’t result in jobs and a loss of local control. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The company had been courting Saronic since last fall, with the hope that it would choose to build its shipyard on California Forever-owned land near Collinsville. This year’s legislative push was an attempt to woo the startup — and other prospective business partners — to set up shop on its site. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The legislation would have allowed California Forever to rely on a 2008 environmental impact report for the shipyard. The Solano County Board of Supervisors had previously designated about 1,350 acres near Collinsville for “water-dependent industrial use.” The bill would have also set hard permitting deadlines — 90 days for ministerial permits and 180 days for discretionary approvals — and created a shot clock of 45 days for disputes to be resolved. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Shortly after California Forever lost the Saronic deal, the Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development convened a meeting with state lawmakers and officials from Solano County and California Forever to discuss a bill to support maritime and advanced manufacturing activities at the Collinsville site. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mashburn said he worried the governor would include the legislation in a trailer bill, a secondary piece of legislation used to implement the state budget after it has been approved. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/02/california-trailer-bills-sneaky-law/\">Some have criticized\u003c/a> the use of trailer bills as a way to sidestep public input. At Tuesday’s meeting, supervisors voted to revisit the streamlining proposal at a later date. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The piece for me that gave it urgency was worrying about whether the governor was going to cram [the bill] down our throats,” Mashburn said. “And I got to tell you right now, I ain’t really that afraid of the governor.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Supervisors Monica Brown and John Vasquez ultimately voted against Mashburn’s plan. While Vasquez did not comment on why he voted no, Brown said she did not want to support any future streamlining bill. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I think we’re rushing into something and listening to something that I don’t think is going to [result in bringing] any kind of extra jobs without destroying the land,” Brown said. “And I don’t want the land to be destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>This is not the first time supervisors have been asked to provide direction on streamlining legislation for California Forever. Last September, in the last days of the legislative session, company officials worked with state lawmakers to introduce a bill similar to the one they worked on this year. The supervisors ultimately supported the effort, but no legislation was introduced or passed before the session ended. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s meeting, Mashburn likened this year’s legislative push to “Groundhog Day,” and said he wants more time to discuss the details of any future deal. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Not wait until the last minute,” he said. “That’s not going to play well.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\">Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Citing real and imminent harm to “vulnerable populations, critical programs, and ongoing services,” a federal appeals court refused Tuesday to let the Trump administration withhold billions of dollars in previously awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/federal-funding\">federal funds\u003c/a> from Bay Area cities and counties over compliance with new rules on “gender ideology,” “elective abortions” and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump had instituted the changes in early 2025, issuing what the court described as “sweeping executive orders” targeting the recipients of grant money from the Departments of Transportation and Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The new conditions also require local governments to verify the immigration status of any individual grant recipient.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Washington state’s King County were among the raft of local governments that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041080/two-california-counties-battle-trump-administration-over-homelessness-funding\">challenged the new conditions\u003c/a> that May, quickly securing an injunction from a federal judge.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12065389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Rep. Sam Liccardo speaks during a press conference in San José about changes to a federal housing program’s funding by the Trump administration on Nov. 24, 2025. (Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A divided panel of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2026/08/25/25-3664.pdf\">affirmed\u003c/a> that decision on Tuesday in Seattle, siding with Sonoma and Santa Clara counties, among other municipalities across the country. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of the conditions far exceed the limited authority set out by Congress and superimpose onerous requirements well after the government already awarded grant funds,” Judge M. Margaret McKeown wrote for the majority.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She noted that some of the governments involved in the lawsuit “have already expended millions of dollars in reliance on their conditional awards.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>McKeown said federal housing funds are designed “to meet the critically urgent needs of the homeless of the Nation” and “to assist the homeless, with special emphasis on elderly persons, handicapped persons, families with children, Native Americans, and veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Joined by fellow Clinton appointee Judge Richard Paez, McKeown agreed with the lower court’s finding that the “loss of grant funds would be devastating and irreparable.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It further concluded that ‘these likely harms are not … merely monetary in nature,’ and noted the potential harm to ‘shelter-unstable families’ and the ‘incalculable effects of forcing unforeseen reductions in transportation spending,’” McKeown wrote. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12038484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">In his first 100 days in office, President Donald Trump has signed just five bills into law while issuing over 100 executive actions, a pattern that fits with his vision of a more powerful executive. (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>McKeown and Paez hinged their ruling on Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, saying “the Local Governments are likely to succeed on the merits” of their claim. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Pacifica Law Group attorney Paul J. Lawrence, who represented the local governments at oral arguments in February, called the decision “a major victory for the rule of law and a setback for the Trump Administration’s effort to force its policy objectives on local governments.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Only Congress, not the Executive, has the power to set conditions for the award of federal grants,” Lawrence said in an email. “Local governments depend on Congressionally approved grants to provide critical services to their communities. The ruling preserves access to billions of dollars in federal grants for 75 communities across the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Emily Langlie, a spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Seattle, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a 20-page dissent, Trump-appointed Judge Patrick Bumatay called the ruling “yet another instance of courts confronting a question of ‘who decides’ and choosing wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Too often it’s forgotten that the federal judiciary is the ‘weakest’ branch,” said Bumatay, quoting Alexander Hamilton in \u003cem>The Federalist Papers\u003c/em>. “That’s because the judiciary ‘has no influence over either the sword or the purse.’ In other words, the federal ‘purse’ belongs to the political branches — not the courts. Unfortunately, those principles are forgotten here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A former federal prosecutor who received his judgeship in 2019, Bumatay cautioned that “dislike for the President’s policies is no substitute for following the law.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than deferring to the Executive’s discretion to make these choices, we once again step into the political arena and decide what we think is best for the country,” he said. “By enjoining these funding conditions, we overstep our bounds and intrude on the policymaking left to the elected branches.” \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Rather than deferring to the Executive’s discretion to make these choices, we once again step into the political arena and decide what we think is best for the country,” he said. “By enjoining these funding conditions, we overstep our bounds and intrude on the policymaking left to the elected branches.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A divided appeals court panel said Bay Area cities’ compliance with the new federal funding rules would be “devastating and irreparable” for vulnerable families. ",
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"title": "Trump Grant Conditions for Gender, Abortion and Immigration Suffer 9th Circuit Defeat | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Citing real and imminent harm to “vulnerable populations, critical programs, and ongoing services,” a federal appeals court refused Tuesday to let the Trump administration withhold billions of dollars in previously awarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/federal-funding\">federal funds\u003c/a> from Bay Area cities and counties over compliance with new rules on “gender ideology,” “elective abortions” and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump had instituted the changes in early 2025, issuing what the court described as “sweeping executive orders” targeting the recipients of grant money from the Departments of Transportation and Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The new conditions also require local governments to verify the immigration status of any individual grant recipient.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Washington state’s King County were among the raft of local governments that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041080/two-california-counties-battle-trump-administration-over-homelessness-funding\">challenged the new conditions\u003c/a> that May, quickly securing an injunction from a federal judge.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12065389\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251124-SJHUDCUTS-JG-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Rep. Sam Liccardo speaks during a press conference in San José about changes to a federal housing program’s funding by the Trump administration on Nov. 24, 2025. (Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A divided panel of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2026/08/25/25-3664.pdf\">affirmed\u003c/a> that decision on Tuesday in Seattle, siding with Sonoma and Santa Clara counties, among other municipalities across the country. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of the conditions far exceed the limited authority set out by Congress and superimpose onerous requirements well after the government already awarded grant funds,” Judge M. Margaret McKeown wrote for the majority.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She noted that some of the governments involved in the lawsuit “have already expended millions of dollars in reliance on their conditional awards.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>McKeown said federal housing funds are designed “to meet the critically urgent needs of the homeless of the Nation” and “to assist the homeless, with special emphasis on elderly persons, handicapped persons, families with children, Native Americans, and veterans.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Joined by fellow Clinton appointee Judge Richard Paez, McKeown agreed with the lower court’s finding that the “loss of grant funds would be devastating and irreparable.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It further concluded that ‘these likely harms are not … merely monetary in nature,’ and noted the potential harm to ‘shelter-unstable families’ and the ‘incalculable effects of forcing unforeseen reductions in transportation spending,’” McKeown wrote. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12038484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">In his first 100 days in office, President Donald Trump has signed just five bills into law while issuing over 100 executive actions, a pattern that fits with his vision of a more powerful executive. (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>McKeown and Paez hinged their ruling on Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, saying “the Local Governments are likely to succeed on the merits” of their claim. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Pacifica Law Group attorney Paul J. Lawrence, who represented the local governments at oral arguments in February, called the decision “a major victory for the rule of law and a setback for the Trump Administration’s effort to force its policy objectives on local governments.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Only Congress, not the Executive, has the power to set conditions for the award of federal grants,” Lawrence said in an email. “Local governments depend on Congressionally approved grants to provide critical services to their communities. The ruling preserves access to billions of dollars in federal grants for 75 communities across the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Emily Langlie, a spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Seattle, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a 20-page dissent, Trump-appointed Judge Patrick Bumatay called the ruling “yet another instance of courts confronting a question of ‘who decides’ and choosing wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Too often it’s forgotten that the federal judiciary is the ‘weakest’ branch,” said Bumatay, quoting Alexander Hamilton in \u003cem>The Federalist Papers\u003c/em>. “That’s because the judiciary ‘has no influence over either the sword or the purse.’ In other words, the federal ‘purse’ belongs to the political branches — not the courts. Unfortunately, those principles are forgotten here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>A former federal prosecutor who received his judgeship in 2019, Bumatay cautioned that “dislike for the President’s policies is no substitute for following the law.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than deferring to the Executive’s discretion to make these choices, we once again step into the political arena and decide what we think is best for the country,” he said. “By enjoining these funding conditions, we overstep our bounds and intrude on the policymaking left to the elected branches.” \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-metas-landmark-settlement-could-be-social-medias-big-tobacco-moment",
"title": "Why Meta’s Landmark Settlement Could Be Social Media’s ‘Big Tobacco Moment’",
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"content": "\n\u003cp>Meta’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096821/meta-states-agree-to-17-billion-settlement-in-child-safety-trial\">landmark child safety settlement\u003c/a> with 47 states, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories on Wednesday could set a new industry standard for teen tech protections, potentially reshaping how young people interact with social media. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta warned other tech titans, including TikTok, Snap and YouTube, that the settlement creates what he called an “enforceable blueprint” for states.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We expect that other members of the industry … will adhere to essentially a similar set of remedies and protections for kids,” Bonta said during a press conference on Wednesday morning. “Whether we do that through litigation, through conversation and resolution, is really up to the other members of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement agreement between Meta and the bipartisan coalition of states and territories was approved by federal district Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers on Wednesday, halting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096121/she-died-by-design-meta-on-trial-over-child-safety\">ongoing child safety trial\u003c/a> led by California, Colorado, Kentucky and New Jersey. The states, on behalf of a larger coalition of 29, have accused the company of knowingly designing its products in ways that could harm children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chris Lewis, commissioner of consumer and senior protection of the Kentucky Attorney General’s Office, cross-examines psychology professor Jean Twenge on Aug. 19, 2026, in an Oakland courtroom. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement requires Meta to make significant changes to its Instagram and Facebook platforms and pay more than $17 billion in financial penalties to states over the next decade. It resolves a number of other pending state lawsuits against Meta, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\">thousands of other cases\u003c/a> filed by individuals and school districts will continue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have secured the changes we were after,” Bonta said of the settlement. “I don’t think we compromised on anything here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Over the next six months, Meta will be required to institute a default daily time limit of two hours for users under 18, a nighttime block between midnight and 6 a.m. and a notification block overnight and during school hours. Those default settings can only be changed by a parent, and some would be expanded if other social media companies commit to similar terms.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Their apps will also ban displaying the number of likes or reactions that users under 18 get on their posts, and ban image filters that imitate cosmetic procedures for those users. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta also committed to creating enhanced parent supervision tools, instituting more robust measures to detect users’ ages and bringing on an independent auditor “with expansive access to information and resources, regular reporting and the right to communicate concerns to the attorneys general.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is a really strong down payment on protecting our kids,” Bonta said. “It is transformative. It is a watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Marin resident Victoria Hinks, whose daughter Alexandra, nicknamed Owl, died by suicide at 16 after she said she was exposed to harmful content on social media, supported the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse on Wednesday morning, she said that while the final dollar amount Meta will have to pay states doesn’t come close to the $1.4 trillion they initially sought, the $17.1 billion figure “is meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money — no amount of money is ever going to bring my daughter back,” she said. “But unfortunately, it’s the only language they understand, and it needs to hurt a little bit for them to make changes so that it doesn’t happen again.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California expects to receive upward of $2 billion in total, which Bonta said would be used for efforts addressing social media-related mental health issues, addictive tendencies and learning loss.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095836\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Meta’s lead attorney Paul Schmidt delivers his opening statements for Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. Schmidt told the court that the company doesn’t deny that “some teens struggle to manage their time on social media,” and some people “post negative things.” (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a statement, Meta’s chief legal officer C.J. Mahoney said the settlement would create a “new set of rules governing teens’ use of social media” — if other social media companies follow suit. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Because teens move fluidly across dozens of apps, we need an industry-wide solution,” Mahoney said. “We therefore call on our industry peers, TikTok and YouTube, to implement this new framework, right away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Google, which operates YouTube, Snap and TikTok, did not immediately respond to requests for comment about whether they plan to consider making similar changes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California and 14 attorneys general have a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-attorney-general-james-lead-coalition-suing-tiktok\">pending lawsuit\u003c/a> against TikTok over child safety dangers, and Bonta said his office is “very concerned” about YouTube. Pennsylvania’s attorney general on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/snapchat-sued-pennsylvania-attorney-general/\">announced a similar lawsuit against Snap\u003c/a>, which operates Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GettyImages-2290506003-1-scaled-e1787755545663.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096824\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters at a press conference after opening arguments took place in the Meta trial over a lawsuit brought by U.S. states about social media addiction at the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and United States Courthouse in Oakland, California, on Aug. 18, 2026. (Godofredo A. Vasquez/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have a lawsuit against TikTok. We’re gonna be putting more time and attention and focus on that,” Bonta said. “With the momentum that we’ve built, the success that we have secured here, we will be focusing on the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s deal followed days of what Bonta called “devastating” testimony for Meta from former employees, social media and mental health experts and, on Tuesday, Instagram chief Adam Mosseri.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the stand, state lawyers showed Mosseri internal emails and documents that suggested Meta knowingly left information out of presentations and documents shared with him and other top executives at the request of company attorneys, who worried about exposing them to “litigation risk.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mosseri defended the company’s decision to reduce the number of employees with access to internal research after the \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-facebook-files-11631713039\">“Facebook Files”\u003c/a> exposed a bevy of Meta documents showing the platform had flaws that caused harm, but state attorneys questioned why lawyers, not product designers or researchers, would have had final say over what information was deemed important to bring to executives. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that Meta settled midway through Instagram president Adam Mosseri’s testimony, and before CEO Mark Zuckerberg could take the stand,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jim Steyer, the founder of San Francisco-based research and advocacy nonprofit Common Sense Media, called the settlement “social media’s ‘Big Tobacco moment.’”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Still, he said, the work of state justice departments and advocates moving forward will be to “stay vigilant” about enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are major step forwards,” he said. “My guess is you will see additional legislation and potentially legal action to add further restrictions to the behavior of platforms like Facebook and Instagram, which have been the biggest offenders.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“But this is an ongoing battle,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chris Lewis, commissioner of consumer and senior protection of the Kentucky Attorney General’s Office, cross-examines psychology professor Jean Twenge on Aug. 19, 2026, in an Oakland courtroom.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096038\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chris Lewis, commissioner of consumer and senior protection of the Kentucky Attorney General’s Office, cross-examines psychology professor Jean Twenge on Aug. 19, 2026, in an Oakland courtroom.\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The settlement requires Meta to make significant changes to its Instagram and Facebook platforms and pay more than $17 billion in financial penalties to states over the next decade. It resolves a number of other pending state lawsuits against Meta, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\">thousands of other cases\u003c/a> filed by individuals and school districts will continue.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The settlement requires Meta to make significant changes to its Instagram and Facebook platforms and pay more than $17 billion in financial penalties to states over the next decade. It resolves a number of other pending state lawsuits against Meta, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\">thousands of other cases\u003c/a> filed by individuals and school districts will continue.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We have secured the changes we were after,” Bonta said of the settlement. “I don’t think we compromised on anything here.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Over the next six months, Meta will be required to institute a default daily time limit of two hours for users under 18, a nighttime block between midnight and 6 a.m. and a notification block overnight and during school hours. Those default settings can only be changed by a parent, and some would be expanded if other social media companies commit to similar terms.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Their apps will also ban displaying the number of likes or reactions that users under 18 get on their posts, and ban image filters that imitate cosmetic procedures for those users. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meta also committed to creating enhanced parent supervision tools, instituting more robust measures to detect users’ ages and bringing on an independent auditor “with expansive access to information and resources, regular reporting and the right to communicate concerns to the attorneys general.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This is a really strong down payment on protecting our kids,” Bonta said. “It is transformative. It is a watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Marin resident Victoria Hinks, whose daughter Alexandra, nicknamed Owl, died by suicide at 16 after she said she was exposed to harmful content on social media, supported the settlement.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse on Wednesday morning, she said that while the final dollar amount Meta will have to pay states doesn’t come close to the $1.4 trillion they initially sought, the $17.1 billion figure “is meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse on Wednesday morning, she said that while the final dollar amount Meta will have to pay states doesn’t come close to the $1.4 trillion they initially sought, the $17.1 billion figure “is meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money — no amount of money is ever going to bring my daughter back,” she said. “But unfortunately, it’s the only language they understand, and it needs to hurt a little bit for them to make changes so that it doesn’t happen again.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money — no amount of money is ever going to bring my daughter back,” she said. “But unfortunately, it’s the only language they understand, and it needs to hurt a little bit for them to make changes so that it doesn’t happen again.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California expects to receive upward of $2 billion in total, which Bonta said would be used for efforts addressing social media-related mental health issues, addictive tendencies and learning loss.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095836\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Meta’s lead attorney Paul Schmidt delivers his opening statements for Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. Schmidt told the court that the company doesn’t deny that “some teens struggle to manage their time on social media,” and some people “post negative things.”\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095836\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Meta’s lead attorney Paul Schmidt delivers his opening statements for Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. Schmidt told the court that the company doesn’t deny that “some teens struggle to manage their time on social media,” and some people “post negative things.”\u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In a statement, Meta’s chief legal officer C.J. Mahoney said the settlement would create a “new set of rules governing teens’ use of social media” — if other social media companies follow suit. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In a statement, Meta’s chief legal officer C.J. Mahoney said the settlement would create a “new set of rules governing teens’ use of social media” — if other social media companies follow suit. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Because teens move fluidly across dozens of apps, we need an industry-wide solution,” Mahoney said. “We therefore call on our industry peers, TikTok and YouTube, to implement this new framework, right away.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>California and 14 attorneys general have a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-attorney-general-james-lead-coalition-suing-tiktok\">pending lawsuit\u003c/a> against TikTok over child safety dangers, and Bonta said his office is “very concerned” about YouTube. Pennsylvania’s attorney general on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/snapchat-sued-pennsylvania-attorney-general/\">announced a similar lawsuit against Snap\u003c/a>, which operates Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GettyImages-2290506003-1-scaled-e1787755545663.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096824\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters at a press conference after opening arguments took place in the Meta trial over a lawsuit brought by U.S. states about social media addiction at the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and United States Courthouse in Oakland, California, on Aug. 18, 2026. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Godofredo A. Vasquez/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GettyImages-2290506003-1-scaled-e1787755545663.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096824\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters at a press conference after opening arguments took place in the Meta trial over a lawsuit brought by U.S. states about social media addiction at the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and United States Courthouse in Oakland, California, on Aug. 18, 2026. \u003ccite class=\"wp-inline-image-credit\"> (Godofredo A. Vasquez/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“We have a lawsuit against TikTok. We’re gonna be putting more time and attention and focus on that,” Bonta said. “With the momentum that we’ve built, the success that we have secured here, we will be focusing on the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s deal followed days of what Bonta called “devastating” testimony for Meta from former employees, social media and mental health experts and, on Tuesday, Instagram chief Adam Mosseri.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Mosseri defended the company’s decision to reduce the number of employees with access to internal research after the \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-facebook-files-11631713039\">“Facebook Files”\u003c/a> exposed a bevy of Meta documents showing the platform had flaws that caused harm, but state attorneys questioned why lawyers, not product designers or researchers, would have had final say over what information was deemed important to bring to executives. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that Meta settled midway through Instagram president Adam Mosseri’s testimony, and before CEO Mark Zuckerberg could take the stand,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Jim Steyer, the founder of San Francisco-based research and advocacy nonprofit Common Sense Media, called the settlement “social media’s ‘Big Tobacco moment.’”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Still, he said, the work of state justice departments and advocates moving forward will be to “stay vigilant” about enforcement.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“These are major step forwards,” he said. “My guess is you will see additional legislation and potentially legal action to add further restrictions to the behavior of platforms like Facebook and Instagram, which have been the biggest offenders.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California Attorney General Rob Bonta warned other industry giants that states now have an “enforceable blueprint” for child social media protections.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Meta’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096821/meta-states-agree-to-17-billion-settlement-in-child-safety-trial\">landmark child safety settlement\u003c/a> with 47 states, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories on Wednesday could set a new industry standard for teen tech protections, potentially reshaping how young people interact with social media. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta warned other tech titans, including TikTok, Snap and YouTube, that the settlement creates what he called an “enforceable blueprint” for states.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We expect that other members of the industry … will adhere to essentially a similar set of remedies and protections for kids,” Bonta said during a press conference on Wednesday morning. “Whether we do that through litigation, through conversation and resolution, is really up to the other members of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement agreement between Meta and the bipartisan coalition of states and territories was approved by federal district Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers on Wednesday, halting the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096121/she-died-by-design-meta-on-trial-over-child-safety\">ongoing child safety trial\u003c/a> led by California, Colorado, Kentucky and New Jersey. The states, on behalf of a larger coalition of 29, have accused the company of knowingly designing its products in ways that could harm children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch3_VB-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chris Lewis, commissioner of consumer and senior protection of the Kentucky Attorney General’s Office, cross-examines psychology professor Jean Twenge on Aug. 19, 2026, in an Oakland courtroom. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The settlement requires Meta to make significant changes to its Instagram and Facebook platforms and pay more than $17 billion in financial penalties to states over the next decade. It resolves a number of other pending state lawsuits against Meta, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\">thousands of other cases\u003c/a> filed by individuals and school districts will continue.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have secured the changes we were after,” Bonta said of the settlement. “I don’t think we compromised on anything here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Over the next six months, Meta will be required to institute a default daily time limit of two hours for users under 18, a nighttime block between midnight and 6 a.m. and a notification block overnight and during school hours. Those default settings can only be changed by a parent, and some would be expanded if other social media companies commit to similar terms.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Their apps will also ban displaying the number of likes or reactions that users under 18 get on their posts, and ban image filters that imitate cosmetic procedures for those users. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta also committed to creating enhanced parent supervision tools, instituting more robust measures to detect users’ ages and bringing on an independent auditor “with expansive access to information and resources, regular reporting and the right to communicate concerns to the attorneys general.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is a really strong down payment on protecting our kids,” Bonta said. “It is transformative. It is a watershed moment.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Marin resident Victoria Hinks, whose daughter Alexandra, nicknamed Owl, died by suicide at 16 after she said she was exposed to harmful content on social media, supported the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Outside the courthouse on Wednesday morning, she said that while the final dollar amount Meta will have to pay states doesn’t come close to the $1.4 trillion they initially sought, the $17.1 billion figure “is meaningful.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the money — no amount of money is ever going to bring my daughter back,” she said. “But unfortunately, it’s the only language they understand, and it needs to hurt a little bit for them to make changes so that it doesn’t happen again.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California expects to receive upward of $2 billion in total, which Bonta said would be used for efforts addressing social media-related mental health issues, addictive tendencies and learning loss.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095836\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch2_VB-KQED-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Meta’s lead attorney Paul Schmidt delivers his opening statements for Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. Schmidt told the court that the company doesn’t deny that “some teens struggle to manage their time on social media,” and some people “post negative things.” (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In a statement, Meta’s chief legal officer C.J. Mahoney said the settlement would create a “new set of rules governing teens’ use of social media” — if other social media companies follow suit. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Because teens move fluidly across dozens of apps, we need an industry-wide solution,” Mahoney said. “We therefore call on our industry peers, TikTok and YouTube, to implement this new framework, right away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Google, which operates YouTube, Snap and TikTok, did not immediately respond to requests for comment about whether they plan to consider making similar changes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California and 14 attorneys general have a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-attorney-general-james-lead-coalition-suing-tiktok\">pending lawsuit\u003c/a> against TikTok over child safety dangers, and Bonta said his office is “very concerned” about YouTube. Pennsylvania’s attorney general on Tuesday \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/snapchat-sued-pennsylvania-attorney-general/\">announced a similar lawsuit against Snap\u003c/a>, which operates Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GettyImages-2290506003-1-scaled-e1787755545663.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096824\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks to reporters at a press conference after opening arguments took place in the Meta trial over a lawsuit brought by U.S. states about social media addiction at the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and United States Courthouse in Oakland, California, on Aug. 18, 2026. (Godofredo A. Vasquez/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We have a lawsuit against TikTok. We’re gonna be putting more time and attention and focus on that,” Bonta said. “With the momentum that we’ve built, the success that we have secured here, we will be focusing on the rest of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s deal followed days of what Bonta called “devastating” testimony for Meta from former employees, social media and mental health experts and, on Tuesday, Instagram chief Adam Mosseri.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On the stand, state lawyers showed Mosseri internal emails and documents that suggested Meta knowingly left information out of presentations and documents shared with him and other top executives at the request of company attorneys, who worried about exposing them to “litigation risk.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Mosseri defended the company’s decision to reduce the number of employees with access to internal research after the \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-facebook-files-11631713039\">“Facebook Files”\u003c/a> exposed a bevy of Meta documents showing the platform had flaws that caused harm, but state attorneys questioned why lawyers, not product designers or researchers, would have had final say over what information was deemed important to bring to executives. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that Meta settled midway through Instagram president Adam Mosseri’s testimony, and before CEO Mark Zuckerberg could take the stand,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jim Steyer, the founder of San Francisco-based research and advocacy nonprofit Common Sense Media, called the settlement “social media’s ‘Big Tobacco moment.’”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Still, he said, the work of state justice departments and advocates moving forward will be to “stay vigilant” about enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“These are major step forwards,” he said. “My guess is you will see additional legislation and potentially legal action to add further restrictions to the behavior of platforms like Facebook and Instagram, which have been the biggest offenders.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“But this is an ongoing battle,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Meta, States Agree to $17 Billion Settlement in Child Safety Trial",
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"content": "\u003cp>The social media company Meta and states suing it have agreed to a proposed settlement that would resolve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a landmark federal child safety lawsuit\u003c/a> and could be a turning point for a wave of lawsuits against social media companies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California, Colorado, Kentucky and New Jersey represented a larger consortium of states that alleged that Meta designed its apps — Facebook and Instagram — to be addictive to kids, knew about the risks those platforms posed, but hid that information from the public.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to claims that Meta broke state consumer protection laws, the states accused Meta of violating the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) by collecting data about children under the age of 13. Meta has a policy of not allowing kids under 13 on its platforms, but some skirt the rule by registering with false birth dates.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed settlement would require Meta to pay $17 billion in penalties to the states over 10 years, and to make significant changes to how its platforms operate so that they are safer for minors.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096040\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Deputy Attorney General Megan O’Neill delivered her opening statement in the state’s case against Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. O’Neill accused Meta of hiding its own research that showed children were being harmed by its platforms. Opening arguments began Tuesday in the federal suit brought by four attorneys general against Meta. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, we have secured a settlement with Meta that will make social media less dangerous for our kids and make a world of a difference for children and their families,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Meta has agreed to make massive transformations that will reduce the risk of harm from its platforms — and will do it within months,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta’s Chief Legal Officer C.J. Mahoney said in a statement the framework was groundbreaking and “will empower parents to easily manage how their children access our platforms.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“But its success depends on all other social media platforms following Meta’s lead,” he said, making an explicit call for TikTok and YouTube to implement this same framework.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tiktok and Google, which owns YouTube, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta has denied the allegations brought by the states.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bonta’s office also said Meta had agreed to a default time limit of two hours for users under 18 and a nighttime block between midnight and 6am, both of which can only be lifted by a parent; default night and schooltime notification blocks; a ban on displaying the numbers of “likes” or reactions to posts made by minors; a ban on cosmetic surgery image filters for minors; and an option for young users to have a “non-personalized feed” that is not run by an algorithm targeting them with content.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta must also bring on an independent auditor with “expansive access to information and resources” and the right to communicate with the attorneys general, the announcement said, and would also be subject to an injunction “prohibiting it from making further false, misleading, or deceptive statements around its safety features.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I am proud to deliver this settlement that addresses the concerns at the core of our lawsuit and institutes real change, real transparency, and real enforceable protections for children on Facebook and Instagram — right now, no more waiting,” Bonta wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/23-05448-ecf-572-1-exhibit-1-mdl-consent-judgment-final-settlment-agreement-fully-executed.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>proposed settlement\u003c/u>\u003c/a> says a portion of the funds would go toward things like youth mental health programs, after school programs and crisis intervention services.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The trial started last week in federal court in Oakland, Calif., and was expected to run through early October. But the settlement announcement comes only midway through the trial’s second week.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095995\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Arturo Béjar, a former Meta staffer and whistleblower, testified in court in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2026. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Key testimony came from insiders who worked at Meta, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095886/former-meta-engineer-arturo-bejar-testifies-mark-zuckerberg-put-profits-over-child-safety\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>whistleblower Arturo Béjar\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who testified that the company culture was obsessed with increasing user numbers and that Meta’s internal studies showed that young users were exposed to harmful experiences at much higher rates than the company acknowledged publicly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yesterday, the states brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/08/25/nx-s1-5944266/adam-mosseri-instagram-meta-child-safety-trial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>Instagram head Adam Mosseri\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to the stand and questioned him about the effectiveness of some features added to Instagram to try to keep teens from using it too much. They accused Mosseri of publicly touting the use of one of those safety features — called “Take a Break,” a feature that nudged kids to close the app — when the reality was that it had very limited uptake by teens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed settlement must be approved by the judge in the case, Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The case is part of a wave of lawsuits that has been compared to litigation against tobacco companies in the 1990s. Those suits led to record settlements, changes to the way the companies operate, and a shift in the public discourse about cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was consolidated from a series of lawsuits by attorneys general around the country against Meta, and the settlement resolves the cases and claims of 51 of those, according to the California Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096040\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Deputy Attorney General Megan O’Neill delivered her opening statement in the state’s case against Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. O’Neill accused Meta of hiding its own research that showed children were being harmed by its platforms. Opening arguments began Tuesday in the federal suit brought by four attorneys general against Meta. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Meta has agreed to make massive transformations that will reduce the risk of harm from its platforms — and will do it within months,” he added.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meta’s Chief Legal Officer C.J. Mahoney said in a statement the framework was groundbreaking and “will empower parents to easily manage how their children access our platforms.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meta has denied the allegations brought by the states.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Bonta’s office also said Meta had agreed to a default time limit of two hours for users under 18 and a nighttime block between midnight and 6am, both of which can only be lifted by a parent; default night and schooltime notification blocks; a ban on displaying the numbers of “likes” or reactions to posts made by minors; a ban on cosmetic surgery image filters for minors; and an option for young users to have a “non-personalized feed” that is not run by an algorithm targeting them with content.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meta must also bring on an independent auditor with “expansive access to information and resources” and the right to communicate with the attorneys general, the announcement said, and would also be subject to an injunction “prohibiting it from making further false, misleading, or deceptive statements around its safety features.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I am proud to deliver this settlement that addresses the concerns at the core of our lawsuit and institutes real change, real transparency, and real enforceable protections for children on Facebook and Instagram — right now, no more waiting,” Bonta wrote.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I am proud to deliver this settlement that addresses the concerns at the core of our lawsuit and institutes real change, real transparency, and real enforceable protections for children on Facebook and Instagram — right now, no more waiting,” Bonta wrote.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/23-05448-ecf-572-1-exhibit-1-mdl-consent-judgment-final-settlment-agreement-fully-executed.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>proposed settlement\u003c/u>\u003c/a> says a portion of the funds would go toward things like youth mental health programs, after school programs and crisis intervention services.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The trial started last week in federal court in Oakland, Calif., and was expected to run through early October. But the settlement announcement comes only midway through the trial’s second week.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Key testimony came from insiders who worked at Meta, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095886/former-meta-engineer-arturo-bejar-testifies-mark-zuckerberg-put-profits-over-child-safety\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>whistleblower Arturo Béjar\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who testified that the company culture was obsessed with increasing user numbers and that Meta’s internal studies showed that young users were exposed to harmful experiences at much higher rates than the company acknowledged publicly.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yesterday, the states brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/08/25/nx-s1-5944266/adam-mosseri-instagram-meta-child-safety-trial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>Instagram head Adam Mosseri\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to the stand and questioned him about the effectiveness of some features added to Instagram to try to keep teens from using it too much. They accused Mosseri of publicly touting the use of one of those safety features — called “Take a Break,” a feature that nudged kids to close the app — when the reality was that it had very limited uptake by teens.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The proposed settlement must be approved by the judge in the case, Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The case was consolidated from a series of lawsuits by attorneys general around the country against Meta, and the settlement resolves the cases and claims of 51 of those, according to the California Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The proposed settlement would require Meta to pay $17 billion in penalties over 10 years, and to make changes to make its platforms safer for minors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The social media company Meta and states suing it have agreed to a proposed settlement that would resolve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095583/meta-hooked-kids-federal-trial-against-tech-giant-kicks-off-in-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">a landmark federal child safety lawsuit\u003c/a> and could be a turning point for a wave of lawsuits against social media companies.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>California, Colorado, Kentucky and New Jersey represented a larger consortium of states that alleged that Meta designed its apps — Facebook and Instagram — to be addictive to kids, knew about the risks those platforms posed, but hid that information from the public.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to claims that Meta broke state consumer protection laws, the states accused Meta of violating the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) by collecting data about children under the age of 13. Meta has a policy of not allowing kids under 13 on its platforms, but some skirt the rule by registering with false birth dates.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed settlement would require Meta to pay $17 billion in penalties to the states over 10 years, and to make significant changes to how its platforms operate so that they are safer for minors.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096040\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/MetaTrialSketch1_VB-KQED-1-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">California Deputy Attorney General Megan O’Neill delivered her opening statement in the state’s case against Meta on Aug. 18, 2026, in Oakland. O’Neill accused Meta of hiding its own research that showed children were being harmed by its platforms. Opening arguments began Tuesday in the federal suit brought by four attorneys general against Meta. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Today, we have secured a settlement with Meta that will make social media less dangerous for our kids and make a world of a difference for children and their families,” California Attorney General Rob Bonta said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Meta has agreed to make massive transformations that will reduce the risk of harm from its platforms — and will do it within months,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta’s Chief Legal Officer C.J. Mahoney said in a statement the framework was groundbreaking and “will empower parents to easily manage how their children access our platforms.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“But its success depends on all other social media platforms following Meta’s lead,” he said, making an explicit call for TikTok and YouTube to implement this same framework.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Tiktok and Google, which owns YouTube, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta has denied the allegations brought by the states.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Bonta’s office also said Meta had agreed to a default time limit of two hours for users under 18 and a nighttime block between midnight and 6am, both of which can only be lifted by a parent; default night and schooltime notification blocks; a ban on displaying the numbers of “likes” or reactions to posts made by minors; a ban on cosmetic surgery image filters for minors; and an option for young users to have a “non-personalized feed” that is not run by an algorithm targeting them with content.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meta must also bring on an independent auditor with “expansive access to information and resources” and the right to communicate with the attorneys general, the announcement said, and would also be subject to an injunction “prohibiting it from making further false, misleading, or deceptive statements around its safety features.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I am proud to deliver this settlement that addresses the concerns at the core of our lawsuit and institutes real change, real transparency, and real enforceable protections for children on Facebook and Instagram — right now, no more waiting,” Bonta wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/23-05448-ecf-572-1-exhibit-1-mdl-consent-judgment-final-settlment-agreement-fully-executed.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>proposed settlement\u003c/u>\u003c/a> says a portion of the funds would go toward things like youth mental health programs, after school programs and crisis intervention services.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The trial started last week in federal court in Oakland, Calif., and was expected to run through early October. But the settlement announcement comes only midway through the trial’s second week.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095995\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260819-MetaTrialSketch1_VB-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Arturo Béjar, a former Meta staffer and whistleblower, testified in court in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2026. (Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Key testimony came from insiders who worked at Meta, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12095886/former-meta-engineer-arturo-bejar-testifies-mark-zuckerberg-put-profits-over-child-safety\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>whistleblower Arturo Béjar\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who testified that the company culture was obsessed with increasing user numbers and that Meta’s internal studies showed that young users were exposed to harmful experiences at much higher rates than the company acknowledged publicly.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yesterday, the states brought \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/08/25/nx-s1-5944266/adam-mosseri-instagram-meta-child-safety-trial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">\u003cu>Instagram head Adam Mosseri\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to the stand and questioned him about the effectiveness of some features added to Instagram to try to keep teens from using it too much. They accused Mosseri of publicly touting the use of one of those safety features — called “Take a Break,” a feature that nudged kids to close the app — when the reality was that it had very limited uptake by teens.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The proposed settlement must be approved by the judge in the case, Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The case is part of a wave of lawsuits that has been compared to litigation against tobacco companies in the 1990s. Those suits led to record settlements, changes to the way the companies operate, and a shift in the public discourse about cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case was consolidated from a series of lawsuits by attorneys general around the country against Meta, and the settlement resolves the cases and claims of 51 of those, according to the California Attorney General’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "East Oakland ‘Random’ Stabbing Spree Leaves 1 Dead, 4 Injured, Police Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>One man has died and four others were injured after a series of stabbings within 30 minutes of one another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">East Oakland\u003c/a> Monday night. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Oakland Police Department said one of the surviving victims is in critical condition, while the other three are stable. A suspect police believe is responsible for the spree is in custody.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Just before 7:30 p.m. Monday, police responded to a report of a shooting at Cesar Chavez Park, near the 1800 block of 38th Avenue. Officers determined that the victim had been stabbed, not shot, and administered aid before the person was declared dead on the scene. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>OPD located a second stabbing victim on 38th Ave and San Leandro Street, and BART police reported that a third victim was found near the Fruitvale transit station. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12078763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED-1536x912.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Individuals get off the bus at the Fruitvale BART Station in Oakland on April 4, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Officers were notified of two more victims with stab wounds near 39th Ave and International Boulevard. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before 8 p.m., OPD located a suspect nearby, on the 1500 block of 39th Ave, and took him into custody. The department has not released the identities of the suspect or victims, which include three men and two women in their thirties to fifties.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>OPD Acting Capt. Gloria Beltran told reporters Tuesday afternoon that the stabbings appear to have been random. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“We don’t have any connection with the suspect and the victims, but it’s still early on in the investigation,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She said she believes that the suspect and multiple of the victims were unhoused. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One man has died and four others were injured after a series of stabbings within 30 minutes of one another in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">East Oakland\u003c/a> Monday night. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Oakland Police Department said one of the surviving victims is in critical condition, while the other three are stable. A suspect police believe is responsible for the spree is in custody.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Just before 7:30 p.m. Monday, police responded to a report of a shooting at Cesar Chavez Park, near the 1800 block of 38th Avenue. Officers determined that the victim had been stabbed, not shot, and administered aid before the person was declared dead on the scene. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>OPD located a second stabbing victim on 38th Ave and San Leandro Street, and BART police reported that a third victim was found near the Fruitvale transit station. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12078763\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/20260404_OAKLANDCRIMEDROP_GC-11-KQED-1536x912.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Individuals get off the bus at the Fruitvale BART Station in Oakland on April 4, 2026. (Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Officers were notified of two more victims with stab wounds near 39th Ave and International Boulevard. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The whistleblower who helped uncover the bodies of dead dogs at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088995/117-dog-remains-found-at-mirandas-rescue-during-multiagency-investigation\">Miranda’s Rescue\u003c/a>, a troubled “no-kill” sanctuary in Humboldt County, filed a legal complaint on Monday with the California attorney general to remove the remaining animals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jennifer Raymond asked Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office, which oversees charities in the state, to ensure owner Shannon Miranda isn’t hiding or selling off assets, and to move to revoke the nonprofit’s status. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ I am very concerned about the animals that are remaining on the property,” Raymond told KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In April, Raymond and another Humboldt County resident, Jenna Moore, went onto the sanctuary property in Fortuna and dug up the bodies of eight dogs — including one later traced back to Oakland Animal Services. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Humboldt County Sheriff’s deputy inspects dogs in a kennel at Miranda’s Rescue in Fortuna on June 23, 2026. (Mark McKenna for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The two women presented this evidence to local authorities, prompting an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089788/amid-mirandas-rescue-probe-lawmakers-push-animal-shelter-oversight\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office. In June, law enforcement exhumed the intact remains of 117 more dogs, plus many more skulls, bones, loose microchips and bodies in “advanced stages of decomposition.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am also perplexed that after all that’s been revealed, that after digging up 117 decomposing dog bodies with ostensible bullet holes in their heads, that the animals are still there,” Raymond said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Miranda has \u003ca href=\"https://kymkemp.com/2026/07/31/shannon-miranda-defends-himself-levels-criticism-at-sheriffs-office-in-public-statement/\">denied\u003c/a> the allegations that he killed dogs for profit and has called Raymond and Moore “bullies and stalkers.” Miranda’s attorney, Allison Jackson, did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The FBI, U.S. Department of Agriculture and California Department of Justice are all involved in the investigation. So far, no charges have been filed against Miranda. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The complaint comes one day after animal welfare organizations gathered in Sacramento to call for the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096327/advocates-divided-on-how-to-fix-californias-strained-animal-rescue-system\">a new state agency\u003c/a> to regulate rescues and other animal companion organizations. Advocates hope policy change can help prevent tragedies in the future.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ It is astonishing that a man who was operating a mass animal grave is still in possession of 40 dogs and an unknown number of cats, horses, and birds,” said Vanessa Shakib, co-founder of the nonprofit law firm Advancing Law for Animals. “That’s why we’re asking the California attorney general to step in.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The complaint asks Bonta’s office to seek the appointment of a receiver to oversee the animals’ care and adoption. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It also asks the attorney general to move to dissolve Miranda’s Rescue on the grounds that it is misusing its assets and conducting its business in a way that is “inconsistent with its charitable purposes.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Dating back to 2006, Raymond said she filed several written complaints about Miranda’s Rescue with local law enforcement, but never received a response. In 2024, Raymond reached out to Bonta’s office — and was told to contact local law enforcement. She said she heard the same thing from the California Department of Food and Agriculture, the DOJ and the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In order to preserve assets so that there can be some reparations paid to people who have been injured by him, we’re asking that the assets basically be frozen,” Raymond said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The filing comes weeks after Miranda and his husband, James Oxborrow, \u003ca href=\"https://lostcoastoutpost.com/2026/aug/3/shannon-miranda-and-husband-put-las-vegas-home-mar/\">put \u003c/a>their 5,000-square-foot, five-bedroom home in Las Vegas up for sale. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.lasvegasluxuryresidences.com/search/listing/362-wiseton-ave-las-vegas-nv--2804700/\">listed\u003c/a> for nearly $1.1 million. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general did not immediately respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The whistleblower who helped uncover the bodies of dead dogs at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088995/117-dog-remains-found-at-mirandas-rescue-during-multiagency-investigation\">Miranda’s Rescue\u003c/a>, a troubled “no-kill” sanctuary in Humboldt County, filed a legal complaint on Monday with the California attorney general to remove the remaining animals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Jennifer Raymond asked Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office, which oversees charities in the state, to ensure owner Shannon Miranda isn’t hiding or selling off assets, and to move to revoke the nonprofit’s status. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ I am very concerned about the animals that are remaining on the property,” Raymond told KQED. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In April, Raymond and another Humboldt County resident, Jenna Moore, went onto the sanctuary property in Fortuna and dug up the bodies of eight dogs — including one later traced back to Oakland Animal Services. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12088664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/DOG.EXHUMING.MIRADNDAS.RESCUE.DSC_8001-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Humboldt County Sheriff’s deputy inspects dogs in a kennel at Miranda’s Rescue in Fortuna on June 23, 2026. (Mark McKenna for KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The two women presented this evidence to local authorities, prompting an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12089788/amid-mirandas-rescue-probe-lawmakers-push-animal-shelter-oversight\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office. In June, law enforcement exhumed the intact remains of 117 more dogs, plus many more skulls, bones, loose microchips and bodies in “advanced stages of decomposition.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am also perplexed that after all that’s been revealed, that after digging up 117 decomposing dog bodies with ostensible bullet holes in their heads, that the animals are still there,” Raymond said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Miranda has \u003ca href=\"https://kymkemp.com/2026/07/31/shannon-miranda-defends-himself-levels-criticism-at-sheriffs-office-in-public-statement/\">denied\u003c/a> the allegations that he killed dogs for profit and has called Raymond and Moore “bullies and stalkers.” Miranda’s attorney, Allison Jackson, did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The FBI, U.S. Department of Agriculture and California Department of Justice are all involved in the investigation. So far, no charges have been filed against Miranda. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The complaint comes one day after animal welfare organizations gathered in Sacramento to call for the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12096327/advocates-divided-on-how-to-fix-californias-strained-animal-rescue-system\">a new state agency\u003c/a> to regulate rescues and other animal companion organizations. Advocates hope policy change can help prevent tragedies in the future.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“ It is astonishing that a man who was operating a mass animal grave is still in possession of 40 dogs and an unknown number of cats, horses, and birds,” said Vanessa Shakib, co-founder of the nonprofit law firm Advancing Law for Animals. “That’s why we’re asking the California attorney general to step in.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The complaint asks Bonta’s office to seek the appointment of a receiver to oversee the animals’ care and adoption. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It also asks the attorney general to move to dissolve Miranda’s Rescue on the grounds that it is misusing its assets and conducting its business in a way that is “inconsistent with its charitable purposes.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Dating back to 2006, Raymond said she filed several written complaints about Miranda’s Rescue with local law enforcement, but never received a response. In 2024, Raymond reached out to Bonta’s office — and was told to contact local law enforcement. She said she heard the same thing from the California Department of Food and Agriculture, the DOJ and the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“In order to preserve assets so that there can be some reparations paid to people who have been injured by him, we’re asking that the assets basically be frozen,” Raymond said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The filing comes weeks after Miranda and his husband, James Oxborrow, \u003ca href=\"https://lostcoastoutpost.com/2026/aug/3/shannon-miranda-and-husband-put-las-vegas-home-mar/\">put \u003c/a>their 5,000-square-foot, five-bedroom home in Las Vegas up for sale. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.lasvegasluxuryresidences.com/search/listing/362-wiseton-ave-las-vegas-nv--2804700/\">listed\u003c/a> for nearly $1.1 million. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general did not immediately respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sex-abuse-survivors-and-broke-school-districts-at-odds-in-legislatures-final-days",
"title": "Sex Abuse Survivors and Broke School Districts at Odds in Legislature’s Final Days",
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"headTitle": "Sex Abuse Survivors and Broke School Districts at Odds in Legislature’s Final Days | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> legislators this week are rushing to broker a compromise on child sexual assault lawsuits before the Legislature finishes for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are faced with the unenviable task of figuring out how to give justice to survivors of child sexual assault by school or county employees without bankrupting the cash-strapped school districts and local governments responsible for compensating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/sex-abuse-california-2/\">school districts\u003c/a> have been flooded with lawsuits from survivors since the Legislature essentially waived any statute of limitations for those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting damage payments and insurance premium hikes have cost schools and local governments billions, depleting their reserves and blowing holes in their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final week of the 2026 legislative session, lobbyists for schools and counties are pushing Senate and Assembly leaders to strike a last-minute deal that would allow survivors to be compensated for past harms while simultaneously stewarding taxpayer dollars and protecting local agencies from going bankrupt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children at Mission Kids Preschool in San Francisco raise their hands to ask Senator Alex Padilla a question on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An attempt last year to find common ground collapsed in the final hours of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ advocacy groups fiercely oppose any changes that would make it more difficult for survivors to receive compensation and have been rallying support to keep the law as it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s impossible to choose between the future education of California students and meeting the needs for survivors,” said Dr. Debra Schade, president of the California School Boards Association, one of the groups pushing for a deal. “But if we don’t do something soon, the future of our public school system in California is at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A difficult needle to thread’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Counties and school districts want to be able to cap how much money each survivor could seek in damages, as well as require a greater amount of evidence from victims who wait more than 20 years to file a claim. But both of those proposals are nonstarters with survivor advocates, who are livid that the government would consider putting a “price tag” on someone’s sexual abuse. They say it’s also unreasonable to expect that children and parents would keep documentation that could prove they were assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A June draft proposal from Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Robert Rivas\u003c/a>’s office, obtained by CalMatters, showed that Assembly leaders were at least considering caps on damages and a higher threshold for evidence in older cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decades-old claims are much more likely to involve perpetrators and witnesses who are dead, as well as missing or damaged records. Without access to that evidence, counties and schools say they’re at an unfair disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12095609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12095609\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arrive at Jose Ortega Elementary School for the first day of their school year on August 17, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While counties and school districts say they agree victims should be able to seek just compensation for the harms they’ve suffered, public entities are responsible for “safeguarding the resources that we are entrusted with” to help current students and vulnerable populations, said Faith Borges, a lobbyist for local government insurance pools that are called joint powers authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a difficult needle to thread,” Borges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ groups argue that the government has vast resources at its disposal to defend itself — including staff attorneys, researchers and archives of public documents — whereas most survivors and their families can only afford litigation with a plaintiff’s attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a towering immorality to make the traumatized survivors of child rape, beatings, and sex abuse pay the bills for our negligence,” said Ed Howard, senior attorney for the Children’s Advocacy Institute, at a news conference in Sacramento.[aside postID=news_12094994 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/07/260722-FAMILYSEPARATION-03-BL-KQED.jpg']“It is our fault what happened to them. Not theirs,” Howard said. “That is grotesque that a child would have to have a higher burden of proof to get compensation for crimes committed to them by people that we selected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politically powerful \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/organizations/-17#year%5B%5D=2025\">Consumer Attorneys of California\u003c/a>, which has contributed at least $350,000 to California lawmakers this legislative session, is also part of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suzie, a 25-year-old survivor who asked to be identified by her first name, hopes the financial pain will force school districts and counties to make changes to protect children under their care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said seeking justice through the courts required her to confront her abuser — her fourth grade teacher — and take on an army of attorneys for the Mountainview School District who sought to discredit her allegations that the teacher molested and groomed her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just became super suicidal like, when I was only eight or nine,” Suzie said. “I couldn’t tell my parents that I was scared of going to school, so I was like, at such a young age, the bad guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she and five other students sued the district, a jury last April \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-04-16/los-angeles-jury-awards-48-million-to-students-abused-by-teacher-at-el-monte-school\">awarded them\u003c/a> a $48 million verdict, with the district responsible for just over $36 million and the teacher responsible for the remainder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish a lot of things wouldn’t have happened to me,” Suzie said. “But also, with the financial compensation, there’s going to be, maybe, room for growth for (the district). And a definite change. Because it cannot happen again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Previous compromise attempt collapsed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An effort to strike a deal last year, brokered by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/john-laird-3108\">John Laird\u003c/a>, a Santa Cruz Democrat, fell apart at the last minute. Counties and school districts were upset that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb577\">Senate Bill 577\u003c/a> didn’t include caps on how much money victims could seek in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government agencies say a compensation limit is the only way to achieve meaningful change, but the concept infuriates survivor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors were also angry that that proposal sought to ban any further claims from survivors of sex abuse at one Los Angeles County juvenile detention facility, MacLaren Children’s Center, which permanently closed in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086449\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187-1536x1079.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chalk art decorates pavement outside of an old bus operating as a preschool at the Aspire Monarch Academy school in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Nov. 18, 2015. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The county approved \u003ca href=\"https://lacounty.gov/2025/04/04/la-county-reaches-4-billion-tentative-settlement-in-thousands-of-sexual-abuse-cases/\">a $4 billion settlement \u003c/a>last April to resolve more than 6,800 child sex abuse cases, some of which date to 1959.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas shelved the bill in the hope that the two sides could continue negotiating and hash out a more comprehensive deal in 2026, according to people familiar with the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, legislative leaders are split along the same fault lines. The speaker’s office wants to ensure the public entities’ financial health and has been open to discussions about damage caps, while Senate President Pro Tem \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/monique-limon-13069\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> and her staff insist caps would hamper survivors’ rights, according to sources familiar with the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón in a statement said the Senate “remains committed to maintaining access to justice for all survivors” while also recognizing the financial challenges of public entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the two leaders have met regularly for weeks, and sources familiar with the negotiations say the two sides are very close to a compromise, no deal has emerged.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Flood of lawsuits squeezes tight budgets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcmat.org/publicationsreports/child-sexual-assault-fiscal-implications-report.pdf\">a 2024 Legislature-mandated report\u003c/a>, thousands of suits have been filed since Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a> in 2019, raising the age for victims to report past abuse and file lawsuits from 26 to 40 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also allows people who discover as adults that they were sexually abused as children five years to file a claim, up from the previous three years, and created a three-year window during which survivors could revive past claims that expired due to the previous statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flood of claims has resulted in settlements and jury verdicts that are projected to cost California school districts up to $3 billion. Counties face liabilities several times those of school districts, according to the 2024 state report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12089327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12089327\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1374\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty-1536x1055.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom walks with students from Clinton Elementary School to announce support for literacy with The Golden State Literacy Plan at Clinton Elementary School in Compton on June 5, 2025. The governor was joined by State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and other education officials. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County alone estimated that its payouts reach $3 billion to resolve roughly 3,000 claims of sexual abuse that occurred in the county’s foster homes, youth shelters and probation camps and halls dating to the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some counties and school districts had private insurance to help cover their liabilities, the state’s insurance crisis in the 1970s forced the vast majority of them to embrace the alternate, self-run joint-powers authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike private insurance companies, which have large stores of capital in case of unexpected costs, public entities pay their premiums with taxpayer dollars.[aside postID=news_12096327 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260824-Animal-Rescue-Presser-ZF-01-KQED.jpg']The sheer volume of cases filed since 2019 has sent premiums skyrocketing, which disproportionately hurts smaller rural school districts and counties and those with few or no claims against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several counties and school districts say they’ve had to cut staff and defer maintenance, such as replacing schools’ aging air conditioning, to afford their insurance payments as well as cover the cost of claims for harms that took place when the district or county didn’t have insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Dill, an associate superintendent for the Poway Unified School District, said his district has been forced to cut $10 million a year from its budget over the last three years, mostly from programming, staff and maintenance because of a requirement to set aside money for underinsured or uninsured claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has dedicated $7.5 million — the equivalent of 75 teachers’ salaries and benefits — in premiums and contributions to its self-insurance fund over the last four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very real that today’s students are suffering from a lack of services that could otherwise be provided if we could use those general fund dollars to put back into the classroom,” Dill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While child sexual assault cases are at the heart of legislative negotiations, advocates for the school districts and counties are pushing for the changes to apply to all civil liability cases brought against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Survivors decry backroom dealing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Survivor advocates say legislative leaders are cutting out crucial voices and public input by trying to fast-track a deal at the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a bill had gone through the traditional process, victims could have testified before committees about their abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re having to ask survivors to speak into a microphone and hope that the folks who are making the decisions in the building hear our voices,” said Jennifer Rodriguez, executive director of the Youth Law Center, at the news conference. “That’s not a democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081808\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play in an outdoor area at Rise Vallejo, an early education center, in Vallejo on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard, the senior attorney at Children’s Advocacy Institute, acknowledged that the topic of childhood sexual abuse is thorny and any measure that could alter the existing law “may not have survived a more thorough scrutiny of the regular bill process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators have until midnight on Aug. 31 to wrap up lawmaking for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>For the record: This story has been corrected to clarify that the survivors groups have not received any funding from the Consumer Attorneys of California.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-legislature-child-sex-abuse-claims/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Sex Abuse Survivors and Broke School Districts at Odds in Legislature’s Final Days",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> legislators this week are rushing to broker a compromise on child sexual assault lawsuits before the Legislature finishes for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are faced with the unenviable task of figuring out how to give justice to survivors of child sexual assault by school or county employees without bankrupting the cash-strapped school districts and local governments responsible for compensating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/sex-abuse-california-2/\">school districts\u003c/a> have been flooded with lawsuits from survivors since the Legislature essentially waived any statute of limitations for those cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting damage payments and insurance premium hikes have cost schools and local governments billions, depleting their reserves and blowing holes in their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final week of the 2026 legislative session, lobbyists for schools and counties are pushing Senate and Assembly leaders to strike a last-minute deal that would allow survivors to be compensated for past harms while simultaneously stewarding taxpayer dollars and protecting local agencies from going bankrupt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/020_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children at Mission Kids Preschool in San Francisco raise their hands to ask Senator Alex Padilla a question on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An attempt last year to find common ground collapsed in the final hours of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ advocacy groups fiercely oppose any changes that would make it more difficult for survivors to receive compensation and have been rallying support to keep the law as it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s impossible to choose between the future education of California students and meeting the needs for survivors,” said Dr. Debra Schade, president of the California School Boards Association, one of the groups pushing for a deal. “But if we don’t do something soon, the future of our public school system in California is at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A difficult needle to thread’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Counties and school districts want to be able to cap how much money each survivor could seek in damages, as well as require a greater amount of evidence from victims who wait more than 20 years to file a claim. But both of those proposals are nonstarters with survivor advocates, who are livid that the government would consider putting a “price tag” on someone’s sexual abuse. They say it’s also unreasonable to expect that children and parents would keep documentation that could prove they were assaulted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A June draft proposal from Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Robert Rivas\u003c/a>’s office, obtained by CalMatters, showed that Assembly leaders were at least considering caps on damages and a higher threshold for evidence in older cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decades-old claims are much more likely to involve perpetrators and witnesses who are dead, as well as missing or damaged records. Without access to that evidence, counties and schools say they’re at an unfair disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12095609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12095609\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/081726-SFUSDFirstDay-20-MC_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arrive at Jose Ortega Elementary School for the first day of their school year on August 17, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Miles Cull/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While counties and school districts say they agree victims should be able to seek just compensation for the harms they’ve suffered, public entities are responsible for “safeguarding the resources that we are entrusted with” to help current students and vulnerable populations, said Faith Borges, a lobbyist for local government insurance pools that are called joint powers authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a difficult needle to thread,” Borges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Victims’ groups argue that the government has vast resources at its disposal to defend itself — including staff attorneys, researchers and archives of public documents — whereas most survivors and their families can only afford litigation with a plaintiff’s attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a towering immorality to make the traumatized survivors of child rape, beatings, and sex abuse pay the bills for our negligence,” said Ed Howard, senior attorney for the Children’s Advocacy Institute, at a news conference in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It is our fault what happened to them. Not theirs,” Howard said. “That is grotesque that a child would have to have a higher burden of proof to get compensation for crimes committed to them by people that we selected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politically powerful \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/organizations/-17#year%5B%5D=2025\">Consumer Attorneys of California\u003c/a>, which has contributed at least $350,000 to California lawmakers this legislative session, is also part of the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suzie, a 25-year-old survivor who asked to be identified by her first name, hopes the financial pain will force school districts and counties to make changes to protect children under their care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said seeking justice through the courts required her to confront her abuser — her fourth grade teacher — and take on an army of attorneys for the Mountainview School District who sought to discredit her allegations that the teacher molested and groomed her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just became super suicidal like, when I was only eight or nine,” Suzie said. “I couldn’t tell my parents that I was scared of going to school, so I was like, at such a young age, the bad guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she and five other students sued the district, a jury last April \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-04-16/los-angeles-jury-awards-48-million-to-students-abused-by-teacher-at-el-monte-school\">awarded them\u003c/a> a $48 million verdict, with the district responsible for just over $36 million and the teacher responsible for the remainder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish a lot of things wouldn’t have happened to me,” Suzie said. “But also, with the financial compensation, there’s going to be, maybe, room for growth for (the district). And a definite change. Because it cannot happen again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Previous compromise attempt collapsed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An effort to strike a deal last year, brokered by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/john-laird-3108\">John Laird\u003c/a>, a Santa Cruz Democrat, fell apart at the last minute. Counties and school districts were upset that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb577\">Senate Bill 577\u003c/a> didn’t include caps on how much money victims could seek in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government agencies say a compensation limit is the only way to achieve meaningful change, but the concept infuriates survivor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors were also angry that that proposal sought to ban any further claims from survivors of sex abuse at one Los Angeles County juvenile detention facility, MacLaren Children’s Center, which permanently closed in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12086449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12086449\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GettyImages-1408498187-1536x1079.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chalk art decorates pavement outside of an old bus operating as a preschool at the Aspire Monarch Academy school in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Nov. 18, 2015. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The county approved \u003ca href=\"https://lacounty.gov/2025/04/04/la-county-reaches-4-billion-tentative-settlement-in-thousands-of-sexual-abuse-cases/\">a $4 billion settlement \u003c/a>last April to resolve more than 6,800 child sex abuse cases, some of which date to 1959.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas shelved the bill in the hope that the two sides could continue negotiating and hash out a more comprehensive deal in 2026, according to people familiar with the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, legislative leaders are split along the same fault lines. The speaker’s office wants to ensure the public entities’ financial health and has been open to discussions about damage caps, while Senate President Pro Tem \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/monique-limon-13069\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> and her staff insist caps would hamper survivors’ rights, according to sources familiar with the negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón in a statement said the Senate “remains committed to maintaining access to justice for all survivors” while also recognizing the financial challenges of public entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the two leaders have met regularly for weeks, and sources familiar with the negotiations say the two sides are very close to a compromise, no deal has emerged.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Flood of lawsuits squeezes tight budgets\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcmat.org/publicationsreports/child-sexual-assault-fiscal-implications-report.pdf\">a 2024 Legislature-mandated report\u003c/a>, thousands of suits have been filed since Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a> in 2019, raising the age for victims to report past abuse and file lawsuits from 26 to 40 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also allows people who discover as adults that they were sexually abused as children five years to file a claim, up from the previous three years, and created a three-year window during which survivors could revive past claims that expired due to the previous statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flood of claims has resulted in settlements and jury verdicts that are projected to cost California school districts up to $3 billion. Counties face liabilities several times those of school districts, according to the 2024 state report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12089327\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12089327\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1374\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/06/GavinNewsomEducationGetty-1536x1055.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom walks with students from Clinton Elementary School to announce support for literacy with The Golden State Literacy Plan at Clinton Elementary School in Compton on June 5, 2025. The governor was joined by State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond and other education officials. \u003ccite>(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County alone estimated that its payouts reach $3 billion to resolve roughly 3,000 claims of sexual abuse that occurred in the county’s foster homes, youth shelters and probation camps and halls dating to the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some counties and school districts had private insurance to help cover their liabilities, the state’s insurance crisis in the 1970s forced the vast majority of them to embrace the alternate, self-run joint-powers authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike private insurance companies, which have large stores of capital in case of unexpected costs, public entities pay their premiums with taxpayer dollars.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The sheer volume of cases filed since 2019 has sent premiums skyrocketing, which disproportionately hurts smaller rural school districts and counties and those with few or no claims against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several counties and school districts say they’ve had to cut staff and defer maintenance, such as replacing schools’ aging air conditioning, to afford their insurance payments as well as cover the cost of claims for harms that took place when the district or county didn’t have insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Dill, an associate superintendent for the Poway Unified School District, said his district has been forced to cut $10 million a year from its budget over the last three years, mostly from programming, staff and maintenance because of a requirement to set aside money for underinsured or uninsured claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has dedicated $7.5 million — the equivalent of 75 teachers’ salaries and benefits — in premiums and contributions to its self-insurance fund over the last four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very real that today’s students are suffering from a lack of services that could otherwise be provided if we could use those general fund dollars to put back into the classroom,” Dill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While child sexual assault cases are at the heart of legislative negotiations, advocates for the school districts and counties are pushing for the changes to apply to all civil liability cases brought against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Survivors decry backroom dealing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Survivor advocates say legislative leaders are cutting out crucial voices and public input by trying to fast-track a deal at the last minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a bill had gone through the traditional process, victims could have testified before committees about their abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re having to ask survivors to speak into a microphone and hope that the folks who are making the decisions in the building hear our voices,” said Jennifer Rodriguez, executive director of the Youth Law Center, at the news conference. “That’s not a democratic process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081808\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260428-VallejoChildCare-37-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play in an outdoor area at Rise Vallejo, an early education center, in Vallejo on April 28, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Howard, the senior attorney at Children’s Advocacy Institute, acknowledged that the topic of childhood sexual abuse is thorny and any measure that could alter the existing law “may not have survived a more thorough scrutiny of the regular bill process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators have until midnight on Aug. 31 to wrap up lawmaking for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>For the record: This story has been corrected to clarify that the survivors groups have not received any funding from the Consumer Attorneys of California.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/08/california-legislature-child-sex-abuse-claims/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Trump Administration Nixes Longstanding Deal to Help Investigate Labor Abuses",
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"headTitle": "Trump Administration Nixes Longstanding Deal to Help Investigate Labor Abuses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration has ended a longstanding agreement that kept immigration authorities largely out of workplaces that the U.S. Department of Labor was actively investigating for potential abuses, KQED has learned. The move, the latest in a federal rollback of immigrant worker protections, could further undermine efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081923/california-wage-theft-law-needs-more-enforcement-muscle-advocates-say\">uphold minimum wage\u003c/a>, child labor and other laws covering most employees regardless of immigration status, according to worker advocates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The government has long recognized that non-citizens living in the U.S. without permanent legal status are less likely to complain about wage theft or unsafe job conditions if they fear their employer will retaliate by reporting them to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). That understanding prompted the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which oversees ICE, and the Labor Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/DHS-DOL-MOU_4.19.18.pdf\">to agree\u003c/a> more than a decade ago to essentially separate their enforcement activities and share information to combat abusive employment practices. The goal was to avoid jeopardizing pending labor cases, which often require speaking with witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This agreement served as an important, if imperfect, backstop to say employers can’t use ICE as a weapon to protect their labor violations,” said Josh Rosenthal, who directs the workers’ rights program at the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a white-brimmed hat that says \"Mexico\" embraces three children and a woman outside in front of a red van.' class=\"wp-image-12047862\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People embrace outside of Glass House Farms, a day after an immigration raid on the facility, on July 11, 2025, in Camarillo, California. (Damian Dovarganes/The Associated Press)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There have been instances where, especially before this agreement, an employer would call ICE in the middle of a labor investigation and get all of the workers who had complained arrested or otherwise create trouble for their immigration situation,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Under the deal between the two federal agencies, first signed in December 2011 during President Barack Obama’s first term, ICE committed to refrain from auditing or making arrests at businesses that were the subject of existing labor probes, with some exceptions. Federal labor regulators have told workers for years that they have the right to minimum wage, safe job sites and other safeguards, no matter their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memorandum of understanding “concerning enforcement activities at worksites” was later \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/MOU-Addendum_4.19.18.pdf\">expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to include the National Labor Relations Board and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, agencies tasked with protecting employees’ rights to unionize and be free from discrimination. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the agreement has quietly been terminated, a Labor Department spokesperson confirmed to KQED. They declined to answer follow-up questions about when the change took place and why. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Until last week, several employment attorneys in California, as well as former federal labor officials, doubted the worksite enforcement deal was still being vigorously enforced, but believed the administration had not officially rescinded it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1024\" height=\"733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12013823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-1020x730.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-160x115.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Workers fill food orders at a Chipotle restaurant on April 1, 2024, in San Rafael. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The referenced MOU is not currently in effect,” the spokesperson wrote in an email. “The Department of Labor enforces the Fair Labor Standards Act and other federal labor laws for all employees and employers covered by such laws.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>DHS did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The shift comes as reports of employers threatening workers with ICE arrest — in what worker advocates say is an attempt to chill complaints — have risen in California, according to legal aid groups and worker organizations. At the same time, workers are taking these threats more seriously, given the Trump administration’s intensified immigration enforcement, including by conducting worksite raids that were previously rare. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Retaliation is unlawful under state and federal laws. California lawmakers are advancing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB2495\">a bill\u003c/a> that would clarify that it is also illegal to threaten employees with immigration consequences to dissuade them from exercising their rights. Employers could be liable for up to $10,000 in civil penalties per violation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Biden administration went a step further by offering temporary protection from deportation and work authorization to people who came forward to report labor violations and cooperated with investigations, through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/dhs-support-of-the-enforcement-of-labor-and-employment-laws\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> program, launched in 2023. But that program was rescinded shortly after President Donald Trump took office in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, who led the Labor Department’s wage and hour division from 2006 to 2007 during the George W. Bush administration, said he wasn’t surprised by the termination of the worksite enforcement deal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Given the current administration’s heavy emphasis on immigration enforcement, I think that the MOU was seen in some respects as holding back a bit on immigration enforcement. The writing was on the wall,” said DeCamp, who represents employers with the firm Epstein, Becker, Green in Washington, D.C. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The immigration laws are, in some respects, in tension with the labor laws in terms of how they play out for the workers. It is difficult to enforce one vigorously without causing some damage on the other front,” he said. “What we see now is a prioritization that emphasizes immigration enforcement, even if that does come at some increased risk with respect to the wage and hour enforcement.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In California, employees can report immigration-related threats by employers to the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office, which also investigates allegations of wage theft. But other states that rely more on the federal government to protect worker rights, such as Tennessee and Texas, could feel a bigger impact, Rosenthal, with the Asian Law Caucus, said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When immigrant workers are protected under our workplace laws, everyone is protected because it keeps bad actors from exploiting vulnerable workers on the basis of their immigration status,” he said. “The administration is weakening the rights of all workers. U.S. Citizens, green card holders and others.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The government has long recognized that non-citizens living in the U.S. without permanent legal status are less likely to complain about wage theft or unsafe job conditions if they fear their employer will retaliate by reporting them to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). That understanding prompted the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which oversees ICE, and the Labor Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/DHS-DOL-MOU_4.19.18.pdf\">to agree\u003c/a> more than a decade ago to essentially separate their enforcement activities and share information to combat abusive employment practices. The goal was to avoid jeopardizing pending labor cases, which often require speaking with witnesses. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The memorandum of understanding “concerning enforcement activities at worksites” was later \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/MOU-Addendum_4.19.18.pdf\">expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to include the National Labor Relations Board and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, agencies tasked with protecting employees’ rights to unionize and be free from discrimination. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The shift comes as reports of employers threatening workers with ICE arrest — in what worker advocates say is an attempt to chill complaints — have risen in California, according to legal aid groups and worker organizations. At the same time, workers are taking these threats more seriously, given the Trump administration’s intensified immigration enforcement, including by conducting worksite raids that were previously rare. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Retaliation is unlawful under state and federal laws. California lawmakers are advancing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB2495\">a bill\u003c/a> that would clarify that it is also illegal to threaten employees with immigration consequences to dissuade them from exercising their rights. Employers could be liable for up to $10,000 in civil penalties per violation. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Biden administration went a step further by offering temporary protection from deportation and work authorization to people who came forward to report labor violations and cooperated with investigations, through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/dhs-support-of-the-enforcement-of-labor-and-employment-laws\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> program, launched in 2023. But that program was rescinded shortly after President Donald Trump took office in 2025.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, who led the Labor Department’s wage and hour division from 2006 to 2007 during the George W. Bush administration, said he wasn’t surprised by the termination of the worksite enforcement deal.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, who led the Labor Department’s wage and hour division from 2006 to 2007 during the George W. Bush administration, said he wasn’t surprised by the termination of the worksite enforcement deal.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Given the current administration’s heavy emphasis on immigration enforcement, I think that the MOU was seen in some respects as holding back a bit on immigration enforcement. The writing was on the wall,” said DeCamp, who represents employers with the firm Epstein, Becker, Green in Washington, D.C. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The immigration laws are, in some respects, in tension with the labor laws in terms of how they play out for the workers. It is difficult to enforce one vigorously without causing some damage on the other front,” he said. “What we see now is a prioritization that emphasizes immigration enforcement, even if that does come at some increased risk with respect to the wage and hour enforcement.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In California, employees can report immigration-related threats by employers to the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office, which also investigates allegations of wage theft. But other states that rely more on the federal government to protect worker rights, such as Tennessee and Texas, could feel a bigger impact, Rosenthal, with the Asian Law Caucus, said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“When immigrant workers are protected under our workplace laws, everyone is protected because it keeps bad actors from exploiting vulnerable workers on the basis of their immigration status,” he said. “The administration is weakening the rights of all workers. U.S. Citizens, green card holders and others.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The formal agreement between federal labor and immigration authorities, in place since 2011, aimed to encourage non-citizen workers to speak up about wage theft and other potential problems.",
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"title": "Trump Administration Nixes Longstanding Deal to Help Investigate Labor Abuses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration has ended a longstanding agreement that kept immigration authorities largely out of workplaces that the U.S. Department of Labor was actively investigating for potential abuses, KQED has learned. The move, the latest in a federal rollback of immigrant worker protections, could further undermine efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081923/california-wage-theft-law-needs-more-enforcement-muscle-advocates-say\">uphold minimum wage\u003c/a>, child labor and other laws covering most employees regardless of immigration status, according to worker advocates. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The government has long recognized that non-citizens living in the U.S. without permanent legal status are less likely to complain about wage theft or unsafe job conditions if they fear their employer will retaliate by reporting them to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). That understanding prompted the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which oversees ICE, and the Labor Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/DHS-DOL-MOU_4.19.18.pdf\">to agree\u003c/a> more than a decade ago to essentially separate their enforcement activities and share information to combat abusive employment practices. The goal was to avoid jeopardizing pending labor cases, which often require speaking with witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This agreement served as an important, if imperfect, backstop to say employers can’t use ICE as a weapon to protect their labor violations,” said Josh Rosenthal, who directs the workers’ rights program at the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a white-brimmed hat that says \"Mexico\" embraces three children and a woman outside in front of a red van.' class=\"wp-image-12047862\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/AP25192726071193-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">People embrace outside of Glass House Farms, a day after an immigration raid on the facility, on July 11, 2025, in Camarillo, California. (Damian Dovarganes/The Associated Press)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“There have been instances where, especially before this agreement, an employer would call ICE in the middle of a labor investigation and get all of the workers who had complained arrested or otherwise create trouble for their immigration situation,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Under the deal between the two federal agencies, first signed in December 2011 during President Barack Obama’s first term, ICE committed to refrain from auditing or making arrests at businesses that were the subject of existing labor probes, with some exceptions. Federal labor regulators have told workers for years that they have the right to minimum wage, safe job sites and other safeguards, no matter their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memorandum of understanding “concerning enforcement activities at worksites” was later \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/OASP/MOU-Addendum_4.19.18.pdf\">expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to include the National Labor Relations Board and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, agencies tasked with protecting employees’ rights to unionize and be free from discrimination. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>But the agreement has quietly been terminated, a Labor Department spokesperson confirmed to KQED. They declined to answer follow-up questions about when the change took place and why. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Until last week, several employment attorneys in California, as well as former federal labor officials, doubted the worksite enforcement deal was still being vigorously enforced, but believed the administration had not officially rescinded it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1024\" height=\"733\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12013823\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-1020x730.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2130942018-160x115.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Workers fill food orders at a Chipotle restaurant on April 1, 2024, in San Rafael. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The referenced MOU is not currently in effect,” the spokesperson wrote in an email. “The Department of Labor enforces the Fair Labor Standards Act and other federal labor laws for all employees and employers covered by such laws.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>DHS did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The shift comes as reports of employers threatening workers with ICE arrest — in what worker advocates say is an attempt to chill complaints — have risen in California, according to legal aid groups and worker organizations. At the same time, workers are taking these threats more seriously, given the Trump administration’s intensified immigration enforcement, including by conducting worksite raids that were previously rare. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Retaliation is unlawful under state and federal laws. California lawmakers are advancing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB2495\">a bill\u003c/a> that would clarify that it is also illegal to threaten employees with immigration consequences to dissuade them from exercising their rights. Employers could be liable for up to $10,000 in civil penalties per violation. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Biden administration went a step further by offering temporary protection from deportation and work authorization to people who came forward to report labor violations and cooperated with investigations, through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/archive/dhs-support-of-the-enforcement-of-labor-and-employment-laws\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> program, launched in 2023. But that program was rescinded shortly after President Donald Trump took office in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, who led the Labor Department’s wage and hour division from 2006 to 2007 during the George W. Bush administration, said he wasn’t surprised by the termination of the worksite enforcement deal.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Given the current administration’s heavy emphasis on immigration enforcement, I think that the MOU was seen in some respects as holding back a bit on immigration enforcement. The writing was on the wall,” said DeCamp, who represents employers with the firm Epstein, Becker, Green in Washington, D.C. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The immigration laws are, in some respects, in tension with the labor laws in terms of how they play out for the workers. It is difficult to enforce one vigorously without causing some damage on the other front,” he said. “What we see now is a prioritization that emphasizes immigration enforcement, even if that does come at some increased risk with respect to the wage and hour enforcement.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In California, employees can report immigration-related threats by employers to the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office, which also investigates allegations of wage theft. But other states that rely more on the federal government to protect worker rights, such as Tennessee and Texas, could feel a bigger impact, Rosenthal, with the Asian Law Caucus, said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When immigrant workers are protected under our workplace laws, everyone is protected because it keeps bad actors from exploiting vulnerable workers on the basis of their immigration status,” he said. “The administration is weakening the rights of all workers. U.S. Citizens, green card holders and others.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "chinese-immigrants-led-the-first-mass-resistance-to-americas-deportation-system",
"title": "Chinese Immigrants Led the First Mass Resistance to America's Deportation System",
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"headTitle": "Chinese Immigrants Led the First Mass Resistance to America’s Deportation System | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. (Bettmann Archive/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1020\" height=\"754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. (Courtesy of History San José)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-9 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"859\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg 859w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 859px) 100vw, 859px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.” (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-10 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"853\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095850\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg 853w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED-160x149.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 853px) 100vw, 853px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-11 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"800\" height=\"738\" data-id=\"12095851\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"871\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 871px) 100vw, 871px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-12 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"869\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095853\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg 869w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED-160x147.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 869px) 100vw, 869px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"874\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095854\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg 874w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 874px) 100vw, 874px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"812\" height=\"797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 812px) 100vw, 812px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough ",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "‘The Dog Tag Law’",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n"
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null,
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null,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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null,
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"blockName": "core/heading",
"attrs": {
"text": "‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"text": "The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n",
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"\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w",
"sizes": "(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
"innerContent": [
"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"> “Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\"> “Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n"
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"srcset": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(min-width: 992px) min(100vw, 1536px), (min-width: 768px) min(100vw, 1280px), min(100vw, 1020px)\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n",
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"\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. \u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n",
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n",
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"\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n"
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"innerHTML": "\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Long before immigration raids and deportations became political flashpoints, Chinese immigrants defied the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers in the late 19th century.",
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"title": "Chinese Immigrants Led the First Mass Resistance to America's Deportation System | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Connie Young Yu thought she knew a lot about her beloved \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>. As a young girl, she would listen as her grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, recounted what it was like living through America’s Chinese Exclusion era of the late 19th century. She had heard many stories, like how, as a young boy in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Chinatown, he’d have to sprint home while white residents hurled rocks at him.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until 1972, when Yu was an adult active in Asian American organizing and scholarship, that her mother shared a surprising piece of his history with her. From the family’s large carved camphor chest in her bedroom, her mother pulled out a neatly folded parchment: It was \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/copy-of-upload-a-certificate?pgid=m68xajc7-a512c26d-b87a-443c-883e-98cc622e3d31\">her grandfather’s \u003cem>chak chee\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a certificate of residence that all Chinese people in the U.S. were required to carry, as mandated by the 1892 Geary Act, the successor to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act\">1882 Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Stamped across the top of the document was the word “LABORER.” Below it were his occupation — “cook,” his height — just over 5 feet, 3 inches and identifying marks — “scar on left forearm.” And in the lower left corner was a striking portrait photo of her grandfather at the age of 25.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096096\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-ConnieYu-JY-11_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu’s collection of certificates of residence includes her own grandfather’s document. Yung Wah Gok and other Chinese residents initially resisted the Geary Act requirement to carry the certificates with them at all times under the threat of deportation. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“I just thought, ‘Gee … that doesn’t look like my \u003cem>gung gung\u003c/em>,’” said Yu, now 85, who had known her grandfather as a dignified man who wore suits. “But actually, I really liked that picture in many ways because he looks very determined. Like a young rebel.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The certificate was issued in May 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, revealing that her grandfather had been one of the tens of thousands of Chinese residents across the country who had resisted the federal government’s demands to register — forming one of the largest campaigns of civil disobedience in U.S. history.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 1892-93, Chinese immigrants refused to comply with the requirement to register with their local internal revenue offices. If they were caught without a certificate, they faced arrest, detention and deportation as stipulated by the Geary Act, which historians and legal theorists say helped shape today’s U.S. immigration system. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>While Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088125/as-america-turns-250-san-franciscos-role-in-defining-citizenship-endures\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050233/how-a-chinese-laundryman-shaped-us-civil-rights-from-san-francisco\">strengthened equal protection\u003c/a>, they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. And though they ultimately failed to overturn the Geary Act in court, their resistance challenged the adoption of now-routine practices — calling them “cruel and unjust,” and incompatible with the nation’s constitutional ideals. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095828\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu stands for a portrait in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. Yu’s paternal grandfather, Yung Wah Gok, arrived in the U.S.as an 11-year-old laborer in 1881, a year before the Chinese Exclusion Act. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Those sentiments are echoed today by immigrant communities across the country, as the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078084/agents-of-chaos-border-patrols-year-of-unchecked-force\">continues\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12092697/bay-area-immigrant-advocates-warn-noncitizens-to-avoid-air-travel-after-ice-arrests\">double down\u003c/a> on its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12085159/immigration-courts-are-using-a-new-tactic-to-speed-up-deportations\">deportation efforts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu, a longtime local historian and author, argues the resistance of early Chinese immigrants like her grandfather should be more well known. She co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/\">The Geary Act Project\u003c/a> two years ago and is now on a mission to collect more certificates — to lay a paper trail of evidence linking the racism experienced by her ancestors to the current administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Our society is under threat, we’re under attack,” she said. “We’re trying to show that the Chinese Exclusion Act was actually a foundation for ICE and the harassment of people of color and immigration detention and deportation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">When Chinese exclusion wasn’t enough\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu said it’s by luck that she was born in the United States. Her grandfather arrived in 1881, at age 11 — just one year before the Chinese Exclusion Act banned Chinese laborers from entering the U.S. for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“My parents always said, ‘If he had waited until he was 12, you wouldn’t be here,’” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>When Chinese people began arriving in the U.S. in the late 1840s, there was no federal immigration system. States, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b\">California\u003c/a>, passed laws targeting Chinese immigrants as anti-Chinese sentiment grew, fueled by the narrative that they threatened the nation’s economic well-being.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095866\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/GETTYIMAGES-1311093098-KQED-1536x1121.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">A Chinese butcher and grocery store, with meat hanging from hooks with vegetables and other fresh produce displayed in crates at the front of the store in the Chinatown neighborhood of San Francisco, California, circa 1885. (Bettmann Archive/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>But Reconstruction — the post-Civil War era when constitutional protections were expanded for newly freed Black Americans — changed the landscape. The 14th Amendment ensured due process and equal protection to everyone, giving Chinese immigrants new grounds to challenge discriminatory state laws.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Several Supreme Court justices, along with others who wished to continue excluding Chinese immigrants, pushed for the federal government to take up immigration control, according to Kelly Lytle Hernández, an author and professor of history at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“I understand our federal immigration system as being the creation of an effort to skirt the 14th Amendment, to skirt the growth of a multiracial democracy,” she said. ”Reconstruction and Chinese Exclusion are all part of the same story.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In 1875, the Supreme Court ruled in \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/92/275/\">\u003cem>Chy Lung v. Freeman\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that immigration was a federal responsibility, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/safr/blogs/chinese-women-immigration-and-the-first-u-s-exclusion-law-the-page-act-of-1875.htm\">the Page Act\u003c/a> established one of the first major federal restrictions on immigration, targeting Chinese and other Asian women. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1020\" height=\"754\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260820-ChinatownActivism-01-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Second Market Street Chinatown burned down in an arson fire in 1887. There were no recorded casualties, but the entire Chinese community in San José was displaced. (Courtesy of History San José)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Seven years later came the Chinese Exclusion Act. Despite the passage of the landmark law, thousands of Chinese laborers and immigrants still arrived. They filed legal challenges to their exclusion, inundating federal courts in San Francisco and frustrating white politicians and residents who wanted to see Chinese immigration come to an end.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to expire in 1892, the federal government realized it needed a way to plug the loopholes of the act, especially as anti-Chinese violence intensified.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “As soon as [white residents] saw that their goals weren’t being met by this experiment in diplomatic control, this is why we see the most violent anti-Chinese incidents happening between ’85 and ’88, not before 1882,” said Alexander Jin, a historian at Dartmouth University.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Vigilante mobs seized Chinese businesses and homes, and rural Chinatowns along the West Coast were set on fire, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891987/chinese-immigrants-were-forced-out-of-eureka-in-1885-heres-how-locals-are-making-that-history-known\">Eureka\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101886267/california-cities-apologize-for-historical-wrongs-against-chinese-community\">Antioch\u003c/a>, Napa and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877801/san-jose-had-5-chinatowns-why-did-they-vanish\">San José\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu’s grandfather was a pioneer of San José’s Chinatown, and she said he shared details of how his community was destroyed in 1887: “The newspaper always said ‘mysterious fire’ … but my grandfather always said the fire was set to drive us out … [they should’ve] asked the Chinese themselves how they felt,” Yu said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘The Dog Tag Law’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Months before the Chinese Exclusion Act was set to lapse, Santa Rosa lawyer and U.S. House Representative \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/People/Detail/13702\">Thomas J. Geary\u003c/a> introduced legislation that addressed a question the original act had a hard time answering: how could the government not only restrict newcomers but remove Chinese people who were already living in the country?\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The Geary Act became law, extending the Chinese Exclusion Act by a decade and imposing remarkable provisions on Chinese laborers living in the U.S. They had to register with the federal government and obtain a certificate of residence that they had to carry with them at all times or risk up to one year of hard labor in prison and deportation unless they could prove their immigration status with the testimony of two white witnesses. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-9 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-02-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"859\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095849\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED.jpg 859w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-04-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 859px) 100vw, 859px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates are marked as “laborer” while others, notably children, were categorized as “persons other than laborer.” (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-10 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"853\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095850\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095850\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED.jpg 853w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-05-KQED-160x149.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 853px) 100vw, 853px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Geary Act Project, launched by Connie Young Yu and Barre Fong, has collected about 300 certificates since launching about two years ago. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"803\" height=\"772\" data-id=\"12095848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED.jpg 803w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-03-KQED-160x154.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 803px) 100vw, 803px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.” — Janice Tong, San Francisco resident. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In other words, the Geary Act provided the U.S. government a way to deport longtime Chinese residents who had entered the U.S. legally. Historians say the law became the precursor to green cards, visas and other forms of surveillance and identification that the federal government uses today.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Though the act was signed into law, it garnered strongly worded protests within Congress, including from Robert R. Hitt, a representative from Illinois. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Never before in a free country was there such a system of tagging a man like a dog to be caught by the police and examined, and if his tag or collar is not all right, taken to the pound or drowned or shot … Never before was it applied by a free people to a human being with the exception (which we can never refer to with pride) of the sad days of slavery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘Un-American, barbarous and inhuman’\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>For the Chinese immigrant community, the law was unthinkable and unjust, and the response was swift. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The San Francisco-based Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, or the Chinese Six Companies, a powerful coalition that had financed earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">legal victories\u003c/a>, asked Chinese residents to each contribute a dollar towards a legal campaign against the law. Meanwhile, in New York, the Chinese Equal Rights League was formed with the sole purpose of overturning the Geary Act.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to applying political pressure and organizing petition drives, the groups organized Chinese residents to challenge the Geary Act through mass noncompliance. The Six Companies distributed leaflets in Chinese communities throughout the country, declaring that “The Geary Act is an unjust law and no Chinese should obey it … They have disregarded our rights and paid no attention to their promise, and made a law to suit themselves, no matter how unjust to us … Let us stand together.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12096098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/250731-YICKWOCIVILRIGHTS-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on July 31, 2025. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University, remarked that spreading these messages across the country was an amazing feat, and demonstrated just how tight-knit and organized the Chinese immigrant population was: “The Chinese networks are in a better position to [raise awareness to] the Chinese community than the American government was … clearly there were networks and newspapers and communication among the community.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Chinese residents found allyship with different faith communities, particularly Christians. Some white Americans were compelled, in part, by the efforts of people like Jee Gam, a community leader and the first Chinese congregational pastor in America. Gam wrote essays in English for publications, most notably one titled \u003ca href=\"https://www.whobuiltamerica.org/item/the-geary-act-from-the-standpoint-of-a-christian-chinese\">“The Geary Act: From the Standpoint of a Christian Chinese\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp> “This Act withdraws some sacred rights such as in the Declaration of Independence are declared to be inalienable,” he wrote. “The right to a free, untrammelled pursuit of happiness, the right of habeas corpus, the right to be adjudged innocent until proven guilty … it is un-American, barbarous and inhuman.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The call to participate in the civil disobedience campaign was an extraordinary success. Only about 13,000 of the approximately 100,000 Chinese residents in the country registered during the initial registration period. That left the federal government with the challenge of arresting and deporting over 85% of the nation’s Chinese population — something they weren’t prepared or resourced to do. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Getting 100,000 people to do a thing is hard in itself, but I think the biggest success is making plain the weakness of the federal government,” Jin said. “Through the process of not registering and seeing how much power that had, they were able to find the weaknesses of the system and continue to exploit it throughout the exclusion era.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003ch2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The search for the Geary Act’s paper trail\u003c/h2>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>On a dining room table in her Los Altos home, Yu fanned out the \u003cem>chak chee’s\u003c/em> that she’s been collecting, along with her grandfather’s. Since launching The Geary Act Project, Yu and documentary filmmaker Barre Fong have received and digitized \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/thecollection\">almost 300 certificates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Tens of thousands of people were part of the civil disobedience, including my grandfather. They complied, and they felt unity; there was a community because everybody’s behind it,” Yu said, as she carefully picked up the documents. Most of them are men, marked as “laborers,” but there are also ones for women and children.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Almost all of the certificates collected by the project were issued a couple of years after the Geary Act became law. Chinese immigrants only registered after the Supreme Court upheld the law in its ruling on \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep149/usrep149698/usrep149698.pdf\">\u003cem>Fong Yue Ting v. United States\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case carefully orchestrated by the Six Companies. They had raised enough money to hire prominent attorneys and chose three unregistered laundrymen in New York to surrender themselves for arrest. The men were ordered to be deported in accordance with the Geary Act, and a lawsuit was initiated claiming the legislation was discriminatory and violated constitutional protections, including the 14th Amendment. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"aligncenter size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095826\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260730-CONNIEYU-JY-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Historian Connie Young Yu speaks to KQED in her home in Los Altos, California, on Thursday, July 30, 2026. A longtime historian, Yu is the co-founder of the Geary Act Project, which is collecting and digitizing certificates of residence that may still be in the possession of Chinese American families. (Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>In May 1893, the court announced a 5-3 decision: the Geary Act was constitutional. The ruling extended the federal government’s power to exclude Chinese immigrants and gave it the ability to deport those already living in the U.S. The decision helped cement \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S8-C18-8-7-1/ALDE_00001261/\">the plenary power doctrine\u003c/a>, which gives the federal government almost unlimited discretion on all aspects of immigration policy and remains a key tenet of U.S. immigration law today. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“Things that seem normal today were actually created at a certain moment in time and for a very specific purpose: to keep Chinese immigrants, or as many as possible, out of the country,” Lytle Hernández said. “ What does it mean that the logic and the language and the rhetoric and the spirit of Chinese exclusion remains written into our precedent and our legal landscape of the immigration regime?”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In \u003cem>Strangers in the Land\u003c/em>, author Michael Luo wrote about the news of the Geary Act ruling reaching the San Francisco headquarters of the Six Companies: “In the afternoon, a reporter from the \u003cem>Call\u003c/em> found Gee Chong Tone, the secretary of the Six Companies, inside his office surrounded by stacks of telegrams from concerned immigrants across the state and country … he was shocked by the decision. ‘It’s like a man feeling safe being hit between the eyes in the dark,’ he said.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-11 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"800\" height=\"738\" data-id=\"12095851\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095851\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-06-KQED-160x148.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">When faced with the prospect of deportation, early Chinese immigrants organized across the country to resist the 1892 Geary Act, forming one of the largest civil disobedience campaigns in U.S. history. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"871\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095852\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-07-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 871px) 100vw, 871px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Chinese immigrants are remembered for constitutional victories, including rulings that established birthright citizenship and strengthened equal protection. But they have another legacy: they led a nationwide campaign against the federal government’s expansion of immigration powers. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-gallery has-nested-images columns-default is-cropped wp-block-gallery-12 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"869\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095853\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095853\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED.jpg 869w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-08-KQED-160x147.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 869px) 100vw, 869px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Most of the certificates collected by the Geary Act Project were issued in 1894, two years after the passage of the Geary Act, because Chinese residents refused to comply with the requirements of the law. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"874\" height=\"797\" data-id=\"12095854\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED.jpg 874w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-10-KQED-160x146.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 874px) 100vw, 874px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like, ‘Oh, those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive.” — Barre Fong, documentary filmmaker. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/figure>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Geary added more teeth to the law, notably requiring the certificates of residence to include photographs.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“You can not make a verbal description of a Chinaman such as you can make of a white man … All Chinamen look alike, all dress alike, all have the same kind of eyes …” Geary said. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Yu acknowledges the cruelty of the requirement, but as a historian, she also understands the value of having such detailed documentation of the country’s earliest Chinese residents. You know where each person lived and their physical traits, as detailed as “gold filling in upper teeth” or “large wart on nose right side.” There were also portraits of their faces, some of which show indisputable evidence of their hard labor and the stresses of surviving exclusion: the tanned skin from working outside, the wrinkles on their foreheads, the bags under their eyes. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The idea to collect the documents came from a conversation with Yu during a community event, Fong said, shortly after Trump won his second presidential election. There was a “general sense of fear and dread” about the threat facing immigrants, he said, and it felt like the right time to tell a counter-narrative about some of the country’s earliest immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-image\">\n\u003cfigure class=\"alignleft size-full\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"812\" height=\"797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-12095845\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED.jpg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/08/260818-FIGHTING-THE-GEARY-ACT-01-KQED-160x157.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 812px) 100vw, 812px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-element-caption\">Transcontinental railroad worker Jow Kee’s original certificate of residence. (Courtesy of the Geary Act Project)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\n\u003cp>“Exclusion is kind of a nebulous idea, but then you look at the faces [on the certificates], and you’re like ‘oh those are real people’ … and they were trying to have a dream of what they wanted to do, and they’re trying to survive,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>The preservation of the Geary Act certificates offers a tangible record of the government’s efforts to define and categorize Chinese immigrants. Yu and Fong say it’s a slow, manual, volunteer-run effort. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>In addition to tapping into collections from different historical organizations, they’re depending on submissions from families that have held onto the documents as keepsakes for generations. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Some are stored at the National Archives in San Bruno, which announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12088904/exclusive-the-bay-areas-national-archives-office-is-closing-researchers-are-worried\">its impending closure\u003c/a> earlier this year. Documents could be dispersed across the country, Fong said, which would make the search far more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most striking certificates collected by the Geary Act Project came from San Francisco resident Janice Tong, including those belonging to her great-grandfather, great-grandmother and her grandfather when he was just a young boy. It was the child’s certificate that struck Yu as particularly “cold-blooded.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“This is how they describe somebody born in the United States. They describe him, this 8-year-old boy, ‘persons other than laborer.’ They do not say ‘American,’ they do not say ‘citizen.’ I want people to know this.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Among the most prized certificates they have uncovered was one belonging to Jow Kee, a transcontinental railroad worker. It is the only portrait that has been found of one of the roughly 12,000 Chinese men who helped build the railroad. It had been sitting in a box under a bed in a descendant’s home for years. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Fong said the collection of certificates could open up some critical conversations in the Chinese American community: “The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021919/bay-area-japanese-americans-draw-on-wwii-trauma-resist-deportation-threats\">Japanese American community’s incarcerated survivors\u003c/a> [from World War II] are really great at talking about intergenerational trauma. The Chinese American community is not great at that … I think we should be better at talking about it.”\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the work of the Geary Act Project is not just a labor of love, Yu said. She believes it’s her “destiny” and that the current moment demands it. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>As she carefully slipped the certificates back into their protective plastic sleeves, Yu shared a message to her community.\u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>“The call to action is ‘stand up, Chinese Americans.’ Stand up for your people and the people in your community … because your ancestors have gone through this turmoil and struggle that so many immigrants are going through … show solidarity. Show empathy.” \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>She also hopes more Chinese American families will search their closets, attics and archives for more certificates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.thegearyactproject.com/upload-a-certificate\">and share them\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n\n\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And bring proof of your ancestors’ lives,” she said, with a small smile. “They struggled to be here.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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