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"content": "\u003cp>Michael Mann’s work as a press critic began in earnest a decade ago. Ahead of the 2009 international climate-change summit in Copenhagen, hackers stole email correspondence between Mann and other climate scientists from a computer server at the University of East Anglia. Climate-change deniers used portions of the emails, freed from context, to attack the credibility of Mann, whose “hockey stick” graph charting the rapid rise of the Earth’s\u003cbr>\ntemperature since industrialization would become an emblem of the climate fight. Coverage of what news outlets called “Climategate” saved space for Mann’s critics; such choices emphasized conflict out of all proportion with the scientific consensus on a warming planet. In \u003ci>The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars\u003c/i>, his 2012 book, Mann called such false balance and sympathetic framing “a sweet victory for climate change deniers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-1947420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"240\" height=\"240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-160x160.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-800x799.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-768x767.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png 1116w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 240px) 100vw, 240px\">\u003c/a>Though multiple investigations upheld the integrity of Mann’s research, such vindication took years. Mann has vigorously contested misinformation concerning his work and climate science \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=(reporter%20OR%20reporters%20OR%20journalist%20OR%20journalists)%20(from%3Amichaelemann)&src=typed_query\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on social media\u003c/a> as well as in the courts. In 2011, Mann filed \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20160905215806/http://www.courthousenews.com/2011/03/28/ClimateGuy.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a defamation claim\u003c/a> in a British Columbia court against the Frontier Center for Public Policy (FCPP), a Canadian think-tank, and Tim Ball, a former geography professor, after Ball suggested in an interview that Mann should be imprisoned. In June, the FCPP settled with Mann and \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20190609170116/https://fcpp.org/retraction-and-apology-to-michael-mann/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">apologized\u003c/a> for its characterization of his work. Last month, after Ball’s lawyers cited their client’s poor health and his website’s low ranking, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.bccourts.ca/jdb-txt/sc/19/15/2019BCSC1580.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dismissed the case\u003c/a>, for delays he attributed to Mann. (The judge also noted the two parties’ “dramatically different opinions on climate change,” which the court did not address.) Mann then took to Twitter to counter climate-denial sites that spun the dismissal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann, a climatologist who directs the Penn State Earth System Science Center, spoke with CJR last week, one day after \u003ci>The New Yorker\u003c/i> published a widely derided climate-change column by Jonathan Franzen. (Writing in her “Heated” newsletter, journalist Emily Atkin called Franzen’s take “the most brilliantly unintentional fossil fuel industry propaganda I’ve ever read.”) Mann talked about the lessons learned by newsrooms since “Climategate,” and the new pitfalls that await reporters covering the planet’s most important story. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This year marks a decade since news coverage of what many news outlets called “Climategate.” What gains have journalists made in their coverage of climate science and global warming since then?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve seen a pretty dramatic move away from the false balance that we used to see, where every news story about climate change had to have a contrarian, a climate-change denier, representing the other side—as if there’s equal weight on the side of science and science denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, I think there are other problems that we’re seeing crop up in media coverage of this issue. [Franzen’s piece is] emblematic of a trend toward doomist framing; my worry is it leads people down a path of despair and hopelessness and inaction, which actually leads us to the same place as outright climate-change denialism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also seeing a tendency to emphasize personal responsibility and choice over systemic change. \u003ci>The New York Times\u003c/i>, in the space of a month or two, had a half-dozen articles touting the importance of individuals. \u003ci>The problem is us and our eating habits, our travel habits\u003c/i>. Again, I think this may not be intentional, but it is actually playing into a deflection campaign that is being used by fossil-fuel interests, trying to emphasize the role of individuals to take the pressure off regulation of industry and systemic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s impossible now to deny that climate change is happening. The fossil-fuel industry has essentially give up on their campaign to deny the reality of climate change. So instead they’re focused on this kinder, gentler form of denialism. This is the new climate war, and we need to recognize that it’s being waged and understand that it’s every bit as dangerous as the old climate war—the old-fashioned, outright denial of the science. In some ways, it has the veneer of credibility. It seems reasonable to many people. And that makes it, to some extent, even more pernicious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>There’s a tension in climate communication between alerting people and alarming them. How do you spur people to action without paralyzing them with fear?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a fine line there. We have to convey both urgency and agency. Yes, we have an urgent problem; you could call it a crisis or an emergency, if you’d like. But we can do something about it. Urgency and agency have to go hand-in-hand. Only now are we seeing the sort of action that needs to be mobilized to shift us away from the business-as-usual paradigm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reality is that different people are going to be motivated by different things, and some amount of concern and even fear can motivate—we know that, psychologists have established that. But it can also elicit other, disabling instinctual reactions—paralysis and disengagement. Different people are going to respond differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a logical fallacy, right? It’s like, \u003ci>Look, we still have the problem, so it’s not working.\u003c/i> And Franzen, in essence, in his latest article, to me, is doing this. He’s saying, \u003ci>Look, it hasn’t worked, so this isn’t going to work, so let’s adapt to the changes that are coming. \u003c/i>To me, it was unambiguous that that was his message. I don’t think that sort of messaging is helpful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Franzen’s case, I was actually \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelEMann/status/1170847152060477440\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">contacted by a fact-checker\u003c/a> to check a fact in the article, and I pointed out that it was wrong. When you look at model projections, and there’s an average and then there’s a spread, the estimate is that there’s an equal likelihood that the reality is above and below that spread. He had implied it was one-sided—that somehow the average is systematically underestimating the warming. He got that wrong. I pointed that out, and the error persists in the piece that appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MichaelEMann/status/1170851084111425538?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t think it’s accidental that the errors that I’m talking about, the misrepresentations of the science, are systematically in the direction that paints an overly sort of gloomy, doomist picture. It’s exactly what climate-change deniers do in the opposite direction. They always cherry-pick the model projections and observations to understate the threat of climate change. Here, the doomists, in my view, are doing the same thing in the opposite direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>How would you characterize your interactions with journalists? \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personally, I find journalists to be a very thoughtful lot, and even though many of them don’t have training in physical science, I’ve always found it fairly easy to communicate the science to them and to help them frame it in ways that the general public can understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which we still have some problems and challenges has less to do with journalists and more to do with management and editorial staff. The business model sort of favors clickbait and exaggeration. Some of the nuance and some of the key scientific framing are lost, and what you have is a more biased article that exaggerates the science in one way or another, that favors the sort of “\u003ca href=\"https://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/climate-research-media-focus-whiplash/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">whiplash effect\u003c/a>” that Andy Revkin has talked about: \u003ci>Climate change is a hoax\u003c/i>, or \u003ci>Climate change is far worse than we thought\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>You have about as many Twitter followers as CJR—\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>—and more than many news outlets. You curate a lot of reporting and criticism concerning the climate crisis and the environmental changes of a warming planet. How do you engage that audience responsibly?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I need some humility, I’ll look at how many followers Miley Cyrus has. [\u003ci>Editor’s note: She has 43.9 million.\u003c/i>]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not necessarily an objective measure of the intellectual contribution you’re making to the public discourse. And I recognize that. And, I guess, I feel like I’ve been given this great privilege of having a fairly large following, and I have a responsibility to use it responsibly. I do my best to do that, but I’m a human being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social media is often about the moment, the here-and-now, the hot take. We respond to impulses, to individual events. We’re less good at seeing things in broader context. I try to be aware of that, and I try to control my impulses. If something makes me really angry and I want to react, I’ll try to catch myself. I try to be as constructive as I can. I try to provide what I feel is important context to news articles and commentary that will help people see the climate crisis more broadly, and more deeply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>You responded on social media to misinformation published about your court case against Tim Ball. After I saw your responses, I realized hadn’t seen any coverage from actual news outlets. Is there some conclusion about the press to draw from that?\u003c/b>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d say in a phrase, \u003ci>Fool me once\u003c/i>. I think the journalism community learned its lesson from the so-called “Climategate” affair. Climate-change deniers and the organizations that front for the fossil-fuel industry did a very good job at putting huge amounts of pressure on journalists to cover this fake story. Eventually, the mainstream media took the bait, because, well, \u003ci>If there’s this much smoke\u003c/i>. Of course, it took a while for the various investigations to play out. Ultimately, when they did, what we saw was: there was no fire. The only wrongdoing was the theft of the emails. There was no indiscretion on the part of the scientists. The denial machine sort of lost its credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, I think it’s now a damp squib, but [climate-change deniers] generated a solid week or so of noise and distraction, and I actually think it folds into something larger. Right now, we’re seeing \u003ca href=\"https://insideclimatenews.org/news/16092019/trollbot-twitter-climate-change-attacks-disinformation-campaign-mann-mckenna-greta-targeted\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an uptick in online climate-denial trolling\u003c/a> and bot armies being deployed to promote misinformation and disinformation. We see that in attacks on folks like Greta Thunberg, who’s become the figurehead of the youth climate movement. OPEC declared the movement “perhaps the greatest threat to our industry.” There’s all this ire and vitriol that’s been directed her way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has happened in the past. “Climategate” was intended to distract the public and policymakers going into the Copenhagen summit, back in December 2009. I think we’ve seen an uptick in denialist trolling and bot armies in the lead-up \u003ca href=\"https://www.un.org/en/climatechange/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to this UN summit\u003c/a>. I’ve seen other people comment on that; I think there’s clear recognition that there’s a ramping-up of this disinformation machine right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/michael-mann-climategate-franzen.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">story\u003c/a> originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/michael-mann-climategate-franzen.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Columbia Journalism Review\u003c/a>. It is republished here as part of \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/climate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Science’s\u003c/a> partnership with Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of more than 250 news outlets to strengthen coverage of the climate story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Michael Mann’s work as a press critic began in earnest a decade ago. Ahead of the 2009 international climate-change summit in Copenhagen, hackers stole email correspondence between Mann and other climate scientists from a computer server at the University of East Anglia. Climate-change deniers used portions of the emails, freed from context, to attack the credibility of Mann, whose “hockey stick” graph charting the rapid rise of the Earth’s\u003cbr>\ntemperature since industrialization would become an emblem of the climate fight. Coverage of what news outlets called “Climategate” saved space for Mann’s critics; such choices emphasized conflict out of all proportion with the scientific consensus on a warming planet. In \u003ci>The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars\u003c/i>, his 2012 book, Mann called such false balance and sympathetic framing “a sweet victory for climate change deniers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-1947420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"240\" height=\"240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-160x160.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-800x799.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-768x767.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png 1116w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 240px) 100vw, 240px\">\u003c/a>Though multiple investigations upheld the integrity of Mann’s research, such vindication took years. Mann has vigorously contested misinformation concerning his work and climate science \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=(reporter%20OR%20reporters%20OR%20journalist%20OR%20journalists)%20(from%3Amichaelemann)&src=typed_query\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">on social media\u003c/a> as well as in the courts. In 2011, Mann filed \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20160905215806/http://www.courthousenews.com/2011/03/28/ClimateGuy.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a defamation claim\u003c/a> in a British Columbia court against the Frontier Center for Public Policy (FCPP), a Canadian think-tank, and Tim Ball, a former geography professor, after Ball suggested in an interview that Mann should be imprisoned. In June, the FCPP settled with Mann and \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20190609170116/https://fcpp.org/retraction-and-apology-to-michael-mann/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">apologized\u003c/a> for its characterization of his work. Last month, after Ball’s lawyers cited their client’s poor health and his website’s low ranking, a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.bccourts.ca/jdb-txt/sc/19/15/2019BCSC1580.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dismissed the case\u003c/a>, for delays he attributed to Mann. (The judge also noted the two parties’ “dramatically different opinions on climate change,” which the court did not address.) Mann then took to Twitter to counter climate-denial sites that spun the dismissal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mann, a climatologist who directs the Penn State Earth System Science Center, spoke with CJR last week, one day after \u003ci>The New Yorker\u003c/i> published a widely derided climate-change column by Jonathan Franzen. (Writing in her “Heated” newsletter, journalist Emily Atkin called Franzen’s take “the most brilliantly unintentional fossil fuel industry propaganda I’ve ever read.”) Mann talked about the lessons learned by newsrooms since “Climategate,” and the new pitfalls that await reporters covering the planet’s most important story. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This year marks a decade since news coverage of what many news outlets called “Climategate.” What gains have journalists made in their coverage of climate science and global warming since then?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve seen a pretty dramatic move away from the false balance that we used to see, where every news story about climate change had to have a contrarian, a climate-change denier, representing the other side—as if there’s equal weight on the side of science and science denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, I think there are other problems that we’re seeing crop up in media coverage of this issue. [Franzen’s piece is] emblematic of a trend toward doomist framing; my worry is it leads people down a path of despair and hopelessness and inaction, which actually leads us to the same place as outright climate-change denialism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also seeing a tendency to emphasize personal responsibility and choice over systemic change. \u003ci>The New York Times\u003c/i>, in the space of a month or two, had a half-dozen articles touting the importance of individuals. \u003ci>The problem is us and our eating habits, our travel habits\u003c/i>. Again, I think this may not be intentional, but it is actually playing into a deflection campaign that is being used by fossil-fuel interests, trying to emphasize the role of individuals to take the pressure off regulation of industry and systemic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s impossible now to deny that climate change is happening. The fossil-fuel industry has essentially give up on their campaign to deny the reality of climate change. So instead they’re focused on this kinder, gentler form of denialism. This is the new climate war, and we need to recognize that it’s being waged and understand that it’s every bit as dangerous as the old climate war—the old-fashioned, outright denial of the science. In some ways, it has the veneer of credibility. It seems reasonable to many people. And that makes it, to some extent, even more pernicious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>There’s a tension in climate communication between alerting people and alarming them. How do you spur people to action without paralyzing them with fear?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a fine line there. We have to convey both urgency and agency. Yes, we have an urgent problem; you could call it a crisis or an emergency, if you’d like. But we can do something about it. Urgency and agency have to go hand-in-hand. Only now are we seeing the sort of action that needs to be mobilized to shift us away from the business-as-usual paradigm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reality is that different people are going to be motivated by different things, and some amount of concern and even fear can motivate—we know that, psychologists have established that. But it can also elicit other, disabling instinctual reactions—paralysis and disengagement. Different people are going to respond differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a logical fallacy, right? It’s like, \u003ci>Look, we still have the problem, so it’s not working.\u003c/i> And Franzen, in essence, in his latest article, to me, is doing this. He’s saying, \u003ci>Look, it hasn’t worked, so this isn’t going to work, so let’s adapt to the changes that are coming. \u003c/i>To me, it was unambiguous that that was his message. I don’t think that sort of messaging is helpful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Franzen’s case, I was actually \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelEMann/status/1170847152060477440\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">contacted by a fact-checker\u003c/a> to check a fact in the article, and I pointed out that it was wrong. When you look at model projections, and there’s an average and then there’s a spread, the estimate is that there’s an equal likelihood that the reality is above and below that spread. He had implied it was one-sided—that somehow the average is systematically underestimating the warming. He got that wrong. I pointed that out, and the error persists in the piece that appeared.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>I don’t think it’s accidental that the errors that I’m talking about, the misrepresentations of the science, are systematically in the direction that paints an overly sort of gloomy, doomist picture. It’s exactly what climate-change deniers do in the opposite direction. They always cherry-pick the model projections and observations to understate the threat of climate change. Here, the doomists, in my view, are doing the same thing in the opposite direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>How would you characterize your interactions with journalists? \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personally, I find journalists to be a very thoughtful lot, and even though many of them don’t have training in physical science, I’ve always found it fairly easy to communicate the science to them and to help them frame it in ways that the general public can understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent to which we still have some problems and challenges has less to do with journalists and more to do with management and editorial staff. The business model sort of favors clickbait and exaggeration. Some of the nuance and some of the key scientific framing are lost, and what you have is a more biased article that exaggerates the science in one way or another, that favors the sort of “\u003ca href=\"https://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/climate-research-media-focus-whiplash/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">whiplash effect\u003c/a>” that Andy Revkin has talked about: \u003ci>Climate change is a hoax\u003c/i>, or \u003ci>Climate change is far worse than we thought\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>You have about as many Twitter followers as CJR—\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>—and more than many news outlets. You curate a lot of reporting and criticism concerning the climate crisis and the environmental changes of a warming planet. How do you engage that audience responsibly?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I need some humility, I’ll look at how many followers Miley Cyrus has. [\u003ci>Editor’s note: She has 43.9 million.\u003c/i>]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not necessarily an objective measure of the intellectual contribution you’re making to the public discourse. And I recognize that. And, I guess, I feel like I’ve been given this great privilege of having a fairly large following, and I have a responsibility to use it responsibly. I do my best to do that, but I’m a human being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social media is often about the moment, the here-and-now, the hot take. We respond to impulses, to individual events. We’re less good at seeing things in broader context. I try to be aware of that, and I try to control my impulses. If something makes me really angry and I want to react, I’ll try to catch myself. I try to be as constructive as I can. I try to provide what I feel is important context to news articles and commentary that will help people see the climate crisis more broadly, and more deeply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>You responded on social media to misinformation published about your court case against Tim Ball. After I saw your responses, I realized hadn’t seen any coverage from actual news outlets. Is there some conclusion about the press to draw from that?\u003c/b>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d say in a phrase, \u003ci>Fool me once\u003c/i>. I think the journalism community learned its lesson from the so-called “Climategate” affair. Climate-change deniers and the organizations that front for the fossil-fuel industry did a very good job at putting huge amounts of pressure on journalists to cover this fake story. Eventually, the mainstream media took the bait, because, well, \u003ci>If there’s this much smoke\u003c/i>. Of course, it took a while for the various investigations to play out. Ultimately, when they did, what we saw was: there was no fire. The only wrongdoing was the theft of the emails. There was no indiscretion on the part of the scientists. The denial machine sort of lost its credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, I think it’s now a damp squib, but [climate-change deniers] generated a solid week or so of noise and distraction, and I actually think it folds into something larger. Right now, we’re seeing \u003ca href=\"https://insideclimatenews.org/news/16092019/trollbot-twitter-climate-change-attacks-disinformation-campaign-mann-mckenna-greta-targeted\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">an uptick in online climate-denial trolling\u003c/a> and bot armies being deployed to promote misinformation and disinformation. We see that in attacks on folks like Greta Thunberg, who’s become the figurehead of the youth climate movement. OPEC declared the movement “perhaps the greatest threat to our industry.” There’s all this ire and vitriol that’s been directed her way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has happened in the past. “Climategate” was intended to distract the public and policymakers going into the Copenhagen summit, back in December 2009. I think we’ve seen an uptick in denialist trolling and bot armies in the lead-up \u003ca href=\"https://www.un.org/en/climatechange/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">to this UN summit\u003c/a>. I’ve seen other people comment on that; I think there’s clear recognition that there’s a ramping-up of this disinformation machine right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/michael-mann-climategate-franzen.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">story\u003c/a> originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/michael-mann-climategate-franzen.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Columbia Journalism Review\u003c/a>. It is republished here as part of \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/climate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Science’s\u003c/a> partnership with Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of more than 250 news outlets to strengthen coverage of the climate story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Want to Prevent California’s Katrina? Grow a Marsh",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"has-drop-cap\">Something is amiss on Sherman Island, a whale-shaped swath of farm and grazing land at the confluence of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. If you don’t know what ails the place, it might be hard to pinpoint the problem. The island, in the Sacramento Delta, is roughly 16 square miles. Its asphalt roads, cracked and sagging at the edges, look like cheese melted over a lumpy pizza. The telephone\u003cbr>\npoles, many of them kept erect by taut guy-wires, stand conspicuously at non-right angles. The landscape feels Dr. Seussian—a wacky, slightly absurdist version of farmland, right down to the exaggerated industrial backdrop: a steady stream of cars driving past on State Highway 160, which traverses the island; steaming smokestacks from the power plant across the river; the Antioch Bridge arcing dramatically over the San Joaquin River; enormous wind turbines turning lazily on a hill to the northwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-1947420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"251\" height=\"251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-160x160.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-800x799.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-768x767.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png 1116w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 251px) 100vw, 251px\">\u003c/a>What’s wrong?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re standing 10 feet below sea level,” Bryan Brock, an engineer with California’s Department of Water Resources, told me during a visit in May. Brock, who has a white-blond goatee sprouting from his chin like tuft grass, evinced supreme calm as he explained: “None of these people realize it driving past, but they’re below sea level. And that’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land here, and hundreds of thousands of acres elsewhere in the Delta, began to sink in the late 1800s as people started draining the region’s vast wetlands. As they walled off rivers and created dry islands from what was previously soggy marsh, they discovered incredibly rich soil. In contrast to other fertile regions like Iowa, where topsoil two feet deep was considered bounteous when farmers began plowing it in the 19th century, Delta peat soils—created over thousands of years, by wetland plants growing and dying and not quite decomposing—could be 50 feet deep. No one foresaw that this very bounty—soil rich with organic material—would, over time, become a curse of sorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>River and marsh bottoms typically have low oxygen levels, which slows the decomposition of organic material that collects there. That organic material contains copious amounts of carbon. Once the waterlogged Delta soils dried out, microbes began to consume the organic detritus, transforming it into gas. Millions of tons of solid ground started going up into the air as microbial exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the land began to sink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some places, including parts of Sherman Island, the land has now subsided 25 feet since the late 1800s—and continues to sink between half an inch and 1.5 inches yearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These “islands” aren’t really islands at all anymore, Brock told me, but empty bathtubs whose bottoms are receding. The deepening cauldrons, now sitting well below sea level, are creating a situation that grows more precarious with each passing year. The more the islands sink, the greater the pressure on the aging mounded dirt levees that keep the water back, and the greater the likelihood that they’ll fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This situation, called subsidence, worries the California Department of Water Resources and many others, not just because farmers could lose pasture and farmland, but because much of the water that irrigates the Central Valley, and that many Californians depend on for drinking water, is pumped through a sprawling network of canals from the Delta. A large enough breach of those levees—especially if it affected many of the Delta’s 57 islands simultaneously—could hamper the flow of fresh water to the Central Valley, leaving huge swaths of the state without usable water for months, even years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brock describes the mechanics of the threat as the “big gulp.” Water in the 1,100-square-mile Delta—nearly the size of Rhode Island—sits at sea level. Only the pressure of the fresh water flowing down the leveed Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers prevents salt water from the San Francisco Bay from pushing inland. If many levees fail at once, the fresh water that otherwise keeps the salt water away would rush to fill all those empty bathtubs. Brackish water from San Francisco Bay would then flow inland. The water used to irrigate the Central Valley and its $17 billion agricultural economy, and the drinking water for about 25 million people, could become salty and unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s Katrina on steroids,” Dennis Baldocchi, a professor of biometeorology at UC Berkeley who studies the Delta, told me. “We’re a $4 trillion economy. Think of shutting down water for 30 million Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the region is prone to earthquakes—and because faults pass right through the Delta region—an earthquake that could trigger a catastrophic levee failure, defined as 20 islands flooding at once, has a 62 percent chance of occurring in the next two decades if subsidence isn’t addressed, DWR’s own analysis suggests. The event would likely incur tens of billions of dollars’ worth of damage and could take a year-and-a-half to repair. Nor is the flooding of Delta islands unprecedented. When Jones Tract, a Delta island, flooded in 2004, the damage cost $90 million to fix. In earlier times, several islands that were inundated were simply abandoned: Google Maps reveals lakes—the Mildred Tract, Franks Tract— where farmland once existed, discernible by the ring-shaped remains of levees rising, like coral atolls, from the Delta water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not paying attention,” Baldocchi told me; the disaster-in-waiting, he asserts, has not drawn the concern it deserves. Action to address the problem has been stymied for years by, in part, the sheer number and variety of agencies, sometimes with competing agendas, operating in the Delta. Interagency rivalry and distrust have yielded what Ray Seed, a UC Berkeley professor of environmental engineering and an expert on the Delta, once described as a “60- to 70-year stalemate” in which “we will all lose together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s truly a wicked problem,” agrees Campbell Ingram, head of the Delta Conservancy, a state agency tasked with ecosystem restoration in the area. Yet for the first time in his 13-plus years working on the issue, he says, the majority of stakeholders now concur that the subsidence issue needs to be addressed urgently. “We’re kind of in this weird space where we simultaneously can’t \u003cem>prevent\u003c/em> the Delta from failing, and we can’t \u003cem>allow\u003c/em> it to fail,” he adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution is for the landowners, with some state funding, to keep repairing the levees, building them higher and wider. But as sea levels rise and the islands continue to subside, the costs of fortifying and maintaining the structures may exceed the value of the land and agricultural production behind them, says Alf Brandt, counsel to the State Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon. For some of the deepest islands, the conclusion of that cost-benefit analysis already looks unfavorable, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, DWR has been working on another more ecosystem-based fix. Since the 1990s, the agency has experimentally re-flooded pieces of land in the Delta, with the goal of reestablishing wetlands like those that created the soil in the first place. The reasoning is that once wet, the land will stop losing carbon and the sinking will come to a halt. Even if that doesn’t entirely resolve the problem, Ingram says, it prevents the situation from getting worse. And over the long term, marsh plants may, through photosynthesis, capture enough carbon from the atmosphere that the ground begins rising again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s through this last mechanism—plants’ ability to pull carbon from the atmosphere—that a project originally conceived to protect California’s water infrastructure has, over the years, evolved into something more interdisciplinary, and of potentially greater importance. Although they can produce powerful greenhouse gases, wetlands can also sequester and store immense quantities of carbon. Policymakers have historically ignored these places in discussions about greenhouse gas emissions, but that’s now changing as they come to appreciate the huge stores of carbon that wetlands already contain—and the large quantities of greenhouse gases they release when destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An expanding body of research has prompted land managers to consider, for the first time, creating wetland carbon credits that might be traded in carbon markets. In California, at least, efforts to address one worsening disaster could enable prevention of another. Mounting anxiety over global heating may be what spurs creation of carbon credits that, by providing funding for Delta wetland restoration, also produce badly needed funds to protect California’s water infrastructure. “It would have been great to have done this 30 or 40 years ago,” Kristopher Tjernell, deputy director of DWR’s Integrated Watershed Management Program, told me. “But you know, it wasn’t ripe. And it’s ripe now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-drop-cap\">“Blue carbon” refers to carbon momentarily trapped—or slowed down, really—in waterlogged ecosystems. Because the microbes that break down carbon in wet conditions work much more slowly than those in more aerated environs and through different biochemical pathways, wetland ecosystems can accumulate and store far more carbon per acre than forests and savannas can. Scientists have known this in a roundabout way for a long time: After all, the coal and oil deposits that have fueled civilization since the Industrial Revolution come from ancient marsh and marine ecosystems that, after accumulating huge quantities of carbon, were buried and fossilized over millions of years. Fossil fuels, you might say, are an aged form of blue carbon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, policymakers and scientists have been daunted by the many variables involved in calculating the amount of carbon held in wetlands and, more broadly, in the web of living things we call the biosphere, according to Stephen Crooks, cofounder of Silvestrum Climate associates in San Francisco. It’s far more complicated than quantifying how much comes out of smokestacks and tailpipes, he says: “It was seen as more challenging and somewhat scary to include.” But the omission has always been, in his view, untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worldwide, about 450 million tons of carbon dioxide enter the atmosphere yearly from wetland degradation—destroyed mangrove forests, drained marshes, and smothered seagrass beds. That’s equal to the yearly human-caused greenhouse gas emissions of France, the U.K., or California. “When your emissions are the size of California’s economy and you weren’t counting it,” he told me, “that’s a very big surprise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wetland ecosystems comprise just 5 to 8 percent of the planet’s land area but contain between 20 and 30 percent of the world’s soil carbon. “When you destroy a wetland, you can release thousands of years of carbon in just a few decades,” Crooks says. On the flip side, by preserving wetlands, you can protect millennia’s worth of accumulated carbon with, in theory, relatively little effort. The Sacramento Delta, the largest estuary along the western edge of the Americas, has become a test case for this idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Delta may have once held the largest freshwater wetland carbon reserves on the West Coast. Since it was drained over a century ago, it has released an amount of carbon equal to one-quarter of California’s forests—all the redwoods, pines, and oaks in the nation’s third-largest state, according to Baldocchi and his colleagues. And it’s still emitting carbon. Although it comprises less than 1 percent of the state’s cropland, every year the Delta releases a quantity of carbon equal to one-quarter of all plant-related agriculture—all the tractors, plows, and combine harvesters operated in the state. “I’ve been making measurements my whole career, and I’ve never seen fluxes as large as what’s happening from these peat soils,” Baldocchi told me. The near-term goal in the Delta, and in any degraded wetland really, is to stop subsidence and emissions. The longer-term goal is to reverse them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crossing over the blue-gray San Joaquin River on the Antioch Bridge, you can just glimpse the glittering wetlands to the west on Sherman Island. They’re easy to miss at 60 miles an hour. But as I stood with Brock on a wooden walkway a few feet above them in May, the low roar of the semi-industrial landscape—cars speeding over the bridge and boats motoring by on the other side of the levee—receded as I watched birds flit acrobatically among the rustling tule reeds and dragonflies hover over the dark water. The wetlands, hemmed in as they are by levees, roads, and fields of grazing cows, look remarkably healthy. They represent the implementation phase of DWR’s ongoing project, which seeks to shore up the threatened levees by creating wetlands on their subsided “bathtub” sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it beautiful,” Brock said, looking out over the reeds. “Sometimes nature can do things better than humans.” Which is not to say the DWR restoration project was as easy as opening the floodgates and watching the cattails return. Before water was allowed back, he explained, the land had to be carefully sculpted to ensure the optimal water depth for marsh plants to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brock’s predecessors created the first experimental wetlands, on nearby Twitchell Island, in the 1990s. Not only did bringing water back halt the loss of carbon from the soil and stop subsidence, experts discovered, but the wetland plants grew so rapidly that, as they died and left tangled masses of roots and stalks, they raised the elevation of ground at an average rate of 4 centimeters per year. A common assertion among soil scientists is that an inch of topsoil takes a century to accumulate, maybe longer. But these wetland plants were turning carbon dioxide into solid earth at a rate observable by humans from one year to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, given the magnitude of the subsidence problem, that rate of soil accretion can seem sorely inadequate. It will take roughly 150 years to get the most sunken areas of these islands back to sea level, Baldocchi told me. “People have trouble thinking in 100-year time scales,” he said. “We can’t get bored with these projects in 15 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the long-term time frame doesn’t mean we have to wait till the end for the project to bear fruit. Campbell Ingram of the Delta Conservancy emphasizes the importance of “stopping increased risk”—of halting subsidence. What’s key to understand, he says, is that the risk of levee breach does not increase linearly with subsidence, but exponentially. So by halting subsidence, you prevent the ballooning probability of catastrophic failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if the ground regains just a few feet over the years, the risk of catastrophe declines non-linearly as well. Meaning you don’t need to grow the ground back to sea level to dramatically reduce the possibility of a calamitous breach. Some modeling suggests that just gaining half the lost ground back—about 50 to 75 years as opposed to 150—could bring the likelihood of widespread failure to nearly zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, the major challenge facing the project is how to reach a scale of wetland restoration that’s meaningful for the greater Delta. DWR has so far flooded about 1,700 acres in four separate wetlands. But altogether there are about 250,000 acres of deeply subsided land in the Delta, most of it owned by farmers. So success depends in part on convincing farmers to forgo cash crops and flood their land instead, something that’s unlikely to happen without adequate monetary incentive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ideally, Ingram says, the state would pay farmers to convert cropland to wetland. (There is also an intermediate option, a wetland that sustains a crop: rice in flooded fields. In experiments, rice paddies stopped subsidence, but they didn’t reverse it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California does have a relatively new program, called the Healthy Soils Initiative, whereby state money goes to farmers who implement practices thought to benefit soil health. It’s a model of what’s possible, Ingram says, but regrettably no such program exists for Delta wetlands. Marsh provides critical habitat for various species, so other income sources for farmers might include duck clubs or federal and state programs that pay for creation of endangered-animal habitat. But for now Ingram is betting on carbon markets, particularly California’s cap-and-trade system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to get to a point where a farmer wakes up and says, ‘I can earn more flooding my land than growing corn,’” Ingram told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established in 2006 by the law AB32, the cap-and-trade system seeks to reduce the state’s greenhouse gas emissions by harnessing market forces. The state establishes an upper limit on greenhouse gas pollution—the cap—and then gives polluters a certain number of allowances to emit the offending gases. The quantity of allowances given out declines over time, forcing polluters to either clean up their operations or to purchase allowances from polluters who have a surfeit. Polluters can also buy a certain number of offset carbon credits from projects that either prevent the emission of greenhouse gases or remove them from the atmosphere. This is where restored Delta marshes might come in—as a source of offset credits for purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ingram and Steve Deverel—one of the scientists who, when with USGS, conducted the original pilot projects on reversing subsidence in the Delta and is now with the consulting firm Hydrofocus—developed a Delta wetland carbon protocol that the American Carbon Registry approved in 2017. Meaning that they can sell offsets in the voluntary carbon market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approval for the state’s cap-and-trade system, where offset credits now trade for roughly double the rate seen on the voluntary market and might actually compete with earnings from crops, is likely a year-and-a-half away, Ingram says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And these are complicated carbon offsets. Freshwater wetland plants can pull carbon from the atmosphere at a spectacular rate—about 5.7 tons per acre per year in the Delta—but freshwater wetlands also emit the greenhouse gas methane, which has about 30 times the warming potential of carbon dioxide. According to Baldocchi, the warming caused by the methane released from Delta wetlands about equals, in the short term, the cooling potential of the carbon dioxide removed from the atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"entry-content\">\n\u003cp>Why go through all the trouble, then, if we end up right where we started? Think of it as preventive medicine. By re-flooding one acre of peatland in the Sacramento Delta, you prevent between 10 and 20 tons of carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere—via the organic material that microbes would have turned into gas if the land remained dry. That’s equivalent to between two and four years of driving your average car. In addition, you prevent worsening of the subsidence problem and its threat to the state’s water supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisamarie Windham-Myers, a scientist with USGS, thinks she may eventually be able to improve the climate-cooling potential of these wetlands by emulating what happens in certain marshes that \u003cem>don’t\u003c/em> produce greenhouse gases. Saltwater and brackish marshes don’t release nearly as much methane as freshwater wetlands, she explains. That’s because ocean water contains sulfate, which changes the biochemical pathways available to microbes that break down organic material. With sulfate present, instead of creating methane as a byproduct, microbes produce sulfide, which isn’t a greenhouse gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Windham-Myers studies the Suisun marshes, not far from Sherman Island. She’s found that even trace amounts of sulfate in the water prevent those counterproductive methane emissions. In Suisun, the sulfate comes from the small quantity of seawater that pushes into the system from San Francisco Bay. But even freshwater systems, she emphasizes, can contain trace amounts of sulfate—or iron, which also prevents methane production. In fact, she has observed that methane emissions from different parts of the restored DWR wetlands vary greatly, likely because of how water moves through them—carrying tiny concentrations of sulfate or iron to some areas, but not to others. Once scientists better understand such dynamics, they may be able to control the flow of water through resurrected wetlands in a way that limits methane, increases the net climate benefit, and raises the value of the carbon credit sold against restored Delta wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The role of hydrology is definitely emerging as a knob we can turn,” Windham-Myers told me. “Let’s fine-tune these wetlands to make them as amazing as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://baynature.org/article/want-to-prevent-californias-katrina-grow-a-marsh/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">story\u003c/a> originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://baynature.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Nature\u003c/a>. It is republished here as part of \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/climate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Science’s\u003c/a> partnership with Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of more than 250 news outlets to strengthen coverage of the climate story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Moises Velasquez-Manoff is Bay Nature’s senior editor and the author of An Epidemic of Absence.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"has-drop-cap\">Something is amiss on Sherman Island, a whale-shaped swath of farm and grazing land at the confluence of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. If you don’t know what ails the place, it might be hard to pinpoint the problem. The island, in the Sacramento Delta, is roughly 16 square miles. Its asphalt roads, cracked and sagging at the edges, look like cheese melted over a lumpy pizza. The telephone\u003cbr>\npoles, many of them kept erect by taut guy-wires, stand conspicuously at non-right angles. The landscape feels Dr. Seussian—a wacky, slightly absurdist version of farmland, right down to the exaggerated industrial backdrop: a steady stream of cars driving past on State Highway 160, which traverses the island; steaming smokestacks from the power plant across the river; the Antioch Bridge arcing dramatically over the San Joaquin River; enormous wind turbines turning lazily on a hill to the northwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright wp-image-1947420\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"251\" height=\"251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-1020x1019.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-160x160.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-800x799.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo-768x767.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Covering-Climate-Now-Logo.png 1116w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 251px) 100vw, 251px\">\u003c/a>What’s wrong?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re standing 10 feet below sea level,” Bryan Brock, an engineer with California’s Department of Water Resources, told me during a visit in May. Brock, who has a white-blond goatee sprouting from his chin like tuft grass, evinced supreme calm as he explained: “None of these people realize it driving past, but they’re below sea level. And that’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The land here, and hundreds of thousands of acres elsewhere in the Delta, began to sink in the late 1800s as people started draining the region’s vast wetlands. As they walled off rivers and created dry islands from what was previously soggy marsh, they discovered incredibly rich soil. In contrast to other fertile regions like Iowa, where topsoil two feet deep was considered bounteous when farmers began plowing it in the 19th century, Delta peat soils—created over thousands of years, by wetland plants growing and dying and not quite decomposing—could be 50 feet deep. No one foresaw that this very bounty—soil rich with organic material—would, over time, become a curse of sorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>River and marsh bottoms typically have low oxygen levels, which slows the decomposition of organic material that collects there. That organic material contains copious amounts of carbon. Once the waterlogged Delta soils dried out, microbes began to consume the organic detritus, transforming it into gas. Millions of tons of solid ground started going up into the air as microbial exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the land began to sink.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some places, including parts of Sherman Island, the land has now subsided 25 feet since the late 1800s—and continues to sink between half an inch and 1.5 inches yearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These “islands” aren’t really islands at all anymore, Brock told me, but empty bathtubs whose bottoms are receding. The deepening cauldrons, now sitting well below sea level, are creating a situation that grows more precarious with each passing year. The more the islands sink, the greater the pressure on the aging mounded dirt levees that keep the water back, and the greater the likelihood that they’ll fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This situation, called subsidence, worries the California Department of Water Resources and many others, not just because farmers could lose pasture and farmland, but because much of the water that irrigates the Central Valley, and that many Californians depend on for drinking water, is pumped through a sprawling network of canals from the Delta. A large enough breach of those levees—especially if it affected many of the Delta’s 57 islands simultaneously—could hamper the flow of fresh water to the Central Valley, leaving huge swaths of the state without usable water for months, even years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brock describes the mechanics of the threat as the “big gulp.” Water in the 1,100-square-mile Delta—nearly the size of Rhode Island—sits at sea level. Only the pressure of the fresh water flowing down the leveed Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers prevents salt water from the San Francisco Bay from pushing inland. If many levees fail at once, the fresh water that otherwise keeps the salt water away would rush to fill all those empty bathtubs. Brackish water from San Francisco Bay would then flow inland. The water used to irrigate the Central Valley and its $17 billion agricultural economy, and the drinking water for about 25 million people, could become salty and unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s Katrina on steroids,” Dennis Baldocchi, a professor of biometeorology at UC Berkeley who studies the Delta, told me. “We’re a $4 trillion economy. Think of shutting down water for 30 million Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the region is prone to earthquakes—and because faults pass right through the Delta region—an earthquake that could trigger a catastrophic levee failure, defined as 20 islands flooding at once, has a 62 percent chance of occurring in the next two decades if subsidence isn’t addressed, DWR’s own analysis suggests. The event would likely incur tens of billions of dollars’ worth of damage and could take a year-and-a-half to repair. Nor is the flooding of Delta islands unprecedented. When Jones Tract, a Delta island, flooded in 2004, the damage cost $90 million to fix. In earlier times, several islands that were inundated were simply abandoned: Google Maps reveals lakes—the Mildred Tract, Franks Tract— where farmland once existed, discernible by the ring-shaped remains of levees rising, like coral atolls, from the Delta water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not paying attention,” Baldocchi told me; the disaster-in-waiting, he asserts, has not drawn the concern it deserves. Action to address the problem has been stymied for years by, in part, the sheer number and variety of agencies, sometimes with competing agendas, operating in the Delta. Interagency rivalry and distrust have yielded what Ray Seed, a UC Berkeley professor of environmental engineering and an expert on the Delta, once described as a “60- to 70-year stalemate” in which “we will all lose together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s truly a wicked problem,” agrees Campbell Ingram, head of the Delta Conservancy, a state agency tasked with ecosystem restoration in the area. Yet for the first time in his 13-plus years working on the issue, he says, the majority of stakeholders now concur that the subsidence issue needs to be addressed urgently. “We’re kind of in this weird space where we simultaneously can’t \u003cem>prevent\u003c/em> the Delta from failing, and we can’t \u003cem>allow\u003c/em> it to fail,” he adds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One solution is for the landowners, with some state funding, to keep repairing the levees, building them higher and wider. But as sea levels rise and the islands continue to subside, the costs of fortifying and maintaining the structures may exceed the value of the land and agricultural production behind them, says Alf Brandt, counsel to the State Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon. For some of the deepest islands, the conclusion of that cost-benefit analysis already looks unfavorable, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, DWR has been working on another more ecosystem-based fix. Since the 1990s, the agency has experimentally re-flooded pieces of land in the Delta, with the goal of reestablishing wetlands like those that created the soil in the first place. The reasoning is that once wet, the land will stop losing carbon and the sinking will come to a halt. Even if that doesn’t entirely resolve the problem, Ingram says, it prevents the situation from getting worse. And over the long term, marsh plants may, through photosynthesis, capture enough carbon from the atmosphere that the ground begins rising again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s through this last mechanism—plants’ ability to pull carbon from the atmosphere—that a project originally conceived to protect California’s water infrastructure has, over the years, evolved into something more interdisciplinary, and of potentially greater importance. Although they can produce powerful greenhouse gases, wetlands can also sequester and store immense quantities of carbon. Policymakers have historically ignored these places in discussions about greenhouse gas emissions, but that’s now changing as they come to appreciate the huge stores of carbon that wetlands already contain—and the large quantities of greenhouse gases they release when destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An expanding body of research has prompted land managers to consider, for the first time, creating wetland carbon credits that might be traded in carbon markets. In California, at least, efforts to address one worsening disaster could enable prevention of another. Mounting anxiety over global heating may be what spurs creation of carbon credits that, by providing funding for Delta wetland restoration, also produce badly needed funds to protect California’s water infrastructure. “It would have been great to have done this 30 or 40 years ago,” Kristopher Tjernell, deputy director of DWR’s Integrated Watershed Management Program, told me. “But you know, it wasn’t ripe. And it’s ripe now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"has-drop-cap\">“Blue carbon” refers to carbon momentarily trapped—or slowed down, really—in waterlogged ecosystems. Because the microbes that break down carbon in wet conditions work much more slowly than those in more aerated environs and through different biochemical pathways, wetland ecosystems can accumulate and store far more carbon per acre than forests and savannas can. Scientists have known this in a roundabout way for a long time: After all, the coal and oil deposits that have fueled civilization since the Industrial Revolution come from ancient marsh and marine ecosystems that, after accumulating huge quantities of carbon, were buried and fossilized over millions of years. Fossil fuels, you might say, are an aged form of blue carbon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, policymakers and scientists have been daunted by the many variables involved in calculating the amount of carbon held in wetlands and, more broadly, in the web of living things we call the biosphere, according to Stephen Crooks, cofounder of Silvestrum Climate associates in San Francisco. It’s far more complicated than quantifying how much comes out of smokestacks and tailpipes, he says: “It was seen as more challenging and somewhat scary to include.” But the omission has always been, in his view, untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worldwide, about 450 million tons of carbon dioxide enter the atmosphere yearly from wetland degradation—destroyed mangrove forests, drained marshes, and smothered seagrass beds. That’s equal to the yearly human-caused greenhouse gas emissions of France, the U.K., or California. “When your emissions are the size of California’s economy and you weren’t counting it,” he told me, “that’s a very big surprise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wetland ecosystems comprise just 5 to 8 percent of the planet’s land area but contain between 20 and 30 percent of the world’s soil carbon. “When you destroy a wetland, you can release thousands of years of carbon in just a few decades,” Crooks says. On the flip side, by preserving wetlands, you can protect millennia’s worth of accumulated carbon with, in theory, relatively little effort. The Sacramento Delta, the largest estuary along the western edge of the Americas, has become a test case for this idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Delta may have once held the largest freshwater wetland carbon reserves on the West Coast. Since it was drained over a century ago, it has released an amount of carbon equal to one-quarter of California’s forests—all the redwoods, pines, and oaks in the nation’s third-largest state, according to Baldocchi and his colleagues. And it’s still emitting carbon. Although it comprises less than 1 percent of the state’s cropland, every year the Delta releases a quantity of carbon equal to one-quarter of all plant-related agriculture—all the tractors, plows, and combine harvesters operated in the state. “I’ve been making measurements my whole career, and I’ve never seen fluxes as large as what’s happening from these peat soils,” Baldocchi told me. The near-term goal in the Delta, and in any degraded wetland really, is to stop subsidence and emissions. The longer-term goal is to reverse them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crossing over the blue-gray San Joaquin River on the Antioch Bridge, you can just glimpse the glittering wetlands to the west on Sherman Island. They’re easy to miss at 60 miles an hour. But as I stood with Brock on a wooden walkway a few feet above them in May, the low roar of the semi-industrial landscape—cars speeding over the bridge and boats motoring by on the other side of the levee—receded as I watched birds flit acrobatically among the rustling tule reeds and dragonflies hover over the dark water. The wetlands, hemmed in as they are by levees, roads, and fields of grazing cows, look remarkably healthy. They represent the implementation phase of DWR’s ongoing project, which seeks to shore up the threatened levees by creating wetlands on their subsided “bathtub” sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it beautiful,” Brock said, looking out over the reeds. “Sometimes nature can do things better than humans.” Which is not to say the DWR restoration project was as easy as opening the floodgates and watching the cattails return. Before water was allowed back, he explained, the land had to be carefully sculpted to ensure the optimal water depth for marsh plants to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brock’s predecessors created the first experimental wetlands, on nearby Twitchell Island, in the 1990s. Not only did bringing water back halt the loss of carbon from the soil and stop subsidence, experts discovered, but the wetland plants grew so rapidly that, as they died and left tangled masses of roots and stalks, they raised the elevation of ground at an average rate of 4 centimeters per year. A common assertion among soil scientists is that an inch of topsoil takes a century to accumulate, maybe longer. But these wetland plants were turning carbon dioxide into solid earth at a rate observable by humans from one year to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, given the magnitude of the subsidence problem, that rate of soil accretion can seem sorely inadequate. It will take roughly 150 years to get the most sunken areas of these islands back to sea level, Baldocchi told me. “People have trouble thinking in 100-year time scales,” he said. “We can’t get bored with these projects in 15 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet the long-term time frame doesn’t mean we have to wait till the end for the project to bear fruit. Campbell Ingram of the Delta Conservancy emphasizes the importance of “stopping increased risk”—of halting subsidence. What’s key to understand, he says, is that the risk of levee breach does not increase linearly with subsidence, but exponentially. So by halting subsidence, you prevent the ballooning probability of catastrophic failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if the ground regains just a few feet over the years, the risk of catastrophe declines non-linearly as well. Meaning you don’t need to grow the ground back to sea level to dramatically reduce the possibility of a calamitous breach. Some modeling suggests that just gaining half the lost ground back—about 50 to 75 years as opposed to 150—could bring the likelihood of widespread failure to nearly zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, the major challenge facing the project is how to reach a scale of wetland restoration that’s meaningful for the greater Delta. DWR has so far flooded about 1,700 acres in four separate wetlands. But altogether there are about 250,000 acres of deeply subsided land in the Delta, most of it owned by farmers. So success depends in part on convincing farmers to forgo cash crops and flood their land instead, something that’s unlikely to happen without adequate monetary incentive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ideally, Ingram says, the state would pay farmers to convert cropland to wetland. (There is also an intermediate option, a wetland that sustains a crop: rice in flooded fields. In experiments, rice paddies stopped subsidence, but they didn’t reverse it.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California does have a relatively new program, called the Healthy Soils Initiative, whereby state money goes to farmers who implement practices thought to benefit soil health. It’s a model of what’s possible, Ingram says, but regrettably no such program exists for Delta wetlands. Marsh provides critical habitat for various species, so other income sources for farmers might include duck clubs or federal and state programs that pay for creation of endangered-animal habitat. But for now Ingram is betting on carbon markets, particularly California’s cap-and-trade system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to get to a point where a farmer wakes up and says, ‘I can earn more flooding my land than growing corn,’” Ingram told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established in 2006 by the law AB32, the cap-and-trade system seeks to reduce the state’s greenhouse gas emissions by harnessing market forces. The state establishes an upper limit on greenhouse gas pollution—the cap—and then gives polluters a certain number of allowances to emit the offending gases. The quantity of allowances given out declines over time, forcing polluters to either clean up their operations or to purchase allowances from polluters who have a surfeit. Polluters can also buy a certain number of offset carbon credits from projects that either prevent the emission of greenhouse gases or remove them from the atmosphere. This is where restored Delta marshes might come in—as a source of offset credits for purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ingram and Steve Deverel—one of the scientists who, when with USGS, conducted the original pilot projects on reversing subsidence in the Delta and is now with the consulting firm Hydrofocus—developed a Delta wetland carbon protocol that the American Carbon Registry approved in 2017. Meaning that they can sell offsets in the voluntary carbon market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approval for the state’s cap-and-trade system, where offset credits now trade for roughly double the rate seen on the voluntary market and might actually compete with earnings from crops, is likely a year-and-a-half away, Ingram says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And these are complicated carbon offsets. Freshwater wetland plants can pull carbon from the atmosphere at a spectacular rate—about 5.7 tons per acre per year in the Delta—but freshwater wetlands also emit the greenhouse gas methane, which has about 30 times the warming potential of carbon dioxide. According to Baldocchi, the warming caused by the methane released from Delta wetlands about equals, in the short term, the cooling potential of the carbon dioxide removed from the atmosphere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"entry-content\">\n\u003cp>Why go through all the trouble, then, if we end up right where we started? Think of it as preventive medicine. By re-flooding one acre of peatland in the Sacramento Delta, you prevent between 10 and 20 tons of carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere—via the organic material that microbes would have turned into gas if the land remained dry. That’s equivalent to between two and four years of driving your average car. In addition, you prevent worsening of the subsidence problem and its threat to the state’s water supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisamarie Windham-Myers, a scientist with USGS, thinks she may eventually be able to improve the climate-cooling potential of these wetlands by emulating what happens in certain marshes that \u003cem>don’t\u003c/em> produce greenhouse gases. Saltwater and brackish marshes don’t release nearly as much methane as freshwater wetlands, she explains. That’s because ocean water contains sulfate, which changes the biochemical pathways available to microbes that break down organic material. With sulfate present, instead of creating methane as a byproduct, microbes produce sulfide, which isn’t a greenhouse gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Windham-Myers studies the Suisun marshes, not far from Sherman Island. She’s found that even trace amounts of sulfate in the water prevent those counterproductive methane emissions. In Suisun, the sulfate comes from the small quantity of seawater that pushes into the system from San Francisco Bay. But even freshwater systems, she emphasizes, can contain trace amounts of sulfate—or iron, which also prevents methane production. In fact, she has observed that methane emissions from different parts of the restored DWR wetlands vary greatly, likely because of how water moves through them—carrying tiny concentrations of sulfate or iron to some areas, but not to others. Once scientists better understand such dynamics, they may be able to control the flow of water through resurrected wetlands in a way that limits methane, increases the net climate benefit, and raises the value of the carbon credit sold against restored Delta wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The role of hydrology is definitely emerging as a knob we can turn,” Windham-Myers told me. “Let’s fine-tune these wetlands to make them as amazing as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://baynature.org/article/want-to-prevent-californias-katrina-grow-a-marsh/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">story\u003c/a> originally appeared in \u003ca href=\"https://baynature.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Nature\u003c/a>. It is republished here as part of \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/climate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Science’s\u003c/a> partnership with Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of more than 250 news outlets to strengthen coverage of the climate story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Richmond had a rough reputation. Now researchers call it a national model for reducing gun violence. They credit the city’s dramatic turnaround to a program that offers criminals cash not to shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010 , when the city’s homicide rate was soaring, city workers offered Richmond’s most dangerous players training and support to stay out of trouble. Specifically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10889015/other-cities-emulate-richmonds-innovative-approach-to-ending-gun-violence\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Operation Peacemaker \u003c/a>provides job training, substance abuse treatment, mentorship and up to a thousand bucks a month if individuals put away their guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stipend is a gesture of saying you are valuable, your expertise is valuable, your contribution to this work of creating a healthier city is valuable,” DeVone Boggan, the program’s creator, told KQED in 2016. He said private grants pay for the stipends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boggan started the program after analyzing city crime data. He discovered that a small percentage of the population committed most of the shootings. By singling out about 30 ring leaders Boggan believed he could have the greatest effect on reducing gun violence. He was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new\u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2019.305288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> study\u003c/a>, published in the \u003cem>American Journal of Public Health, \u003c/em>finds gunshot wounds and killings have fallen by about 50 percent since the fellowship program began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Ahern, a UC Berkeley epidemiologist, praises the multi-pronged approach, even as she warns of unintended consequences. “The unexpected finding was a small increase in non-firearm related violence like being punched, or being kicked or perhaps a knife might be involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahern theorizes the 16 percent rise in beatings and stabbings may be happening because gang members are working out conflicts through other means than guns. Or, the uptick may result from changing power dynamics on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the program is rolled out in new cities we think it’s important for them to keep an eye out for other forms of violence,” Ahern says. “It’s possible violence may shift in how it’s carried out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Ahern says her cautionary note is not meant to undermine the program’s success. As Richmond’s gun violence plummets, the fellows are thriving. Of the 106 fellows who have participated, 85 have not had a firearm-related injury, and 74 are not suspects in a firearm-related crime. And the true highlight: 101 of the 106 young men are alive.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Richmond had a rough reputation. Now researchers call it a national model for reducing gun violence. They credit the city’s dramatic turnaround to a program that offers criminals cash not to shoot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010 , when the city’s homicide rate was soaring, city workers offered Richmond’s most dangerous players training and support to stay out of trouble. Specifically, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10889015/other-cities-emulate-richmonds-innovative-approach-to-ending-gun-violence\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Operation Peacemaker \u003c/a>provides job training, substance abuse treatment, mentorship and up to a thousand bucks a month if individuals put away their guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stipend is a gesture of saying you are valuable, your expertise is valuable, your contribution to this work of creating a healthier city is valuable,” DeVone Boggan, the program’s creator, told KQED in 2016. He said private grants pay for the stipends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boggan started the program after analyzing city crime data. He discovered that a small percentage of the population committed most of the shootings. By singling out about 30 ring leaders Boggan believed he could have the greatest effect on reducing gun violence. He was right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new\u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2019.305288\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> study\u003c/a>, published in the \u003cem>American Journal of Public Health, \u003c/em>finds gunshot wounds and killings have fallen by about 50 percent since the fellowship program began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Ahern, a UC Berkeley epidemiologist, praises the multi-pronged approach, even as she warns of unintended consequences. “The unexpected finding was a small increase in non-firearm related violence like being punched, or being kicked or perhaps a knife might be involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahern theorizes the 16 percent rise in beatings and stabbings may be happening because gang members are working out conflicts through other means than guns. Or, the uptick may result from changing power dynamics on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the program is rolled out in new cities we think it’s important for them to keep an eye out for other forms of violence,” Ahern says. “It’s possible violence may shift in how it’s carried out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Ahern says her cautionary note is not meant to undermine the program’s success. As Richmond’s gun violence plummets, the fellows are thriving. Of the 106 fellows who have participated, 85 have not had a firearm-related injury, and 74 are not suspects in a firearm-related crime. And the true highlight: 101 of the 106 young men are alive.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Aims to Kill California's Clean-Air Powers. Lawyers Doubt He Can.",
"headTitle": "Trump Aims to Kill California’s Clean-Air Powers. Lawyers Doubt He Can. | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 19, 2019:\u003c/strong> The Trump administration today \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/trump-administration-announces-one-national-program-rule-federal-preemption-state-fuel\">formally announced\u003c/a> it will finalize uniform vehicle emission standards for the U.S. and take away California’s right to enact stricter rules as it has for more than half a century.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statement from the federal Environmental Protection Agency announced the administration’s a final action called the “One National Program Rule.” It will enable the federal government to provide nationwide uniform fuel economy and greenhouse gas emission standards for automobiles and light duty trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative goes by the acronym SAFE, for “Safer, Affordable, Fuel-Efficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials are poised to fight the administration’s effort in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA statement continues: “Pursuant to Congress’s mandate in the Energy Policy and Conservation Act, only the federal government may set fuel economy standards, and state and local governments may not establish their own separate fuel economy standards. This includes state laws that substantially affect fuel economy standards (such as tailpipe GHG emissions standards and ZEV mandates).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also is withdrawing the 2013 Clean Air Act waiver that authorized California to pursue its own tailpipe greenhouse gas emission standard (fuel economy standard) and ZEV mandate. As a result, the statement said, these two programs are also prohibited by the Clean Air Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s statement emphasized that “California must continue to enforce its programs to address smog and other forms of traditional air pollution caused by motor vehicles. The state must redouble its efforts to address the worst air quality in the United States and finally achieve compliance with EPA’s National Ambient Air Quality Standards, where for decades it has failed to address serious, severe, and extreme non-compliance status in several areas within the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1174342163141812224?s=20\">tweet\u003c/a> Wednesday morning, President Donald Trump announced the revocation of California’s legal authority to set tailpipe pollution standards, upending 50 years of precedent under the federal Clean Air Act of 1970.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1174342163141812224?s=20\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The latest attempt by the administration to dismantle longstanding environmental regulations follows California’s voluntary framework agreement in July with Ford, Honda, Volkswagen and BMW on clean-car standards. That effort was supposed to circumvent the Trump administration’s efforts to loosen emission rules for new small cars and trucks set under President Barack Obama. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The stronger pollution requirements were central to the Obama administration’s plans to address the climate crisis. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In response, the Trump administration’s opened an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/06/climate/automakers-california-emissions-antitrust.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">antitrust investigation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the deal.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During a press conference Wednesday, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom slammed the plan to revoke California’s authority and accused the Trump administration of bullying the state and the car companies. He expressed confidence th\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at California would prevail in a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legal challenge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He added that the market, as well as the future of the auto industry, are on California’s side. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The innovation genie is out of the bottle,” Newsom said. “Every single one of these companies know where the consumer is going and the world is going. That is the elimination of the internal combustion engine. California gets that because we are in the future business.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>California’s Waiver\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California has a long history of writing its own car emission rules. Starting in the early 1960s, the state required that car makers prevent exhaust from going straight into the air from a vehicle’s engine. California passed the nation’s first tailpipe emissions standards for carbon monoxide in 1966. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the federal government passed the Clean Air Act in 1970, it recognized California’s existing rules and the state’s extraordinary air pollution problem by providing for a waiver through which the state could set emission standards more stringent than those in the rest of the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Air Resources Board reports that California is home to 7 of 10 cities with the worst air pollution in the country, and that 10 million people breathe punishing smog in the San Joaquin Valley and Los Angeles air basins. Scientists expect climate change to exacerbate these problems. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In order to receive the waiver, California’s emission standards have to meet certain technical requirements and provide enough lead time for car manufacturers to adapt. California must also demonstrate the need for a waiver that meets “compelling and extraordinary conditions.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Legal scholars describe as unprecedented any formal revocation of California’s ability to set its own tailpipe emissions standards. They also question whether the federal Environmental Protection Agency has legal authority to do so.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2008, President George W. Bush threatened to deny a waiver. California sued, and a federal appeals court had not ruled on the issue by the time Obama took office the following year and granted the waiver.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘\u003c/span>\u003cb>Trying to Muddy the Waters’\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler raised the issue of the waiver when he addressed the National Automobile Dealers Association \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/administrator-wheeler-addresses-national-automobile-dealers-association\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tuesday\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. He said his agency will work with the U.S. Department of Transportation to “bring clarity to the proper — and improper — scope and use of the Clean Air Act pre-emption waiver.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wheeler said the the current standards set in the previous administration “focused almost exclusively on energy efficiency and carbon dioxide reductions.” Bloomberg, which first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-09-17/epa-to-unveil-plan-to-yank-california-s-car-emissions-authority\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> the coming announcement of the waiver’s revocation, said the administration’s plan “leaves intact California’s power to regulate smog-forming pollutants from autos and other sources.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wheeler seemed to say as much to the auto dealers.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our actions will not impact California’s health-based standards and programs,” he said. “California will be able to keep in place and enforce programs to address smog and other forms of air pollution caused by motor vehicles. This will allow the state to redouble its efforts to address its air quality problems and finally achieve compliance with EPA’s National Ambient Air Quality Standards.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California routinely fails to meet federal smog standards. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Nichols, chairwoman of the California Air Resources Board, pushed back against the notion of separating the issues of climate change from air quality and public health. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They are trying to muddy the waters,” Nichols said. “The standards that we are in the process of enforcing are necessary to protect the public health and welfare. Not just because we care about the future of the planet. We need these extra clean cars in order to meet the health standards set by the federal government that we violate now on a regular basis throughout Southern California and the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ann Carlson, a law professor at UCLA, says the Trump administration has struggled to implement its long-promised plan of rolling back Obama-era auto emission standards. The process the EPA has to complete in order to formally roll back those rules has resulted in a “a mess full of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2018/10/trumps-clean-car-rollback-is-riddled-with-math-errors-clouding-its-legal-future/574249/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">errors\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The Trump administration is not yet in a position to roll back the Obama standards because their legal justifications are weak.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Carlson added that\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the timing of the EPA’s announcement on California’s waiver is “completely suspect.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the heels of the states agreement with automakers, Carlson said, the lifting of the waiver looks motivated by spite.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s also terrible for the climate and clean air,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nhtsa.gov/sites/nhtsa.dot.gov/files/documents/ld_cafe_my2021-26_deis_0.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that the rollbacks could increase total vehicle greenhouse gas emissions between 2% and 10%. That’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-auto-emissions-standards-fight-with-donald-trump-explained/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">equivalent\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of putting 9 million additional vehicles on the road.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Top California officials and environmental groups pledged legal action. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Attorney General Xavier Becerra promised to meet Trump in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While the White House clings to the past, automakers and American families embrace cleaner cars,” Becerra said in a statement. “The evidence is irrefutable: Today’s clean car standards are achievable, science-based, and a boon for hardworking American families and public health.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Legal Outlook\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear when President Trump’s order will go into effect — California air regulators have yet to see any paperwork. It’s also unclear whether California will retain regulatory authority while the case is litigated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While the law is clear that the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> EPA can grant the waiver, it says nothing about whether the agency can revoke it, said Julia Stein, a supervising attorney with UCLA’s environmental law clinic.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There has never been a waiver revocation in the entire 50-year history of the Clean Air Act,” she said. “We’re really in unprecedented territory here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stein said that normally when a federal regulatory action will have fiscal impacts, as is the case with Trump’s plan, the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs must review that action within 90 days. However, it’s possible that because a draft of the waiver went to the agency earlier this year, the review could take only 45 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration could pursue an expedited review if it designates the changes an emergency, but Stein called into question the rationale for such an action.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Once the regulatory affairs office finishes its review, California will have 60 days to sue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Once litigation is filed, it is possible that California could seek a stay to keep waiver authority in place while the case is pending,” Stein said. “If a court were to grant a stay, California would continue to have the right to enforce its standards until the action is resolved.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Chaos’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael Wara, a lawyer and research fellow at Stanford University, said the administration is pursuing an agenda of regulatory rollbacks that extends beyond what businesses want. In this case, Trump’s plan could set off deep uncertainty within the auto industry.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is chaos,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wara added that the timing of the announcement was clearly made with the upcoming presidential election in mind. “They want the litigation to be concluded with a final Supreme Court decision by the time that the November 2020 elections occur,” Wara said. “They are looking at the clock.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reducing Emissions Through Technology … and Burning Less Gas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While California can set tougher rules for tailpipe emissions, a 1975 law that requires what’s called corporate average fuel economy standards says only the federal government can set gas mileage standards.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So automakers can reduce greenhouse gases through innovation and technology, or they can make cars that burn less gasoline, and California’s rules have had the effect of pushing manufacturers to build more fuel-efficient cars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over decades, EPA granted waivers to California so it could reduce smog from vehicles by requiring tighter-fitting fuel caps, catalytic converters, check-engine lights and other measures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the landmark \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/enrd/massachusetts-v-epa\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Massachusetts v. EPA\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> decision that the federal government could use the Clean Air Act to regulate greenhouse gases. Afterward, California passed rules to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from vehicles. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Update, Sept. 19, 2019:\u003c/strong> The Trump administration today \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/trump-administration-announces-one-national-program-rule-federal-preemption-state-fuel\">formally announced\u003c/a> it will finalize uniform vehicle emission standards for the U.S. and take away California’s right to enact stricter rules as it has for more than half a century.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statement from the federal Environmental Protection Agency announced the administration’s a final action called the “One National Program Rule.” It will enable the federal government to provide nationwide uniform fuel economy and greenhouse gas emission standards for automobiles and light duty trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative goes by the acronym SAFE, for “Safer, Affordable, Fuel-Efficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials are poised to fight the administration’s effort in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA statement continues: “Pursuant to Congress’s mandate in the Energy Policy and Conservation Act, only the federal government may set fuel economy standards, and state and local governments may not establish their own separate fuel economy standards. This includes state laws that substantially affect fuel economy standards (such as tailpipe GHG emissions standards and ZEV mandates).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also is withdrawing the 2013 Clean Air Act waiver that authorized California to pursue its own tailpipe greenhouse gas emission standard (fuel economy standard) and ZEV mandate. As a result, the statement said, these two programs are also prohibited by the Clean Air Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration’s statement emphasized that “California must continue to enforce its programs to address smog and other forms of traditional air pollution caused by motor vehicles. The state must redouble its efforts to address the worst air quality in the United States and finally achieve compliance with EPA’s National Ambient Air Quality Standards, where for decades it has failed to address serious, severe, and extreme non-compliance status in several areas within the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In a \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1174342163141812224?s=20\">tweet\u003c/a> Wednesday morning, President Donald Trump announced the revocation of California’s legal authority to set tailpipe pollution standards, upending 50 years of precedent under the federal Clean Air Act of 1970.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The latest attempt by the administration to dismantle longstanding environmental regulations follows California’s voluntary framework agreement in July with Ford, Honda, Volkswagen and BMW on clean-car standards. That effort was supposed to circumvent the Trump administration’s efforts to loosen emission rules for new small cars and trucks set under President Barack Obama. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The stronger pollution requirements were central to the Obama administration’s plans to address the climate crisis. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In response, the Trump administration’s opened an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/06/climate/automakers-california-emissions-antitrust.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">antitrust investigation\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the deal.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During a press conference Wednesday, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gov. Gavin Newsom slammed the plan to revoke California’s authority and accused the Trump administration of bullying the state and the car companies. He expressed confidence th\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at California would prevail in a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> legal challenge.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He added that the market, as well as the future of the auto industry, are on California’s side. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The innovation genie is out of the bottle,” Newsom said. “Every single one of these companies know where the consumer is going and the world is going. That is the elimination of the internal combustion engine. California gets that because we are in the future business.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>California’s Waiver\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California has a long history of writing its own car emission rules. Starting in the early 1960s, the state required that car makers prevent exhaust from going straight into the air from a vehicle’s engine. California passed the nation’s first tailpipe emissions standards for carbon monoxide in 1966. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the federal government passed the Clean Air Act in 1970, it recognized California’s existing rules and the state’s extraordinary air pollution problem by providing for a waiver through which the state could set emission standards more stringent than those in the rest of the U.S.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The state Air Resources Board reports that California is home to 7 of 10 cities with the worst air pollution in the country, and that 10 million people breathe punishing smog in the San Joaquin Valley and Los Angeles air basins. Scientists expect climate change to exacerbate these problems. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In order to receive the waiver, California’s emission standards have to meet certain technical requirements and provide enough lead time for car manufacturers to adapt. California must also demonstrate the need for a waiver that meets “compelling and extraordinary conditions.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Legal scholars describe as unprecedented any formal revocation of California’s ability to set its own tailpipe emissions standards. They also question whether the federal Environmental Protection Agency has legal authority to do so.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2008, President George W. Bush threatened to deny a waiver. California sued, and a federal appeals court had not ruled on the issue by the time Obama took office the following year and granted the waiver.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">‘\u003c/span>\u003cb>Trying to Muddy the Waters’\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler raised the issue of the waiver when he addressed the National Automobile Dealers Association \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/administrator-wheeler-addresses-national-automobile-dealers-association\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tuesday\u003c/span>\u003c/a>. He said his agency will work with the U.S. Department of Transportation to “bring clarity to the proper — and improper — scope and use of the Clean Air Act pre-emption waiver.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wheeler said the the current standards set in the previous administration “focused almost exclusively on energy efficiency and carbon dioxide reductions.” Bloomberg, which first \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-09-17/epa-to-unveil-plan-to-yank-california-s-car-emissions-authority\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> the coming announcement of the waiver’s revocation, said the administration’s plan “leaves intact California’s power to regulate smog-forming pollutants from autos and other sources.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wheeler seemed to say as much to the auto dealers.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our actions will not impact California’s health-based standards and programs,” he said. “California will be able to keep in place and enforce programs to address smog and other forms of air pollution caused by motor vehicles. This will allow the state to redouble its efforts to address its air quality problems and finally achieve compliance with EPA’s National Ambient Air Quality Standards.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California routinely fails to meet federal smog standards. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Nichols, chairwoman of the California Air Resources Board, pushed back against the notion of separating the issues of climate change from air quality and public health. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They are trying to muddy the waters,” Nichols said. “The standards that we are in the process of enforcing are necessary to protect the public health and welfare. Not just because we care about the future of the planet. We need these extra clean cars in order to meet the health standards set by the federal government that we violate now on a regular basis throughout Southern California and the San Joaquin Valley.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Ann Carlson, a law professor at UCLA, says the Trump administration has struggled to implement its long-promised plan of rolling back Obama-era auto emission standards. The process the EPA has to complete in order to formally roll back those rules has resulted in a “a mess full of \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2018/10/trumps-clean-car-rollback-is-riddled-with-math-errors-clouding-its-legal-future/574249/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">errors\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The Trump administration is not yet in a position to roll back the Obama standards because their legal justifications are weak.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Carlson added that\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the timing of the EPA’s announcement on California’s waiver is “completely suspect.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the heels of the states agreement with automakers, Carlson said, the lifting of the waiver looks motivated by spite.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s also terrible for the climate and clean air,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nhtsa.gov/sites/nhtsa.dot.gov/files/documents/ld_cafe_my2021-26_deis_0.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">estimates\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that the rollbacks could increase total vehicle greenhouse gas emissions between 2% and 10%. That’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-auto-emissions-standards-fight-with-donald-trump-explained/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">equivalent\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of putting 9 million additional vehicles on the road.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Top California officials and environmental groups pledged legal action. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Attorney General Xavier Becerra promised to meet Trump in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While the White House clings to the past, automakers and American families embrace cleaner cars,” Becerra said in a statement. “The evidence is irrefutable: Today’s clean car standards are achievable, science-based, and a boon for hardworking American families and public health.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Legal Outlook\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s unclear when President Trump’s order will go into effect — California air regulators have yet to see any paperwork. It’s also unclear whether California will retain regulatory authority while the case is litigated.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While the law is clear that the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> EPA can grant the waiver, it says nothing about whether the agency can revoke it, said Julia Stein, a supervising attorney with UCLA’s environmental law clinic.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There has never been a waiver revocation in the entire 50-year history of the Clean Air Act,” she said. “We’re really in unprecedented territory here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stein said that normally when a federal regulatory action will have fiscal impacts, as is the case with Trump’s plan, the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs must review that action within 90 days. However, it’s possible that because a draft of the waiver went to the agency earlier this year, the review could take only 45 days.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Trump administration could pursue an expedited review if it designates the changes an emergency, but Stein called into question the rationale for such an action.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Once the regulatory affairs office finishes its review, California will have 60 days to sue.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Once litigation is filed, it is possible that California could seek a stay to keep waiver authority in place while the case is pending,” Stein said. “If a court were to grant a stay, California would continue to have the right to enforce its standards until the action is resolved.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Chaos’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael Wara, a lawyer and research fellow at Stanford University, said the administration is pursuing an agenda of regulatory rollbacks that extends beyond what businesses want. In this case, Trump’s plan could set off deep uncertainty within the auto industry.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is chaos,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wara added that the timing of the announcement was clearly made with the upcoming presidential election in mind. “They want the litigation to be concluded with a final Supreme Court decision by the time that the November 2020 elections occur,” Wara said. “They are looking at the clock.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reducing Emissions Through Technology … and Burning Less Gas\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While California can set tougher rules for tailpipe emissions, a 1975 law that requires what’s called corporate average fuel economy standards says only the federal government can set gas mileage standards.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So automakers can reduce greenhouse gases through innovation and technology, or they can make cars that burn less gasoline, and California’s rules have had the effect of pushing manufacturers to build more fuel-efficient cars.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Over decades, EPA granted waivers to California so it could reduce smog from vehicles by requiring tighter-fitting fuel caps, catalytic converters, check-engine lights and other measures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the landmark \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/enrd/massachusetts-v-epa\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Massachusetts v. EPA\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> decision that the federal government could use the Clean Air Act to regulate greenhouse gases. Afterward, California passed rules to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from vehicles. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Legislature Passes Bill to Shore Up State's Recycling Centers",
"headTitle": "Legislature Passes Bill to Shore Up State’s Recycling Centers | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 11:00 a.m. Monday, Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> An emergency recycling bill introduced by San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting passed the Legislature Friday and was sent to Governor Gavin Newsom. Ting introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 54\u003c/a> with five days before the end of the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting says the bill will bring temporary relief to cities, grocers and small convenience stores that have been pinched by the abrupt closing of recycling centers across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post 6:00 a.m. Thursday, Sept. 12:\u003c/strong> “People are lining up at different recycling facilities,” he said. “They are waiting for hours at a time and are unable to redeem their aluminum cans, their bottles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill provides $5 million to launch recycling trucks (“mobile recycling centers,” in legislative parlance) and $5 million to shore up existing recycling programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting introduced the proposal during the hurried last week of the legislative session in Sacramento, while lawmakers wrangled votes for sweeping new plastic regulations, including those proposed in another of his measures, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB792\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 792,\u003c/a> which also passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739302/a-future-with-100-recycled-beverage-bottles-a-new-state-bill-would-require-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> establishes a minimum level of recycled content in plastic bottles. Newsom has until October 13 to sign both bills.\u003cbr>\nhttps://twitter.com/PhilTing/status/1173379446721507329?s=20\u003cbr>\nThe Legislature did not vote on a high profile\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1947132/california-bill-puts-recycling-onus-on-plastic-manufacturers-theyre-not-happy-about-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> plan\u003c/a> to require manufacturers of single-use plastic to take responsibility for the fate of their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups lobbied hard against the bill, and supporters promised to push the measure next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recycling Center Closings\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, rePlanet, California’s largest operator of recycling centers closed 284 facilities and laid off 750 employees. The shutdowns resulted in the state losing nearly a fifth of its redemption centers in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-08-13/recycling-crisis-bottle-can-deposit-redemption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">single day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company cited economic pressures, including the plummeting value price of aluminum and recycled plastics, as a reason for going out of business. In the past, recycling centers bundled materials and resold them, often overseas to China, but that country is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2018/06/28/623972937/china-has-refused-to-recycle-the-wests-plastics-what-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">refusing\u003c/a> much of the plastic from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A powerful environmental advocacy organization on the issue of recycling, Californians Against Waste, opposed Ting’s plan. A memo from the group said the bill doesn’t address the root causes of recycling center closings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Grocers and Recycling\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California collects a 5 or 10 cent deposit that consumers pay on cans and bottles. Consumers who bring their used cans and bottles to recycling centers can get that money back, and the state uses these funds to pay for recycling programs.\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Bottle Bill from 1986 created half-mile areas around grocery stores where consumers can redeem their deposits (3 miles for rural areas). If a recycling center doesn’t exist inside of one of these convenience zones, then any business that sells soda, beer and other beverages in bottles and cans is mandated to take empties from consumers or pay a $100-a-day waiver. \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closure of recycling centers created an issue for stores that were not prepared to absorb people’s bottles but were suddenly required to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Ting’s plan, grocers won’t have to pay the fee until March 1, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Grocers Association supported Ting’s proposal. Ron Fong, the group’s president and CEO, said the state’s recycling system is outdated and needs to be fixed. He hopes the mobile recycling centers will give people more opportunity to redeem their deposits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A hundred dollars a day is onerous and small grocery stores cannot afford to pay it,” he said. “It’s not the grocers fault that rePlanet decided to close the centers, but we are left holding the bag. This gives us a reprieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, consumer advocates have long criticized big grocers for not accepting recycling, even before rePlanet shuttered all its recycling centers in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Consumer Watchdog \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2019/04/24/consumer-group-says-66-of-stores-names-you-know-refused-to-accept-empty-cans-and-bottles-for-recycling/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">surveyed\u003c/a> 50 Los Angeles-area businesses, including Rite Aid, Ralphs, Vons, Pavilions, Albertsons, and others, and found that two-thirds of the companies refused to redeem the deposits they are legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative deadline for lawmakers to introduce new bills passed months ago, but Ting removed the text of different, unrelated bill and rewrote it, a procedure called gut-and-amend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog, says the bills amount to a corporate giveaway because they would release retail stores from their legal recycling requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article234899717.html\">editorial\u003c/a> published in the Sacramento Bee, Court argues that Ting’s bill is filled with “rotten scraps of failed legislation the grocers lobby packed into” a last-minute bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argues that Californians pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/watchdog-report-finds-california-consumers-lose-half-every-nickel-bottle-deposit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$1.5 billion each year\u003c/a> for bottle and can deposits, but they only get about half of that money back. When no recycling centers are close, grocers should be the ones that redeem. “Too often,” she said, “they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Along with $10 million for recycling centers, the bill gives grocers a temporary reprieve from fees. ",
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"title": "Legislature Passes Bill to Shore Up State's Recycling Centers | KQED",
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"headline": "Legislature Passes Bill to Shore Up State's Recycling Centers",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 11:00 a.m. Monday, Sept. 16:\u003c/strong> An emergency recycling bill introduced by San Francisco Assemblyman Phil Ting passed the Legislature Friday and was sent to Governor Gavin Newsom. Ting introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 54\u003c/a> with five days before the end of the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting says the bill will bring temporary relief to cities, grocers and small convenience stores that have been pinched by the abrupt closing of recycling centers across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post 6:00 a.m. Thursday, Sept. 12:\u003c/strong> “People are lining up at different recycling facilities,” he said. “They are waiting for hours at a time and are unable to redeem their aluminum cans, their bottles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill provides $5 million to launch recycling trucks (“mobile recycling centers,” in legislative parlance) and $5 million to shore up existing recycling programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting introduced the proposal during the hurried last week of the legislative session in Sacramento, while lawmakers wrangled votes for sweeping new plastic regulations, including those proposed in another of his measures, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB792\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 792,\u003c/a> which also passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739302/a-future-with-100-recycled-beverage-bottles-a-new-state-bill-would-require-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> establishes a minimum level of recycled content in plastic bottles. Newsom has until October 13 to sign both bills.\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe Legislature did not vote on a high profile\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1947132/california-bill-puts-recycling-onus-on-plastic-manufacturers-theyre-not-happy-about-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> plan\u003c/a> to require manufacturers of single-use plastic to take responsibility for the fate of their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups lobbied hard against the bill, and supporters promised to push the measure next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Recycling Center Closings\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, rePlanet, California’s largest operator of recycling centers closed 284 facilities and laid off 750 employees. The shutdowns resulted in the state losing nearly a fifth of its redemption centers in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-08-13/recycling-crisis-bottle-can-deposit-redemption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">single day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company cited economic pressures, including the plummeting value price of aluminum and recycled plastics, as a reason for going out of business. In the past, recycling centers bundled materials and resold them, often overseas to China, but that country is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2018/06/28/623972937/china-has-refused-to-recycle-the-wests-plastics-what-now\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">refusing\u003c/a> much of the plastic from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A powerful environmental advocacy organization on the issue of recycling, Californians Against Waste, opposed Ting’s plan. A memo from the group said the bill doesn’t address the root causes of recycling center closings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Grocers and Recycling\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California collects a 5 or 10 cent deposit that consumers pay on cans and bottles. Consumers who bring their used cans and bottles to recycling centers can get that money back, and the state uses these funds to pay for recycling programs.\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Bottle Bill from 1986 created half-mile areas around grocery stores where consumers can redeem their deposits (3 miles for rural areas). If a recycling center doesn’t exist inside of one of these convenience zones, then any business that sells soda, beer and other beverages in bottles and cans is mandated to take empties from consumers or pay a $100-a-day waiver. \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The closure of recycling centers created an issue for stores that were not prepared to absorb people’s bottles but were suddenly required to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Ting’s plan, grocers won’t have to pay the fee until March 1, 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Grocers Association supported Ting’s proposal. Ron Fong, the group’s president and CEO, said the state’s recycling system is outdated and needs to be fixed. He hopes the mobile recycling centers will give people more opportunity to redeem their deposits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A hundred dollars a day is onerous and small grocery stores cannot afford to pay it,” he said. “It’s not the grocers fault that rePlanet decided to close the centers, but we are left holding the bag. This gives us a reprieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, consumer advocates have long criticized big grocers for not accepting recycling, even before rePlanet shuttered all its recycling centers in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Consumer Watchdog \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailynews.com/2019/04/24/consumer-group-says-66-of-stores-names-you-know-refused-to-accept-empty-cans-and-bottles-for-recycling/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">surveyed\u003c/a> 50 Los Angeles-area businesses, including Rite Aid, Ralphs, Vons, Pavilions, Albertsons, and others, and found that two-thirds of the companies refused to redeem the deposits they are legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislative deadline for lawmakers to introduce new bills passed months ago, but Ting removed the text of different, unrelated bill and rewrote it, a procedure called gut-and-amend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog, says the bills amount to a corporate giveaway because they would release retail stores from their legal recycling requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article234899717.html\">editorial\u003c/a> published in the Sacramento Bee, Court argues that Ting’s bill is filled with “rotten scraps of failed legislation the grocers lobby packed into” a last-minute bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argues that Californians pay \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerwatchdog.org/energy/watchdog-report-finds-california-consumers-lose-half-every-nickel-bottle-deposit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$1.5 billion each year\u003c/a> for bottle and can deposits, but they only get about half of that money back. When no recycling centers are close, grocers should be the ones that redeem. “Too often,” she said, “they don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As Rising Heat Bakes U.S. Cities, The Poor Often Feel It Most",
"headTitle": "As Rising Heat Bakes U.S. Cities, The Poor Often Feel It Most | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When Shakira Franklin drives from West Baltimore to her job near the city’s Inner Harbor, she can feel the summer heat ease up like a fist loosening its grip.[aside postID=science_1944972,science_1934110]“I can actually feel me riding out of the heat. When I get to a certain place when I’m on my way, I’ll turn off my air and I’ll roll my windows down,” says Franklin. “It just seems like the sun is beaming down on this neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franklin isn’t imagining that. Her neighborhood, Franklin Square, is hotter than about two-thirds of the other neighborhoods in Baltimore — about 6 degrees hotter than the city’s coolest neighborhood. It’s also in one of the city’s poorest communities, with more than one-third of residents living in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1947040\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 671px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1947040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"671\" height=\"637\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_.png 671w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_-160x152.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 671px) 100vw, 671px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: NASA, Census Bureau \u003ccite>(Sean McMinn/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>(Explore this information with NPR’s interactive tool \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/03/754044732/as-rising-heat-bakes-u-s-cities-the-poor-often-feel-it-most\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across Baltimore, the hottest areas tend to be the poorest and that pattern is not unusual. In dozens of major U.S. cities, low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be hotter than their wealthier counterparts, according to a joint investigation by NPR and the University of Maryland’s Howard Center for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those exposed to that extra heat are often a city’s most vulnerable: the poorest and, our data show, disproportionately people of color. And living day after day in an environment that’s literally hotter isn’t just uncomfortable, it can have dire and sometimes deadly health consequences — a fact we found reflected in Baltimore’s soaring rates of emergency calls when the heat index spiked to dangerous levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a Howard Center analysis of U.S. census data and air temperature data obtained from Portland State University and the Science Museum of Virginia, the hottest neighborhoods in Baltimore can differ by as much as 10 degrees from the coolest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Baltimore is not an extreme case. NPR analyzed 97 of the most populous U.S. cities using the median household income from U.S. Census Bureau data and NASA’s thermal satellite images. In more than three-quarters of those cities, we found that where it’s hotter, it also tends to be poorer. And at least 69 had an even stronger relationship than Baltimore, the first city we mapped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that as the planet warms, the urban poor in dozens of large U.S. cities will actually experience more heat than the wealthy, simply by virtue of where they live. And not only will more people get sick from rising temperatures in the future, we found they likely already are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1947039\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1947039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-800x663.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-800x663.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-160x133.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-768x637.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_.png 831w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: NASA, Census Bureau \u003ccite>(Sean McMinn/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Before I Knew It, I Was Gasping For Air’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2018 in Baltimore, when the heat index reached 103 degrees — the threshold deemed dangerous by the National Weather Service — EMS calls increased dramatically citywide for potentially fatal heat stroke. But calls increased for chronic conditions too: EMS calls for chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder (COPD) increased by nearly 70%. Calls for respiratory distress increased by 20%. Calls for cardiac arrest rose by 80%. And those for high blood pressure more than doubled. Other conditions also spiked: psychiatric disorders, substance abuse, and dehydration, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat affected residents citywide, but even when controlling for income by looking only at the patterns of Medicaid patients, there were differences across the city. From 2013 to 2018, Medicaid patients in Baltimore’s hottest areas visited the hospital at higher rates than Medicaid patients in the city’s coolest areas. The low-income patients in the city’s hot spots visited more often with several conditions, including asthma, COPD and heart disease, according to hospital inpatient and emergency room admissions data from Maryland’s Health Services Cost Review Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Franklin Square neighborhood of West Baltimore, Shakira Franklin knows the link between heat and health all too well. She says her asthma is triggered by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Saturday in July, Franklin says she was making the same drive she often makes from her home to the city’s harbor. A heat wave was gripping the city, with temperatures reaching 100 degrees and above. Franklin says she normally tries to stay inside on days like that, but she had to get to work. That’s when she had her first asthma attack in nearly five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before I knew it, I was gasping for air. It doesn’t even take me 10 minutes to get from home to my other job. Just like that,” says Franklin, who says an attack feels like drinking water through a pinched straw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your windpipe is that straw and that water is the breaths you can take,” Franklin says. “You’re trying to bring your air through as much as you can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors in emergency departments near Baltimore’s hotter neighborhoods say they prepare each summer for an increase in heat-related conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times the heat played a factor in making a chronic condition acutely worse,” says Dr. Amit Chandra, chief of emergency medicine at the University of Maryland Medical Center Midtown Campus. He says that’s especially true for cardiovascular conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worse your circulatory system is, the worse you are at getting cool,” Chandra says. A weak or damaged heart might struggle to pump extra blood to the skin so heat can radiate off the body. Even sweating, which also gets rid of heat by evaporation, can put stress on the heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respiratory conditions can become aggravated too, in part, because heat can actually \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/wrn/summer-article-clearing-the-air\">worsen air quality\u003c/a> and because conditions like asthma and COPD can be triggered by high heat and humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra says even looking at patients’ medical records wouldn’t necessarily tell the full story of how heat could be harming their health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wouldn’t diagnose them at the end of the day with heat exhaustion or heat stroke necessarily unless their temperature went up,” Chandra says. “So there’s probably quite a few folks that are affected by the heat, and we’re not really tracking or measuring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of where they live, people in poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/chp/chronic_disease_report/part2_ch2/en/\">are more vulnerable\u003c/a> to many chronic conditions, including some made worse by heat, like asthma and heart disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patients are plagued by poverty, substance abuse and unfortunately some of the patients don’t have great access to health care,” says Dr. Reginald Brown, chair of emergency medicine at Bon Secours Hospital Baltimore in West Baltimore. “As far as the impact [of heat] to our patients, it’s just another thing that complicates their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The urban heat island\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/Y-bVwPRy_no\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities in general tend to be hotter than their natural surroundings, thanks to a phenomenon known as the \u003ca href=\"https://scied.ucar.edu/longcontent/urban-heat-islands\">urban heat island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have less green cover, you will almost always have higher temperatures, and greater exposure to heat,” says Brian Stone, director of the urban climate lab at the Georgia Institute of Technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trees provide shade, but they also cool the environment down through the evaporation of water from their leaves — a process similar to how humans sweat to cool down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pave over an area, particularly if it had green plants, you have interrupted that cycle,” Stone says. “Not only have you sealed the surface, you have put a lid on it, so evaporation cannot happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pavement — particularly if it’s black — absorbs heat and holds it in. At night, a city of more than 1 million people can be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/heat-islands/learn-about-heat-islands\">22 degrees warmer\u003c/a> than its surroundings. Even the buildings themselves, Stone says, can create a sort of canyon that traps heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given these elements, Stone says it makes sense that many low-income areas are hotter than richer areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lower-income parts of the city tend to have less green cover,” Stone says. “That’s something that we see across a lot of cities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not unusual, Stone says, for poorer areas to be located near “undesirable land uses” such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/traffic-atlanta-segregation.html\">nearby highways\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2014/04/15/pollution-is-substantially-worse-in-minority-neighborhoods-across-the-u-s/\">industrial areas\u003c/a>, which create even more heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pattern of who lives closer to those sources of heat is not just a matter of poor versus rich, it is also often a matter of black and brown versus white. Nationwide, many of the low-income communities NPR found to be hotter — often with fewer trees, more concrete and closer to highways and factories — are also communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t just a coincidence that communities of color end up in some of the most undesirable places,” says Miya Yoshitani, executive director of the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, which focuses on environmental justice issues affecting working-class Asian and Pacific Islander immigrant and refugee communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoshitani explains that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">policies like redlining\u003c/a> — a practice, beginning in the 1930s and banned by the Fair Housing Act in 1968, in which neighborhoods were marked high risk for mortgage lenders in large part based on their racial makeup — forced people of color into less desirable areas. In Baltimore, the city’s hottest neighborhoods, many of which are predominantly African American, still \u003ca href=\"https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=11/39.293/-76.677&city=baltimore-md&adview=full\">line up fairly consistently\u003c/a> with the neighborhoods marked “hazardous” on a 1937 map created by the Home Owners’ Loan Corp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People of color, African American communities, indigenous communities in the beginning and then immigrant communities as they came to the United States were not given a choice about where they could live, where they could raise their families, where they could work,” Yoshitani says. “Those choices were made for them and that legacy continues today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“They can’t escape it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the majority of the cities NPR mapped, poverty was linked to heat, adding a second layer of risk to an already at-risk population. This is not only because poverty itself is a health hazard, but because poverty is also tied to other factors that can make it harder to get cool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People with money, of course, can do that a lot better than people with less money,” says Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says no one is immune to climate change, but wealthier people can more easily control their exposure to heat by using air conditioning — which on its own \u003ca href=\"https://climate.org/cooling-your-home-but-warming-the-planet-how-we-can-stop-air-conditioning-from-worsening-climate-change/\">contributes to climate change\u003c/a> — or even by moving to a cooler part of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the other hand, the folks with less money, they’re going to be in their one home. And they’re going to have to deal with the conditions in their one home,” Benjamin says. “If they’re going to be in an area where it’s real hot, they’re going to have to find other ways to adapt, but they can’t escape it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The urban poor, already often in hotter environments and already at higher risk for health problems, will have a harder time escaping climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the most significant public health problem that we have. It’s going to be here for a long time. And it’s getting worse,” Benjamin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“This is ours”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/heat-islands/climate-change-and-heat-islands\">strategies to cool down\u003c/a> a city: investing in public transit, designing roofs that reflect sunlight, and planting more trees, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Baltimore, the city is \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresustainability.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/Appendix-5-1-All-Strategies-and-Actions.pdf\">working to combat urban heat\u003c/a>. The government has installed cool roofs, turned vacant lots into community green space and strategically planted and maintained trees in low-income neighborhoods, among other initiatives. But the city’s own arborist told the Howard Center that Baltimore is not on track to meet its goal of increasing the tree canopy to 40% by 2037.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing a lot with a little,” says Anne Draddy, the city’s sustainability coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood where Shakira Franklin lives has increased its tree canopy over time. But by 2015, it still was among the city’s lowest. Franklin says she’s not optimistic the city will be able to cool down her neighborhood anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a lot of responsibility. And I think that we would be close to the bottom of the list to be honest,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a grassy vacant lot near her apartment where Franklin often takes a break from her job as a landscaping crew supervisor at Bon Secours Community Works, a nearby community organization owned by Bon Secours Health System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of the few places in the neighborhood with a lot of shade — mainly from a large tree Franklin calls the mother shade. She helped come up with the idea to build a free splash park in the lot for residents to cool down in the heat. Now Bon Secours is taking on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was me taking my stand,” Franklin says. “I didn’t sit around and wait for everybody to say, ‘Well, who’s going to redo the park?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Greenspan, an architectural fellow working on the project, says they’re about halfway to their current fundraising goal — with plans to buy the lot from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a hot Saturday this summer, Bon Secours and the neighborhood’s community association threw a party in the lot. Children ran through streams of water from a pop-up fountain, while adults discussed and voted on potential designs for the new park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our kids, they deserve it,” says Franklin, who has two children. “I just feel like it’s a long time coming to just have something to say that we built this here for us. This is ours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franklin says the park would become a refuge for people who can’t escape the heat — and it will indeed be a place to cool off in this neighborhood. But worldwide, heat waves are getting hotter and more frequent, and \u003ca href=\"https://climate.nasa.gov/news/2841/2018-fourth-warmest-year-in-continued-warming-trend-according-to-nasa-noaa/\">the past five years\u003c/a> have been the hottest ever recorded.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Methodology\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>To determine the link between heat and income in U.S. cities, NPR used NASA satellite imagery and U.S. Census American Community Survey data. An \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/nprapps/heat-income\">\u003cem>open-source computer program developed by NPR\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> downloaded median household income data for census tracts in the 100 most populated American cities, as well as geographic boundaries for census tracts. NPR combined these data with TIGER/Line shapefiles of the cities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The software also downloaded thermal imagery for each city from NASA’s Landsat 8 satellite, looking for days since 2011 in June, July and August when there was less than 4% cloud cover. NPR reviewed each of the satellite images and removed images that contained clouds or other obscuring features over the city of interest. In cases when there were multiple clear images of a city, we used the thermal reading that showed a greater contrast between the warm and cool parts of the area of interest. In cases where there were no acceptable images, we manually searched for additional satellite images and found acceptable images from Landsat 8 for every city except for Hialeah and Miami, Fla., and Honolulu, which are frequently covered by clouds.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For each city, NPR aligned the satellite surface temperature data with the census tracts. For each census tract, the software trimmed the geography to only what is contained within the city of interest’s boundaries, then removed any lakes, rivers, ocean, etc. It calculated a median temperature reading for each census tract. When all of the tracts in a city were completed, it calculated a correlation coefficient (R) of the tracts to find the relationship between income and heat. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The satellite data measure temperature at a surface, such as the ground or a rooftop. We used this measurement rather than ambient temperature, which measures the air about 2 meters above the ground. Measuring air is a more accurate measure of how people experience heat, but satellite data are more widely available than air temperature data. Using that data allowed us to provide a more complete snapshot of temperature trends across many cities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/nprapps/heat-income\">\u003cem>View NPR’s full data and code on Github.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>To determine the relationship between heat and poverty in Baltimore, the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism used block-by-block temperature data showing variations in Baltimore’s urban heat island captured by researchers at Portland State University and the Science Museum of Virginia on Aug. 29, 2018. For each “community statistical area” in Baltimore, the Howard Center computed a median temperature and joined it to a U.S. Census American Community Survey data set with the poverty rate for each area and then calculated the correlation coefficient (R).\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=As+Rising+Heat+Bakes+U.S.+Cities%2C+The+Poor+Often+Feel+It+Most&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Hotter neighborhoods tend to be poorer in dozens of major U.S. cities. That extra heat can have serious health effects for those living there.",
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"title": "As Rising Heat Bakes U.S. Cities, The Poor Often Feel It Most | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Shakira Franklin drives from West Baltimore to her job near the city’s Inner Harbor, she can feel the summer heat ease up like a fist loosening its grip.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I can actually feel me riding out of the heat. When I get to a certain place when I’m on my way, I’ll turn off my air and I’ll roll my windows down,” says Franklin. “It just seems like the sun is beaming down on this neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franklin isn’t imagining that. Her neighborhood, Franklin Square, is hotter than about two-thirds of the other neighborhoods in Baltimore — about 6 degrees hotter than the city’s coolest neighborhood. It’s also in one of the city’s poorest communities, with more than one-third of residents living in poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1947040\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 671px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1947040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"671\" height=\"637\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_.png 671w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/baltimore.snip_-160x152.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 671px) 100vw, 671px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: NASA, Census Bureau \u003ccite>(Sean McMinn/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>(Explore this information with NPR’s interactive tool \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/09/03/754044732/as-rising-heat-bakes-u-s-cities-the-poor-often-feel-it-most\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across Baltimore, the hottest areas tend to be the poorest and that pattern is not unusual. In dozens of major U.S. cities, low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be hotter than their wealthier counterparts, according to a joint investigation by NPR and the University of Maryland’s Howard Center for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those exposed to that extra heat are often a city’s most vulnerable: the poorest and, our data show, disproportionately people of color. And living day after day in an environment that’s literally hotter isn’t just uncomfortable, it can have dire and sometimes deadly health consequences — a fact we found reflected in Baltimore’s soaring rates of emergency calls when the heat index spiked to dangerous levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a Howard Center analysis of U.S. census data and air temperature data obtained from Portland State University and the Science Museum of Virginia, the hottest neighborhoods in Baltimore can differ by as much as 10 degrees from the coolest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Baltimore is not an extreme case. NPR analyzed 97 of the most populous U.S. cities using the median household income from U.S. Census Bureau data and NASA’s thermal satellite images. In more than three-quarters of those cities, we found that where it’s hotter, it also tends to be poorer. And at least 69 had an even stronger relationship than Baltimore, the first city we mapped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means that as the planet warms, the urban poor in dozens of large U.S. cities will actually experience more heat than the wealthy, simply by virtue of where they live. And not only will more people get sick from rising temperatures in the future, we found they likely already are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1947039\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1947039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-800x663.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-800x663.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-160x133.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_-768x637.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/09/Oakland.snip_.png 831w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: NASA, Census Bureau \u003ccite>(Sean McMinn/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Before I Knew It, I Was Gasping For Air’\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the summer of 2018 in Baltimore, when the heat index reached 103 degrees — the threshold deemed dangerous by the National Weather Service — EMS calls increased dramatically citywide for potentially fatal heat stroke. But calls increased for chronic conditions too: EMS calls for chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder (COPD) increased by nearly 70%. Calls for respiratory distress increased by 20%. Calls for cardiac arrest rose by 80%. And those for high blood pressure more than doubled. Other conditions also spiked: psychiatric disorders, substance abuse, and dehydration, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heat affected residents citywide, but even when controlling for income by looking only at the patterns of Medicaid patients, there were differences across the city. From 2013 to 2018, Medicaid patients in Baltimore’s hottest areas visited the hospital at higher rates than Medicaid patients in the city’s coolest areas. The low-income patients in the city’s hot spots visited more often with several conditions, including asthma, COPD and heart disease, according to hospital inpatient and emergency room admissions data from Maryland’s Health Services Cost Review Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Franklin Square neighborhood of West Baltimore, Shakira Franklin knows the link between heat and health all too well. She says her asthma is triggered by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Saturday in July, Franklin says she was making the same drive she often makes from her home to the city’s harbor. A heat wave was gripping the city, with temperatures reaching 100 degrees and above. Franklin says she normally tries to stay inside on days like that, but she had to get to work. That’s when she had her first asthma attack in nearly five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before I knew it, I was gasping for air. It doesn’t even take me 10 minutes to get from home to my other job. Just like that,” says Franklin, who says an attack feels like drinking water through a pinched straw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your windpipe is that straw and that water is the breaths you can take,” Franklin says. “You’re trying to bring your air through as much as you can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doctors in emergency departments near Baltimore’s hotter neighborhoods say they prepare each summer for an increase in heat-related conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times the heat played a factor in making a chronic condition acutely worse,” says Dr. Amit Chandra, chief of emergency medicine at the University of Maryland Medical Center Midtown Campus. He says that’s especially true for cardiovascular conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The worse your circulatory system is, the worse you are at getting cool,” Chandra says. A weak or damaged heart might struggle to pump extra blood to the skin so heat can radiate off the body. Even sweating, which also gets rid of heat by evaporation, can put stress on the heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respiratory conditions can become aggravated too, in part, because heat can actually \u003ca href=\"https://www.weather.gov/wrn/summer-article-clearing-the-air\">worsen air quality\u003c/a> and because conditions like asthma and COPD can be triggered by high heat and humidity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandra says even looking at patients’ medical records wouldn’t necessarily tell the full story of how heat could be harming their health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wouldn’t diagnose them at the end of the day with heat exhaustion or heat stroke necessarily unless their temperature went up,” Chandra says. “So there’s probably quite a few folks that are affected by the heat, and we’re not really tracking or measuring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of where they live, people in poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.who.int/chp/chronic_disease_report/part2_ch2/en/\">are more vulnerable\u003c/a> to many chronic conditions, including some made worse by heat, like asthma and heart disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our patients are plagued by poverty, substance abuse and unfortunately some of the patients don’t have great access to health care,” says Dr. Reginald Brown, chair of emergency medicine at Bon Secours Hospital Baltimore in West Baltimore. “As far as the impact [of heat] to our patients, it’s just another thing that complicates their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The urban heat island\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Y-bVwPRy_no'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Y-bVwPRy_no'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Cities in general tend to be hotter than their natural surroundings, thanks to a phenomenon known as the \u003ca href=\"https://scied.ucar.edu/longcontent/urban-heat-islands\">urban heat island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have less green cover, you will almost always have higher temperatures, and greater exposure to heat,” says Brian Stone, director of the urban climate lab at the Georgia Institute of Technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trees provide shade, but they also cool the environment down through the evaporation of water from their leaves — a process similar to how humans sweat to cool down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pave over an area, particularly if it had green plants, you have interrupted that cycle,” Stone says. “Not only have you sealed the surface, you have put a lid on it, so evaporation cannot happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pavement — particularly if it’s black — absorbs heat and holds it in. At night, a city of more than 1 million people can be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/heat-islands/learn-about-heat-islands\">22 degrees warmer\u003c/a> than its surroundings. Even the buildings themselves, Stone says, can create a sort of canyon that traps heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given these elements, Stone says it makes sense that many low-income areas are hotter than richer areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lower-income parts of the city tend to have less green cover,” Stone says. “That’s something that we see across a lot of cities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not unusual, Stone says, for poorer areas to be located near “undesirable land uses” such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/traffic-atlanta-segregation.html\">nearby highways\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2014/04/15/pollution-is-substantially-worse-in-minority-neighborhoods-across-the-u-s/\">industrial areas\u003c/a>, which create even more heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pattern of who lives closer to those sources of heat is not just a matter of poor versus rich, it is also often a matter of black and brown versus white. Nationwide, many of the low-income communities NPR found to be hotter — often with fewer trees, more concrete and closer to highways and factories — are also communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t just a coincidence that communities of color end up in some of the most undesirable places,” says Miya Yoshitani, executive director of the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, which focuses on environmental justice issues affecting working-class Asian and Pacific Islander immigrant and refugee communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoshitani explains that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">policies like redlining\u003c/a> — a practice, beginning in the 1930s and banned by the Fair Housing Act in 1968, in which neighborhoods were marked high risk for mortgage lenders in large part based on their racial makeup — forced people of color into less desirable areas. In Baltimore, the city’s hottest neighborhoods, many of which are predominantly African American, still \u003ca href=\"https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/#loc=11/39.293/-76.677&city=baltimore-md&adview=full\">line up fairly consistently\u003c/a> with the neighborhoods marked “hazardous” on a 1937 map created by the Home Owners’ Loan Corp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People of color, African American communities, indigenous communities in the beginning and then immigrant communities as they came to the United States were not given a choice about where they could live, where they could raise their families, where they could work,” Yoshitani says. “Those choices were made for them and that legacy continues today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“They can’t escape it”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the majority of the cities NPR mapped, poverty was linked to heat, adding a second layer of risk to an already at-risk population. This is not only because poverty itself is a health hazard, but because poverty is also tied to other factors that can make it harder to get cool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People with money, of course, can do that a lot better than people with less money,” says Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says no one is immune to climate change, but wealthier people can more easily control their exposure to heat by using air conditioning — which on its own \u003ca href=\"https://climate.org/cooling-your-home-but-warming-the-planet-how-we-can-stop-air-conditioning-from-worsening-climate-change/\">contributes to climate change\u003c/a> — or even by moving to a cooler part of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the other hand, the folks with less money, they’re going to be in their one home. And they’re going to have to deal with the conditions in their one home,” Benjamin says. “If they’re going to be in an area where it’s real hot, they’re going to have to find other ways to adapt, but they can’t escape it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The urban poor, already often in hotter environments and already at higher risk for health problems, will have a harder time escaping climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the most significant public health problem that we have. It’s going to be here for a long time. And it’s getting worse,” Benjamin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“This is ours”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/heat-islands/climate-change-and-heat-islands\">strategies to cool down\u003c/a> a city: investing in public transit, designing roofs that reflect sunlight, and planting more trees, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Baltimore, the city is \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresustainability.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/Appendix-5-1-All-Strategies-and-Actions.pdf\">working to combat urban heat\u003c/a>. The government has installed cool roofs, turned vacant lots into community green space and strategically planted and maintained trees in low-income neighborhoods, among other initiatives. But the city’s own arborist told the Howard Center that Baltimore is not on track to meet its goal of increasing the tree canopy to 40% by 2037.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing a lot with a little,” says Anne Draddy, the city’s sustainability coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood where Shakira Franklin lives has increased its tree canopy over time. But by 2015, it still was among the city’s lowest. Franklin says she’s not optimistic the city will be able to cool down her neighborhood anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a lot of responsibility. And I think that we would be close to the bottom of the list to be honest,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a grassy vacant lot near her apartment where Franklin often takes a break from her job as a landscaping crew supervisor at Bon Secours Community Works, a nearby community organization owned by Bon Secours Health System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of the few places in the neighborhood with a lot of shade — mainly from a large tree Franklin calls the mother shade. She helped come up with the idea to build a free splash park in the lot for residents to cool down in the heat. Now Bon Secours is taking on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was me taking my stand,” Franklin says. “I didn’t sit around and wait for everybody to say, ‘Well, who’s going to redo the park?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Greenspan, an architectural fellow working on the project, says they’re about halfway to their current fundraising goal — with plans to buy the lot from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a hot Saturday this summer, Bon Secours and the neighborhood’s community association threw a party in the lot. Children ran through streams of water from a pop-up fountain, while adults discussed and voted on potential designs for the new park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our kids, they deserve it,” says Franklin, who has two children. “I just feel like it’s a long time coming to just have something to say that we built this here for us. This is ours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franklin says the park would become a refuge for people who can’t escape the heat — and it will indeed be a place to cool off in this neighborhood. But worldwide, heat waves are getting hotter and more frequent, and \u003ca href=\"https://climate.nasa.gov/news/2841/2018-fourth-warmest-year-in-continued-warming-trend-according-to-nasa-noaa/\">the past five years\u003c/a> have been the hottest ever recorded.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Methodology\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>To determine the link between heat and income in U.S. cities, NPR used NASA satellite imagery and U.S. Census American Community Survey data. An \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/nprapps/heat-income\">\u003cem>open-source computer program developed by NPR\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> downloaded median household income data for census tracts in the 100 most populated American cities, as well as geographic boundaries for census tracts. NPR combined these data with TIGER/Line shapefiles of the cities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The software also downloaded thermal imagery for each city from NASA’s Landsat 8 satellite, looking for days since 2011 in June, July and August when there was less than 4% cloud cover. NPR reviewed each of the satellite images and removed images that contained clouds or other obscuring features over the city of interest. In cases when there were multiple clear images of a city, we used the thermal reading that showed a greater contrast between the warm and cool parts of the area of interest. In cases where there were no acceptable images, we manually searched for additional satellite images and found acceptable images from Landsat 8 for every city except for Hialeah and Miami, Fla., and Honolulu, which are frequently covered by clouds.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For each city, NPR aligned the satellite surface temperature data with the census tracts. For each census tract, the software trimmed the geography to only what is contained within the city of interest’s boundaries, then removed any lakes, rivers, ocean, etc. It calculated a median temperature reading for each census tract. When all of the tracts in a city were completed, it calculated a correlation coefficient (R) of the tracts to find the relationship between income and heat. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The satellite data measure temperature at a surface, such as the ground or a rooftop. We used this measurement rather than ambient temperature, which measures the air about 2 meters above the ground. Measuring air is a more accurate measure of how people experience heat, but satellite data are more widely available than air temperature data. Using that data allowed us to provide a more complete snapshot of temperature trends across many cities.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/nprapps/heat-income\">\u003cem>View NPR’s full data and code on Github.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A sweeping new analysis adds to the evidence that many women who take hormone therapy during menopause are more likely to develop breast cancer — and may remain at higher risk of cancer for more than a decade after they stop taking the drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published Thursday in \u003ca href=\"http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(19)31709-X/fulltext\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Lancet\u003c/a>, looked at data from dozens of studies, including long-term data on more than 100,000 women who developed breast cancer after menopause. Half of those women had used what’s known as menopausal hormone therapy, or MHT. The longer women took the medicine, the more likely they were to develop breast cancer. Experts say the findings could shape how women and their health care providers decide how to manage symptoms of menopause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a consensus of many researchers and many studies all around the world. These are important new results,” said said Valerie Beral, a cancer epidemiologist at the University of Oxford and one of the lead authors of the new study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women have long been prescribed synthetic versions to replace the hormones that decline during menopause. The medications — usually delivered in a pill, but sometimes in a patch, gel, or injection — provide women either estrogen or a combination of estrogen and progesterone. For many women, they help to tamp down symptoms of menopause, including osteoporosis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, research has suggested a potential link between MHT and an increased risk of breast cancer. In 2002 and 2004, the Women’s Health Initiative released reports that showed women who used combination MHT were more likely to develop breast cancer. MHT use fell after the reports received widespread coverage. That was followed by a decline in breast cancer rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there wasn’t much information on whether that risk persisted, or how it differed based on the type of MHT a woman took. So an international group of researchers pulled together data from dozens of studies — published and unpublished — to examine the issue more closely. They took a woman’s age at first use of MHT, how long she used the medication, and the time elapsed since she last used it into account. The mean age of women starting menopause was 50, which was also the mean age at which women started using MHT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found that compared with women who never used MHT, women who did had a significantly higher risk of developing invasive breast cancer. They estimated that 6.3% of women who never used MHT developed breast cancer, compared to 8.3% of women who used the combination drug continually for five years. That’s roughly one extra cancer diagnosis for every 50 users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longer women used MHT, the greater their risk of breast cancer. Women who were no longer using MHT had a lower relative risk than women who were currently using it — but they remained at an elevated risk for more than a decade after they stopped taking the drug. The level of risk was dependent on how long a woman took MHT. The study also found that women who took the combination drug were more likely to develop cancer than women who took the estrogen-only drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The findings are significant,” said Joanne Kotsopoulos, a breast cancer researcher at Women’s College Research Institute in Toronto. “The longer you use it, the higher the risk,” added Kotsopoulos, who wasn’t involved in the research but wrote a commentary on the study, also published in the Lancet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new analysis doesn’t show that MHT directly causes breast cancer. But researchers suspect the association has to do with the hormonal changes of menopause. The level of hormones produced by the ovaries dramatically drops during menopause. Going into menopause early is thought to lower the risk of breast cancer. But using MHT might keep women in something like a pre-menopausal state, keeping them from getting the protective benefits of menopause on cancer risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estrogens stimulate activity in the breast and increase the risk of breast cancer. [MHT] is just putting that stimulus, which had gone after menopause, back,” said Beral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The caveat: The findings, broadly speaking, apply to women of average weight in developed countries. The researchers found that MHT didn’t have a significant adverse effect on women who were obese, though obesity is also a risk factor for breast cancer after menopause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, experts say patients and providers should carefully consider when the potential benefit of using MHT outweighs the risks. Alternatives to MHT — like taking vitamin D and calcium supplements or keeping rooms cooler — should be a part of that conversation, experts said. It’s also critical for doctors to check in with women on MHT about whether the medication is actually easing their symptoms — and if it isn’t, clinicians should consider taking them off the drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a balance. Every woman is different,” said Kotsopoulos. “But the risk is high for breast cancer, so they need to take a very serious approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2019/08/29/hormone-therapy-breast-cancer-risk/\">story\u003c/a> was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/\">STAT\u003c/a>, an online publication of Boston Globe Media that covers health, medicine, and scientific discovery.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there wasn’t much information on whether that risk persisted, or how it differed based on the type of MHT a woman took. So an international group of researchers pulled together data from dozens of studies — published and unpublished — to examine the issue more closely. They took a woman’s age at first use of MHT, how long she used the medication, and the time elapsed since she last used it into account. The mean age of women starting menopause was 50, which was also the mean age at which women started using MHT.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found that compared with women who never used MHT, women who did had a significantly higher risk of developing invasive breast cancer. They estimated that 6.3% of women who never used MHT developed breast cancer, compared to 8.3% of women who used the combination drug continually for five years. That’s roughly one extra cancer diagnosis for every 50 users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longer women used MHT, the greater their risk of breast cancer. Women who were no longer using MHT had a lower relative risk than women who were currently using it — but they remained at an elevated risk for more than a decade after they stopped taking the drug. The level of risk was dependent on how long a woman took MHT. The study also found that women who took the combination drug were more likely to develop cancer than women who took the estrogen-only drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The findings are significant,” said Joanne Kotsopoulos, a breast cancer researcher at Women’s College Research Institute in Toronto. “The longer you use it, the higher the risk,” added Kotsopoulos, who wasn’t involved in the research but wrote a commentary on the study, also published in the Lancet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new analysis doesn’t show that MHT directly causes breast cancer. But researchers suspect the association has to do with the hormonal changes of menopause. The level of hormones produced by the ovaries dramatically drops during menopause. Going into menopause early is thought to lower the risk of breast cancer. But using MHT might keep women in something like a pre-menopausal state, keeping them from getting the protective benefits of menopause on cancer risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estrogens stimulate activity in the breast and increase the risk of breast cancer. [MHT] is just putting that stimulus, which had gone after menopause, back,” said Beral.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The caveat: The findings, broadly speaking, apply to women of average weight in developed countries. The researchers found that MHT didn’t have a significant adverse effect on women who were obese, though obesity is also a risk factor for breast cancer after menopause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, experts say patients and providers should carefully consider when the potential benefit of using MHT outweighs the risks. Alternatives to MHT — like taking vitamin D and calcium supplements or keeping rooms cooler — should be a part of that conversation, experts said. It’s also critical for doctors to check in with women on MHT about whether the medication is actually easing their symptoms — and if it isn’t, clinicians should consider taking them off the drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a balance. Every woman is different,” said Kotsopoulos. “But the risk is high for breast cancer, so they need to take a very serious approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2019/08/29/hormone-therapy-breast-cancer-risk/\">story\u003c/a> was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/\">STAT\u003c/a>, an online publication of Boston Globe Media that covers health, medicine, and scientific discovery.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When reporters from the \u003cem>Chicago Tribune\u003c/em> investigated cellphones for radiofrequency radiation, they found that the popular iPhone 7 measured over the legal safety limit and more than double what Apple reported to federal regulators from its own testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the Federal Communications Commission, the agency that regulates cellphones, says it will now conduct its own testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel Roe, an investigative reporter with the Tribune, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873014/fcc-to-investigate-cellphone-radiation-exposure\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussed\u003c/a> the investigation recently with host Michael Krasny on KQED’s Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roe got the idea to investigate cellphone radiation when his workplace issued him a new iPhone 7, one of the highest selling smartphones of all time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It came in the box and a nice wrapper,” he said. “I sent it to a lab in California — north of San Diego, San Marcos — and they followed all FCC guidelines and rules and tested the phone and it was admitting radiation that was higher than the legal limit, higher than what Apple reported to regulators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tribune conducted its investigation in partnership with researchers at RF Exposure Lab, an FCC accredited lab in California. Researchers there have tested cellphones for 15 years. For this test, they measured 11 different cellphone models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can read their original report \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicagotribune.com/investigations/ct-cell-phone-radiation-testing-20190821-72qgu4nzlfda5kyuhteiieh4da-story.html\">here\u003c/a> and the methodology \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873014/fcc-to-investigate-cellphone-radiation-exposure\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are excerpts of Roe’s answers, edited for length and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This Study Did Not Find An Increased Risk of Cancer Or Other Harms\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are talking about electromagnetic radiation. This is not like gamma radiation or X-ray radiation. This is further down the spectrum, so it’s less dangerous. But having said that, high readings from a cellphone can cause thermal damage. That is well documented. No one disputes that. That’s why there’s a safety limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Note: According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/radiation-emitting-products/cell-phones/current-research-results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">website\u003c/a>, most studies to date show no connection between health problems and exposure to radiofrequency fields from cellphones. But radiofrequency radiation can damage human tissue at high exposure levels.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Tribune Investigation Raises Questions About Federal Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry is, basically, on the honor system. They choose a lab. By federal rule, the manufacturer must test a phone to ensure that it complies with regulations before taking a new device to market. But the companies only have to test a single device in order to make millions of that phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We tested more phones than Apple tested before they put the iPhone 7 on the market. \u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Federal Standards May Not Be Adequate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standards are outdated and were issued back in the nineties, when people carried phones in different ways and used them less. I don’t think anybody anticipated how integral the smartphone would be to our lives. We use cellphones 24/7, especially kids. This year, Common Sense Media released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/The-New-Normal-Parents-Teens-and-Devices-Around-the-World\">study\u003c/a> that found that 29 percent of teenagers reported sleeping with their cellphone in bed at night\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There is a Call for These Standards to be Modernized\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials at the FCC said they are going to buy phones off the shelf, and test them against samples from the manufacturers. The agency shares regulatory responsibility for this issue with the FDA. If the feds find that the phones are out of compliance, they have the power to recall them.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When reporters from the \u003cem>Chicago Tribune\u003c/em> investigated cellphones for radiofrequency radiation, they found that the popular iPhone 7 measured over the legal safety limit and more than double what Apple reported to federal regulators from its own testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the Federal Communications Commission, the agency that regulates cellphones, says it will now conduct its own testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samuel Roe, an investigative reporter with the Tribune, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873014/fcc-to-investigate-cellphone-radiation-exposure\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">discussed\u003c/a> the investigation recently with host Michael Krasny on KQED’s Forum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roe got the idea to investigate cellphone radiation when his workplace issued him a new iPhone 7, one of the highest selling smartphones of all time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It came in the box and a nice wrapper,” he said. “I sent it to a lab in California — north of San Diego, San Marcos — and they followed all FCC guidelines and rules and tested the phone and it was admitting radiation that was higher than the legal limit, higher than what Apple reported to regulators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tribune conducted its investigation in partnership with researchers at RF Exposure Lab, an FCC accredited lab in California. Researchers there have tested cellphones for 15 years. For this test, they measured 11 different cellphone models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can read their original report \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicagotribune.com/investigations/ct-cell-phone-radiation-testing-20190821-72qgu4nzlfda5kyuhteiieh4da-story.html\">here\u003c/a> and the methodology \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101873014/fcc-to-investigate-cellphone-radiation-exposure\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are excerpts of Roe’s answers, edited for length and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This Study Did Not Find An Increased Risk of Cancer Or Other Harms\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are talking about electromagnetic radiation. This is not like gamma radiation or X-ray radiation. This is further down the spectrum, so it’s less dangerous. But having said that, high readings from a cellphone can cause thermal damage. That is well documented. No one disputes that. That’s why there’s a safety limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Note: According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/radiation-emitting-products/cell-phones/current-research-results\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">website\u003c/a>, most studies to date show no connection between health problems and exposure to radiofrequency fields from cellphones. But radiofrequency radiation can damage human tissue at high exposure levels.]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Tribune Investigation Raises Questions About Federal Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry is, basically, on the honor system. They choose a lab. By federal rule, the manufacturer must test a phone to ensure that it complies with regulations before taking a new device to market. But the companies only have to test a single device in order to make millions of that phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We tested more phones than Apple tested before they put the iPhone 7 on the market. \u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Federal Standards May Not Be Adequate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standards are outdated and were issued back in the nineties, when people carried phones in different ways and used them less. I don’t think anybody anticipated how integral the smartphone would be to our lives. We use cellphones 24/7, especially kids. This year, Common Sense Media released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/The-New-Normal-Parents-Teens-and-Devices-Around-the-World\">study\u003c/a> that found that 29 percent of teenagers reported sleeping with their cellphone in bed at night\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There is a Call for These Standards to be Modernized\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials at the FCC said they are going to buy phones off the shelf, and test them against samples from the manufacturers. The agency shares regulatory responsibility for this issue with the FDA. If the feds find that the phones are out of compliance, they have the power to recall them.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Attorney General Xavier Becerra is chastising the Trump Administration over its plan to revoke Obama-era regulations on climate-changing methane leaks from many oil facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s top lawyer called the plan “a monumentally stupid decision” and promised, once again, to fight the federal Environmental Protection Agency over its easing of environmental rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we face a catastrophic climate emergency, now is not the time to go backwards,” Becerra said in a statement. “It is beyond foolish to gut rules that reduce emissions of super pollutants and protect against increased ozone. The EPA must get back to its mission of protecting our environment and public health, not the profits of corporate polluters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra issued his comments shortly after the New York Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/29/climate/epa-methane-greenhouse-gas.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage\">reported\u003c/a> that EPA officials wanted to cut back on the regulation of methane emissions, a potent greenhouse gas and a major contributor to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Methane is a component of natural gas that’s frequently wasted through leaks or intentional releases during drilling operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While carbon dioxide is the main greenhouse gas driving climate change, methane gas is 84 times more potent in terms of global warming over the first 20 years it is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you don’t believe in climate change, this is a bad idea,” said Rob Jackson, chair of the Earth System Science Department at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson called the proposal “irresponsible” and added that it undercuts companies that make money by selling captured gas for fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many reasons for cutting methane emissions beyond climate,” he said. “When we cut leaks, we save lives and improve human health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, toxics like cancer-causing \u003ca href=\"https://emergency.cdc.gov/agent/benzene/basics/facts.asp\">benzene\u003c/a> are released along with the methane, Jackson said. \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nEnvironmental groups said the EPA’s plan is meant to restrict the agency’s overall legal authority to regulate the gas in the fight against global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler said the proposed rule followed President Donald Trump’s directions to remove “unnecessary and duplicative regulatory burdens from the oil and gas industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California’s Methane Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the California Air Resources Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/california-adopts-strict-rules-for-methane-emissions/\">passed\u003c/a> strong regulations that require oil and natural gas producers to reduce methane leaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private interests own the vast majority of California’s large oil fields. Because the EPA proposal only applies to federal land, if adopted, the changes will not affect these places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson expressed concern that the rollbacks could apply to the oil fields that are on land managed by the Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service. They account for about 10% of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.blm.gov/programs/energy-and-minerals/oil-and-gas/about/california\">total\u003c/a> oil and gas production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a spokesperson for the board said in an email that California’s methane \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/oil-and-gas-methane-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rules \u003c/a>apply to federal land, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the largest importers of oil and gas in the U.S. The state imports about half of its oil and close to 90% of its natural gas, said Los Angeles-based Tim O’Connor, senior director of the Environmental Defense Fund’s energy program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s gas being imported from Texas and the Permian Basin or from the Four Corners region, that fuel will be much dirtier and more impactful to the climate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor said the rollbacks could push California completely away from natural gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will continue California’s march toward the end of natural gas,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Federal Environmental Deregulation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The step would be the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">latest\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">in\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">a\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">series\u003c/a> easing the previous administration’s emissions controls on the oil, gas and \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/d48562a8d7ee4df1bceec0990205e5b3\">coal\u003c/a> industries, including a 2016 rule regulating oil-industry methane leaks as a pollutant under the federal Clean Air Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, both the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8388dfc9f24f4e42a14e51c0a666323f\">Interior\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8388dfc9f24f4e42a14e51c0a666323f\">Department\u003c/a> and the EPA have proposed a series of rules — some blocked by courts — to loosen regulations of methane emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental advocates and former EPA officials had said they expected the new methane plan to go further than previous proposals, with a goal of exempting companies from requirements to detect and stop methane leaks at existing oil and gas sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, this is the umpteenth iteration of the EPA’s exercise to define away its Clean Air Act authority … to address air pollution and greenhouse gases,” said Joseph Goffman, an EPA air official under President Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil and gas industry is the country’s primary source of methane emissions, according to the EPA, accounting for nearly one-third in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While environmental groups pointed to the long-term impact, the oil industry said the direct immediate effect on methane emissions would be negligible. Controls on other, regulated pollutants would also capture methane in the pipeline, said Erik Milito of the American Petroleum Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama-era methane limits imposed “a disproportionate effect on small businesses” in the oil industry, Milito said. “A lot of mom and pops would have their wells shut in, elderly people with wells on their properties that could be shut down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rollbacks on emissions from oilfields, storage sites and pipelines have split the oil industry, worrying some in the industry about growing blowback in a world increasingly mindful of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Royal Dutch Shell this year urged the administration to crack down — not ease up — on the emissions. Many others in the oil and industry have welcomed the easing, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest rollback “highlights the Trump administration’s complete contempt for our climate,” Kassie Siegel of the Center for Biological Diversity, an environmental group, said in a statement. “The EPA is now so determined to actually increase greenhouse pollution that it’s even shrugging off concerns from oil and gas companies about gutting these protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ellen Knickmeyer from the Associated Press contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Attorney General Xavier Becerra is chastising the Trump Administration over its plan to revoke Obama-era regulations on climate-changing methane leaks from many oil facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s top lawyer called the plan “a monumentally stupid decision” and promised, once again, to fight the federal Environmental Protection Agency over its easing of environmental rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we face a catastrophic climate emergency, now is not the time to go backwards,” Becerra said in a statement. “It is beyond foolish to gut rules that reduce emissions of super pollutants and protect against increased ozone. The EPA must get back to its mission of protecting our environment and public health, not the profits of corporate polluters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra issued his comments shortly after the New York Times \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/29/climate/epa-methane-greenhouse-gas.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage\">reported\u003c/a> that EPA officials wanted to cut back on the regulation of methane emissions, a potent greenhouse gas and a major contributor to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Methane is a component of natural gas that’s frequently wasted through leaks or intentional releases during drilling operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While carbon dioxide is the main greenhouse gas driving climate change, methane gas is 84 times more potent in terms of global warming over the first 20 years it is released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you don’t believe in climate change, this is a bad idea,” said Rob Jackson, chair of the Earth System Science Department at Stanford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson called the proposal “irresponsible” and added that it undercuts companies that make money by selling captured gas for fuel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many reasons for cutting methane emissions beyond climate,” he said. “When we cut leaks, we save lives and improve human health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, toxics like cancer-causing \u003ca href=\"https://emergency.cdc.gov/agent/benzene/basics/facts.asp\">benzene\u003c/a> are released along with the methane, Jackson said. \u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nEnvironmental groups said the EPA’s plan is meant to restrict the agency’s overall legal authority to regulate the gas in the fight against global warming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler said the proposed rule followed President Donald Trump’s directions to remove “unnecessary and duplicative regulatory burdens from the oil and gas industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California’s Methane Rules\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, the California Air Resources Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/california-adopts-strict-rules-for-methane-emissions/\">passed\u003c/a> strong regulations that require oil and natural gas producers to reduce methane leaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private interests own the vast majority of California’s large oil fields. Because the EPA proposal only applies to federal land, if adopted, the changes will not affect these places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson expressed concern that the rollbacks could apply to the oil fields that are on land managed by the Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service. They account for about 10% of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.blm.gov/programs/energy-and-minerals/oil-and-gas/about/california\">total\u003c/a> oil and gas production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a spokesperson for the board said in an email that California’s methane \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/oil-and-gas-methane-regulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rules \u003c/a>apply to federal land, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the largest importers of oil and gas in the U.S. The state imports about half of its oil and close to 90% of its natural gas, said Los Angeles-based Tim O’Connor, senior director of the Environmental Defense Fund’s energy program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s gas being imported from Texas and the Permian Basin or from the Four Corners region, that fuel will be much dirtier and more impactful to the climate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Connor said the rollbacks could push California completely away from natural gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will continue California’s march toward the end of natural gas,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Federal Environmental Deregulation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The step would be the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">latest\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">in\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">a\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/36c94da43d664b2393ea41c37f577bdb\">series\u003c/a> easing the previous administration’s emissions controls on the oil, gas and \u003ca href=\"https://www.apnews.com/d48562a8d7ee4df1bceec0990205e5b3\">coal\u003c/a> industries, including a 2016 rule regulating oil-industry methane leaks as a pollutant under the federal Clean Air Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, both the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8388dfc9f24f4e42a14e51c0a666323f\">Interior\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/8388dfc9f24f4e42a14e51c0a666323f\">Department\u003c/a> and the EPA have proposed a series of rules — some blocked by courts — to loosen regulations of methane emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental advocates and former EPA officials had said they expected the new methane plan to go further than previous proposals, with a goal of exempting companies from requirements to detect and stop methane leaks at existing oil and gas sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Essentially, this is the umpteenth iteration of the EPA’s exercise to define away its Clean Air Act authority … to address air pollution and greenhouse gases,” said Joseph Goffman, an EPA air official under President Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil and gas industry is the country’s primary source of methane emissions, according to the EPA, accounting for nearly one-third in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While environmental groups pointed to the long-term impact, the oil industry said the direct immediate effect on methane emissions would be negligible. Controls on other, regulated pollutants would also capture methane in the pipeline, said Erik Milito of the American Petroleum Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Obama-era methane limits imposed “a disproportionate effect on small businesses” in the oil industry, Milito said. “A lot of mom and pops would have their wells shut in, elderly people with wells on their properties that could be shut down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rollbacks on emissions from oilfields, storage sites and pipelines have split the oil industry, worrying some in the industry about growing blowback in a world increasingly mindful of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Royal Dutch Shell this year urged the administration to crack down — not ease up — on the emissions. Many others in the oil and industry have welcomed the easing, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest rollback “highlights the Trump administration’s complete contempt for our climate,” Kassie Siegel of the Center for Biological Diversity, an environmental group, said in a statement. “The EPA is now so determined to actually increase greenhouse pollution that it’s even shrugging off concerns from oil and gas companies about gutting these protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ellen Knickmeyer from the Associated Press contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Weed For Pain? Public Confidence Is High But Evidence Is Slim",
"headTitle": "Weed For Pain? Public Confidence Is High But Evidence Is Slim | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Most Americans say they’re interested in using pot products to relieve pain, but they may underestimate the risks. A new online \u003ca href=\"https://www.asahq.org/about-asa/newsroom/news-releases/2019/08/survey-reveals-skyrocketing-interest-in-marijuana-and-cannabinoids-for-pain<https://www.asahq.org/about-asa/newsroom/news-releases/2019/08/survey-reveals-skyrocketing-interest-in-marijuana-and-cannabinoids-for-pain>\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">survey\u003c/a> from the American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) suggests that many people hold false ideas about marijuana and pain management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the more than 1,000 adults aged 18 and older, more than two-thirds have tried – or are open to – either of the primary components in the marijuana plant, cannabidiol (CBD) or terahydrocannabinol (THC) to relieve pain. Of these respondents, three-quarters believe these chemicals are safer than opioids or other pain medications. That worries \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.ucsf.edu/christopher.abrecht\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dr. Christopher Abrecht\u003c/a>, a UCSF anesthesiologist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tell patients, ‘Know that if you take this [CBD], it is unknown what is going to happen as a result,'” he says. “It may be something that we discover in a few years is superbly helpful, or we may discover that it triggers schizophrenia for certain people or age groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Safety Testing \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Food and Drug Administration does not regulate marijuana compounds because the drug is still federally illegal – a surprise to many consumers. Forty percent of survey respondents falsely believe there’s routine safety testing for marijuana products sold at supermarkets, health food stores and dispensaries. The only \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/08/06/632469743/how-one-familys-fight-with-epilepsy-led-to-the-first-marijuana-based-pharmaceuti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">exception\u003c/a> is one pharmaceutical form of CBD the FDA approved last year for epilepsy patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-three states and Washington, D.C. do allow marijuana for recreational or medical use, but the regulations vary widely within each jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabinoids are a big bucket,” says \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.stanford.edu/edward-mariano\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dr. Edward Mariano, \u003c/a>Stanford University anesthesiologist and chair of ASA’s Committee on Regional Anesthesia and Acute Pain Medicine. “There are over 100 chemicals in the marijuana plant, and because they’re not federally regulated, we don’t always know what goes into the different substances that people are using.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Wild West\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows the ingredients in pot products may differ wildly from label descriptions. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2661569\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> in the Journal of the American Medical Association showed 70 percent of online products made from CBD had concentrations that differed from the amounts on their labels. The ASA also says pot products can contain dangerous synthetic compounds, pesticides and other impurities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little wild, wild west even in highly regulated California,” Abrecht says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients may also underestimate the potential side effects of pot. They can include liver damage, dizziness, difficulty concentrating, confusion and disorientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could even have psychosis,” Mariano says. “Plus, the number of people who actually get pain relief is probably only one in five.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why he encourages patients to have frank conversations with their doctors about all the available pain relief options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The good news is that until the research is completed and we fully understand the risks and potential benefits, physician anesthesiologists today can develop a personalized plan for patients’ pain drawing from effective alternatives such as non-opioid medications and other therapies, including injections, nerve blocks, physical therapy, radio waves and spinal cord stimulation,” says ASA president Dr. Linda J. Mason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Most Americans say they’re interested in using pot products to relieve pain, but they may underestimate the risks. A new online \u003ca href=\"https://www.asahq.org/about-asa/newsroom/news-releases/2019/08/survey-reveals-skyrocketing-interest-in-marijuana-and-cannabinoids-for-pain<https://www.asahq.org/about-asa/newsroom/news-releases/2019/08/survey-reveals-skyrocketing-interest-in-marijuana-and-cannabinoids-for-pain>\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">survey\u003c/a> from the American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) suggests that many people hold false ideas about marijuana and pain management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the more than 1,000 adults aged 18 and older, more than two-thirds have tried – or are open to – either of the primary components in the marijuana plant, cannabidiol (CBD) or terahydrocannabinol (THC) to relieve pain. Of these respondents, three-quarters believe these chemicals are safer than opioids or other pain medications. That worries \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.ucsf.edu/christopher.abrecht\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dr. Christopher Abrecht\u003c/a>, a UCSF anesthesiologist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tell patients, ‘Know that if you take this [CBD], it is unknown what is going to happen as a result,'” he says. “It may be something that we discover in a few years is superbly helpful, or we may discover that it triggers schizophrenia for certain people or age groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Safety Testing \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Food and Drug Administration does not regulate marijuana compounds because the drug is still federally illegal – a surprise to many consumers. Forty percent of survey respondents falsely believe there’s routine safety testing for marijuana products sold at supermarkets, health food stores and dispensaries. The only \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2018/08/06/632469743/how-one-familys-fight-with-epilepsy-led-to-the-first-marijuana-based-pharmaceuti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">exception\u003c/a> is one pharmaceutical form of CBD the FDA approved last year for epilepsy patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-three states and Washington, D.C. do allow marijuana for recreational or medical use, but the regulations vary widely within each jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabinoids are a big bucket,” says \u003ca href=\"https://profiles.stanford.edu/edward-mariano\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Dr. Edward Mariano, \u003c/a>Stanford University anesthesiologist and chair of ASA’s Committee on Regional Anesthesia and Acute Pain Medicine. “There are over 100 chemicals in the marijuana plant, and because they’re not federally regulated, we don’t always know what goes into the different substances that people are using.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Wild West\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research shows the ingredients in pot products may differ wildly from label descriptions. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2661569\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> in the Journal of the American Medical Association showed 70 percent of online products made from CBD had concentrations that differed from the amounts on their labels. The ASA also says pot products can contain dangerous synthetic compounds, pesticides and other impurities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little wild, wild west even in highly regulated California,” Abrecht says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patients may also underestimate the potential side effects of pot. They can include liver damage, dizziness, difficulty concentrating, confusion and disorientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could even have psychosis,” Mariano says. “Plus, the number of people who actually get pain relief is probably only one in five.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why he encourages patients to have frank conversations with their doctors about all the available pain relief options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The good news is that until the research is completed and we fully understand the risks and potential benefits, physician anesthesiologists today can develop a personalized plan for patients’ pain drawing from effective alternatives such as non-opioid medications and other therapies, including injections, nerve blocks, physical therapy, radio waves and spinal cord stimulation,” says ASA president Dr. Linda J. Mason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal appeals court in Washington, D.C. today \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Murray%20Energy%20v.%20EPA.pdf\">upheld\u003c/a> Obama-era smog and air quality standards. Conservative states and industry leaders had tried to scrap them, saying that the rules were too burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California joined states like New York and public health organizations including the American Lung Association in defending the standards that regulate ground-level ozone, an irritating gas that smells like chlorine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Billings, senior vice president of advocacy with the American Lung Association, called the court decision a win for public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court upheld the health-based standards,” he said. “It firmly rejected the challenges by industry and some states that attempted to bring in external considerations like economics and background ozone levels. The court shot those claims down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to reporters, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said the court’s ruling prevented an attempt by corporate interests to put profits over air quality. He said the standards save upwards of 100 lives and prevent 380 asthma-related emergency room visits each year in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many, poor air quality is not just upsetting, but debilitating,” Becerra said. “It means missed days of school, work, and countless other opportunities. It’s a matter of life and death. Our children should never be left gasping for air because of government inaction or corporate greed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ozone standards — a cap at 70 parts per billion — were first set by the Obama administration in 2015, after it determined the previous rules weren’t strong enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Pruitt was one of the first attorneys to challenge Obama’s smog rule, back when he was Oklahoma’s attorney general and before the Trump administration named him to lead the Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamala Harris, then California’s attorney general, initially joined public health groups in defending the rules in court. Becerra replaced her when she became a U.S. senator from California. Harris is running to be the Democratic nominee for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ground-level ozone, sometimes called trioxygen because it’s made up of three oxygen atoms, is a toxic air pollutant and the central ingredient of smog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s derived from industrial emissions, car exhaust, and other chemicals reacting to each other in the atmosphere (not to be confused with stratospheric ozone, which occurs naturally in the upper atmosphere and protects humans from the sun’s harmful ultraviolet rays).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smog can cause chest pain, coughing, inflammation, and reduce lung function in people who breathe it, the EPA reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Becerra and Billings claimed a win with the court’s ruling. The Trump administration considered throwing out Obama’s smog rule, but ultimately decided to defend it in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump’s EPA is updating the smog standards and could issue its own rules as part of a five-year review.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal appeals court in Washington, D.C. today \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Murray%20Energy%20v.%20EPA.pdf\">upheld\u003c/a> Obama-era smog and air quality standards. Conservative states and industry leaders had tried to scrap them, saying that the rules were too burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California joined states like New York and public health organizations including the American Lung Association in defending the standards that regulate ground-level ozone, an irritating gas that smells like chlorine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Billings, senior vice president of advocacy with the American Lung Association, called the court decision a win for public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court upheld the health-based standards,” he said. “It firmly rejected the challenges by industry and some states that attempted to bring in external considerations like economics and background ozone levels. The court shot those claims down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement emailed to reporters, California Attorney General Xavier Becerra said the court’s ruling prevented an attempt by corporate interests to put profits over air quality. He said the standards save upwards of 100 lives and prevent 380 asthma-related emergency room visits each year in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many, poor air quality is not just upsetting, but debilitating,” Becerra said. “It means missed days of school, work, and countless other opportunities. It’s a matter of life and death. Our children should never be left gasping for air because of government inaction or corporate greed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ozone standards — a cap at 70 parts per billion — were first set by the Obama administration in 2015, after it determined the previous rules weren’t strong enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Pruitt was one of the first attorneys to challenge Obama’s smog rule, back when he was Oklahoma’s attorney general and before the Trump administration named him to lead the Environmental Protection Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamala Harris, then California’s attorney general, initially joined public health groups in defending the rules in court. Becerra replaced her when she became a U.S. senator from California. Harris is running to be the Democratic nominee for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ground-level ozone, sometimes called trioxygen because it’s made up of three oxygen atoms, is a toxic air pollutant and the central ingredient of smog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s derived from industrial emissions, car exhaust, and other chemicals reacting to each other in the atmosphere (not to be confused with stratospheric ozone, which occurs naturally in the upper atmosphere and protects humans from the sun’s harmful ultraviolet rays).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smog can cause chest pain, coughing, inflammation, and reduce lung function in people who breathe it, the EPA reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Becerra and Billings claimed a win with the court’s ruling. The Trump administration considered throwing out Obama’s smog rule, but ultimately decided to defend it in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump’s EPA is updating the smog standards and could issue its own rules as part of a five-year review.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Harrowing Photos From the Amazon Rainforest Wildfires",
"headTitle": "Harrowing Photos From the Amazon Rainforest Wildfires | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Fires in Brazil’s Amazon rainforest are proliferating at an alarming rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our house is burning. Literally. The Amazon rain forest – the lungs which produces 20% of our planet’s oxygen – is on fire,” French President Emmanuel Macron \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/EmmanuelMacron/status/1164617008962527232\">wrote in a tweet Thursday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called it an “international crisis” and urged members of the G7 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/23/753639869/macron-urges-g7-members-to-put-amazon-fires-at-top-of-agenda\">prioritize the issue at its summit this weekend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946739\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946739\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-768x513.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1920x1282.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Porto Velho, Rondonia State, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946741\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946741\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-800x560.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-768x538.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A satellite image shows smoke rising from Amazon rainforest fires in Rondonia State, just southwest of Porto Velho, Brazil, in the upper Amazon River basin on Aug. 15. \u003ccite>(Maxar Technologies)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the fires are believed to have been set by farmers clearing land. Environmentalists say the attitude of Brazil’s right-wing president, Jair Bolsonaro, has encouraged the farmers, as well as cattle ranchers, loggers and miners, NPR’s Scott Neumann reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946742\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-768x512.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the devastation caused by a fire during the dry season in Brasilia, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Adriano Machado/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bolsonaro has described measures to protect the rainforest as “obstacles” to economic growth. Bolsonaro, who took office in January, has said repeatedly that he wants to open the Amazon to development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946743\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-768x507.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Humaita, Brazil, on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946744\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-768x518.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tract of Amazon jungle being cleared by loggers and farmers burns in Novo Airao, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Bruno Kelly/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research, there have been 74,155 fires in Brazil so far this year — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/21/753140642/tens-of-thousands-of-fires-ravage-brazilian-amazon-where-deforestation-has-spike\">most of which erupted in the Amazon\u003c/a>, reports NPR’s Colin Dwyer. That represents an astonishing leap of more than 80% over last year and by far the most that the agency has recorded since it began compiling this data in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946745\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-768x512.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Porto Velho, Rondonia State, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About half those fires, or nearly 36,000 of them, have ignited in just the past month. That’s nearly as many as in all of 2018. Smoke from the fires has darkened the skies over major Brazilian cities such as São Paulo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Amazon+Rainforest%2C+Ablaze+In+Brazil&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fires in Brazil’s Amazon rainforest are proliferating at an alarming rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our house is burning. Literally. The Amazon rain forest – the lungs which produces 20% of our planet’s oxygen – is on fire,” French President Emmanuel Macron \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/EmmanuelMacron/status/1164617008962527232\">wrote in a tweet Thursday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called it an “international crisis” and urged members of the G7 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/23/753639869/macron-urges-g7-members-to-put-amazon-fires-at-top-of-agenda\">prioritize the issue at its summit this weekend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946739\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946739\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-768x513.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2-1920x1282.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nebx_custom-b79cd0eaccb6a8c9324c8a516121605a4b8ba376-2.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Porto Velho, Rondonia State, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946741\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946741\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-800x560.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/web-03_close-up-view-of-a-fire_15august2019_southwest-of-porto-velho-brazil_wv3__custom-480f95cb50aa08bbc233624d8441aa2c3da15686-s800-c85-768x538.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A satellite image shows smoke rising from Amazon rainforest fires in Rondonia State, just southwest of Porto Velho, Brazil, in the upper Amazon River basin on Aug. 15. \u003ccite>(Maxar Technologies)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the fires are believed to have been set by farmers clearing land. Environmentalists say the attitude of Brazil’s right-wing president, Jair Bolsonaro, has encouraged the farmers, as well as cattle ranchers, loggers and miners, NPR’s Scott Neumann reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946742\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nbvn_custom-77bc2a1493706213e13ec4bbfefa159d78dba65e-s800-c85-768x512.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the devastation caused by a fire during the dry season in Brasilia, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Adriano Machado/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bolsonaro has described measures to protect the rainforest as “obstacles” to economic growth. Bolsonaro, who took office in January, has said repeatedly that he wants to open the Amazon to development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946743\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946743\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nh3w_custom-b78db5925e777ff5b00e60880e33a865c2399df4-s800-c85-768x507.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Humaita, Brazil, on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946744\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946744\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nc8d_custom-1ed747a2516df8e98b9b3712198eccd7593065cd-s800-c85-768x518.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tract of Amazon jungle being cleared by loggers and farmers burns in Novo Airao, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Bruno Kelly/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research, there have been 74,155 fires in Brazil so far this year — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/08/21/753140642/tens-of-thousands-of-fires-ravage-brazilian-amazon-where-deforestation-has-spike\">most of which erupted in the Amazon\u003c/a>, reports NPR’s Colin Dwyer. That represents an astonishing leap of more than 80% over last year and by far the most that the agency has recorded since it began compiling this data in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1946745\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1946745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2019/08/rts2nec81_custom-b1e593ad6a6d41811b748a410274b6e23fd9c896-s800-c85-1-768x512.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke billows during a fire in an area of the Amazon rainforest near Porto Velho, Rondonia State, Brazil, on Wednesday. \u003ccite>(Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About half those fires, or nearly 36,000 of them, have ignited in just the past month. That’s nearly as many as in all of 2018. Smoke from the fires has darkened the skies over major Brazilian cities such as São Paulo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Amazon+Rainforest%2C+Ablaze+In+Brazil&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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