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She said she knew of a job that would be perfect for him with Music Academy of the West, a summer festival in Santa Barbara that was hiring an assistant conductor. He applied and landed the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in Santa Barbara, he built a friendship with someone who worked for the San Francisco Opera, which had a job opening for an associate conductor. He landed that role and, in 2005, moved to San Francisco, where he has built an impressive resume. He’s led orchestras for symphonies, operas, ballets and music festivals throughout the United States and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Cabrera talked about his career, how he incorporates his heritage into what has been a traditionally white space and the California Symphony’s 2024–25 season that begins Sept. 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a living from art, especially in a specialized field like classical music, is challenging and one Cabrera, who was born in Pasadena and was raised in Las Vegas and Reno, didn’t know was a possibility for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during visits to his paternal grandmother’s house in East L.A. that sparked his love of music. After family meals, she would sit down at her piano and play Mexican waltzes and military marches from memory. She learned to play that music by ear from her father, a musician who traveled all over Mexico performing traditional music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera was around 8 years old when, on the drive home from one of those visits, he told his parents he wanted to learn piano. His maternal grandmother bought him one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really those two folks, both of my grandmothers — one with the musical inspiration, the cultural information that she shared with us — and the other grandmother, through financial assistance, who pushed me forward into this very strange career of being a conductor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s story illustrates how culture is transmitted from one generation to the next, but not just by way of exposure or osmosis, as we often think. How many of us have purposely drowned out our parents’ music for more modern, cooler options?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Cabrera sought to embody music the way his grandmother did. Culture isn’t just meant to be consumed. It should also be internalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After finishing high school, he enrolled at the University of Nevada, Reno, with plans to become a high school music director. He thought learning to conduct an orchestra would help him become a better teacher, so he volunteered to lead the university’s student orchestra. The director gave him a chance since it was a small school, but a more prestigious program would have left the task to graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s professors at UNR pushed him to go to grad school to become a professional conductor. He earned a master’s degree at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Mentors from that school told him he needed to go to New York City, which led him to the conducting program at the Manhattan School of Music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how thankful I am for these mentors of mine who encouraged me to shoot for the stars when I thought I was happy enough with where I was heading,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in grad school, he recalled questioning whether he belonged in the world of classical music, an environment that felt elitist and rooted solely in European traditions. The idea that Latines don’t have a connection to orchestral music is false, Cabrera said. Mexican composers were creating operas in the early 1700s. Most major Latin American cities have a symphony, something Cabrera knows firsthand because he’s conducted in Mexico and Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What always kept me going was my love and passion for the music,” he said. “It was up to me to get over my preconceptions of my surroundings and my preconceptions of the people around me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1331px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-800x1202.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1020x1533.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1022x1536.jpg 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Donato Cabrera, a Mexican-American conductor, serves as the artistic and music director of the California Symphony. \u003ccite>(Lindsay Hale / Courtesy of Donato Cabrera )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People might think that the bulk of what a conductor does is stand in front of the orchestra and wave their arms. That’s actually about 1% of the job, Cabrera said. Most of his work involves preparation, organization and planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really engaged in all aspects of what a nonprofit performing arts organization does,” he said. “As a music director, I choose all of the repertoire, all of the soloists. Each season has a narrative. The flow of the music that’s being performed, programmed over the course of many years — that’s on my shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walnut Creek-based California Symphony will start the season with a program highlighting Ludwig van Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9, a masterpiece that was the composer’s final completed symphony. The rest of the season, which includes a total of five concerts and runs through June, will showcase the last works of Johannes Brahms, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera spearheaded an effort to translate the California Symphony’s website into Spanish, bringing a measurable increase in Latine attendance. The symphony found that Latinos made up about 7% of households that attended performances from 2017 to 2024, almost doubling attendance during the seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His goal, he said, is for anyone who walks into a performance to immediately feel welcome and have more knowledge and understanding of the music when they leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people when they go to a concert, they want to hear what they know. They want to sing along to all the songs,” he said. “(Orchestral) music is for everyone, not just for people that grow up with it in their home or people of a certain strata. It’s there for everyone to enjoy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Donato Cabrera sought to embody music the way his paternal grandmother did. His story illustrates how culture is transmitted between generations.",
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"title": "How This Bay Area Conductor’s Mexican Roots Propelled Him to the Symphony | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Twenty-two years ago this month, Donato Cabrera felt like he hit a low point. Instead of conducting orchestras, he was selling CDs at the Metropolitan Opera gift shop in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was in his early 30s with a bachelor’s degree and two advanced degrees, each focused on musical performance. Working in a music store was fine when he was a teenager living in Reno. It was not OK when he had expensive rent in Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera, now 54, has served as music and artistic director of the California Symphony since 2013. Previously, he held conducting roles with the San Francisco Opera and San Francisco Symphony Orchestra, among many other places. But back in 2002, he wasn’t sure how he was going to exit the gift shop and get back to performing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, a former graduate school classmate was visiting New York and happened to stop by the gift shop. She said she knew of a job that would be perfect for him with Music Academy of the West, a summer festival in Santa Barbara that was hiring an assistant conductor. He applied and landed the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in Santa Barbara, he built a friendship with someone who worked for the San Francisco Opera, which had a job opening for an associate conductor. He landed that role and, in 2005, moved to San Francisco, where he has built an impressive resume. He’s led orchestras for symphonies, operas, ballets and music festivals throughout the United States and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Cabrera talked about his career, how he incorporates his heritage into what has been a traditionally white space and the California Symphony’s 2024–25 season that begins Sept. 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a living from art, especially in a specialized field like classical music, is challenging and one Cabrera, who was born in Pasadena and was raised in Las Vegas and Reno, didn’t know was a possibility for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during visits to his paternal grandmother’s house in East L.A. that sparked his love of music. After family meals, she would sit down at her piano and play Mexican waltzes and military marches from memory. She learned to play that music by ear from her father, a musician who traveled all over Mexico performing traditional music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera was around 8 years old when, on the drive home from one of those visits, he told his parents he wanted to learn piano. His maternal grandmother bought him one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really those two folks, both of my grandmothers — one with the musical inspiration, the cultural information that she shared with us — and the other grandmother, through financial assistance, who pushed me forward into this very strange career of being a conductor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s story illustrates how culture is transmitted from one generation to the next, but not just by way of exposure or osmosis, as we often think. How many of us have purposely drowned out our parents’ music for more modern, cooler options?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Cabrera sought to embody music the way his grandmother did. Culture isn’t just meant to be consumed. It should also be internalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After finishing high school, he enrolled at the University of Nevada, Reno, with plans to become a high school music director. He thought learning to conduct an orchestra would help him become a better teacher, so he volunteered to lead the university’s student orchestra. The director gave him a chance since it was a small school, but a more prestigious program would have left the task to graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s professors at UNR pushed him to go to grad school to become a professional conductor. He earned a master’s degree at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Mentors from that school told him he needed to go to New York City, which led him to the conducting program at the Manhattan School of Music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how thankful I am for these mentors of mine who encouraged me to shoot for the stars when I thought I was happy enough with where I was heading,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in grad school, he recalled questioning whether he belonged in the world of classical music, an environment that felt elitist and rooted solely in European traditions. The idea that Latines don’t have a connection to orchestral music is false, Cabrera said. Mexican composers were creating operas in the early 1700s. Most major Latin American cities have a symphony, something Cabrera knows firsthand because he’s conducted in Mexico and Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What always kept me going was my love and passion for the music,” he said. “It was up to me to get over my preconceptions of my surroundings and my preconceptions of the people around me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1331px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-800x1202.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1020x1533.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1022x1536.jpg 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Donato Cabrera, a Mexican-American conductor, serves as the artistic and music director of the California Symphony. \u003ccite>(Lindsay Hale / Courtesy of Donato Cabrera )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People might think that the bulk of what a conductor does is stand in front of the orchestra and wave their arms. That’s actually about 1% of the job, Cabrera said. Most of his work involves preparation, organization and planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really engaged in all aspects of what a nonprofit performing arts organization does,” he said. “As a music director, I choose all of the repertoire, all of the soloists. Each season has a narrative. The flow of the music that’s being performed, programmed over the course of many years — that’s on my shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walnut Creek-based California Symphony will start the season with a program highlighting Ludwig van Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9, a masterpiece that was the composer’s final completed symphony. The rest of the season, which includes a total of five concerts and runs through June, will showcase the last works of Johannes Brahms, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera spearheaded an effort to translate the California Symphony’s website into Spanish, bringing a measurable increase in Latine attendance. The symphony found that Latinos made up about 7% of households that attended performances from 2017 to 2024, almost doubling attendance during the seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His goal, he said, is for anyone who walks into a performance to immediately feel welcome and have more knowledge and understanding of the music when they leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people when they go to a concert, they want to hear what they know. They want to sing along to all the songs,” he said. “(Orchestral) music is for everyone, not just for people that grow up with it in their home or people of a certain strata. It’s there for everyone to enjoy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "west-marin-worker-housing-often-substandard-and-faulty-new-report-finds",
"title": "West Marin Worker Housing Often Substandard and Faulty, New Report Finds",
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"headTitle": "West Marin Worker Housing Often Substandard and Faulty, New Report Finds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002081 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/014_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Researchers found that housing conditions on ranches, where most respondents lived, were especially dire, with issues like non-functioning toilets, mold, holes in walls and leaky ceilings.",
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"title": "West Marin Worker Housing Often Substandard and Faulty, New Report Finds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 6,400 Latinos died in police confrontations or in police custody between 2000 and 2022. That’s according \u003ca href=\"https://www.palabranahj.org/archive/the-heavy-toll\">to La Raza Database Project\u003c/a>, which seeks to uncover the true number of Latinos who have died in violent confrontations with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the project’s researchers say that number is likely much higher. La Raza’s database shows Latinos are disproportionately affected by officials’ violence. Latinos are the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/108e1XYMyDPkzzzgm0HgQOLfT-FDrn89p/view\">second most likely demographic\u003c/a> to be killed by law enforcement in the U.S. relative to their population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"\">Researchers said Latinos’ ethnicity is often misclassified or undefined in police reports and official documents following fatal encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"\">To address this, \u003ca href=\"https://www.csusb.edu/lead/raza-database-project\">La Raza Database Project\u003c/a> takes on the frequent improper demographic categorization of Latinos affected by police violence as “unknown,” “unidentified,” or even “white.” The project’s researchers said misclassification and incomplete data contribute to undercounting, and shed light on the systematic dehumanization of Latino victims of police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 6,400 Latinos died in police confrontations or in police custody between 2000 and 2022. That’s according \u003ca href=\"https://www.palabranahj.org/archive/the-heavy-toll\">to La Raza Database Project\u003c/a>, which seeks to uncover the true number of Latinos who have died in violent confrontations with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the project’s researchers say that number is likely much higher. La Raza’s database shows Latinos are disproportionately affected by officials’ violence. Latinos are the \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/108e1XYMyDPkzzzgm0HgQOLfT-FDrn89p/view\">second most likely demographic\u003c/a> to be killed by law enforcement in the U.S. relative to their population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"\">Researchers said Latinos’ ethnicity is often misclassified or undefined in police reports and official documents following fatal encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"\">To address this, \u003ca href=\"https://www.csusb.edu/lead/raza-database-project\">La Raza Database Project\u003c/a> takes on the frequent improper demographic categorization of Latinos affected by police violence as “unknown,” “unidentified,” or even “white.” The project’s researchers said misclassification and incomplete data contribute to undercounting, and shed light on the systematic dehumanization of Latino victims of police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Dr. Yohualli Anaya first noticed a lack of representation of Latina physicians in the U.S., she hoped to discover a different outcome when she embarked on a similar study — this time looking at California demographics. Latinos make up nearly 40% of the state’s population.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Yohualli Anaya, associate professor, University of Wisconsin-Madison\"]‘It’s something that I encounter on a day-to-day basis. It’s constantly being reminded of the lack of representation of Latina physicians.’[/pullquote]Anaya, the lead author of a new report published this month by UCLA’s Latino Policy and Politics Institute, found “disappointing” results when further examining nationwide trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A reminder of the work that still needs to be done,” said Anaya, an associate professor of family medicine and community health at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “There are so few of us that are in the clinic exam rooms with our patients, in the medical schools teaching our medical students. It’s something that I encounter on a day-to-day basis. It’s constantly being reminded of the lack of representation of Latina physicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, which draws on census data from 2014–18, finds Latinas accounted for nearly 3% of California doctors. That’s slightly higher than the nationwide number at 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another detail that stood out to Anaya is that Latina physicians were almost 36 times more likely to speak Spanish at home compared to non-Hispanic white physicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about ensuring equitable health care delivery for all populations. And Latino populations certainly deserve to have equitable health care delivery,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anaya spoke more about the study’s results and what can be done to improve the shortage with KQED’s Alexander Gonzalez. Their conversation was edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexander Gonzalez: Why are we seeing these numbers? What’s driving this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Yohualli Anaya:\u003c/strong> It’s a multitude of things that are leading to this lack of representation. In the report, I highlight the different stages of the educational pathway where we can do some interventions to improve these numbers. We really need an approach that is addressing each of these levels because doing one or the other is going to be insufficient. We have been making some efforts and yet our efforts have been insufficient thus far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>It sounds like this is a really systemic issue and it’s going to take looking at people’s education as young as high school. Is that fair to say?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would say even earlier, from an early age. So, if we invest in the quality of the education that our students are receiving, then we’re going to have students that are even more qualified and better prepared to enter college, succeed in college [and] enter medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The tuition for medical education is typically steep. How much of the issue is related to costs based on the numbers reported in this study?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is definitely a contributor. And if we are thinking about being inclusive in our recruitment rates, we want students and physicians who represent the full scope of the patients we’re taking care of. And that not only includes diversity in race and ethnicity, that also includes diversity in socioeconomic status.[aside label='More on Health Care' tag='health-care']Let’s say we want more students who are of immigrant background, who are first generation; these students are likely to be affected by socioeconomic disadvantage. They’re likely to be underrepresented in medicine. They’ve also been shown in research to practice in underserved communities. So supporting students in community college, supporting students who are underrepresented minorities with scholarships, with programs for extended research opportunities, and ensuring their success through their undergraduate career is going to then funnel additional students into medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s another recommendation for helping improve the shortage?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are at risk of losing a number of both students and existing health care workers in the workforce if we lose the ability for students to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">DACA\u003c/a> (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) and maintain work authorization and stay in the educational pathway. Protecting the ability of undocumented students to pursue and study and practice medicine in the United States is going to ensure that we continue to build our numbers and that we don’t lose numbers when we already don’t have numbers to lose\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another detail that stood out to Anaya is that Latina physicians were almost 36 times more likely to speak Spanish at home compared to non-Hispanic white physicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about ensuring equitable health care delivery for all populations. And Latino populations certainly deserve to have equitable health care delivery,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anaya spoke more about the study’s results and what can be done to improve the shortage with KQED’s Alexander Gonzalez. Their conversation was edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexander Gonzalez: Why are we seeing these numbers? What’s driving this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Yohualli Anaya:\u003c/strong> It’s a multitude of things that are leading to this lack of representation. In the report, I highlight the different stages of the educational pathway where we can do some interventions to improve these numbers. We really need an approach that is addressing each of these levels because doing one or the other is going to be insufficient. We have been making some efforts and yet our efforts have been insufficient thus far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>It sounds like this is a really systemic issue and it’s going to take looking at people’s education as young as high school. Is that fair to say?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would say even earlier, from an early age. So, if we invest in the quality of the education that our students are receiving, then we’re going to have students that are even more qualified and better prepared to enter college, succeed in college [and] enter medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The tuition for medical education is typically steep. How much of the issue is related to costs based on the numbers reported in this study?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is definitely a contributor. And if we are thinking about being inclusive in our recruitment rates, we want students and physicians who represent the full scope of the patients we’re taking care of. And that not only includes diversity in race and ethnicity, that also includes diversity in socioeconomic status.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Let’s say we want more students who are of immigrant background, who are first generation; these students are likely to be affected by socioeconomic disadvantage. They’re likely to be underrepresented in medicine. They’ve also been shown in research to practice in underserved communities. So supporting students in community college, supporting students who are underrepresented minorities with scholarships, with programs for extended research opportunities, and ensuring their success through their undergraduate career is going to then funnel additional students into medical school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s another recommendation for helping improve the shortage?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We are at risk of losing a number of both students and existing health care workers in the workforce if we lose the ability for students to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/DACA\">DACA\u003c/a> (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) and maintain work authorization and stay in the educational pathway. Protecting the ability of undocumented students to pursue and study and practice medicine in the United States is going to ensure that we continue to build our numbers and that we don’t lose numbers when we already don’t have numbers to lose\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/environmental-justice\">environmental justice\u003c/a> office is investigating whether California’s water agency has discriminated against Native Americans and other people of color by failing to protect the water quality of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-bay\">San Francisco Bay\u003c/a> and the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gary Mulcahy, government liaison, Winnemem Wintu Tribe\"]‘It’s pretty bad when California Indians have to file a complaint with the Federal Government so that the State doesn’t violate our civil rights.’[/pullquote] The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s investigation was triggered by a complaint filed by tribes and environmental justice organizations that says the state Water Resources Control Board for over a decade “has failed to uphold its statutory duty” to review and update water quality standards in the Bay-Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty bad when California Indians have to file a complaint with the Federal Government so that the State doesn’t violate our civil rights,” Gary Mulcahy, government liaison for the Winnemem Wintu Tribe, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state water agency has allowed “waterways to descend into ecological crisis, with the resulting environmental burdens falling most heavily on Native tribes and other communities of color,” the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups also said the agency “has intentionally excluded local Native Tribes and Black, Asian and Latino residents from participation in the policymaking process associated with the Bay-Delta Plan,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.restorethedelta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023.08.08-REC_Acceptance_01RNO-23-R9.pdf\">according to an EPA letter to the state dated Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackie Carpenter, a spokesperson for the water board, said the agency will cooperate fully and “believes U.S. EPA will ultimately conclude the board has acted appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State Water Board deeply values its partnership with tribes to protect and preserve California’s water resources. The board’s highest water quality planning priority has been restoring native fish species in the Delta watershed that many tribes rely upon,” Carpenter said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The watershed is the heart of California’s water supply: Covering \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/drought/delta/#:~:text=The%20Delta%20watershed%20comprises%20approximately,millions%20of%20acres%20of%20farmland.\">about 20% of California\u003c/a>, it includes the Sacramento and San Joaquin river systems and is a vital water source for 27 million Californians and 750,000 acres of farmland.[aside postID=news_11957413 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/TribalBuyBack01-1020x680.jpg']The Bay-Delta is \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/waterrights/water_issues/programs/bay_delta/docs/sed/sac_delta_framework_070618%20.pdf\">experiencing an “ecological crisis,” (PDF)\u003c/a> state water regulators have said, including a “prolonged and precipitous decline in numerous native species,” such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fisheries.noaa.gov/west-coast/endangered-species-conservation/sacramento-river-winter-run-chinook-salmon\">endangered winter-run Chinook salmon\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fishes/Delta-Smelt\">the tiny Delta smelt\u003c/a>. Intensifying water development, diversions and dwindling freshwater flows have exacerbated the crisis. And the relentless \u003ca href=\"https://www.usgs.gov/centers/california-water-science-center/science/emergency-drought-barriers-impacts-cyanohabs-and\">push of salt water into the Delta and blossoming harmful algal blooms\u003c/a> have left \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-water-delta-tunnel/\">farmers and residents desperate for solutions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healthy waterways and fisheries are critical to the culture and diet of the Shingle Springs Band of Miwok Indians and Winnemem Wintu Tribe. Harmful algal blooms, low flows and water contamination also prevent people of color in South Stockton and other communities from using waterways in their neighborhoods for recreation or subsistence fishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA’s decision to investigate comes as water board scientists prepare a staff report on updating the Bay-Delta’s water quality plan. Carpenter said the report will evaluate certain tribal beneficial uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the possible approaches considered in the updated plan will be \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Newsroom/Page-Content/News-List/Agreement-with-Local-Water-Suppliers-to-Improve-the-Health-of-Rivers-and-Landscapes\">a $2.6 billion\u003c/a> deal that Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/-/media/CNRA-Website/Files/NewsRoom/Voluntary-Agreement-Package-March-29-2022.pdf?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">struck last March with major water suppliers and agricultural irrigation districts (PDF)\u003c/a>, which voluntarily agreed to address flows and habitats in the Delta.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dillon Delvo, executive director, Little Manila Rising\"]‘As long as the state upholds historic water rights, that we all know to be racist and unfair, we will continue to have first- and second-class California communities.’[/pullquote]Tribes and environmental organizations said the deal came from backroom negotiations between water suppliers and officials that excluded people of color, and that it “fails to protect the health of the estuary, its native fish and wildlife, and the jobs and communities that depend on its health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint mentions Newsom’s voluntary agreements 52 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>As long as the state upholds historic water rights, that we all know to be racist and unfair, we will continue to have first- and second-class California communities,” Dillon Delvo, executive director of Little Manila Rising, an organization based in Stockton, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA said in its letter that while an investigation “is not a decision on the merits,” the complaint meets the requirements for initiating its probe, including that “it alleges discriminatory acts by the Board which is a recipient of EPA financial assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water board will have 30 days to respond, and the EPA will issue its findings within the next six months unless both sides agree to resolve the issue informally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Bay-Delta is \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/waterrights/water_issues/programs/bay_delta/docs/sed/sac_delta_framework_070618%20.pdf\">experiencing an “ecological crisis,” (PDF)\u003c/a> state water regulators have said, including a “prolonged and precipitous decline in numerous native species,” such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.fisheries.noaa.gov/west-coast/endangered-species-conservation/sacramento-river-winter-run-chinook-salmon\">endangered winter-run Chinook salmon\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fishes/Delta-Smelt\">the tiny Delta smelt\u003c/a>. Intensifying water development, diversions and dwindling freshwater flows have exacerbated the crisis. And the relentless \u003ca href=\"https://www.usgs.gov/centers/california-water-science-center/science/emergency-drought-barriers-impacts-cyanohabs-and\">push of salt water into the Delta and blossoming harmful algal blooms\u003c/a> have left \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/06/california-water-delta-tunnel/\">farmers and residents desperate for solutions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Healthy waterways and fisheries are critical to the culture and diet of the Shingle Springs Band of Miwok Indians and Winnemem Wintu Tribe. Harmful algal blooms, low flows and water contamination also prevent people of color in South Stockton and other communities from using waterways in their neighborhoods for recreation or subsistence fishing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA’s decision to investigate comes as water board scientists prepare a staff report on updating the Bay-Delta’s water quality plan. Carpenter said the report will evaluate certain tribal beneficial uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the possible approaches considered in the updated plan will be \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Newsroom/Page-Content/News-List/Agreement-with-Local-Water-Suppliers-to-Improve-the-Health-of-Rivers-and-Landscapes\">a $2.6 billion\u003c/a> deal that Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/-/media/CNRA-Website/Files/NewsRoom/Voluntary-Agreement-Package-March-29-2022.pdf?utm_medium=email&utm_source=govdelivery\">struck last March with major water suppliers and agricultural irrigation districts (PDF)\u003c/a>, which voluntarily agreed to address flows and habitats in the Delta.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘As long as the state upholds historic water rights, that we all know to be racist and unfair, we will continue to have first- and second-class California communities.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Tribes and environmental organizations said the deal came from backroom negotiations between water suppliers and officials that excluded people of color, and that it “fails to protect the health of the estuary, its native fish and wildlife, and the jobs and communities that depend on its health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint mentions Newsom’s voluntary agreements 52 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>As long as the state upholds historic water rights, that we all know to be racist and unfair, we will continue to have first- and second-class California communities,” Dillon Delvo, executive director of Little Manila Rising, an organization based in Stockton, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA said in its letter that while an investigation “is not a decision on the merits,” the complaint meets the requirements for initiating its probe, including that “it alleges discriminatory acts by the Board which is a recipient of EPA financial assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water board will have 30 days to respond, and the EPA will issue its findings within the next six months unless both sides agree to resolve the issue informally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Like COVID-19, Monkeypox Is Heavily Affecting Bay Area Latinos. Are We Prepared?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921185/newsom-declares-statewide-emergency-amid-rapid-spread-of-monkeypox-virus\">Monkeypox has now been formally declared a public health state of emergency in California.\u003c/a> And when the state released initial data on the demographics of confirmed monkeypox infections in July, the numbers revealed that two ethnic groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Monkeypox-Data.aspx\">composed an overwhelming majority of cases\u003c/a>: white and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White people represented 40.5% of cases in California, while Latinos formed 37%. The percentages roughly match up with the overall makeup of the state’s population — 35% of Californians are non-Hispanic whites, while 40% consider themselves Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the Bay Area, a different picture is emerging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As individual counties in the region share their own numbers on monkeypox cases, this more localized data shows that within the Bay Area, it’s the Latino community that’s being disproportionately affected by the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 29, the San Francisco Public Health Department confirmed that \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/monkeypox-cases\">Latinos made up over 26% of cases\u003c/a> — despite representing only 15% of the city’s population. That same week, \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.sccgov.org/news/news-release/public-health-department-releases-new-data-showing-latino-gay-and-bisexual-men\">Santa Clara County released its own data\u003c/a>, which showed that over 50% of cases are among Latinos, while this population represents only 26% of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11921709\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57502_007_KQED_MonkeypoxVaccineLineSFGen_08012022-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]The disproportionate nature of these numbers has alarmed both public health officials and Latino community organizers — some of whom say it’s reminding them of COVID-19, and the asymmetrical impact that virus had on this population in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860883/trusted-leaders-are-fighting-covid-19-vaccine-fears-in-black-and-latino-communities\">many community-led public health initiatives in predominantly Latino neighborhoods across the region\u003c/a>, including San Jose’s Eastside, Fruitvale in Oakland and San Francisco’s Mission District. In the Mission, the Latino Task Force, a coalition of nonprofits and organizers, partnered with UC San Francisco and the city to bring testing and vaccination services to public transport hubs and food banks. These efforts helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902149/community-covid-clinics-fill-crucial-need-in-underserved-communities-but-are-strapped-for-resources\">make the COVID-19 vaccine easily accessible\u003c/a> to essential workers, uninsured residents and immigrant families. So what lessons can be learned for the new public health challenge of monkeypox?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, KQED’s Brian Watt spoke with Dr. Carina Marquez, associate professor of medicine at UCSF and one of the founders of Unidos en Salud — a partnership of the Latino Task Force, UCSF, UC Berkeley and CZ Biohub — to understand what lessons from the coronavirus pandemic can be applied to the way care providers respond to the monkeypox outbreak, and to hear more about monkeypox’s disproportionate impact on Latino and immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BRIAN WATT: W\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>hat do you make of these early signs of monkeypox spread among Latinos in parts of the Bay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DR. CARINA MARQUEZ: This isn’t anything new. I think we saw early disparities by race/ethnicity emerged with the COVID-19 pandemic. We see them in other health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so I wasn’t surprised to see these disparities emerge early on. Of course, I was saddened by it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are groups like the Latino Task Force doing to help address this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re in a unique situation with monkeypox in that we have a vaccine, but it’s very limited. When we were in COVID-19, we started the COVID-19 pandemic without a vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So with the monkeypox vaccine, we have to do everything we can to partner with community to get the word out on how to access the vaccine \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> communities want to know what [the vaccine] is and whether they should trust it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11920455\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS57399_GettyImages-1408879341-qut-1020x765.jpg\"]Education is the first thing and doing it with trusted messengers in the community is extremely important and certainly particularly important with the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then how you structurally access the vaccine is really important. My colleagues at San Francisco General Hospital have set up a really great low-barrier walk-up access clinic, but we know that this is not enough. The lines are really long. You have to know when to show up in line to get it. And then there may be a stigma associated with waiting in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we’re thinking about vaccine distribution, partnering with community and using what we know has worked with the COVID-19 vaccine — in terms of using neighborhood sites or pop-up sites, to bring vaccines out of the health care system to the communities most impacted — I think are going to be a key part of an equitable response to vaccine distribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11849488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11849488\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A family gets ready to receive a COVID-19 test in a large plaza.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pop-up COVID-19 testing site near the BART station at 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. The site is part of the Unidos en Salud initiative, a collaboration between UCSF and the city’s Latino Task Force. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I hear you saying that our experience with COVID-19 should have prepared us better for monkeypox. Do you think we are better prepared now than we would have been without COVID-19?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think in some ways we are still in our COVID-19 response. In San Francisco, we still have a number of highly used neighborhood vaccination sites, community partnerships, both with [UCSF] and the San Francisco Department of Public Health, where we’re working together to address equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have a lot of room to go, but we can use these relationships and these sites to increase vaccine access. The limiting issue right now is the number of vaccines available, and I hope that that changes quickly. I know many people are advocating for increased vaccine supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the importance of trust — building trust. I was reading one media report on this topic that suggests, “Hey, you gotta go on Spanish-language radio and make sure that the word is out there.” Do you feel like that’s happening enough? And what is the best way to build trust?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. So I think messaging coming from trusted sources is absolutely critical. So we cannot stop at just doing Zoom town halls. We need to be on Spanish-language radio. We need information that is in Spanish, and delivered by trusted community sources, both by community groups as well as Spanish-speaking health care professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing, in addition to radio and town halls: The “ground game” is really important. So that person-to-person discussion can be had with trusted community members at community-based organizations who are talking to people all the time. Having those conversations is also critical to increasing vaccine uptake and trust in the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latino community, we have many people who are uninsured who may not feel comfortable going to a health care center to get the vaccine. So having those conversations with trusted community members can increase that trust and is a critical piece of the response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"arts_13916810\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2022/07/Festival.Selfie-1020x664.jpg\"]\u003cstrong>How can Latinx parents or caregivers talk about monkeypox with kids when they’re talking about sexual health?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m a parent of young children. I think that this is part of the bigger conversation about the importance of talking about sexual health with youth in an age-appropriate way. And we have to be very clear about how it transmits, and what it looks like, and when to get tested and who should get vaccinated. But I think just being honest is the best policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What conversation should a family have after a loved one tests positive for monkeypox? I’m thinking about the case of a large sort of multigenerational family, living together in the same space.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hope that these conversations are filled with compassion and love for the family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other big question you’re bringing up is that with monkeypox, the recommended isolation is quite long. It can be, oftentimes, a month. You have to wait until the lesions scab over and new skin grows. So oftentimes, we’re talking about being out of work and having infection control precautions within the house for one month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We as a society need to think about, as we did with COVID-19, how we support people who have to isolate and who don’t have sick pay. And again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904834/covid-sick-pay-in-california-how-to-claim-this-new-paid-leave\">this sick pay comes up over and over again\u003c/a> and certainly [is] extremely important for Latino households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Carina Marquez, associate professor of medicine, UCSF\"]‘We as a society need to think about … how we support people who have to isolate and who don’t have sick pay.’[/pullquote]The other question is about being in multigenerational households or large households, or if you’re in a shelter or single-room occupancy hotel with other roommates. With COVID-19, we had hotels, places where people could go to be able to isolate safely. That certainly should be part of the discussion about what the city offers for people living in very crowded circumstances to try to limit spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secondly, we know that household transmission \u003cem>can\u003c/em> occur. We are still trying to understand exactly how much, and thinking about the best ways to protect against that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Are there some common themes about monkeypox, misinformation that you and the groups you’re working with are hearing on the regular? Something that just keeps popping up out there that just needs to be immediately debunked?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest things that we need to keep addressing is the stigma associated with [monkeypox].\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Certainly, while anybody could be affected with monkeypox, we are certainly seeing that this current outbreak is predominantly affecting men who have sex with men, gay, bisexual men and trans people. [We should continue] to mention that without making it sound like we are saying, “Oh, it’s a gay disease.” Continually mentioning who’s most infected helps us to direct resources to the community that is most affected, and most needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think there’s a lot of questions about how it’s transmitted. Really emphasizing right now that the predominant mode of transmission is close contact — mostly through sexual encounters — is important so that people know what their risk is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not to say that not everyone can be at risk, but we need to know who’s at highest risk right now. And so I think the questions about transmission, risk groups and addressing stigma are some of our top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Now that the entire state of California is under a public health emergency from monkeypox, what difference does this make to expanding testing and vaccination?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declaring this a public health emergency was the right thing to do so that we can have the resources to respond in a swift manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I will say, I have taken care of many patients with monkeypox. I’m one of the clinicians who is delivering TPOXX for the most severe cases, and seeing patients suffer with this disease — the pain that it causes — is heartbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have tools to address this outbreak and we need to do it swiftly. This public health emergency is one of the pieces that will allow us to do it. We have a lot of work to do, especially in terms of addressing it equitably. But this is one component to get us there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"9840\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/9840.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921185/newsom-declares-statewide-emergency-amid-rapid-spread-of-monkeypox-virus\">Monkeypox has now been formally declared a public health state of emergency in California.\u003c/a> And when the state released initial data on the demographics of confirmed monkeypox infections in July, the numbers revealed that two ethnic groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Monkeypox-Data.aspx\">composed an overwhelming majority of cases\u003c/a>: white and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White people represented 40.5% of cases in California, while Latinos formed 37%. The percentages roughly match up with the overall makeup of the state’s population — 35% of Californians are non-Hispanic whites, while 40% consider themselves Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the Bay Area, a different picture is emerging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As individual counties in the region share their own numbers on monkeypox cases, this more localized data shows that within the Bay Area, it’s the Latino community that’s being disproportionately affected by the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 29, the San Francisco Public Health Department confirmed that \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/information/monkeypox-cases\">Latinos made up over 26% of cases\u003c/a> — despite representing only 15% of the city’s population. That same week, \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.sccgov.org/news/news-release/public-health-department-releases-new-data-showing-latino-gay-and-bisexual-men\">Santa Clara County released its own data\u003c/a>, which showed that over 50% of cases are among Latinos, while this population represents only 26% of the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The disproportionate nature of these numbers has alarmed both public health officials and Latino community organizers — some of whom say it’s reminding them of COVID-19, and the asymmetrical impact that virus had on this population in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The COVID-19 pandemic saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860883/trusted-leaders-are-fighting-covid-19-vaccine-fears-in-black-and-latino-communities\">many community-led public health initiatives in predominantly Latino neighborhoods across the region\u003c/a>, including San Jose’s Eastside, Fruitvale in Oakland and San Francisco’s Mission District. In the Mission, the Latino Task Force, a coalition of nonprofits and organizers, partnered with UC San Francisco and the city to bring testing and vaccination services to public transport hubs and food banks. These efforts helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902149/community-covid-clinics-fill-crucial-need-in-underserved-communities-but-are-strapped-for-resources\">make the COVID-19 vaccine easily accessible\u003c/a> to essential workers, uninsured residents and immigrant families. So what lessons can be learned for the new public health challenge of monkeypox?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, KQED’s Brian Watt spoke with Dr. Carina Marquez, associate professor of medicine at UCSF and one of the founders of Unidos en Salud — a partnership of the Latino Task Force, UCSF, UC Berkeley and CZ Biohub — to understand what lessons from the coronavirus pandemic can be applied to the way care providers respond to the monkeypox outbreak, and to hear more about monkeypox’s disproportionate impact on Latino and immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The following interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BRIAN WATT: W\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>hat do you make of these early signs of monkeypox spread among Latinos in parts of the Bay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DR. CARINA MARQUEZ: This isn’t anything new. I think we saw early disparities by race/ethnicity emerged with the COVID-19 pandemic. We see them in other health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so I wasn’t surprised to see these disparities emerge early on. Of course, I was saddened by it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are groups like the Latino Task Force doing to help address this?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re in a unique situation with monkeypox in that we have a vaccine, but it’s very limited. When we were in COVID-19, we started the COVID-19 pandemic without a vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So with the monkeypox vaccine, we have to do everything we can to partner with community to get the word out on how to access the vaccine \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">… \u003c/span> communities want to know what [the vaccine] is and whether they should trust it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Education is the first thing and doing it with trusted messengers in the community is extremely important and certainly particularly important with the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then how you structurally access the vaccine is really important. My colleagues at San Francisco General Hospital have set up a really great low-barrier walk-up access clinic, but we know that this is not enough. The lines are really long. You have to know when to show up in line to get it. And then there may be a stigma associated with waiting in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we’re thinking about vaccine distribution, partnering with community and using what we know has worked with the COVID-19 vaccine — in terms of using neighborhood sites or pop-up sites, to bring vaccines out of the health care system to the communities most impacted — I think are going to be a key part of an equitable response to vaccine distribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11849488\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11849488\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A family gets ready to receive a COVID-19 test in a large plaza.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/12/RS46154_063_KQED_SanFrancisco_COVIDTesting_11302020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pop-up COVID-19 testing site near the BART station at 24th and Mission streets in San Francisco on Nov. 30, 2020. The site is part of the Unidos en Salud initiative, a collaboration between UCSF and the city’s Latino Task Force. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I hear you saying that our experience with COVID-19 should have prepared us better for monkeypox. Do you think we are better prepared now than we would have been without COVID-19?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think in some ways we are still in our COVID-19 response. In San Francisco, we still have a number of highly used neighborhood vaccination sites, community partnerships, both with [UCSF] and the San Francisco Department of Public Health, where we’re working together to address equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have a lot of room to go, but we can use these relationships and these sites to increase vaccine access. The limiting issue right now is the number of vaccines available, and I hope that that changes quickly. I know many people are advocating for increased vaccine supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the importance of trust — building trust. I was reading one media report on this topic that suggests, “Hey, you gotta go on Spanish-language radio and make sure that the word is out there.” Do you feel like that’s happening enough? And what is the best way to build trust?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Absolutely. So I think messaging coming from trusted sources is absolutely critical. So we cannot stop at just doing Zoom town halls. We need to be on Spanish-language radio. We need information that is in Spanish, and delivered by trusted community sources, both by community groups as well as Spanish-speaking health care professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing, in addition to radio and town halls: The “ground game” is really important. So that person-to-person discussion can be had with trusted community members at community-based organizations who are talking to people all the time. Having those conversations is also critical to increasing vaccine uptake and trust in the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Latino community, we have many people who are uninsured who may not feel comfortable going to a health care center to get the vaccine. So having those conversations with trusted community members can increase that trust and is a critical piece of the response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How can Latinx parents or caregivers talk about monkeypox with kids when they’re talking about sexual health?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m a parent of young children. I think that this is part of the bigger conversation about the importance of talking about sexual health with youth in an age-appropriate way. And we have to be very clear about how it transmits, and what it looks like, and when to get tested and who should get vaccinated. But I think just being honest is the best policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What conversation should a family have after a loved one tests positive for monkeypox? I’m thinking about the case of a large sort of multigenerational family, living together in the same space.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hope that these conversations are filled with compassion and love for the family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other big question you’re bringing up is that with monkeypox, the recommended isolation is quite long. It can be, oftentimes, a month. You have to wait until the lesions scab over and new skin grows. So oftentimes, we’re talking about being out of work and having infection control precautions within the house for one month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We as a society need to think about, as we did with COVID-19, how we support people who have to isolate and who don’t have sick pay. And again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11904834/covid-sick-pay-in-california-how-to-claim-this-new-paid-leave\">this sick pay comes up over and over again\u003c/a> and certainly [is] extremely important for Latino households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We as a society need to think about … how we support people who have to isolate and who don’t have sick pay.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The other question is about being in multigenerational households or large households, or if you’re in a shelter or single-room occupancy hotel with other roommates. With COVID-19, we had hotels, places where people could go to be able to isolate safely. That certainly should be part of the discussion about what the city offers for people living in very crowded circumstances to try to limit spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secondly, we know that household transmission \u003cem>can\u003c/em> occur. We are still trying to understand exactly how much, and thinking about the best ways to protect against that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Are there some common themes about monkeypox, misinformation that you and the groups you’re working with are hearing on the regular? Something that just keeps popping up out there that just needs to be immediately debunked?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest things that we need to keep addressing is the stigma associated with [monkeypox].\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Certainly, while anybody could be affected with monkeypox, we are certainly seeing that this current outbreak is predominantly affecting men who have sex with men, gay, bisexual men and trans people. [We should continue] to mention that without making it sound like we are saying, “Oh, it’s a gay disease.” Continually mentioning who’s most infected helps us to direct resources to the community that is most affected, and most needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think there’s a lot of questions about how it’s transmitted. Really emphasizing right now that the predominant mode of transmission is close contact — mostly through sexual encounters — is important so that people know what their risk is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not to say that not everyone can be at risk, but we need to know who’s at highest risk right now. And so I think the questions about transmission, risk groups and addressing stigma are some of our top priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Now that the entire state of California is under a public health emergency from monkeypox, what difference does this make to expanding testing and vaccination?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declaring this a public health emergency was the right thing to do so that we can have the resources to respond in a swift manner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I will say, I have taken care of many patients with monkeypox. I’m one of the clinicians who is delivering TPOXX for the most severe cases, and seeing patients suffer with this disease — the pain that it causes — is heartbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have tools to address this outbreak and we need to do it swiftly. This public health emergency is one of the pieces that will allow us to do it. We have a lot of work to do, especially in terms of addressing it equitably. But this is one component to get us there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a small town in California’s Central Valley, a trio of siblings lost both their parents to COVID-19 within two weeks of each other in 2021. Overnight, their deaths made the oldest son a pseudo-parent to his teenage siblings, and forced the brothers and sister to figure out a future without their mom and dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 32,000 children under 18 have experienced the \u003ca href=\"https://imperialcollegelondon.github.io/orphanhood_USA/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">death of a parent or primary caregiver from COVID-19\u003c/a>, according to research by the Global Reference Group for Children Affected by COVID-19. Those children — so-called “COVID orphans” — are likely to face not just financial hardship but a lifetime of mental health, educational, relational and emotional challenges, researchers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California has become the first state to create a financial safety net for some of these children when they reach adulthood. The state has allocated $100 million in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recently adopted budget\u003c/a> for the Hope, Opportunity, Perseverance, and Empowerment for Children Trust Account Fund, which will seed trust funds for children from lower-income families who lost a parent or primary caregiver to COVID-19. Trust funds will also be created for long-term foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds, known as “baby bonds,” would be started with state money and allowed to grow until the child turns 18. At that time, the young person would be able to access the fund for housing, education or other expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will make it so that people who are in the most need, who’ve lost a parent or caregiver to COVID, will have a little bit of extra help,” said Emily Walton, policy director of COVID Survivors for Change, a national organization advocating for benefits for Americans impacted by COVID-19. “The lack of several thousand dollars could stop a child from jumping on to the next thing and getting an education or getting a job in a place where they know they can be successful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details of the plan will be laid out later this summer in one of several trailer bills, which add specifics to the state budget. Advocates say eligibility will most likely be tied to enrollment in Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance system for lower-income Californians. Amounts deposited are expected to reflect the age of the child and how long before that person turns 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Emily Walton, policy director, COVID Survivors for Change\"]‘It will make it so that people who are in the most need, who’ve lost a parent or caregiver to COVID, will have a little bit of extra help.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley agricultural town of Coalinga, Martin, Angel and Miranda Basulto felt lost after both of their parents died in January of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their father, Martin Basulto, a truck driver, thought he was exposed to COVID-19 at work. Their mother, Rosa Garcia Cortez, who worked as a front desk receptionist at a local hotel, got sick after taking care of their dad. Basulto, 44, and Garcia Cortez, 46, were taken to a local hospital, and within weeks both died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin, now 27, was in charge of his family. He moved back home from Fresno to take over responsibilities like paying the mortgage and making sure his sister Miranda got to high school on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I didn’t care about school. I was so angry,” said Miranda, now 17 and about to start her senior year. “We are all going to die someday, so what is the point of trying in life?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then someone asked her if she wanted to die without living up to her full potential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That hit me because I know my parents wanted to do a lot of things in their life they couldn’t do,” she said. “So, I want to live my life to the fullest potential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11866749,news_11919233,news_11901484\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s on the honor roll now and looking forward to college — a dream her father had for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The baby bonds are critical for their family, Martin said. He remembers their parents would help him with groceries or step in when he could not pay his own phone bill when he first moved away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s his turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smallest amount can go a long way,” Martin said. “I want her to be prepared for when she goes to college and I’ll help in any way I can, so any other help available is greatly appreciated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino children account for the majority — 66% — of kids orphaned by COVID in California. Many of them are the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/09/covid-california-deaths/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sons and daughters of essential workers\u003c/a> who were already facing economic uncertainty before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the country, non-white children lost parents or caregivers at four times the rate of their white peers, according to a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.covidcollaborative.us/assets/uploads/pdf/HIDDEN-PAIN.Report.Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hidden Pain, Children Who Lost a Parent or Caregiver to COVID-19 and What the Nation Can Do to Help Them\u003c/a>,” released in December by the COVID Collaborative. Nationally, 250,000 kids have been left orphaned by the death of at least one parent or primary caregiver as of March 2022, reports the Global Reference Group on Children Affected by COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children who have lost a primary caregiver to COVID-19 have unique needs, said Marlo Cales, executive director of the Mourning Sun Children’s Foundation, an Apple Valley-based support organization for youth and their families who are grieving a death of a loved one or their loss through abandonment, imprisonment or other types of separation. Cales said that for COVID-19 survivors, bereavement was intensified because many could not gather or grieve their loss with others. The ongoing pandemic is prolonging grief, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are really feeling more alone and isolated,” she said. “Not only have they lost their person, they seem to be struggling with the inability to be able to connect with or find services that are meeting their particular needs of loss and grief because of the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new program for this population is in line with a broader effort to provide trust funds for all children from lower-income families who qualify for Medi-Cal, regardless of COVID’s impact on their families, said Shamika Gaskins, president and CEO of Grace and End Child Poverty in California, which advocated for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a part of our longer-term vision to end child poverty in California by closing the racial wealth gap and providing opportunities for our most vulnerable children,” Gaskins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delaware, Washington, Connecticut, Washington, D.C., New York and Iowa are considering or have created their own trust fund programs for children from lower-income families. Eligibility for most of the programs or proposals is tied to qualifying for the Medicaid program in each of those states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecticut and Washington, D.C., \u003ca href=\"https://www.zerotothree.org/resources/4245-dc-council-passes-the-child-wealth-building-act-and-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">approved baby bond programs last year\u003c/a>. The Connecticut program \u003ca href=\"https://portal.ct.gov/OTT/Debt-Management/CT-Baby-Bonds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">begins in July 2023\u003c/a> with deposits of up to $3,200 for each child. The D.C. program started with babies born in October 2021, and the funds are seeded with $500 plus annual deposits as long as the family’s income qualifies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s new program is the first in the nation to provide trust funds specifically for children who have lost parents or caregivers to COVID and for long-term foster youth. Walton, of COVID Survivors for Change, said the organization is working with a handful of states to consider scholarships or similar trust funds for children who have lost a parent or caregiver to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shamika Gaskins, president and CEO, Grace and End Child Poverty in California\"]‘This is really a part of our longer-term vision to end child poverty in California by closing the racial wealth gap and providing opportunities for our most vulnerable children.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a teacher in Marin County, Kate McLaughlin doesn’t think her daughter, Éala, would currently qualify for the trust fund, but she is reassured that should her daughter need the support in the future, she could access it. Her husband, Jason McLaughlin, died from the virus last year when their daughter was 3. He was 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our people are not just a number,” she said, of those who died from COVID-19. “I want people to know Jason McLaughlin was a really great guy and an incredible father, and he was on this planet, and his life mattered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kidney transplant survivor, Jason was immunocompromised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family hunkered down when the pandemic began in 2020. Kate believes Jason was exposed on one of their quick runs to a grocery store or Home Depot. He was sick at home for 10 days before being hospitalized. Kate and Éala both tested positive, too, but only Kate had symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Valentine’s Day of 2021, Jason’s working kidney started to fail. He was put on dialysis but died within days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was able to be with him in his last moments,” Kate said. “The biggest challenge for us is adjusting to the gigantic loss in our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Jason’s hometown Boston Celtics recently played the Warriors in the playoffs, Kate felt a wave of heartache. He had looked forward to watching games with his daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would be loving it. He should be here to watch this game, to watch it with her,” Kate said. “Dealing with those constant reminders that he is gone is terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study published in the medical journal \u003ca href=\"https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article/148/6/e2021053760/183446/COVID-19-Associated-Orphanhood-and-Caregiver-Death?autologincheck=redirected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pediatrics\u003c/a> in October found that orphanhood is a secondary tragedy brought on by the pandemic. Researchers say that children’s lives are forever changed by the loss of a parent or caregiver, and addressing it should be a top priority. It is considered an adverse childhood experience, linked to mental health challenges, lower self-esteem, suicide and other problems later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s trust funds began as a bill introduced by Democratic Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley that was sailing through the Legislature. In May, Skinner pulled the bill because the funds for kids orphaned by COVID were going to be included in the budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when California has immense wealth, we can afford to ensure that children who have suffered an inconceivable loss will be comforted knowing they’ll have a little help at a time when they no longer have parents to rely on,” Skinner has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920431\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920431\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a young Black woman stands for a portrait in front of greenery while holding a photograph of her father, who died from COVID\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">MacLemore Porter, whose father died of COVID, poses for a photo in her backyard in Bakersfield on June 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Bakersfield, Hillary Porter is keeping an eye on the progress of the trust fund program. She is one of the surviving parents who advocated for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March of 2020, Hillary; her husband, Lloyd Porter; and their daughter MacLemore were packing up their home in New York City for a move back to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Lloyd, an actor, got sick with COVID-19. Six weeks later he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He really fought the good fight. He kind of rallied back,” Hillary said. “I was in the process of planning rehab for him and suddenly he was gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hillary and their daughter moved back to California as the family had planned. Lloyd grew up in Bakersfield and Hillary in Salinas. College sweethearts, the couple met at Fresno State when they were officers of Black student organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lloyd was the kind of guy who took off his sweatshirt and gave it to a young man arriving in San Francisco who didn’t realize how cold it would be, his wife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because my husband passed away in May of 2020, we couldn’t have a funeral, couldn’t gather with friends or family. It was very much that we were in a bubble,” she said. “That adds another layer of trauma or grief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is looking to the trust fund to help kids with mental health support, as well as to help pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids, when they are turning into adults, can now dream a little bigger,” Hilary said. “It could change the trajectory of their goals at 18.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "Many Kids Who Lost Parents to COVID Will Now Get State Aid",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a small town in California’s Central Valley, a trio of siblings lost both their parents to COVID-19 within two weeks of each other in 2021. Overnight, their deaths made the oldest son a pseudo-parent to his teenage siblings, and forced the brothers and sister to figure out a future without their mom and dad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, 32,000 children under 18 have experienced the \u003ca href=\"https://imperialcollegelondon.github.io/orphanhood_USA/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">death of a parent or primary caregiver from COVID-19\u003c/a>, according to research by the Global Reference Group for Children Affected by COVID-19. Those children — so-called “COVID orphans” — are likely to face not just financial hardship but a lifetime of mental health, educational, relational and emotional challenges, researchers say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California has become the first state to create a financial safety net for some of these children when they reach adulthood. The state has allocated $100 million in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recently adopted budget\u003c/a> for the Hope, Opportunity, Perseverance, and Empowerment for Children Trust Account Fund, which will seed trust funds for children from lower-income families who lost a parent or primary caregiver to COVID-19. Trust funds will also be created for long-term foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds, known as “baby bonds,” would be started with state money and allowed to grow until the child turns 18. At that time, the young person would be able to access the fund for housing, education or other expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will make it so that people who are in the most need, who’ve lost a parent or caregiver to COVID, will have a little bit of extra help,” said Emily Walton, policy director of COVID Survivors for Change, a national organization advocating for benefits for Americans impacted by COVID-19. “The lack of several thousand dollars could stop a child from jumping on to the next thing and getting an education or getting a job in a place where they know they can be successful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details of the plan will be laid out later this summer in one of several trailer bills, which add specifics to the state budget. Advocates say eligibility will most likely be tied to enrollment in Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance system for lower-income Californians. Amounts deposited are expected to reflect the age of the child and how long before that person turns 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It will make it so that people who are in the most need, who’ve lost a parent or caregiver to COVID, will have a little bit of extra help.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley agricultural town of Coalinga, Martin, Angel and Miranda Basulto felt lost after both of their parents died in January of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their father, Martin Basulto, a truck driver, thought he was exposed to COVID-19 at work. Their mother, Rosa Garcia Cortez, who worked as a front desk receptionist at a local hotel, got sick after taking care of their dad. Basulto, 44, and Garcia Cortez, 46, were taken to a local hospital, and within weeks both died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin, now 27, was in charge of his family. He moved back home from Fresno to take over responsibilities like paying the mortgage and making sure his sister Miranda got to high school on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning, I didn’t care about school. I was so angry,” said Miranda, now 17 and about to start her senior year. “We are all going to die someday, so what is the point of trying in life?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then someone asked her if she wanted to die without living up to her full potential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That hit me because I know my parents wanted to do a lot of things in their life they couldn’t do,” she said. “So, I want to live my life to the fullest potential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s on the honor roll now and looking forward to college — a dream her father had for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The baby bonds are critical for their family, Martin said. He remembers their parents would help him with groceries or step in when he could not pay his own phone bill when he first moved away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now it’s his turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The smallest amount can go a long way,” Martin said. “I want her to be prepared for when she goes to college and I’ll help in any way I can, so any other help available is greatly appreciated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino children account for the majority — 66% — of kids orphaned by COVID in California. Many of them are the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/coronavirus/2021/09/covid-california-deaths/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">sons and daughters of essential workers\u003c/a> who were already facing economic uncertainty before the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the country, non-white children lost parents or caregivers at four times the rate of their white peers, according to a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://www.covidcollaborative.us/assets/uploads/pdf/HIDDEN-PAIN.Report.Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hidden Pain, Children Who Lost a Parent or Caregiver to COVID-19 and What the Nation Can Do to Help Them\u003c/a>,” released in December by the COVID Collaborative. Nationally, 250,000 kids have been left orphaned by the death of at least one parent or primary caregiver as of March 2022, reports the Global Reference Group on Children Affected by COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children who have lost a primary caregiver to COVID-19 have unique needs, said Marlo Cales, executive director of the Mourning Sun Children’s Foundation, an Apple Valley-based support organization for youth and their families who are grieving a death of a loved one or their loss through abandonment, imprisonment or other types of separation. Cales said that for COVID-19 survivors, bereavement was intensified because many could not gather or grieve their loss with others. The ongoing pandemic is prolonging grief, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are really feeling more alone and isolated,” she said. “Not only have they lost their person, they seem to be struggling with the inability to be able to connect with or find services that are meeting their particular needs of loss and grief because of the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s new program for this population is in line with a broader effort to provide trust funds for all children from lower-income families who qualify for Medi-Cal, regardless of COVID’s impact on their families, said Shamika Gaskins, president and CEO of Grace and End Child Poverty in California, which advocated for the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really a part of our longer-term vision to end child poverty in California by closing the racial wealth gap and providing opportunities for our most vulnerable children,” Gaskins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delaware, Washington, Connecticut, Washington, D.C., New York and Iowa are considering or have created their own trust fund programs for children from lower-income families. Eligibility for most of the programs or proposals is tied to qualifying for the Medicaid program in each of those states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecticut and Washington, D.C., \u003ca href=\"https://www.zerotothree.org/resources/4245-dc-council-passes-the-child-wealth-building-act-and-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">approved baby bond programs last year\u003c/a>. The Connecticut program \u003ca href=\"https://portal.ct.gov/OTT/Debt-Management/CT-Baby-Bonds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">begins in July 2023\u003c/a> with deposits of up to $3,200 for each child. The D.C. program started with babies born in October 2021, and the funds are seeded with $500 plus annual deposits as long as the family’s income qualifies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s new program is the first in the nation to provide trust funds specifically for children who have lost parents or caregivers to COVID and for long-term foster youth. Walton, of COVID Survivors for Change, said the organization is working with a handful of states to consider scholarships or similar trust funds for children who have lost a parent or caregiver to COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a teacher in Marin County, Kate McLaughlin doesn’t think her daughter, Éala, would currently qualify for the trust fund, but she is reassured that should her daughter need the support in the future, she could access it. Her husband, Jason McLaughlin, died from the virus last year when their daughter was 3. He was 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our people are not just a number,” she said, of those who died from COVID-19. “I want people to know Jason McLaughlin was a really great guy and an incredible father, and he was on this planet, and his life mattered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a kidney transplant survivor, Jason was immunocompromised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family hunkered down when the pandemic began in 2020. Kate believes Jason was exposed on one of their quick runs to a grocery store or Home Depot. He was sick at home for 10 days before being hospitalized. Kate and Éala both tested positive, too, but only Kate had symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Valentine’s Day of 2021, Jason’s working kidney started to fail. He was put on dialysis but died within days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was able to be with him in his last moments,” Kate said. “The biggest challenge for us is adjusting to the gigantic loss in our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Jason’s hometown Boston Celtics recently played the Warriors in the playoffs, Kate felt a wave of heartache. He had looked forward to watching games with his daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would be loving it. He should be here to watch this game, to watch it with her,” Kate said. “Dealing with those constant reminders that he is gone is terrible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A study published in the medical journal \u003ca href=\"https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article/148/6/e2021053760/183446/COVID-19-Associated-Orphanhood-and-Caregiver-Death?autologincheck=redirected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Pediatrics\u003c/a> in October found that orphanhood is a secondary tragedy brought on by the pandemic. Researchers say that children’s lives are forever changed by the loss of a parent or caregiver, and addressing it should be a top priority. It is considered an adverse childhood experience, linked to mental health challenges, lower self-esteem, suicide and other problems later in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s trust funds began as a bill introduced by Democratic Sen. Nancy Skinner of Berkeley that was sailing through the Legislature. In May, Skinner pulled the bill because the funds for kids orphaned by COVID were going to be included in the budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when California has immense wealth, we can afford to ensure that children who have suffered an inconceivable loss will be comforted knowing they’ll have a little help at a time when they no longer have parents to rely on,” Skinner has said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11920431\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11920431\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a young Black woman stands for a portrait in front of greenery while holding a photograph of her father, who died from COVID\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/062222_BakersfieldPortait_LV__006-CM.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">MacLemore Porter, whose father died of COVID, poses for a photo in her backyard in Bakersfield on June 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Bakersfield, Hillary Porter is keeping an eye on the progress of the trust fund program. She is one of the surviving parents who advocated for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March of 2020, Hillary; her husband, Lloyd Porter; and their daughter MacLemore were packing up their home in New York City for a move back to California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then Lloyd, an actor, got sick with COVID-19. Six weeks later he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He really fought the good fight. He kind of rallied back,” Hillary said. “I was in the process of planning rehab for him and suddenly he was gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hillary and their daughter moved back to California as the family had planned. Lloyd grew up in Bakersfield and Hillary in Salinas. College sweethearts, the couple met at Fresno State when they were officers of Black student organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lloyd was the kind of guy who took off his sweatshirt and gave it to a young man arriving in San Francisco who didn’t realize how cold it would be, his wife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because my husband passed away in May of 2020, we couldn’t have a funeral, couldn’t gather with friends or family. It was very much that we were in a bubble,” she said. “That adds another layer of trauma or grief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is looking to the trust fund to help kids with mental health support, as well as to help pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too",
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"headTitle": "I Told the Story of a Forgotten Chicano Revolutionary in a Podcast. Turns Out It Was My Story, Too | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It’s the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez’s life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez’s death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, professor of Chicana and Chicano studies, UCSB\"]‘I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s.’[/pullquote]I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early ’90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early ’90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing ‘Radio Califas’ at UCSD’s station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and ’70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for “Forgotten Revolutionary,” we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like they’ve always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Liberate your mind’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> teamed up with LAist Studios to share an episode from the new season of their podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/1604648881\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.” It’s the story of Oscar Gomez, a radio DJ and Chicano student leader during a time of explosive anti-immigrant political rhetoric in the early 1990s. Some people thought Gomez was going to be the next Cesar Chavez. But then he died near the UC Santa Barbara campus, under mysterious circumstances. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KPCC reporter \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/people/adolfo-guzman-lopez\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez\u003c/a> first started digging into Gomez’s life and death back in 2019, when UC Davis awarded Gomez a posthumous degree. The new podcast investigates Gomez’s death and delves into his legacy — and reporting it prompted Guzman-Lopez to examine his own life, activism and journalism. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n September of 2021, I and a team of producers set out to find answers to the mysterious death of a 1990s Chicano college activist and college radio DJ. Over the next 10 months, as we interviewed people and looked for documents, I came to the realization that three-decade-old activism fundamentally shaped my three-decade-long journalism career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s certainly not what I expected to find when I first introduced our audience to Oscar Gomez in 2019. Oscar was a scholar-athlete at Baldwin Park High School who graduated in the spring of 1990, then enrolled at UC Davis that fall. In that same year California was entering a red-hot political climate driven by a backlash against increased immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 17, 1994, four years after Oscar’s freshman year, he was found dead on a Santa Barbara beach, apparently after a fall from a bluff near the UC Santa Barbara campus. My story \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/25-years-after-his-tragic-death-oscar-gomez-gets-his-college-degree\">detailed how he was awarded a posthumous degree\u003c/a> by UC Davis 25 years after his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I could have left the story there. I could have moved on. And I was about to move on. But the people I interviewed, Oscar’s activist friends, recounted stories of how Chicano college students resisted and reacted to the state’s politics, sometimes putting their own lives on the line, and that dislodged my own memories of my own activism in those years. In the past 30 years I’ve rarely talked publicly about how I was part of the early ’90s Chicano student movement, leading a student newspaper, producing a campus public affairs show and attending protests in California, some of the same protests that Oscar attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those personal connections led me to dig deeper. I spent months searching for documents and engaging in a deep process of thinking about how the activist and journalism work I did back then affects me today. I similarly dug deep into Oscar’s college activism and found overlaps between Oscar’s work and mine. The results are in the eight-episode LAist Studios podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/podcasts/imperfectparadise\">Imperfect Paradise: The Forgotten Revolutionary\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Time traveling back to the early ’90s\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doing this work has made me feel like I’ve been living in the years 1990-1994. Judith Segura-Mora was one of the people who triggered a waterfall of memories. She was the UC Davis student who recruited Oscar to a Chicano student organization on campus in 1990. We put two and two together and I recalled having seen her speak at the National Chicano Student Conference in Albuquerque in 1992. I paid my way there to write a story for Voz Fronteriza, the Chicano newspaper at UC San Diego. It was the first out-of-town reporting assignment in my fledgling reporting career.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I talked to Judith at a reception for the Gomez family a day before Oscar’s degree ceremony. She introduced me to Eddie Salas, who was DJing at the reception. He helped on Oscar’s Chicano public affairs radio show, “\u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/user-532477086\">La Onda Xicana\u003c/a>” (also known as “La Onda Chicana”), and had many late-night conversations with Oscar about a variety of musicians. Hearing Eddie’s stories about “La Onda Chicana” took me back to my own public affairs college radio show, “Radio Califas.” My show sparked an interest in the new rock bands coming out of Mexico and Latin America, an interest that would lead me to write music and concert reviews for many years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1172px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919735\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg\" alt=\"young man behind a DJ booth wearing a leather jacket and glasses smiles into the camera as a record sits on a turntable in the foreground\" width=\"1172\" height=\"922\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station.jpg 1172w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-800x629.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-1020x802.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-producing-Radio-Califas-at-UCSDs-station-160x126.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1172px) 100vw, 1172px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez producing ‘Radio Califas’ at UCSD’s station, KSDT. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Adolfo Guzman-Lopez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I found a box of cassettes of my show. I was surprised at the list of interviews: the film director Robert Rodriguez talking about his first film, the LA poet Marisela Norte, the renowned Chicana journalist Elizabeth Martínez, ethnic studies scholar George Lipsitz guest-DJing while he talked about 1960s and ’70s music. And I remembered that I convinced UC San Diego ethnic studies professor Jorge Mariscal to give me and the other students working on the show academic credit for our efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The class was Lit/Writing 121 Reportage. Its four units and the A grade I earned raised my grade-point average enough to allow me to graduate from UC San Diego in 1993. Looking at the diversity of Latino arts, culture and politics on the show, I’d say our Radio Califas production team delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the podcast production team and I tried to find out what happened to Oscar for “Forgotten Revolutionary,” we heard many more stories of 1990s activism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nValentino Gutierrez, now a high school teacher in Pico Rivera, told us of going on hunger strike to expand Chicano studies while he was an undergrad at UC Santa Barbara. Margarita Berta-Avila, a fellow student and friend of Oscar’s at UC Davis, told us how strongly she felt about the Chicano movement despite not being Mexican American (her parents are from El Salvador and Peru). Other friends of Oscar’s, like Sabrina Enrique, talked of the sexism of the 1990s movement that I believed then was a thing of the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The emotional toll of activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I heard former activists, including Judith, talk about the emotional toll so much activism took on her and her fellow student activists. She said her grades and mental health suffered. Mining my own feelings and looking at my academic transcript, I remembered how mine did, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re at where we’re at today without these sacrifices and activism of the folks in the ’90s,” said Ralph Armbruster-Sandoval, a professor of Chicana and Chicano studies at UCSB.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like they’ve always been properly recognized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activism of 1990s college students survives in memories and on mostly analog platforms. These students’ newspapers, film print photographs and cassette audio recordings remain in dusty boxes in attics and garages, and in some university archives, if they’ve survived at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that contributes, Ambruster-Sandoval said, to 1990s Chicano student activism being a “lost period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919727\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg\" alt=\"aerial black and white photo of young activists holding signs reading 'Columbus had no green card' and 'Chicano power' and 'brown is beautiful'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/San-Ysidro-Anti-Columbus-protest-October-10-1992-Photo-by-Gene-Chavira-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists hold signs at an anti-Columbus protest on Oct. 10, 1992, in San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For about 25 years, that’s what the early 1990s college activist experience felt like to me. Every time I take out copies of the UC San Diego newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, that contain my writings, the pages seem to be more yellow and more brittle. I have cassette copies of my radio shows that need to be digitized before time erases their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As I began a mainstream journalism career in the late 1990s, I heard people in my first newsroom say journalism that came out of activism and even ethnic journalism fell into the category of “advocacy journalism.” There is some truth to that. But the comments left a chilling effect that led me to put away my college journalism experiences and lock them up in favor of a traditional “objective” approach. I was at the very beginning of a paid journalism career and I didn’t want another target on my back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to tell Oscar’s story for the podcast, I had to tell my own story as a 1990s activist because he and I moved in some of the same activist circles and attended some of the same marches, including the protest in downtown Santa Barbara to support Chicano Studies Professor Rudy Acuña on Feb. 1, 1992. Acuña had been turned down for a faculty position in Chicano studies at UC Santa Barbara the year before and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-09-26-me-1047-story.html\">would sue the university\u003c/a>, alleging bias against him for his activism, race and age. Acuña’s 1972 book, “\u003ca href=\"https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/occupied-america-history-of-chicanos\">Occupied America: A History of Chicanos\u003c/a>,” and subsequent scholarship led many to consider him a founder of Chicano studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where I met Oscar and talked to him briefly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s red-hot politics brought Oscar, me and thousands of other students to those Santa Barbara streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919724\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919724\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg\" alt=\"black and white photo of smiling students holding large banner reading 'voz fronteriza'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1273\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/Adolfo-Guzman-Lopez-Voz-1536x1018.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adolfo Guzman-Lopez (second from right, in vest) and other San Diego college students who collaborated on the UC San Diego Chicano student newspaper, Voz Fronteriza, attend a rally in Santa Barbara on Feb. 1, 1992. The tall man in the center is Arnulfo Casillas, a Chicano education and cultural activist in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara who had worked on Voz Fronteriza in the late 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gene Chavira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s institutions were being stretched to the limit after large numbers of people immigrated to the U.S. in the late 1980s to escape \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/latin-american-debt-crisis#:~:text=The%20spark%20for%20the%20crisis,at%20that%20point%20totaled%20%2480\">economic crisis in Mexico\u003c/a> and violent civil wars in Central America, both situations stoked by U.S. policies. Anti-immigrant groups responded with nativist proposals to take away the civil rights of immigrants. They successfully proposed ballot measures like \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/proposition-187-what-you-need-to-know\">Proposition 187\u003c/a> that targeted undocumented immigrants and their kids. (A federal judge ruled in 1997 that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-nov-15-mn-54053-story.html\">Prop. 187 was unconstitutional\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those anti-immigrant sentiments led me, Oscar and many other Chicano students to feel like we each had a target on our backs. And that environment spilled onto campuses, too, as Agustín Orozco, my friend from UC San Diego, describes\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/opinion/commentary/story/2022-07-07/opinion-agustin-orozco-activism?fbclid=IwAR1kOhMJRMLU5L0uLSdABE1qxNyIxZJLDV4d1B5wltj8F6De93gQORvBZwM\"> in this essay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Our shared, yet different, backgrounds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oscar and I were both Chicanos but different in many ways. He was a middle-class U.S. citizen raised in the suburbs of LA County. My mother cleaned houses for a living. She and I moved to San Diego when I was 7 years old. We overstayed our tourist visas and only received the authorization to stay permanently about a decade later, when the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, most often described as amnesty, became law in my senior year of high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar responded to the xenophobia by joining the Chicano student organization on campus, then producing a weekly college radio show that mixed various types of music with in-studio interviews and field recordings from protests and marches he attended in different parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before this podcast, my identity as a Chicano felt stuck in the 1990s. But I’ve adopted a fuller understanding of what Chicano, Chicana, Chicanx, Latino and Latinx activism has led to. I now see how the student activism of the 1990s helped lead to the intersectional coalition building of current times, and the exploration of Indigenous philosophy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more that we could find out about these people and what they went through and, you know, even in this case, how they passed away or were killed, you know, the more we can share truth with people,” said Israel Calderon, a history teacher at Oscar’s alma mater, Baldwin Park High School, and a childhood friend of Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Liberate your mind’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s one of the reasons Calderon and some of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/luchascholar/\">Oscar’s friends and relatives created a foundation in Oscar’s name\u003c/a> to raise money and hand out scholarships to Baldwin Park area high school students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more interested in promoting Oscar’s message to “liberate your mind” and help those who need help than they are to mythologize Oscar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11919737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11919737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg\" alt=\"A black and white photo of a young man in a white shirt and black cap crouches on an empty roadway\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/OscarGomezProfileCrouching-160x112.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oscar Gomez in an undated photo, circa 1992. \u003ccite>(Courtesy KCSB)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A story that aired last year on NPR reminded me to keep my reporting focused on the human experience. It was a story about then-NPR host Lulu Garcia-Navarro leaving the network. The reporter described how Garcia-Navarro had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/publiceditor/2006/06/05/5452082/are-npr-reporters-too-involved-in-their-stories\">defended her deeply personal interviewing and reporting approaches\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As journalists we do not check our humanity at the door. What we must do is try and give an accurate representation of what is happening before us to the best of our ability, leaving aside our prejudices,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How and whether I compartmentalize my humanity in the work I do is a question this podcast has raised for me and for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I doing what we had set out to? Have I compromised?” said Margarita Berta-Avila, who’s now a leader with the California Faculty Association, the union for California State University professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said thinking of Oscar, 28 years after his death, has been an opportunity to check her ideals from her college years and ask whether she’s become jaded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I have spent 21 years telling people’s stories at Southern California Public Radio. I have, to the best of my ability, tried to tell stories about people living deep moments in their lives, and of policies that would affect people in one way or another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I feel like I’ve kept a part of my humanity checked at the door at times, fearing that some kind of bias would creep in. There is no bias in connecting deeply with human experiences and letting my own humanity live in that moment, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that insight, I have El Bandido de Aztlan, Oscar Gomez, to thank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "latinos-in-la-mision-a-story-of-resistance-and-community",
"title": "Latinos in La Misión: A Story of Resistance and Community",
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"headTitle": "Latinos in La Misión: A Story of Resistance and Community | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you walk down 24th Street today, you’ll see colorful murals and papel picado hanging overhead, and smell Latinx food being cooked. How did this area come to be the center of Latinx life and community in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mission wasn’t always this way. It’s actually one of the oldest neighborhoods in the city and has been home to many different people. It was home to the Yelamu, who spoke the Ramaytush language and were one of more than 50 Ohlone groups to live in the Bay Area for hundreds of years before Europeans came. In 1770, the Spanish arrived and chose the Mission for their settlement. But as with most California history, when gold was found in 1848 it changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news about the gold rush spread internationally, and people with mining experience from places like Mexico, Chile and Peru came looking for a shot at fortune. When they arrived, many established homes near present-day North Beach, along Broadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what the people will call, in so many ways, the Latin Quarter,” said Carlos Cordova, professor emeritus at San Francisco State University. “That was really the hub where people in the community would do their economic business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The shift from gold mines to factories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the 1860s, fewer and fewer miners were striking it rich in the gold fields. But people kept coming to San Francisco for new jobs being created here. Emigrants with capital started businesses, and San Francisco’s deep-water harbor was a thriving port. The city was growing and work was plentiful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s early Latinx residents made their mark on the city in many ways. Take the Potrero Hill neighborhood: “Potrero” is a Spanish word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2646px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission.png\" alt=\"Two black and white photos. The on top shows the Mission District without much development. The bottom photo was taken 35 years later and far more houses dot the horizon.\" width=\"2646\" height=\"930\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission.png 2646w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-800x281.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1020x359.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1536x540.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-2048x720.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1920x675.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2646px) 100vw, 2646px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two photos of the Mission District. The top image is from 1856, the bottom from 1891. Both were taken near Harrison and 16th streets. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That means the place where you keep the horses and other animals, four-legged animals, cattle,” Cordova said. “And there were many slaughterhouses in that area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanneries and shoe factories opened in Potrero Hill, too. A lot of Latinx residents living in the Latin Quarter got jobs at those slaughterhouses and factories and moved to the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across town, coffee brands like Hills Brothers and Folgers established warehouses along the Embarcadero and near Rincon Hill. They’d import the coffee from Central and South America and employ Latinx people living here who knew their way around coffee production. These large employers meant that at the end of the 1800s and during the turn of the 20th century, most of San Francisco’s Latinx residents lived in what we now know as North Beach, in Potrero Hill and near Rincon Hill. Soon more manufacturing would emerge in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the oldest companies here in San Francisco was Levi Strauss,” Cordova said. “And many Latinos, African Americans and Asian women actually worked there as seamstresses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Latinx folk were employed at the Levi Strauss factory at 14th and Valencia streets in the Mission, they didn’t live in the neighborhood yet. Most of the homes were owned by Irish, Italian and Russian immigrants who had settled in the Mission earlier. Twenty-Fourth Street, now the beating heart of latinidad in San Francisco, was an Irish stronghold in the early part of the 20th century, said Cordoba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until the 1930s that the Mission District as we’ve come to know it began to take shape. Families were trickling into the area for jobs already, but the trickle became a flood when work began on the Bay Bridge in 1933. One of the massive pillars was built right through the area where many Latinx residents lived, a place known as Rincon Annex. The project forced people to relocate their homes and businesses. First they moved to the Fillmore, and eventually into the Mission District. The makings of the barrio had begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco booming (1940s-1950s)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>World War II was a boom time throughout the Bay Area, especially in shipbuilding and other war efforts. People from all over the country and world once again saw San Francisco as a place to find a good job, including people from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had already the connections,” said Cordoba. “People follow their relatives.” This is called a social migration network: People follow their friends and relatives to new opportunities in foreign lands. The new arrivals to San Francisco needed places to live, and they found vacancies in the Mission.[emailsignup newslettername=\"baycurious\" align=\"right\"]After World War II, there was a housing crisis. Soldiers returning from war needed places to live, and there wasn’t enough housing. Housing developers built large tracts of homes on the west side of San Francisco, in places like the Sunset District and Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who had been living in the Mission moved to these newly built neighborhoods. Latinx families, on the other hand, did not have the same opportunity. Redlining prevented them from buying in many places, and racist lending policies made it difficult for them to get the low-interest loans that white borrowers received. “The Irish and other white ethnic groups moved from the Mission, and then Latinos came to the Mission,” said Cordova.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final factor pushing San Francisco’s Latinx residents into the Mission was the Broadway Tunnel. Its construction forced Latinx business owners to relocate their shops. Important businesses like Casa Sanchez and its tortilla chips — still a thriving business today — had to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When the Mission became a barrio (1960s-1970s)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Latinx folks were moving to the Mission and forming a community, they were watching another community in San Francisco be destroyed: the Fillmore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco City Hall had a thirst for “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urban renewal,”\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Fillmore_Redevelopment\">tearing down so-called “slums”\u003c/a> to make way for new development. Fillmore residents — part of a vibrant African American community — were forced out of their homes, often without much warning or adequate compensation from the city. They had to find new places to live, and many left San Francisco all together.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite candidly, [the city] lied to the African American community,” said Roberto Hernandez, who was born and raised in the Mission, and remembers the destruction of the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the city had promised Fillmore residents they could move back after the neighborhood was rebuilt, it didn’t work out that way. High-cost condominiums and studio spaces were built in the neighborhood, and homes owned by Black families were destroyed. Black residents either couldn’t afford to move back, or had moved on with their lives. The Fillmore was never the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’60s, textile factories were leaving the Mission for Asia or Latin America, where labor was cheaper. That exodus left the Mission spotted with empty lots and buildings. The city’s redevelopment agency targeted it for “improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11908241 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-800x432.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"432\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-800x432.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-1020x551.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet.jpg 1321w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District Urban Design Study: 24th Street Station area section (1966) \u003ccite>(Erica Fischer/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city had a plan to introduce two BART stations along Mission Street. They planned to build massive high-rises with housing and offices and a plaza for commercial use. This urban-renewal plan was a red flag to Mission residents who didn’t want to see what happened in the Fillmore happen to them. Residents began organizing to fight the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mission Coalition Organization helped organize the community into “block clubs,” ready to mobilize with a word from their block captains. The block clubs became the foundation of a larger movement for Mission residents to decide what support their community needed and how to work together to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a beautiful time to see how well-organized the whole neighborhood [was],” Hernandez said. “I felt like it was like Godzilla vs. Bambi because of the power that their redevelopment had at the time was to come in and literally wipe out communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This form of organizing was a huge success. It brought the community together and got everyone involved. And the Mission community needed that unity to fight the city over the redevelopment plan. Ultimately, the mayor at the time, Joe Alioto, gave into their sustained protests, and he listened to the Mission organizers who had their own ideas about what would help revitalize the community and support its residents. Winning the fight not only saved the Mission from redevelopment, it solidified a feeling of unity among residents proudly displaying their cultural identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mission of now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908471\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria.jpg\" alt=\"A neon sign reading La Victoria flickers above a glass window with rows of baked goods layed out behind it. A yellow, green and red sign sticks out from the corner of the building advertising abarrotes y reposteria.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Panaderías, or bakeries, like La Victoria are a staple in the Mission District now. \u003ccite>(Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two BART stations were built in the Mission, and homes and businesses were destroyed to make room for the 16th and 24th street stations. A McDonald’s opened at the corner of Mission and 24th. But a majority of the Mission survived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s even more meaningful because [of] knowing what we as a community were able to stop,” Hernandez said, referring to the destruction of the Fillmore District. “And unfortunately, when we look today at how it wiped out the African American community, we would have been wiped out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents of the Mission had pushed for the right to decide what happened in their community and won. That power carried them forward as they developed plans to invest in the well-being of its people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood also got federal funding through the Model Cities Program, which helped support the projects they’d outlined to city leaders. They used the funding for employment, education, and legal and housing services. Important Mission organizations still working to support the community, like the Mission Hiring Hall and the Mission Housing Development Corporation, got their start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning the redevelopment fight, the Mission has continued to grow and change. New immigrants arrived, notably Salvadorans and Nicaraguans who were fleeing wars at home. Organizers like Hernandez created public celebrations of Latinx identity that brought neighbors from different backgrounds together to celebrate their unique identities. Cinco de Mayo, Carnival and Fiesta de las Americas all bring the city to the Mission in celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908239\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11908239 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-800x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-800x576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1020x735.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1536x1106.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-2048x1475.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1920x1383.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Aztec dancer looks above the trees on 24th Street, during a blessing of the altars on 24th and Folsom streets to start Día de los Muertos in the Mission District, San Francisco, on Sunday, Nov. 1, 2020. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I travel to the Mission District today, and I walk up the BART stairs, I’m grateful for my elders who fought to preserve this community. I love when I catch a glimpse of a lowrider, or hear snippets of cumbia music floating out from the shops. The smells, the colors, the sound of Spanish being spoken — this is where I can express my latinidad proudly. This is the Mission to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even this version isn’t safe. The Mission District is gentrifying, Hernandez said, and it’s time to get organized once again in defense of home. But for now, this barrio still stands, strong and loud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Latinos in La Misión: A Story of Resistance and Community | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you walk down 24th Street today, you’ll see colorful murals and papel picado hanging overhead, and smell Latinx food being cooked. How did this area come to be the center of Latinx life and community in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mission wasn’t always this way. It’s actually one of the oldest neighborhoods in the city and has been home to many different people. It was home to the Yelamu, who spoke the Ramaytush language and were one of more than 50 Ohlone groups to live in the Bay Area for hundreds of years before Europeans came. In 1770, the Spanish arrived and chose the Mission for their settlement. But as with most California history, when gold was found in 1848 it changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news about the gold rush spread internationally, and people with mining experience from places like Mexico, Chile and Peru came looking for a shot at fortune. When they arrived, many established homes near present-day North Beach, along Broadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what the people will call, in so many ways, the Latin Quarter,” said Carlos Cordova, professor emeritus at San Francisco State University. “That was really the hub where people in the community would do their economic business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The shift from gold mines to factories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By the 1860s, fewer and fewer miners were striking it rich in the gold fields. But people kept coming to San Francisco for new jobs being created here. Emigrants with capital started businesses, and San Francisco’s deep-water harbor was a thriving port. The city was growing and work was plentiful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s early Latinx residents made their mark on the city in many ways. Take the Potrero Hill neighborhood: “Potrero” is a Spanish word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908448\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2646px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission.png\" alt=\"Two black and white photos. The on top shows the Mission District without much development. The bottom photo was taken 35 years later and far more houses dot the horizon.\" width=\"2646\" height=\"930\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission.png 2646w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-800x281.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1020x359.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1536x540.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-2048x720.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/1891-mission-1920x675.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2646px) 100vw, 2646px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two photos of the Mission District. The top image is from 1856, the bottom from 1891. Both were taken near Harrison and 16th streets. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That means the place where you keep the horses and other animals, four-legged animals, cattle,” Cordova said. “And there were many slaughterhouses in that area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanneries and shoe factories opened in Potrero Hill, too. A lot of Latinx residents living in the Latin Quarter got jobs at those slaughterhouses and factories and moved to the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across town, coffee brands like Hills Brothers and Folgers established warehouses along the Embarcadero and near Rincon Hill. They’d import the coffee from Central and South America and employ Latinx people living here who knew their way around coffee production. These large employers meant that at the end of the 1800s and during the turn of the 20th century, most of San Francisco’s Latinx residents lived in what we now know as North Beach, in Potrero Hill and near Rincon Hill. Soon more manufacturing would emerge in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the oldest companies here in San Francisco was Levi Strauss,” Cordova said. “And many Latinos, African Americans and Asian women actually worked there as seamstresses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Latinx folk were employed at the Levi Strauss factory at 14th and Valencia streets in the Mission, they didn’t live in the neighborhood yet. Most of the homes were owned by Irish, Italian and Russian immigrants who had settled in the Mission earlier. Twenty-Fourth Street, now the beating heart of latinidad in San Francisco, was an Irish stronghold in the early part of the 20th century, said Cordoba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until the 1930s that the Mission District as we’ve come to know it began to take shape. Families were trickling into the area for jobs already, but the trickle became a flood when work began on the Bay Bridge in 1933. One of the massive pillars was built right through the area where many Latinx residents lived, a place known as Rincon Annex. The project forced people to relocate their homes and businesses. First they moved to the Fillmore, and eventually into the Mission District. The makings of the barrio had begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco booming (1940s-1950s)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>World War II was a boom time throughout the Bay Area, especially in shipbuilding and other war efforts. People from all over the country and world once again saw San Francisco as a place to find a good job, including people from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had already the connections,” said Cordoba. “People follow their relatives.” This is called a social migration network: People follow their friends and relatives to new opportunities in foreign lands. The new arrivals to San Francisco needed places to live, and they found vacancies in the Mission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After World War II, there was a housing crisis. Soldiers returning from war needed places to live, and there wasn’t enough housing. Housing developers built large tracts of homes on the west side of San Francisco, in places like the Sunset District and Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who had been living in the Mission moved to these newly built neighborhoods. Latinx families, on the other hand, did not have the same opportunity. Redlining prevented them from buying in many places, and racist lending policies made it difficult for them to get the low-interest loans that white borrowers received. “The Irish and other white ethnic groups moved from the Mission, and then Latinos came to the Mission,” said Cordova.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final factor pushing San Francisco’s Latinx residents into the Mission was the Broadway Tunnel. Its construction forced Latinx business owners to relocate their shops. Important businesses like Casa Sanchez and its tortilla chips — still a thriving business today — had to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When the Mission became a barrio (1960s-1970s)\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As Latinx folks were moving to the Mission and forming a community, they were watching another community in San Francisco be destroyed: the Fillmore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco City Hall had a thirst for “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">urban renewal,”\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> the practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Fillmore_Redevelopment\">tearing down so-called “slums”\u003c/a> to make way for new development. Fillmore residents — part of a vibrant African American community — were forced out of their homes, often without much warning or adequate compensation from the city. They had to find new places to live, and many left San Francisco all together.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quite candidly, [the city] lied to the African American community,” said Roberto Hernandez, who was born and raised in the Mission, and remembers the destruction of the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the city had promised Fillmore residents they could move back after the neighborhood was rebuilt, it didn’t work out that way. High-cost condominiums and studio spaces were built in the neighborhood, and homes owned by Black families were destroyed. Black residents either couldn’t afford to move back, or had moved on with their lives. The Fillmore was never the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’60s, textile factories were leaving the Mission for Asia or Latin America, where labor was cheaper. That exodus left the Mission spotted with empty lots and buildings. The city’s redevelopment agency targeted it for “improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11908241 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-800x432.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"432\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-800x432.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-1020x551.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/24thStreet.jpg 1321w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District Urban Design Study: 24th Street Station area section (1966) \u003ccite>(Erica Fischer/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city had a plan to introduce two BART stations along Mission Street. They planned to build massive high-rises with housing and offices and a plaza for commercial use. This urban-renewal plan was a red flag to Mission residents who didn’t want to see what happened in the Fillmore happen to them. Residents began organizing to fight the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Mission Coalition Organization helped organize the community into “block clubs,” ready to mobilize with a word from their block captains. The block clubs became the foundation of a larger movement for Mission residents to decide what support their community needed and how to work together to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a beautiful time to see how well-organized the whole neighborhood [was],” Hernandez said. “I felt like it was like Godzilla vs. Bambi because of the power that their redevelopment had at the time was to come in and literally wipe out communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This form of organizing was a huge success. It brought the community together and got everyone involved. And the Mission community needed that unity to fight the city over the redevelopment plan. Ultimately, the mayor at the time, Joe Alioto, gave into their sustained protests, and he listened to the Mission organizers who had their own ideas about what would help revitalize the community and support its residents. Winning the fight not only saved the Mission from redevelopment, it solidified a feeling of unity among residents proudly displaying their cultural identities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mission of now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908471\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria.jpg\" alt=\"A neon sign reading La Victoria flickers above a glass window with rows of baked goods layed out behind it. A yellow, green and red sign sticks out from the corner of the building advertising abarrotes y reposteria.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/la-victoria-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Panaderías, or bakeries, like La Victoria are a staple in the Mission District now. \u003ccite>(Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two BART stations were built in the Mission, and homes and businesses were destroyed to make room for the 16th and 24th street stations. A McDonald’s opened at the corner of Mission and 24th. But a majority of the Mission survived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s even more meaningful because [of] knowing what we as a community were able to stop,” Hernandez said, referring to the destruction of the Fillmore District. “And unfortunately, when we look today at how it wiped out the African American community, we would have been wiped out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents of the Mission had pushed for the right to decide what happened in their community and won. That power carried them forward as they developed plans to invest in the well-being of its people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood also got federal funding through the Model Cities Program, which helped support the projects they’d outlined to city leaders. They used the funding for employment, education, and legal and housing services. Important Mission organizations still working to support the community, like the Mission Hiring Hall and the Mission Housing Development Corporation, got their start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning the redevelopment fight, the Mission has continued to grow and change. New immigrants arrived, notably Salvadorans and Nicaraguans who were fleeing wars at home. Organizers like Hernandez created public celebrations of Latinx identity that brought neighbors from different backgrounds together to celebrate their unique identities. Cinco de Mayo, Carnival and Fiesta de las Americas all bring the city to the Mission in celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908239\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11908239 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-800x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-800x576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1020x735.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1536x1106.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-2048x1475.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9034-1920x1383.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Aztec dancer looks above the trees on 24th Street, during a blessing of the altars on 24th and Folsom streets to start Día de los Muertos in the Mission District, San Francisco, on Sunday, Nov. 1, 2020. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I travel to the Mission District today, and I walk up the BART stairs, I’m grateful for my elders who fought to preserve this community. I love when I catch a glimpse of a lowrider, or hear snippets of cumbia music floating out from the shops. The smells, the colors, the sound of Spanish being spoken — this is where I can express my latinidad proudly. This is the Mission to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even this version isn’t safe. The Mission District is gentrifying, Hernandez said, and it’s time to get organized once again in defense of home. But for now, this barrio still stands, strong and loud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Can Recall Ads in Spanish Sway Latino Voters? Two Families Weigh In",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tomorrow (Tuesday) is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/recall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last day to vote in California’s recall election\u003c/a>, and heading into the final stretch, campaigns on both sides are trying hard to sway Latinos, who make up a sizable chunk of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent 35% of California’s adult population, but account for only 21% of those most likely to vote — nearly 60% of whom are registered Democrats — according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_RaceandVotingJTF.pdf\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. California’s Latino voters have also helped hand Democrats a complete lock on the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No politician can take Latino votes and our community for granted,” Olga Miranda, president of SEIU Local 87, said at a recent phone- banking event to persuade voters to reject the recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11884716,news_11885191' hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Newsom-Picture.jpg']\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843511/more-important-than-ever-the-race-to-boost-californias-latino-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In addition to phone banks, rallies and grassroots-level organizing\u003c/a>, both sides of the recall contest have in recent weeks pumped the airwaves — and social media platforms — with Spanish-language television and radio ads to garner crucial Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://socialinnovation.usc.edu/staff/manuel-pastor/#:~:text=Manuel%20Pastor%20is%20a%20Distinguished,D.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Manuel Pastor\u003c/a>, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California, said this recall election shows how campaign messaging to Latino voters has evolved from the days when candidates would just say a few words in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re starting to see some level of sophistication, which is not so much around what kind of Spanish you speak as it is around what kind of issues you address and whether or not they actually hit people where they live,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, a Republican political consultant working on the effort to remove Newsom, said people of color, and Latinos in particular, have borne the brunt of the pandemic, both financially and physically. The pro-recall campaign leans into that frustration, betting that families who’ve been pushed to the margins will vote to remove Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a \u003ca href=\"https://rescuecalifornia.org/rescue-california-launches-statewide-spanish-language-radio-ad-to-recall-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spanish-language radio ad from the conservative group Rescue California\u003c/a> directly blames Newsom for the hardship that many working families in the state have experienced, emphasizing the high cost of living and the negative impact that online learning has had on children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the recall — who are labeling the effort a “\u003ca href=\"https://stoptherepublicanrecall.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Republican power grab\u003c/a>” — have tried to cast a light on the anti-immigrant stances of some key players behind the campaign, in a defensive effort to scare and mobilize Spanish-speaking Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are either of these strategies actually effective in engaging the Latino electorate? Earlier this month, KQED sat down with two families — one from the East Bay and one from the Central Valley, representing different political and regional perspectives — to hear their thoughts on how to successfully earn their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s María Peña and Lina Blanco facilitated two intimate focus groups with the families to record their responses to nine Spanish-language political ads from both sides of the recall effort, as well as spots from two recall candidates: Kevin Faulconer and Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning our mics to families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In our first focus group, we spoke with three members of the Díaz family, representing two generations: Itzel, who considers herself independent or nonpartisan, and her parents María de Jesus and Porfirio, who are both registered Democrats. All three were born in Jalisco, Mexico, and voted in the U.S. for the first time in the 2020 presidential election. They all speak Spanish as their first language and call Oakland home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family poses at a dining room table, the parents seated side by side and the adult daughter leaning on her father's shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Itzel Diaz and her parents, Maria and Porfirio Diaz, in their Oakland home on Sept. 9, 2021, after dropping off their ballots for California’s gubernatorial recall election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The second focus group included three members of the Avila family, who also represent two generations: Debbie and her brother Obed, as well as their mother Adela. All three are registered Republicans, self-identify as Mexican American, and speak Spanish fluently. Debbie and Adela live in Modesto and Obed lives in Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888230 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side photos of an adult daughter and her mother, both smiling.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Debbie and Adela Avila in Modesto on Sept. 12, 2021. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Avila family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both bilingual conversations, we asked participants the same questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“How do each of these ads make you feel?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What stood out to you while watching them?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“On a scale of 1 to 5, how likely are you to vote YES or NO on the recall after watching each one?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>KQED then opened the floor for participants to suggest strategies politicians should consider implementing in future elections to better reach and engage Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A range of reactions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Itzel, the independent voter from Oakland, said she was initially struck by Kevin Faulconer’s fluency in Spanish. She had grown used to seeing political ads where a politician would speak just a phrase of Spanish here or there and consider it enough to win her vote. Yet, she was most taken by how staged she thought the casting seemed, and \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/5g-OgDeAGao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the general lack of Latino representation on-screen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt it was like a series of checkboxes. It’s the way they think what Hispanics look like. I didn’t see a representation of Afro-Latinos or queer Latinos,” she said of the Faulconer ad. “It’s very obvious who they think are not going to vote for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her father, Porfirio, agreed, saying Faulconer’s ad tailored its message toward well-to-do Latinos. Like Itzel, he believes this reveals how little most politicians and strategists seem to know about California’s incredibly diverse Latino population, and how many political ads seem designed to only reach\u003cb> \u003c/b>a selective few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After viewing Spanish-language ads for Elder — \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the candidate speaking from his office\u003c/a> and another \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/article253950243.html\">voiced by former Democratic state Senate Majority Leader Gloria Romero\u003c/a>, who recently endorsed him — Itzel called them “horrible,” both in content and delivery. She noted that Elder’s accent felt very forced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Lack of imagination’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But what frustrated Itzel most was that both ads emphasized school closures during the pandemic and the negative impact it has had on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The schools did not close. The classes continued online and the children continued learning,” she said. “They do not mention the effort, the operation and the infrastructure that it took [to get] digital access to a lot of those children that never had it before,” she said.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Itzel Díaz, independent voter in Oakland']‘I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.’[/pullquote]But Itzel also said she felt offended by the three anti-recall spots paid for by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign — including one that claimed Republicans backing the recall were the same anti-immigrant politicians who support \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/21lxnsuj1Sg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">embedding microchips into immigrants\u003c/a>. Trying to reach Latinos with fear-based messaging, she said, may have worked 20 or 30 years ago, but not today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ignoring the fact that there are a lot of very well-educated people in the community. That is, people are very well-informed right now,” she said. “I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she believes the anti-recall effort should have focused more on the legislative victories of recent years. This year alone, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879724/so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expanded Medi-Cal eligibility \u003c/a>to lower-income adults 50 and older, regardless of immigration status, and provided an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862122/how-to-get-your-california-stimulus-check-and-other-tax-credits-youre-entitled-to\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional $600 to undocumented taxpayers who earn less than $75,000\u003c/a> and were ineligible for federal stimulus payments.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that disappoints me, frustrates me is that they are focusing 100% on fear [and] on the trauma that people already have,” Itzel said, calling that strategy completely unnecessary. “[Newsom] has done so many things to support the Latino community. I feel he missed an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio agreed with his daughter’s criticism. He wished the campaign would stop spending so much money on resources to produce fear-based ads and instead emphasize specific ways in which Newsom’s administration has supported the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very rushed, they look as if they waited too long to prepare for this election,” he said of the Newsom campaign’s ad strategy, which he claims has had no impact on him. “Sadly, it’s the approach they take in every election, right? To scare people with negativity and leave aside the positive contribution. It’s as if they keep betting on that, as if they believe it has more impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Obed Avila, from Merced, a Republican and former Marine, said he wasn’t swayed by an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/j8zSmXltm18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">anti-recall ad paid for by the California Latino PAC\u003c/a>, linking recall proponents to supporters of Proposition 187, the 1994 ballot measure that targeted the state’s undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the stuff is a little bit one-sided,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his sister, Debbie, also a Republican, disagrees. She said the anti-recall ad brought her back to that infamous ballot measure from nearly 30 years ago.[aside postID='news_11857451' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/022_KQED_SanFrancisco_PollingPlaces_11032020-1020x680.jpg']“I remember the feeling of being treated like a second-class citizen,” she said, through tears. “I have a lot of pride in my family. Of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Debbie personally dislikes Newsom, she plans to vote against the recall because she refuses to align herself with candidates who backed the Trump administration. She said she also supported Newsom’s mandate to shut down the state during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that shutting down the state was a difficult decision, but I feel that it needed to be done,” she said. She believes the move helped save lives and curb the spread of COVID-19 in her community, even though she knows many people are still suffering from the pandemic’s economic impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Debbie’s no vote on the recall may seem like an unexpected one for a registered Republican, she said she was also swayed by her support for recent Democratic state legislation helping undocumented seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a Republican candidate who would have fought for our undocumented seniors [who’ve] worked in the fields their entire lives, and many of them still are working in the fields today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Yo voto con mi fe’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Adela — Debbie and Obed’s mother — who worked as a farm laborer and a teacher for decades, said her spiritual views are the most important factor when deciding whom to vote for. “Yo voto con mi fe [faith],” she said. “I don’t look at what other people are doing. I vote if they tell me what their plans are and if I agree with their plans, I’ll vote for them. If not, I won’t.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation='Debbie Avila, registered Republican in Modesto']‘I have a lot of pride in my family — of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.”[/pullquote]Both Adela and Obed said they were frustrated that both Faulconer and Elder shared so little information about themselves or their plans for how to implement change as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can make promises, but show me how you’re going to fix it, what your plan is,” Obed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general contractor, Obed has worked on several affordable housing projects for unhoused communities in the Central Valley, but is frustrated by what he sees as money wasted. “I’ve seen millions and billions of dollars being wasted just for a temporary Band-Aid. I want to see how they’re going to do these solutions to win my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Obed said he likes Larry Elder the most out of all the candidates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\">he didn’t find his Spanish ad effective at all\u003c/a>. His sister Debbie agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 30 seconds and spending, you know, the thousands and probably millions of dollars he’s using to put this on the air on radio ads or TV ads, I wish he would have used that to tell me who [Elder] is as a candidate, and what his plan is for the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888164 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man fills out his ballot at a dining room table, with his wife in the background in another room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Missed opportunities and the road ahead\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>So how should politicians transform their campaign strategies to more meaningfully connect with Latino voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly every participant agreed that while it was encouraging to see candidates attempt to speak Spanish or run ads in Spanish, the ads they watched had no impact on who they would decide to vote for, nor did the messages apply to their everyday lives. Simply seeing ads in Spanish wasn’t enough for them to not feel like an afterthought in a last-minute campaign effort, they said. Instead, they wanted to see the candidates address issues that really affected their day-to-day lives.[aside postID='news_11886210' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/RS51191_IMG_3342-qut-1020x765.jpg']The Díaz and Avila families made it clear they are both deeply committed to their community’s well-being. Debbie and Adela, from Modesto, want to see politicians coming to communities in the Central Valley, introducing themselves to residents and learning about their biggest concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, both families said, politicians need to continue that relationship-building process with Latino communities year-round — not just at election time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to invite us to the table, and many times they don’t invite us to the table,” Debbie said. “I would love it if they had an advisory committee that had people from all walks of life. It would be nice to even see undocumented folks and see teenagers. There’s a lot of wisdom to what they have to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio, in Oakland, also stressed that in addition to politicians reaching out to people in his community, Latino voters must also exercise their right to vote and hold legislators accountable for addressing their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Mexico … I never missed an election. I always believe that this is one of the most important civil rights. Not only should we demand it, but we should also defend it,” he said. “We have not valued the importance that we have, or we have not believed it. We have not demanded it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hear more of our conversation with the Díaz and Avila families on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>The Bay\u003c/em>\u003c/a> podcast below.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7373530706&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tomorrow (Tuesday) is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/recall\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">last day to vote in California’s recall election\u003c/a>, and heading into the final stretch, campaigns on both sides are trying hard to sway Latinos, who make up a sizable chunk of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos represent 35% of California’s adult population, but account for only 21% of those most likely to vote — nearly 60% of whom are registered Democrats — according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_RaceandVotingJTF.pdf\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. California’s Latino voters have also helped hand Democrats a complete lock on the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No politician can take Latino votes and our community for granted,” Olga Miranda, president of SEIU Local 87, said at a recent phone- banking event to persuade voters to reject the recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843511/more-important-than-ever-the-race-to-boost-californias-latino-vote\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">In addition to phone banks, rallies and grassroots-level organizing\u003c/a>, both sides of the recall contest have in recent weeks pumped the airwaves — and social media platforms — with Spanish-language television and radio ads to garner crucial Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://socialinnovation.usc.edu/staff/manuel-pastor/#:~:text=Manuel%20Pastor%20is%20a%20Distinguished,D.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Manuel Pastor\u003c/a>, director of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California, said this recall election shows how campaign messaging to Latino voters has evolved from the days when candidates would just say a few words in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re starting to see some level of sophistication, which is not so much around what kind of Spanish you speak as it is around what kind of issues you address and whether or not they actually hit people where they live,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hector Barajas, a Republican political consultant working on the effort to remove Newsom, said people of color, and Latinos in particular, have borne the brunt of the pandemic, both financially and physically. The pro-recall campaign leans into that frustration, betting that families who’ve been pushed to the margins will vote to remove Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a \u003ca href=\"https://rescuecalifornia.org/rescue-california-launches-statewide-spanish-language-radio-ad-to-recall-gavin-newsom/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Spanish-language radio ad from the conservative group Rescue California\u003c/a> directly blames Newsom for the hardship that many working families in the state have experienced, emphasizing the high cost of living and the negative impact that online learning has had on children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, opponents of the recall — who are labeling the effort a “\u003ca href=\"https://stoptherepublicanrecall.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Republican power grab\u003c/a>” — have tried to cast a light on the anti-immigrant stances of some key players behind the campaign, in a defensive effort to scare and mobilize Spanish-speaking Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are either of these strategies actually effective in engaging the Latino electorate? Earlier this month, KQED sat down with two families — one from the East Bay and one from the Central Valley, representing different political and regional perspectives — to hear their thoughts on how to successfully earn their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s María Peña and Lina Blanco facilitated two intimate focus groups with the families to record their responses to nine Spanish-language political ads from both sides of the recall effort, as well as spots from two recall candidates: Kevin Faulconer and Larry Elder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Turning our mics to families\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In our first focus group, we spoke with three members of the Díaz family, representing two generations: Itzel, who considers herself independent or nonpartisan, and her parents María de Jesus and Porfirio, who are both registered Democrats. All three were born in Jalisco, Mexico, and voted in the U.S. for the first time in the 2020 presidential election. They all speak Spanish as their first language and call Oakland home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888163 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A smiling family poses at a dining room table, the parents seated side by side and the adult daughter leaning on her father's shoulder.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51425_017_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Itzel Diaz and her parents, Maria and Porfirio Diaz, in their Oakland home on Sept. 9, 2021, after dropping off their ballots for California’s gubernatorial recall election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The second focus group included three members of the Avila family, who also represent two generations: Debbie and her brother Obed, as well as their mother Adela. All three are registered Republicans, self-identify as Mexican American, and speak Spanish fluently. Debbie and Adela live in Modesto and Obed lives in Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888230\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888230 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side photos of an adult daughter and her mother, both smiling.\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/DebbieAdelaAvila.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Debbie and Adela Avila in Modesto on Sept. 12, 2021. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Avila family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In both bilingual conversations, we asked participants the same questions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>“How do each of these ads make you feel?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“What stood out to you while watching them?”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>“On a scale of 1 to 5, how likely are you to vote YES or NO on the recall after watching each one?”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>KQED then opened the floor for participants to suggest strategies politicians should consider implementing in future elections to better reach and engage Latino voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A range of reactions\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Itzel, the independent voter from Oakland, said she was initially struck by Kevin Faulconer’s fluency in Spanish. She had grown used to seeing political ads where a politician would speak just a phrase of Spanish here or there and consider it enough to win her vote. Yet, she was most taken by how staged she thought the casting seemed, and \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/5g-OgDeAGao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the general lack of Latino representation on-screen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt it was like a series of checkboxes. It’s the way they think what Hispanics look like. I didn’t see a representation of Afro-Latinos or queer Latinos,” she said of the Faulconer ad. “It’s very obvious who they think are not going to vote for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her father, Porfirio, agreed, saying Faulconer’s ad tailored its message toward well-to-do Latinos. Like Itzel, he believes this reveals how little most politicians and strategists seem to know about California’s incredibly diverse Latino population, and how many political ads seem designed to only reach\u003cb> \u003c/b>a selective few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After viewing Spanish-language ads for Elder — \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the candidate speaking from his office\u003c/a> and another \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/article253950243.html\">voiced by former Democratic state Senate Majority Leader Gloria Romero\u003c/a>, who recently endorsed him — Itzel called them “horrible,” both in content and delivery. She noted that Elder’s accent felt very forced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Lack of imagination’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But what frustrated Itzel most was that both ads emphasized school closures during the pandemic and the negative impact it has had on youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The schools did not close. The classes continued online and the children continued learning,” she said. “They do not mention the effort, the operation and the infrastructure that it took [to get] digital access to a lot of those children that never had it before,” she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Itzel also said she felt offended by the three anti-recall spots paid for by Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign — including one that claimed Republicans backing the recall were the same anti-immigrant politicians who support \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/21lxnsuj1Sg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">embedding microchips into immigrants\u003c/a>. Trying to reach Latinos with fear-based messaging, she said, may have worked 20 or 30 years ago, but not today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are ignoring the fact that there are a lot of very well-educated people in the community. That is, people are very well-informed right now,” she said. “I feel offended in that sense that I mean really, they think that with pure fear they are going to convince us? What a lack of imagination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she believes the anti-recall effort should have focused more on the legislative victories of recent years. This year alone, California lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11879724/so-thankful-california-to-offer-medi-cal-to-235000-undocumented-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">expanded Medi-Cal eligibility \u003c/a>to lower-income adults 50 and older, regardless of immigration status, and provided an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862122/how-to-get-your-california-stimulus-check-and-other-tax-credits-youre-entitled-to\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">additional $600 to undocumented taxpayers who earn less than $75,000\u003c/a> and were ineligible for federal stimulus payments.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that disappoints me, frustrates me is that they are focusing 100% on fear [and] on the trauma that people already have,” Itzel said, calling that strategy completely unnecessary. “[Newsom] has done so many things to support the Latino community. I feel he missed an opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio agreed with his daughter’s criticism. He wished the campaign would stop spending so much money on resources to produce fear-based ads and instead emphasize specific ways in which Newsom’s administration has supported the Latino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very rushed, they look as if they waited too long to prepare for this election,” he said of the Newsom campaign’s ad strategy, which he claims has had no impact on him. “Sadly, it’s the approach they take in every election, right? To scare people with negativity and leave aside the positive contribution. It’s as if they keep betting on that, as if they believe it has more impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Obed Avila, from Merced, a Republican and former Marine, said he wasn’t swayed by an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/j8zSmXltm18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">anti-recall ad paid for by the California Latino PAC\u003c/a>, linking recall proponents to supporters of Proposition 187, the 1994 ballot measure that targeted the state’s undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the stuff is a little bit one-sided,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his sister, Debbie, also a Republican, disagrees. She said the anti-recall ad brought her back to that infamous ballot measure from nearly 30 years ago.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I remember the feeling of being treated like a second-class citizen,” she said, through tears. “I have a lot of pride in my family. Of my dad and the hard labor that he’s done in the field, and even my mom who’s sitting next to me, and the work of ‘mi gente.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Debbie personally dislikes Newsom, she plans to vote against the recall because she refuses to align herself with candidates who backed the Trump administration. She said she also supported Newsom’s mandate to shut down the state during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that shutting down the state was a difficult decision, but I feel that it needed to be done,” she said. She believes the move helped save lives and curb the spread of COVID-19 in her community, even though she knows many people are still suffering from the pandemic’s economic impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Debbie’s no vote on the recall may seem like an unexpected one for a registered Republican, she said she was also swayed by her support for recent Democratic state legislation helping undocumented seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a Republican candidate who would have fought for our undocumented seniors [who’ve] worked in the fields their entire lives, and many of them still are working in the fields today,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Yo voto con mi fe’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Adela — Debbie and Obed’s mother — who worked as a farm laborer and a teacher for decades, said her spiritual views are the most important factor when deciding whom to vote for. “Yo voto con mi fe [faith],” she said. “I don’t look at what other people are doing. I vote if they tell me what their plans are and if I agree with their plans, I’ll vote for them. If not, I won’t.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Adela and Obed said they were frustrated that both Faulconer and Elder shared so little information about themselves or their plans for how to implement change as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can make promises, but show me how you’re going to fix it, what your plan is,” Obed said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general contractor, Obed has worked on several affordable housing projects for unhoused communities in the Central Valley, but is frustrated by what he sees as money wasted. “I’ve seen millions and billions of dollars being wasted just for a temporary Band-Aid. I want to see how they’re going to do these solutions to win my vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Obed said he likes Larry Elder the most out of all the candidates, \u003ca href=\"https://www.electelder.com/news/larry-elder-campaign-releases-spanish-ads/\">he didn’t find his Spanish ad effective at all\u003c/a>. His sister Debbie agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 30 seconds and spending, you know, the thousands and probably millions of dollars he’s using to put this on the air on radio ads or TV ads, I wish he would have used that to tell me who [Elder] is as a candidate, and what his plan is for the state,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888164 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man fills out his ballot at a dining room table, with his wife in the background in another room.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51410_001_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Missed opportunities and the road ahead\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>So how should politicians transform their campaign strategies to more meaningfully connect with Latino voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly every participant agreed that while it was encouraging to see candidates attempt to speak Spanish or run ads in Spanish, the ads they watched had no impact on who they would decide to vote for, nor did the messages apply to their everyday lives. Simply seeing ads in Spanish wasn’t enough for them to not feel like an afterthought in a last-minute campaign effort, they said. Instead, they wanted to see the candidates address issues that really affected their day-to-day lives.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Díaz and Avila families made it clear they are both deeply committed to their community’s well-being. Debbie and Adela, from Modesto, want to see politicians coming to communities in the Central Valley, introducing themselves to residents and learning about their biggest concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, both families said, politicians need to continue that relationship-building process with Latino communities year-round — not just at election time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to invite us to the table, and many times they don’t invite us to the table,” Debbie said. “I would love it if they had an advisory committee that had people from all walks of life. It would be nice to even see undocumented folks and see teenagers. There’s a lot of wisdom to what they have to say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porfirio, in Oakland, also stressed that in addition to politicians reaching out to people in his community, Latino voters must also exercise their right to vote and hold legislators accountable for addressing their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Mexico … I never missed an election. I always believe that this is one of the most important civil rights. Not only should we demand it, but we should also defend it,” he said. “We have not valued the importance that we have, or we have not believed it. We have not demanded it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hear more of our conversation with the Díaz and Avila families on KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>The Bay\u003c/em>\u003c/a> podcast below.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7373530706&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the parking lot of a small supermarket in South Hayward, a handful of volunteers with the Tiburcio Vasquez Health Center asked shoppers in Spanish if they had received the COVID-19 vaccine, and if not, encouraged them to book an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the community health workers — known among Latino immigrants as \u003cem>promotoras\u003c/em> — struck up a conversation with a woman who got out of a pickup truck holding a baby and a toddler dressed in pajamas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Guadalupe Perez, Tiburcio Vasquez Health Center promotora\"]‘Some people say, ‘No, I don’t want to go in, especially because I heard somebody got sick. So I don’t want to get sick and miss work.’’[/pullquote]The woman, Mayra Contreras, said she was still deciding whether to get the shot, and needed more information. But she said her hands are full working as a babysitter and helping her own children keep up with virtual school at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to think about it,” said Contreras, 36, after accepting a bilingual flyer dispelling \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/facts.html\">common myths\u003c/a> about the vaccine and explaining how to sign up. “It’s also because of time. Life is just stressful with kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras is one of tens of thousands of residents in ZIP Code 94544 who don’t yet have the shot against the deadly disease. South Hayward, as well as East Oakland and other working-class neighborhoods along the I-880 highway, are lagging behind the rest of Alameda County in \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page\">vaccination rates\u003c/a> even though they are the very places where people have suffered the highest rates of illness and death from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As demand for doses dwindled at mega vaccination sites such as at the Oakland Coliseum, which is \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2021.05.05.pdf\">set to close\u003c/a> on Sunday, Bay Area public health officials are shifting strategies to target communities where a greater proportion of eligible people remain unvaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Hayward, health workers say, some adults are holding out because of unreliable information they got from friends or social media. But others are busy with two jobs, trying to make up income they lost earlier in the pandemic, and find it challenging to take time off to get the shot and recover from possible \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/expect/after.html\">side effects\u003c/a>, said Guadalupe Perez, a long-time \u003cem>promotora\u003c/em> with the Tiburcio Vasquez clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people say, ‘No, I don’t want to go in, especially because I heard somebody got sick. So I don’t want to get sick and miss work,’ ” said Perez. She recommends they weigh the risks of getting seriously ill from the coronavirus versus the short-term tiredness and chills they might feel from the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11874708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11874708\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Health outreach worker Guadalupe Perez speaks with a customer at Yeyo’s Meat Market about the COVID-19 vaccine in South Hayward on May 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, all employees who work for more than 30 days in a year for the same employer are entitled to up to 24 hours of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/covid/paid-sick-leave.html\">paid sick leave\u003c/a> they can use to get vaccinated and recover, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has mandated COVID-19-related sick leave of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/COVID19Resources/FAQ-for-SPSL-2021.html\">up to 80 hours\u003c/a> for larger employers through September. But many low-wage and front-line workers don’t know they have that right, or they fear retaliation if they assert it, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870797/low-wage-workers-lack-covid-protections-fear-retaliation-california-survey-shows\">survey\u003c/a> of hundreds of workers in the restaurant, home health care, janitorial and additional industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who are eligible for the COVID-19 vaccine have delayed it because of lingering medical questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norma Bernabe, a tortilla factory worker, said she and her family want to get vaccinated, but they are unsure of when to do it safely. She was very ill with the coronavirus in March, she said, and her husband and 13-year-old son were also sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11866749 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/LatinoCovidDeaths-1020x689.jpg']“My husband heard we had to wait 90 days, but I don’t know,” said Bernabe, who also lives in South Hayward, before entering Yeyo’s Meat Market on Gading Road. “That’s why we haven’t made an appointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/vaccines-faq#medical\">recommends\u003c/a> most infected people get vaccinated as soon as they finish their isolation period and COVID-19 symptoms disappear, but those who were treated with monoclonal antibodies or convalescent plasma should wait 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez, the \u003cem>promotora\u003c/em>, suggested Bernabe check with her doctor first, and then sign up for the shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of late last month, 121 people residing in ZIP code 94544 had died due to the virus, more than in any other ZIP code in the county, according to the Alameda County Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next ZIP code over, 94541, which includes the Cherryland neighborhood, registered the second highest number of COVID-19 fatalities in the county: 107. Both of the populous ZIP codes — where more than 40% of residents identify as Latino and more than a third are immigrants — also had the county’s highest rates of coronavirus deaths per capita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those who died were elderly, including residents at more than a dozen long-term care facilities in those ZIP codes. But many of the younger victims were front-line workers — including an airline mechanic, a butcher, a cook, a dishwasher, a registered nurse and a street sweeper, according to county death records obtained by KQED and the \u003ca href=\"https://documentingcovid19.io/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Documenting COVID-19\u003c/a> project at Columbia University’s Brown Institute for Media Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"latinos\" label=\"More Latino coverage\"]Despite the death toll in 94544 and 94541, barely half of the residents 16 and older there are fully vaccinated as of this week, compared to nearly 60% for the entire county, and closer to 80% in wealthier ZIP codes in the Berkeley and Oakland hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a ways to go,” said Dr. Nicholas Moss, Alameda County health officer. “And it’s compounded by the fact that these are often communities that, because of COVID restrictions and the economic impacts, were in a very difficult spot going into the vaccination campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the county got a later start getting vaccinated, he said, because they tend to be younger and fewer of them work in health care jobs, so they didn’t qualify for the early tiers of eligibility. In addition, residents who are not fluent in English or face technology barriers, had a harder time signing up for appointments when vaccine supply was limited, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a confusing process,” said Moss. “The information has been confusing about when you’re eligible and how to sign up and where we go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that there are enough doses and everyone age 12 and older is eligible, county health officials are focusing on building up the vaccination efforts of community clinics, private health care providers and pharmacies in areas officials consider high priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11874784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11874784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community health workers, or promotoras, explain how to sign up for the COVID-19 vaccine and dispel common myths at Yeyo’s Meat Market in South Hayward on May 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To protect more people living in 94544, the county plans to launch a new vaccination site there that will stay open after hours and on Sundays, said Kimi Watkins-Tartt, who directs the Alameda County Public Health Department. That will supplement vaccine clinics at local health centers, like Tiburcio Vasquez, where shots are offered mostly during the work day and on Saturdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Nicholas Moss, Alameda County health officer\"]‘These are often communities that, because of COVID restrictions and the economic impacts, were in a very difficult spot going into the vaccination campaign.’[/pullquote]The county also plans to hold several pop-up clinics at events, schools and businesses, said Watkins-Tartt, to give people more opportunities to get their questions answered and feel comfortable about the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are adding to what’s already there,” she said. “We also just want to be in the community and wait for people to get ready, because even though we want people to get vaccinated as quickly as possible, we also know that a lot of this is also building trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has already opened an inoculation site at the Hayward Adult School, in ZIP code 94541, and held pop-up clinics at local assisted living centers and other housing facilities, as well as at the Muhajireen Mosque in 94544 — all of which have helped to push up vaccination rates, said health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the virus still circulating as the state prepares to fully reopen next month and remove most mask mandates and social distancing requirements for people who are fully vaccinated, county officials plan to be in South Hayward and other impacted neighborhoods “indefinitely,” said Moss, the county health officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve come to believe that COVID is not going away any time soon, that people are going to get vaccinated or they’ll get COVID,” he said. “I don’t think people are going to be able to avoid it and avoid vaccination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "South Hayward, East Oakland and other working-class neighborhoods along the I-880 highway are lagging behind the rest of Alameda County in vaccination rates, even though they are the very places where people have suffered the highest rates of illness and death from COVID-19.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the parking lot of a small supermarket in South Hayward, a handful of volunteers with the Tiburcio Vasquez Health Center asked shoppers in Spanish if they had received the COVID-19 vaccine, and if not, encouraged them to book an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the community health workers — known among Latino immigrants as \u003cem>promotoras\u003c/em> — struck up a conversation with a woman who got out of a pickup truck holding a baby and a toddler dressed in pajamas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The woman, Mayra Contreras, said she was still deciding whether to get the shot, and needed more information. But she said her hands are full working as a babysitter and helping her own children keep up with virtual school at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to think about it,” said Contreras, 36, after accepting a bilingual flyer dispelling \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/facts.html\">common myths\u003c/a> about the vaccine and explaining how to sign up. “It’s also because of time. Life is just stressful with kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contreras is one of tens of thousands of residents in ZIP Code 94544 who don’t yet have the shot against the deadly disease. South Hayward, as well as East Oakland and other working-class neighborhoods along the I-880 highway, are lagging behind the rest of Alameda County in \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/data.page\">vaccination rates\u003c/a> even though they are the very places where people have suffered the highest rates of illness and death from COVID-19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As demand for doses dwindled at mega vaccination sites such as at the Oakland Coliseum, which is \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/covid19-assets/docs/press/press-release-2021.05.05.pdf\">set to close\u003c/a> on Sunday, Bay Area public health officials are shifting strategies to target communities where a greater proportion of eligible people remain unvaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Hayward, health workers say, some adults are holding out because of unreliable information they got from friends or social media. But others are busy with two jobs, trying to make up income they lost earlier in the pandemic, and find it challenging to take time off to get the shot and recover from possible \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/expect/after.html\">side effects\u003c/a>, said Guadalupe Perez, a long-time \u003cem>promotora\u003c/em> with the Tiburcio Vasquez clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people say, ‘No, I don’t want to go in, especially because I heard somebody got sick. So I don’t want to get sick and miss work,’ ” said Perez. She recommends they weigh the risks of getting seriously ill from the coronavirus versus the short-term tiredness and chills they might feel from the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11874708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11874708\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48958_012_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Health outreach worker Guadalupe Perez speaks with a customer at Yeyo’s Meat Market about the COVID-19 vaccine in South Hayward on May 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In California, all employees who work for more than 30 days in a year for the same employer are entitled to up to 24 hours of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/covid/paid-sick-leave.html\">paid sick leave\u003c/a> they can use to get vaccinated and recover, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has mandated COVID-19-related sick leave of \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/COVID19Resources/FAQ-for-SPSL-2021.html\">up to 80 hours\u003c/a> for larger employers through September. But many low-wage and front-line workers don’t know they have that right, or they fear retaliation if they assert it, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11870797/low-wage-workers-lack-covid-protections-fear-retaliation-california-survey-shows\">survey\u003c/a> of hundreds of workers in the restaurant, home health care, janitorial and additional industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who are eligible for the COVID-19 vaccine have delayed it because of lingering medical questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norma Bernabe, a tortilla factory worker, said she and her family want to get vaccinated, but they are unsure of when to do it safely. She was very ill with the coronavirus in March, she said, and her husband and 13-year-old son were also sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“My husband heard we had to wait 90 days, but I don’t know,” said Bernabe, who also lives in South Hayward, before entering Yeyo’s Meat Market on Gading Road. “That’s why we haven’t made an appointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention \u003ca href=\"https://covid-19.acgov.org/vaccines-faq#medical\">recommends\u003c/a> most infected people get vaccinated as soon as they finish their isolation period and COVID-19 symptoms disappear, but those who were treated with monoclonal antibodies or convalescent plasma should wait 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez, the \u003cem>promotora\u003c/em>, suggested Bernabe check with her doctor first, and then sign up for the shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of late last month, 121 people residing in ZIP code 94544 had died due to the virus, more than in any other ZIP code in the county, according to the Alameda County Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next ZIP code over, 94541, which includes the Cherryland neighborhood, registered the second highest number of COVID-19 fatalities in the county: 107. Both of the populous ZIP codes — where more than 40% of residents identify as Latino and more than a third are immigrants — also had the county’s highest rates of coronavirus deaths per capita.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those who died were elderly, including residents at more than a dozen long-term care facilities in those ZIP codes. But many of the younger victims were front-line workers — including an airline mechanic, a butcher, a cook, a dishwasher, a registered nurse and a street sweeper, according to county death records obtained by KQED and the \u003ca href=\"https://documentingcovid19.io/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Documenting COVID-19\u003c/a> project at Columbia University’s Brown Institute for Media Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite the death toll in 94544 and 94541, barely half of the residents 16 and older there are fully vaccinated as of this week, compared to nearly 60% for the entire county, and closer to 80% in wealthier ZIP codes in the Berkeley and Oakland hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a ways to go,” said Dr. Nicholas Moss, Alameda County health officer. “And it’s compounded by the fact that these are often communities that, because of COVID restrictions and the economic impacts, were in a very difficult spot going into the vaccination campaign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the county got a later start getting vaccinated, he said, because they tend to be younger and fewer of them work in health care jobs, so they didn’t qualify for the early tiers of eligibility. In addition, residents who are not fluent in English or face technology barriers, had a harder time signing up for appointments when vaccine supply was limited, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a confusing process,” said Moss. “The information has been confusing about when you’re eligible and how to sign up and where we go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now that there are enough doses and everyone age 12 and older is eligible, county health officials are focusing on building up the vaccination efforts of community clinics, private health care providers and pharmacies in areas officials consider high priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11874784\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11874784\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/RS48963_017_Hayward_Promotoras_05102021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community health workers, or promotoras, explain how to sign up for the COVID-19 vaccine and dispel common myths at Yeyo’s Meat Market in South Hayward on May 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To protect more people living in 94544, the county plans to launch a new vaccination site there that will stay open after hours and on Sundays, said Kimi Watkins-Tartt, who directs the Alameda County Public Health Department. That will supplement vaccine clinics at local health centers, like Tiburcio Vasquez, where shots are offered mostly during the work day and on Saturdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The county also plans to hold several pop-up clinics at events, schools and businesses, said Watkins-Tartt, to give people more opportunities to get their questions answered and feel comfortable about the vaccine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are adding to what’s already there,” she said. “We also just want to be in the community and wait for people to get ready, because even though we want people to get vaccinated as quickly as possible, we also know that a lot of this is also building trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has already opened an inoculation site at the Hayward Adult School, in ZIP code 94541, and held pop-up clinics at local assisted living centers and other housing facilities, as well as at the Muhajireen Mosque in 94544 — all of which have helped to push up vaccination rates, said health officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the virus still circulating as the state prepares to fully reopen next month and remove most mask mandates and social distancing requirements for people who are fully vaccinated, county officials plan to be in South Hayward and other impacted neighborhoods “indefinitely,” said Moss, the county health officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve come to believe that COVID is not going away any time soon, that people are going to get vaccinated or they’ll get COVID,” he said. “I don’t think people are going to be able to avoid it and avoid vaccination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"soldout": {
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