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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of residents of a UC Berkeley family housing complex in Albany are refusing to pay new rent hikes and parking fees, saying the added expenses are putting new strain on already-tight family budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, the residents expressed their discontent after the university imposed a $64 monthly parking fee on July 1 at \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">University Village\u003c/a>, a nearly 974-unit residential community for graduate students, post-doc researchers and others. Residents also received a 4% rent increase on July 1 — the third year in a row of consecutive 4% increases. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">university’s website\u003c/a>, residents at the Village pay between $2,090 for one-bedroom units and $3,455 for three-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The households are refusing to pay the fee … to show the university that this is in fact a serious issue, and they can’t simply change the terms of their tenancy and start charging these new fees without coming to a fair agreement first,” said Brad Hirn, unit chair for UC Berkeley Academic Researchers at UAW Local 4811, a union representing graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "San Francisco Developers Have Mixed Feelings About Peskin’s Middle Income Housing Plan",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After the Supreme Court granted cities broader power to clear homeless encampments, a new lawsuit filed by a group of unhoused Oakland residents over a sweep will test the ruling's limits.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn't Oppose Affordable Housing Project",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Millbrae City Council members could be ousted from office thanks to a recall effort stemming from a controversial move to provide transitional housing for unhoused people and seniors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "new-state-law-slashed-sfs-housing-permit-timeline-will-builders-follow",
"title": "New State Law Slashed SF's Housing Permit Timeline. Will Builders Follow?",
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"headTitle": "New State Law Slashed SF’s Housing Permit Timeline. Will Builders Follow? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco has its first potential projects under a new housing approval process, but it’s not just red tape tying up permits — economic factors are giving builders pause, a new report found.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A $10 billion statewide affordable housing bond has failed to make it to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992997/here-are-the-state-ballot-measures-californians-will-vote-on-in-november\">the November ballot\u003c/a>, raising worries from housing advocates about funding after the state cut more than a billion dollars from such programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1657, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), was poised to be the largest housing-related bond in decades and was widely supported by housing advocates and city officials across California. It would have authorized general obligation bonds to be used for affordable rental housing programs for lower income families and supportive housing for people experiencing homelessness, among other uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature had other bonds to consider and a limited capacity for authorizing new borrowing as the state faces a multibillion-dollar budget deficit. Ultimately, two measures dedicating $10 billion each for supporting the renovation of K-12 schools and helping the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991836/can-californias-climate-bond-weather-the-storm-of-state-deficits\">prepare for climate change\u003c/a> won spots on the November ballot, and AB 1657 died in the appropriations committee last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of advocacy group Housing Action Coalition, said his organization supported the affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would argue housing is a climate issue,” he said to KQED. “It’s a bummer for housing advocates but frankly understandable that the Legislature did need to make tough decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his organization is still hopeful to get much-needed funding for affordable housing through a $20 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">regional bond measure\u003c/a> that will appear on the November ballot after a unanimous vote in late June by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. In San Francisco alone, there are hundreds of units already entitled and ready to build but without the funding to start construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pipeline problem; we just need more money [to build the] housing,” he said. “I fully expect the queue of projects to go faster than the dollars will come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='affordable-housing']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential bond borrowing comes as the state faces a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">$56 billion revenue gap\u003c/a>, expected to last over the next two years. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recently signed budget deal cut about $1.1 billion in funding for affordable housing programs and $500 million for student housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Bay Area voters will also vote on whether to make it easier for local municipalities to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Right now, those kinds of measures require a two-thirds supermajority, or 66% of residents voting in favor, to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33, also appearing in November, would ask voters to decide on expanding rent control. Many local governments are prevented from enacting rent control measures on single family homes and units built after 1955, thanks to the controversial Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act. Voters have already rejected attempts to appeal this act twice in 2018 and 2020, but the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is hoping the third time’s the charm.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A $10 billion statewide affordable housing bond has failed to make it to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992997/here-are-the-state-ballot-measures-californians-will-vote-on-in-november\">the November ballot\u003c/a>, raising worries from housing advocates about funding after the state cut more than a billion dollars from such programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1657, introduced by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley), was poised to be the largest housing-related bond in decades and was widely supported by housing advocates and city officials across California. It would have authorized general obligation bonds to be used for affordable rental housing programs for lower income families and supportive housing for people experiencing homelessness, among other uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Legislature had other bonds to consider and a limited capacity for authorizing new borrowing as the state faces a multibillion-dollar budget deficit. Ultimately, two measures dedicating $10 billion each for supporting the renovation of K-12 schools and helping the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991836/can-californias-climate-bond-weather-the-storm-of-state-deficits\">prepare for climate change\u003c/a> won spots on the November ballot, and AB 1657 died in the appropriations committee last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of advocacy group Housing Action Coalition, said his organization supported the affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would argue housing is a climate issue,” he said to KQED. “It’s a bummer for housing advocates but frankly understandable that the Legislature did need to make tough decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his organization is still hopeful to get much-needed funding for affordable housing through a $20 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">regional bond measure\u003c/a> that will appear on the November ballot after a unanimous vote in late June by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. In San Francisco alone, there are hundreds of units already entitled and ready to build but without the funding to start construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a pipeline problem; we just need more money [to build the] housing,” he said. “I fully expect the queue of projects to go faster than the dollars will come in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential bond borrowing comes as the state faces a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">$56 billion revenue gap\u003c/a>, expected to last over the next two years. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s recently signed budget deal cut about $1.1 billion in funding for affordable housing programs and $500 million for student housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Bay Area voters will also vote on whether to make it easier for local municipalities to pass bonds and taxes that fund affordable housing and infrastructure. Right now, those kinds of measures require a two-thirds supermajority, or 66% of residents voting in favor, to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33, also appearing in November, would ask voters to decide on expanding rent control. Many local governments are prevented from enacting rent control measures on single family homes and units built after 1955, thanks to the controversial Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act. Voters have already rejected attempts to appeal this act twice in 2018 and 2020, but the AIDS Healthcare Foundation is hoping the third time’s the charm.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Plans to Enforce Homeless Camping Ban After Supreme Court Ruling",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "State Farm Seeks Enormous Rate Increases in California to Prevent Insolvency",
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"content": "\u003cp>State Farm requested massive increases to its California residential insurance rates, which calls its financial stability into doubt amid an ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992401/homeowners-insurance-market-stretched-even-thinner-as-2-more-companies-leave-california\">crisis in the state’s insurance market\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company’s California subsidiary, State Farm General, the state’s largest writer of homeowners insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.iii.org/top-10-writers-of-homeowners-insurance-in-california\">according to the Insurance Information Institute\u003c/a>, submitted a request on Thursday to the California Department of Insurance for the following rate hikes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>30% increase in homeowners insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>36% increase in condominium owners insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>52% increase in renters insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>With California’s property insurance market already facing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992803/newsom-seeks-faster-track-for-home-insurance-rate-hikes-as-market-shrinks\">availability and affordability crisis\u003c/a>, driven largely by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">rising wildfire risk\u003c/a>, the timing could hardly be worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has the potential to affect millions of California consumers and the integrity of our residential property insurance market,” California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement provided to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will closely examine State Farm’s financial stability, Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Using my authority under Prop. 103, I will investigate State Farm’s financial situation, including a rate hearing on these applications if necessary. My Department’s experts and I have serious questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last year, State Farm has not written new policies in California, and it has not renewed tens of thousands of existing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents from AM Best, a company that rates insurance companies’ financial solvency, show a troubled situation for State Farm. Its financial strength was downgraded this spring, and its long-term outlook is considered negative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financially speaking, State Farm is very, very much apparently in trouble. And I think that their request for rate increases will be met with a lot of frustration by consumers because the last thing anybody wants is to be paying more money right now,” said Karl Susman, an insurance broker. “And since there’s still not the ability for people to shop around for other options, what are they going to do but pay that higher rate? But I think that it’s probably going to show pretty quickly that it’s necessary to keep State Farm from literally going insolvent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara sought to reassure State Farm policyholders that nothing would change immediately as a result of these filings. Under California’s regulatory process, rate filings should take two months to be reviewed, although they have dragged on for years in some cases — a process set for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">major overhaul by regulators\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara also said the Department of Insurance had already made tough decisions in approving significant State Farm rate increases recently, including a March hike averaging 20% across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued by inviting the public to get involved \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/150-other-prog/01-intervenor/\">via the intervenor process\u003c/a>, which allows the public to weigh in on changes to their insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susman predicts the Department of Insurance will have no choice but to approve the requested rate increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the alternative is literally — what’s the point of having a carrier with lower rates that can’t pay claims?” he said. “And they are basically at that place right now where if they’re not able to get this rate and they’re already in such a bad place financially, I don’t see how we can expect them to possibly weather the storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The company’s financial stability is in doubt after it requested to raise homeowners insurance rates by 30% and renters insurance by 52%.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Farm requested massive increases to its California residential insurance rates, which calls its financial stability into doubt amid an ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992401/homeowners-insurance-market-stretched-even-thinner-as-2-more-companies-leave-california\">crisis in the state’s insurance market\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company’s California subsidiary, State Farm General, the state’s largest writer of homeowners insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.iii.org/top-10-writers-of-homeowners-insurance-in-california\">according to the Insurance Information Institute\u003c/a>, submitted a request on Thursday to the California Department of Insurance for the following rate hikes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>30% increase in homeowners insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>36% increase in condominium owners insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>52% increase in renters insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>With California’s property insurance market already facing an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992803/newsom-seeks-faster-track-for-home-insurance-rate-hikes-as-market-shrinks\">availability and affordability crisis\u003c/a>, driven largely by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">rising wildfire risk\u003c/a>, the timing could hardly be worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has the potential to affect millions of California consumers and the integrity of our residential property insurance market,” California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement provided to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will closely examine State Farm’s financial stability, Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Using my authority under Prop. 103, I will investigate State Farm’s financial situation, including a rate hearing on these applications if necessary. My Department’s experts and I have serious questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last year, State Farm has not written new policies in California, and it has not renewed tens of thousands of existing policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents from AM Best, a company that rates insurance companies’ financial solvency, show a troubled situation for State Farm. Its financial strength was downgraded this spring, and its long-term outlook is considered negative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financially speaking, State Farm is very, very much apparently in trouble. And I think that their request for rate increases will be met with a lot of frustration by consumers because the last thing anybody wants is to be paying more money right now,” said Karl Susman, an insurance broker. “And since there’s still not the ability for people to shop around for other options, what are they going to do but pay that higher rate? But I think that it’s probably going to show pretty quickly that it’s necessary to keep State Farm from literally going insolvent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara sought to reassure State Farm policyholders that nothing would change immediately as a result of these filings. Under California’s regulatory process, rate filings should take two months to be reviewed, although they have dragged on for years in some cases — a process set for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">major overhaul by regulators\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara also said the Department of Insurance had already made tough decisions in approving significant State Farm rate increases recently, including a March hike averaging 20% across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued by inviting the public to get involved \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/150-other-prog/01-intervenor/\">via the intervenor process\u003c/a>, which allows the public to weigh in on changes to their insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susman predicts the Department of Insurance will have no choice but to approve the requested rate increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the alternative is literally — what’s the point of having a carrier with lower rates that can’t pay claims?” he said. “And they are basically at that place right now where if they’re not able to get this rate and they’re already in such a bad place financially, I don’t see how we can expect them to possibly weather the storm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-to-go-forward-after-council-rejects-appeals",
"title": "Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing to Go Forward After Council Rejects Appeals",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> officials cleared the way for an embattled affordable housing project for farmworkers to move forward, a year after a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city put a spotlight on the wretched living conditions of many of the area’s agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the City Council unanimously approved the 40-unit development that will house about 100 very low-income senior farmworkers, rejecting appeals that sought to block the project after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom\">city planning commissioners initially approved it in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really were holding our breath going into this meeting,” said Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, executive director of the community organization Ayudando Latinos A Soñar (ALAS), which worked with the nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to design the project. “We’re just so grateful, and we’re extremely happy today because this changes the lives of our senior farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan’s initial approval last month came after extensive public wrangling led Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">to intercede on behalf of the project\u003c/a>, calling the delay “egregious” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">threatening to sic\u003c/a> the state’s Housing Accountability Unit on the city if leaders didn’t go ahead with development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, within days of the planning commissioners’ vote, opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/845/555-Kelly-Avenue---Affordable-Housing\">filed three appeals\u003c/a>, challenging the approval process and arguing that the project violated local policies and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council heard arguments from supporters and detractors on Wednesday before deciding. Objectors said the \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">development threatens the city’s small-town appeal\u003c/a>, citing traffic congestion and raising concerns it would strain the area’s already-limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story apartment building is one of two low-income developments for farmworkers the city has pursued since the shooting. The other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">consists of 47 manufactured homes\u003c/a> for very low-income families, including those displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drawn-out approval process for the senior housing has pushed back the completion timeline significantly, said Kelly Hollywood, an associate director of real estate development at Mercy Housing. Without the final OK, developers couldn’t apply for crucial sources of funding, some of which only become available a couple of times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With these approvals, we can work towards those other local and state sources,” Hollywood said. She expects to be able to apply for vital tax credits from the state in mid-2025. “We’re thankful that the determination of the community and the spirit allowed us to continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is set to start in mid-2026 and wrap up in late 2027 at the earliest. The building is expected to cost $43 million and will include a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the farmworker population is difficult to count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/assets/files/publications/housing-smcs-farmworkers-final-june-2024.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> commissioned after last year’s shooting estimated that 1,300 to 1,600 farmworkers live in San Mateo County. \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/31031/download?inline=\">A 2016 assessment \u003c/a>estimated San Mateo County needs over 1,000 affordable housing units for farmworkers, finding that “a key reason for the county’s shrinking farm labor pool is the lack of available housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though this project only meets a fraction of the need, Hernández-Arriaga said she hopes it will serve as a model of “what housing should look like for senior farmworkers across California and if not across the country,” noting that farmworkers, particularly seniors, are often relegated to city outskirts. “Taking them out of the shadows, bringing them into the main streets of our downtowns, [in] housing that is vibrant, that allows them to not be isolated, not be hidden, to be in and with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing to Go Forward After Council Rejects Appeals",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> officials cleared the way for an embattled affordable housing project for farmworkers to move forward, a year after a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city put a spotlight on the wretched living conditions of many of the area’s agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the City Council unanimously approved the 40-unit development that will house about 100 very low-income senior farmworkers, rejecting appeals that sought to block the project after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom\">city planning commissioners initially approved it in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really were holding our breath going into this meeting,” said Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, executive director of the community organization Ayudando Latinos A Soñar (ALAS), which worked with the nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to design the project. “We’re just so grateful, and we’re extremely happy today because this changes the lives of our senior farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan’s initial approval last month came after extensive public wrangling led Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">to intercede on behalf of the project\u003c/a>, calling the delay “egregious” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">threatening to sic\u003c/a> the state’s Housing Accountability Unit on the city if leaders didn’t go ahead with development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, within days of the planning commissioners’ vote, opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/845/555-Kelly-Avenue---Affordable-Housing\">filed three appeals\u003c/a>, challenging the approval process and arguing that the project violated local policies and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council heard arguments from supporters and detractors on Wednesday before deciding. Objectors said the \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">development threatens the city’s small-town appeal\u003c/a>, citing traffic congestion and raising concerns it would strain the area’s already-limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story apartment building is one of two low-income developments for farmworkers the city has pursued since the shooting. The other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">consists of 47 manufactured homes\u003c/a> for very low-income families, including those displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drawn-out approval process for the senior housing has pushed back the completion timeline significantly, said Kelly Hollywood, an associate director of real estate development at Mercy Housing. Without the final OK, developers couldn’t apply for crucial sources of funding, some of which only become available a couple of times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With these approvals, we can work towards those other local and state sources,” Hollywood said. She expects to be able to apply for vital tax credits from the state in mid-2025. “We’re thankful that the determination of the community and the spirit allowed us to continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is set to start in mid-2026 and wrap up in late 2027 at the earliest. The building is expected to cost $43 million and will include a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the farmworker population is difficult to count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/assets/files/publications/housing-smcs-farmworkers-final-june-2024.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> commissioned after last year’s shooting estimated that 1,300 to 1,600 farmworkers live in San Mateo County. \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/31031/download?inline=\">A 2016 assessment \u003c/a>estimated San Mateo County needs over 1,000 affordable housing units for farmworkers, finding that “a key reason for the county’s shrinking farm labor pool is the lack of available housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though this project only meets a fraction of the need, Hernández-Arriaga said she hopes it will serve as a model of “what housing should look like for senior farmworkers across California and if not across the country,” noting that farmworkers, particularly seniors, are often relegated to city outskirts. “Taking them out of the shadows, bringing them into the main streets of our downtowns, [in] housing that is vibrant, that allows them to not be isolated, not be hidden, to be in and with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>From a distance, the lime-green vehicle with wide awnings looks like a fancy food truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the tricked-out RV has all the necessities of a preschool classroom, including a short toilet and sink, carpeted play area and cabinets full of building blocks, musical instruments and art supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent morning, the mobile classroom was parked near a recreation center in Oakland’s Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, staffers rolled out rugs and laid out books, toys and snacks before gathering a group of children for a singalong. A flat-screen TV hanging on one side of the RV showed “Sesame Street,” but the roughly two dozen toddlers were more interested in chasing bubbles and playing at the sand table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its launch in November, this preschool on wheels has been going to homeless shelters and city parks in Oakland in an effort to keep more children enrolled in Head Start and Early Head Start programs, which serve children from lower-income families. The stop in Chinatown gives parents who signed up for Head Start’s home visiting program a chance to socialize and get information about their children’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, many children weren’t showing up consistently or on time, and a significant number inevitably dropped out, particularly those who didn’t have a stable place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This most recent school year, 78 out 423 Oakland families — or more than 18% — who qualified for Head Start, experienced homelessness, according to Everardo Mendoza, the program’s recruitment and enrollment coordinator. These families can’t afford rent on their own, he said, so they tend to “double up or triple up” in small apartments with other families or sleep in shelters or their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a way to meet kids and families where they are, Mendoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two mothers play with their young children on a green rug inside a classroom.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Families play with their children inside Oakland’s Head Start mobile classroom on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t want families to be dropping because they don’t have control of their housing situation,” he said. “We wanted to follow them to wherever they go and continue to provide the services that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mobile classrooms are increasingly being deployed in places short on accessible and affordable preschools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Colorado, a preschool on wheels rolls up to \u003ca href=\"https://unitedwaydenver.org/news_post/first-mobile-preschool-in-denver-launched/\">Denver neighborhoods with few child care options\u003c/a> and a bilingual preschool on wheels called \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspenpublicradio.org/education/2019-09-09/the-wheels-on-the-bus-el-busesito-preschool-takes-school-on-wheels\">El Busesito\u003c/a> serves Spanish-speaking families in the Roaring Fork Valley. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.lasvegasnevada.gov/Residents/Education/Strong-Start-Academies\">city of Las Vegas\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.xiente.org/programs/preschool-youth-services/mobile-preschool/\">a nonprofit in Philadelphia\u003c/a> also provide half-day early learning programs in their mobile classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s $530,000 investment in its mobile classroom is helping the city meet the growing demand for Head Start. There are more than 400 families on the waitlist for the program, according to the city’s Head Start program director, Diveena Cooppan, who said the program has wrestled with finding enough workers and facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on early childhood education\" tag=\"early-childhood-education\"]“A facility where we could have that space for all those classrooms, from infants to preschool, is ideal but rare and hard to find,” she said. “So this model is actually more cost-effective than [operating a center].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout Alameda County, almost 700 families are experiencing homelessness, according to \u003ca href=\"https://everyonehome.org/main/continuum-of-care/point-in-time-count-2024/\">a January point-in-time count survey\u003c/a> — down 17% from two years ago. But experts say that’s likely an undercount because families with young kids often get overlooked, as they are more likely to sleep in motels, their cars or on someone’s couch, as opposed to on the street or in a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why we call it hidden homelessness,” said Erin Patterson, director of education initiatives at SchoolHouse Connection, a nonprofit in Washington, D.C., focused on youth homelessness. “And so it really feels like we are ignoring this whole portion of the homeless population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SchoolHouse Connection \u003ca href=\"https://schoolhouseconnection.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Infant-and-Toddler-Homelessness-Across-50-States-2021-2022.pdf\">estimates that in California\u003c/a>, only one in six infants and toddlers experiencing homelessness are enrolled in early childhood development programs like Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a heartbreaking statistic, Patterson said, because these are the kids who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For an infant or toddler to be experiencing homelessness and not knowing where they’re going to sleep during a time when they’re supposed to be potty trained and have routine and consistency, that’s difficult enough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs like Head Start offer a range of support for unhoused families, from free diapers to access to educators who are trained in caring for children affected by trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988312\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988312\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two parents play with a small child outside as a large green truck with the letters 'ready set go' printed on it appears in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parents Jay and Jasmine play with their 18-month-old son, Jayden, outside Oakland’s Head Start mobile classroom at Lincoln Square Park in Oakland on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everything the parent or the adult in the situation is experiencing in terms of trauma, the child is also experiencing,” Patterson said. “Babies experiencing homelessness carry trauma. They feel stress, but they can’t articulate it with words yet. And so that’s why it’s even more critical to get interventions and supports to them as early as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao, who leaned on Head Start services for her son when she was a single mother experiencing homelessness, called the city’s new mobile classroom a “huge game changer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because your family is going through some housing issues or housing insecurity doesn’t mean that the resources for your children should stop,” she said \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/CzpQnYLNe2V/?igsh=MTc4MmM1YmI2Ng%3D%3D\">at a news conference\u003c/a> announcing the program last November. “It actually means that you need it more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mobile Head Start classroom currently serves families who signed up for home visits but may not have a steady place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the mobile classroom’s spacious interior includes a kitchenette, a health-check station and a computer area — equipped with its own server— where parents can access the Internet to work on job or housing applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988309\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A small Asian boy sits on an outside map on the ground, playing with toys.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shi Li Zhong (right) with her two young sons outside the Head Start mobile classroom at Lincoln Square Park in Oakland on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that in a lot of different areas that we are in, there may not be access to technology, so we want to ensure that’s not a barrier to families,” said Shelley Taylor, who oversees Head Start facilities for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffers also use the space to conduct developmental screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shi Li Zhong, who came to the mobile classroom event in Chinatown, said she didn’t know her older son had a speech delay until he was enrolled in Head Start when he was almost 2 years old. A caseworker referred her to a speech therapist, and she said her son is now starting to talk more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were a lot of things I didn’t know,” Zhong said about being a first-time parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She came to this event with her second son, who is almost 1, to give him a chance to interact with other children and for her a chance to build community.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From a distance, the lime-green vehicle with wide awnings looks like a fancy food truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the tricked-out RV has all the necessities of a preschool classroom, including a short toilet and sink, carpeted play area and cabinets full of building blocks, musical instruments and art supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recent morning, the mobile classroom was parked near a recreation center in Oakland’s Chinatown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, staffers rolled out rugs and laid out books, toys and snacks before gathering a group of children for a singalong. A flat-screen TV hanging on one side of the RV showed “Sesame Street,” but the roughly two dozen toddlers were more interested in chasing bubbles and playing at the sand table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its launch in November, this preschool on wheels has been going to homeless shelters and city parks in Oakland in an effort to keep more children enrolled in Head Start and Early Head Start programs, which serve children from lower-income families. The stop in Chinatown gives parents who signed up for Head Start’s home visiting program a chance to socialize and get information about their children’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, many children weren’t showing up consistently or on time, and a significant number inevitably dropped out, particularly those who didn’t have a stable place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This most recent school year, 78 out 423 Oakland families — or more than 18% — who qualified for Head Start, experienced homelessness, according to Everardo Mendoza, the program’s recruitment and enrollment coordinator. These families can’t afford rent on their own, he said, so they tend to “double up or triple up” in small apartments with other families or sleep in shelters or their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a way to meet kids and families where they are, Mendoza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988306\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two mothers play with their young children on a green rug inside a classroom.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-34_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Families play with their children inside Oakland’s Head Start mobile classroom on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t want families to be dropping because they don’t have control of their housing situation,” he said. “We wanted to follow them to wherever they go and continue to provide the services that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mobile classrooms are increasingly being deployed in places short on accessible and affordable preschools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Colorado, a preschool on wheels rolls up to \u003ca href=\"https://unitedwaydenver.org/news_post/first-mobile-preschool-in-denver-launched/\">Denver neighborhoods with few child care options\u003c/a> and a bilingual preschool on wheels called \u003ca href=\"https://www.aspenpublicradio.org/education/2019-09-09/the-wheels-on-the-bus-el-busesito-preschool-takes-school-on-wheels\">El Busesito\u003c/a> serves Spanish-speaking families in the Roaring Fork Valley. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.lasvegasnevada.gov/Residents/Education/Strong-Start-Academies\">city of Las Vegas\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.xiente.org/programs/preschool-youth-services/mobile-preschool/\">a nonprofit in Philadelphia\u003c/a> also provide half-day early learning programs in their mobile classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s $530,000 investment in its mobile classroom is helping the city meet the growing demand for Head Start. There are more than 400 families on the waitlist for the program, according to the city’s Head Start program director, Diveena Cooppan, who said the program has wrestled with finding enough workers and facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“A facility where we could have that space for all those classrooms, from infants to preschool, is ideal but rare and hard to find,” she said. “So this model is actually more cost-effective than [operating a center].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout Alameda County, almost 700 families are experiencing homelessness, according to \u003ca href=\"https://everyonehome.org/main/continuum-of-care/point-in-time-count-2024/\">a January point-in-time count survey\u003c/a> — down 17% from two years ago. But experts say that’s likely an undercount because families with young kids often get overlooked, as they are more likely to sleep in motels, their cars or on someone’s couch, as opposed to on the street or in a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why we call it hidden homelessness,” said Erin Patterson, director of education initiatives at SchoolHouse Connection, a nonprofit in Washington, D.C., focused on youth homelessness. “And so it really feels like we are ignoring this whole portion of the homeless population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SchoolHouse Connection \u003ca href=\"https://schoolhouseconnection.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Infant-and-Toddler-Homelessness-Across-50-States-2021-2022.pdf\">estimates that in California\u003c/a>, only one in six infants and toddlers experiencing homelessness are enrolled in early childhood development programs like Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a heartbreaking statistic, Patterson said, because these are the kids who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For an infant or toddler to be experiencing homelessness and not knowing where they’re going to sleep during a time when they’re supposed to be potty trained and have routine and consistency, that’s difficult enough,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs like Head Start offer a range of support for unhoused families, from free diapers to access to educators who are trained in caring for children affected by trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988312\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988312\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two parents play with a small child outside as a large green truck with the letters 'ready set go' printed on it appears in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-38_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Parents Jay and Jasmine play with their 18-month-old son, Jayden, outside Oakland’s Head Start mobile classroom at Lincoln Square Park in Oakland on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Everything the parent or the adult in the situation is experiencing in terms of trauma, the child is also experiencing,” Patterson said. “Babies experiencing homelessness carry trauma. They feel stress, but they can’t articulate it with words yet. And so that’s why it’s even more critical to get interventions and supports to them as early as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao, who leaned on Head Start services for her son when she was a single mother experiencing homelessness, called the city’s new mobile classroom a “huge game changer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because your family is going through some housing issues or housing insecurity doesn’t mean that the resources for your children should stop,” she said \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reel/CzpQnYLNe2V/?igsh=MTc4MmM1YmI2Ng%3D%3D\">at a news conference\u003c/a> announcing the program last November. “It actually means that you need it more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mobile Head Start classroom currently serves families who signed up for home visits but may not have a steady place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the mobile classroom’s spacious interior includes a kitchenette, a health-check station and a computer area — equipped with its own server— where parents can access the Internet to work on job or housing applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988309\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988309\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A small Asian boy sits on an outside map on the ground, playing with toys.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-40_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shi Li Zhong (right) with her two young sons outside the Head Start mobile classroom at Lincoln Square Park in Oakland on May 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that in a lot of different areas that we are in, there may not be access to technology, so we want to ensure that’s not a barrier to families,” said Shelley Taylor, who oversees Head Start facilities for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staffers also use the space to conduct developmental screenings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shi Li Zhong, who came to the mobile classroom event in Chinatown, said she didn’t know her older son had a speech delay until he was enrolled in Head Start when he was almost 2 years old. A caseworker referred her to a speech therapist, and she said her son is now starting to talk more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were a lot of things I didn’t know,” Zhong said about being a first-time parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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