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"content": "\u003cp>As California closes three more prisons and downsizes six others, some people incarcerated there aren’t ready to go. They are worried about the future of their educations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 1,500 incarcerated people who attend college in these facilities, closures mean they could be transferred to a new prison where the courses may not line up or where they’re unable to continue their classes, leaving some students a few credits short of a degree. Education can offer tangible, real-world benefits to incarcerated people: They can earn degrees and gain merit credits that chip off time from a sentence. Research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-and-education-departments-announce-new-research-showing-prison-education-reduces\">prison education also reduces recidivism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/prisons/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">California’s shrinking prison population\u003c/a> — the state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents\">160,000 people incarcerated in 2011\u003c/a>, down to just \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/05/Tpop1d230510.pdf\">96,000 as of May 10, 2023 (PDF)\u003c/a> — has also created an unexpected problem for the state’s community college system, which has developed special programs to help those in prisons earn degrees. Palo Verde Community College in Blythe, for example, draws almost half of its students from the nearby prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the prisons close down, at least three community colleges stand to lose more than 10% of their student enrollment and millions of dollars in state funding, collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950004\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_07/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950004\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950004\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a prison fence, with a sign that says California City Correctional Facility\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California City Correctional Facility just outside California City is one of the prisons set to close soon. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has been interested in closing prisons since at least 2019. Since then, the state has closed one in Tracy and nearly finished closing another Susanville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said it would close a prison in Blythe and end the contract with a private prison company in California City. The corrections department also said it would close parts of six other prisons throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CalMatters, the corrections department said that it is committed to preventing “academic disruption” for students at the closing prisons and pointed to the work of the \u003ca href=\"https://risingscholarsnetwork.org/#:~:text=We%20are%20a%20network%20of,experienced%20the%20criminal%20justice%20system.\">Rising Scholars Network\u003c/a> at the California Community College Chancellor’s Office, which oversees various higher education programs across all of the state’s 34 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local community college administrators say communication from the corrections department is limited and that they have few resources to help incarcerated people who fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learning in the D yard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated David Zemp, a self-described nerd, gets wistful when he talks about prison education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent seven years locked up in the D yard at the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi. By the time he was released in 2022, he said the prison unit looked more like a college campus than a prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those incarcerated in the prison made their own salsa at the nearby garden and covered the white walls with murals: a dinosaur fossil, an astronaut and, at the entrance, the March of Progress in which a monkey evolves into man with a cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was falling apart, but the people who were investing in it were in love with it,” he said. He earned five degrees while incarcerated, which ultimately knocked off roughly three years of his 12-year prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_18/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950001\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg\" alt=\"the side view of a middle-aged woman with her hair pulled back, filing a stack of white books on a shelf\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Carlson, program director for the incarcerated education program, looks over books meant for incarcerated students at the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi on May 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Cerro Coso Community College taught over 35 in-person classes inside the D yard of the Tehachapi prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its murals that covered the walls and gardens outside, the college was also working with the prison to build portable classrooms on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, that all came to a halt. The college learned that the corrections department planned to close the D yard in Tehachapi this summer, as well as the California City Correctional Center, another prison where Cerro Coso also teaches, by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropping out in California prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Professors and administrators were in a bind. Almost 20% of Cerro Coso’s students were incarcerated at one of the two prisons. At the time, Anna Carlson, program director for the college’s incarcerated education program, had little information about the timeline for the closures, except a promise from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation that students would be able to stay throughout the spring semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_09/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950003\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950003\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg\" alt=\"in a dimly lit empty room, stools sit on top of desks, with an empty bookshelf and art tools in the background\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty art classroom at Cerro Coso College in Ridgecrest. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That just didn’t happen,” Carlson said. “Some were able to stay, and some were not.” Her office at Cerro Coso, a trailer that abuts the local school, is at the epicenter of the prison closures, fielding calls and sorting files from students and professors who are frantic or frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the spring, professors arrived at the prisons only to find that some of their students were gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Fulks, a professor at Cerro Coso, spoke to over 100 people who are imprisoned and who told him continuing their education was consistently a top concern. Some men broke into tears because they were so worried about what might happen next, Fulks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 400 of Cerro Coso’s incarcerated students left prison before they could finish their semester. Of those students, 126 have been paroled; the rest are scattered across at least 27 different state prisons, according to data from Carlson’s department at Cerro Coso Community College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others dropped out of school even before they were transferred, said Fulks, resulting in an enrollment dip before the spring semester, right as news got out about the prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bureaucratic coordination\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said in a statement that it is committed to preventing prison transfers during the semester, but that it does happen. The corrections department also said that the special credits awarded for classes — the ones which can give people who are incarcerated years off of their sentence — will transfer to the new prison, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students who leave in the middle of a semester strike special agreements with their teachers to finish the rest of the class via mail, but not every professor is willing or able to do that. Unlucky students must withdraw or take an incomplete.[aside postID=news_11934758,news_11821589,news_11934072 label='More on California Prisons']In general, educational options for students vary depending on which prison they are sent to, according to the statement. Some prisons only offer classes via email, known as “correspondence-based” courses; others have partnerships akin to Cerro Coso’s model and focus on in-person instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement said it is up to the community colleges, with the state’s help “if needed,” to ensure the students’ credits transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the corrections department later clarified that it tracks where it moves each person, administrators at two community colleges told CalMatters that they don’t have access to that information and said there’s no coordinated system among community colleges to communicate which students have transferred where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreover, colleges need the written consent of the student before they can communicate with one another due to privacy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Correspondence classes push on\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cerro Coso Community College is more vulnerable to the effects of prison closures because its classes are primarily in-person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, most college classes in prison are by mail, where students communicate through letters with a community college professor they have never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the case at both Palo Verde College on the Colorado River and Lassen College near Northern Nevada, which also face looming prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palo Verde College expects to lose about 10% of its student body — around 520 people — when nearby Chuckawalla Valley State Prison closes in 2025, but President Don Wallace said the college can easily make up the lost enrollment by gaining correspondence-based students from other colleges around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, nearly half of Palo Verde’s current students are incarcerated, a number that has more than doubled since 2016. The vast majority of those students are correspondence-based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college will find other students, Wallace said the transfers will have a “horrific impact” on the current ones, who he worries may never finish their education. “It’s a stop-out point,” he said. “Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_17/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950002\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg\" alt=\"two plastic bins overflowing with manila envelopes\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Correspondence letters from incarcerated students in the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lassen College, whose nearby prison began closing last year, has been able to continue educating about three-quarters of its 200 students at their new prisons via correspondence, said Colleen Baker, interim dean of instruction. She did not respond to questions about the fate of the 50 of students who did not continue their education via correspondence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Fulks at Cerro Coso, who recently defended a dissertation about prison education, the difference between in-person instruction and correspondence-based classes is stark. “Correspondence success rates are extremely low, about 68%, compared to face-to-face, which was about 81.6%,” he said, adding that the performance for correspondence classes may actually be even lower since some of the remote classes he studied had professors stop by occasionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for colleges, who receive state money based in part on the number of students they enroll, correspondence classes bring in a lot more revenue. “Each one of their students counts the same as a face to face. You don’t have to pay for location, materials for students, they limit how much support they provide to students and that money goes in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions lost as degrees delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once the prison fully closes, Cerro Coso will lose just over 900 students, more than 10% of its total enrollment. The college’s vice president of finance, Chad Houck, said the college did not know how much funding would be lost. Palo Verde and Lassen College will each lose an estimated $1.7 million this academic year, according to an estimate by CalMatters using the state’s funding formula. While Lassen College was able to continue educating most of the prison’s students, it lost nearly 1,800 incarcerated students who were studying at the fire training center adjacent to the prison.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Don Wallace, president, Palo Verde College\"]‘Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.’[/pullquote]But unlike Lassen and Palo Verde colleges, Cerro Coso Community College will not offer any additional correspondence-based classes as a result of the prison closures, said Houck. He said the “quality is not the same” and that neither students nor faculty prefer it. Instead, the college will focus on recruiting more students from the local prison units that will remain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the incarcerated Cerro Coso students who are leaving, they will need to connect with a new college at the prison where they go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson has few options to help them and typically must wait for the students to contact her office and request a transcript. As of May 11, roughly 60 students from the D yard in Tehachapi and the California City prison have reached out to her team to request a transcript, and most people reached out before their transfer, at the moment they knew their destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson and her colleagues predict those numbers will go up as more people settle into their next prison, but they also know some may never finish their degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom is closing and downsizing prisons across the state — in the process, transferring incarcerated people out of their community college classes. College administrators say they have few resources to help.",
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"description": "Gov. Gavin Newsom is closing and downsizing prisons across the state — in the process, transferring incarcerated people out of their community college classes. College administrators say they have few resources to help.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California closes three more prisons and downsizes six others, some people incarcerated there aren’t ready to go. They are worried about the future of their educations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 1,500 incarcerated people who attend college in these facilities, closures mean they could be transferred to a new prison where the courses may not line up or where they’re unable to continue their classes, leaving some students a few credits short of a degree. Education can offer tangible, real-world benefits to incarcerated people: They can earn degrees and gain merit credits that chip off time from a sentence. Research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-and-education-departments-announce-new-research-showing-prison-education-reduces\">prison education also reduces recidivism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/prisons/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">California’s shrinking prison population\u003c/a> — the state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents\">160,000 people incarcerated in 2011\u003c/a>, down to just \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/05/Tpop1d230510.pdf\">96,000 as of May 10, 2023 (PDF)\u003c/a> — has also created an unexpected problem for the state’s community college system, which has developed special programs to help those in prisons earn degrees. Palo Verde Community College in Blythe, for example, draws almost half of its students from the nearby prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the prisons close down, at least three community colleges stand to lose more than 10% of their student enrollment and millions of dollars in state funding, collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950004\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_07/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950004\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950004\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a prison fence, with a sign that says California City Correctional Facility\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California City Correctional Facility just outside California City is one of the prisons set to close soon. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has been interested in closing prisons since at least 2019. Since then, the state has closed one in Tracy and nearly finished closing another Susanville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said it would close a prison in Blythe and end the contract with a private prison company in California City. The corrections department also said it would close parts of six other prisons throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CalMatters, the corrections department said that it is committed to preventing “academic disruption” for students at the closing prisons and pointed to the work of the \u003ca href=\"https://risingscholarsnetwork.org/#:~:text=We%20are%20a%20network%20of,experienced%20the%20criminal%20justice%20system.\">Rising Scholars Network\u003c/a> at the California Community College Chancellor’s Office, which oversees various higher education programs across all of the state’s 34 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local community college administrators say communication from the corrections department is limited and that they have few resources to help incarcerated people who fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learning in the D yard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated David Zemp, a self-described nerd, gets wistful when he talks about prison education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent seven years locked up in the D yard at the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi. By the time he was released in 2022, he said the prison unit looked more like a college campus than a prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those incarcerated in the prison made their own salsa at the nearby garden and covered the white walls with murals: a dinosaur fossil, an astronaut and, at the entrance, the March of Progress in which a monkey evolves into man with a cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was falling apart, but the people who were investing in it were in love with it,” he said. He earned five degrees while incarcerated, which ultimately knocked off roughly three years of his 12-year prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_18/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950001\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg\" alt=\"the side view of a middle-aged woman with her hair pulled back, filing a stack of white books on a shelf\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Carlson, program director for the incarcerated education program, looks over books meant for incarcerated students at the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi on May 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Cerro Coso Community College taught over 35 in-person classes inside the D yard of the Tehachapi prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its murals that covered the walls and gardens outside, the college was also working with the prison to build portable classrooms on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, that all came to a halt. The college learned that the corrections department planned to close the D yard in Tehachapi this summer, as well as the California City Correctional Center, another prison where Cerro Coso also teaches, by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropping out in California prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Professors and administrators were in a bind. Almost 20% of Cerro Coso’s students were incarcerated at one of the two prisons. At the time, Anna Carlson, program director for the college’s incarcerated education program, had little information about the timeline for the closures, except a promise from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation that students would be able to stay throughout the spring semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_09/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950003\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950003\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg\" alt=\"in a dimly lit empty room, stools sit on top of desks, with an empty bookshelf and art tools in the background\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty art classroom at Cerro Coso College in Ridgecrest. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That just didn’t happen,” Carlson said. “Some were able to stay, and some were not.” Her office at Cerro Coso, a trailer that abuts the local school, is at the epicenter of the prison closures, fielding calls and sorting files from students and professors who are frantic or frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the spring, professors arrived at the prisons only to find that some of their students were gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Fulks, a professor at Cerro Coso, spoke to over 100 people who are imprisoned and who told him continuing their education was consistently a top concern. Some men broke into tears because they were so worried about what might happen next, Fulks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 400 of Cerro Coso’s incarcerated students left prison before they could finish their semester. Of those students, 126 have been paroled; the rest are scattered across at least 27 different state prisons, according to data from Carlson’s department at Cerro Coso Community College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others dropped out of school even before they were transferred, said Fulks, resulting in an enrollment dip before the spring semester, right as news got out about the prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bureaucratic coordination\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said in a statement that it is committed to preventing prison transfers during the semester, but that it does happen. The corrections department also said that the special credits awarded for classes — the ones which can give people who are incarcerated years off of their sentence — will transfer to the new prison, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students who leave in the middle of a semester strike special agreements with their teachers to finish the rest of the class via mail, but not every professor is willing or able to do that. Unlucky students must withdraw or take an incomplete.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In general, educational options for students vary depending on which prison they are sent to, according to the statement. Some prisons only offer classes via email, known as “correspondence-based” courses; others have partnerships akin to Cerro Coso’s model and focus on in-person instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement said it is up to the community colleges, with the state’s help “if needed,” to ensure the students’ credits transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the corrections department later clarified that it tracks where it moves each person, administrators at two community colleges told CalMatters that they don’t have access to that information and said there’s no coordinated system among community colleges to communicate which students have transferred where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreover, colleges need the written consent of the student before they can communicate with one another due to privacy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Correspondence classes push on\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cerro Coso Community College is more vulnerable to the effects of prison closures because its classes are primarily in-person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, most college classes in prison are by mail, where students communicate through letters with a community college professor they have never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the case at both Palo Verde College on the Colorado River and Lassen College near Northern Nevada, which also face looming prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palo Verde College expects to lose about 10% of its student body — around 520 people — when nearby Chuckawalla Valley State Prison closes in 2025, but President Don Wallace said the college can easily make up the lost enrollment by gaining correspondence-based students from other colleges around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, nearly half of Palo Verde’s current students are incarcerated, a number that has more than doubled since 2016. The vast majority of those students are correspondence-based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college will find other students, Wallace said the transfers will have a “horrific impact” on the current ones, who he worries may never finish their education. “It’s a stop-out point,” he said. “Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_17/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950002\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg\" alt=\"two plastic bins overflowing with manila envelopes\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Correspondence letters from incarcerated students in the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lassen College, whose nearby prison began closing last year, has been able to continue educating about three-quarters of its 200 students at their new prisons via correspondence, said Colleen Baker, interim dean of instruction. She did not respond to questions about the fate of the 50 of students who did not continue their education via correspondence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Fulks at Cerro Coso, who recently defended a dissertation about prison education, the difference between in-person instruction and correspondence-based classes is stark. “Correspondence success rates are extremely low, about 68%, compared to face-to-face, which was about 81.6%,” he said, adding that the performance for correspondence classes may actually be even lower since some of the remote classes he studied had professors stop by occasionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for colleges, who receive state money based in part on the number of students they enroll, correspondence classes bring in a lot more revenue. “Each one of their students counts the same as a face to face. You don’t have to pay for location, materials for students, they limit how much support they provide to students and that money goes in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions lost as degrees delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once the prison fully closes, Cerro Coso will lose just over 900 students, more than 10% of its total enrollment. The college’s vice president of finance, Chad Houck, said the college did not know how much funding would be lost. Palo Verde and Lassen College will each lose an estimated $1.7 million this academic year, according to an estimate by CalMatters using the state’s funding formula. While Lassen College was able to continue educating most of the prison’s students, it lost nearly 1,800 incarcerated students who were studying at the fire training center adjacent to the prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But unlike Lassen and Palo Verde colleges, Cerro Coso Community College will not offer any additional correspondence-based classes as a result of the prison closures, said Houck. He said the “quality is not the same” and that neither students nor faculty prefer it. Instead, the college will focus on recruiting more students from the local prison units that will remain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the incarcerated Cerro Coso students who are leaving, they will need to connect with a new college at the prison where they go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson has few options to help them and typically must wait for the students to contact her office and request a transcript. As of May 11, roughly 60 students from the D yard in Tehachapi and the California City prison have reached out to her team to request a transcript, and most people reached out before their transfer, at the moment they knew their destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson and her colleagues predict those numbers will go up as more people settle into their next prison, but they also know some may never finish their degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Walgreens will pay San Francisco nearly $230 million over 14 years as part of a settlement agreement over the pharmacy giant’s role in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945418/san-francisco-has-doubled-participants-of-this-opioid-treatment-heres-why\">opioid epidemic\u003c/a>, city officials announced Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement stems from landmark litigation San Francisco brought against Walgreens in 2018, and comes as part of a larger legal effort against the drug industry for fueling the opioid industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Opioids have wreaked havoc across our nation, leading to immense suffering and untold damage,” said City Attorney David Chiu. “This historic agreement ensures Walgreens is held accountable for the crisis they fueled and our city receives appropriate resources to combat the opioid crisis and bring relief to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Walgreens will pay the settlement over 14 years, the bulk of the funding will be released sooner: Up to $57 million will be available in the city’s current budget cycle — part of $175 million San Francisco should receive by 2030, Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we are grateful for the funding secured in this lawsuit, it won’t replace the thousands of lives lost to the opioid epidemic that is playing out across our country. Lives are being devastated, particularly with the rise of fentanyl, and cities are being left to respond to what is a generational crisis,” said San Francisco Mayor London Breed. “We will incorporate the plans to use this funding in our upcoming budget, which is currently being finalized and must be submitted to the Board of Supervisors by the end of the month. I look forward to working with the board members on this as part of our overall budget process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The litigation will now be dismissed, and Breed and the Board of Supervisors must next approve the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label='More Stories on Health' tag='health']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2018, San Francisco has sued multiple opioid manufacturers, distributors and dispensers, and Walgreens was the last defendant to reach a settlement agreement with the city. In total, San Francisco stands to receive $352 million over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city settled lawsuits over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946346/walmart-cvs-set-to-pay-san-francisco-19-million-in-opioid-settlements\">Walmart’s and CVS Pharmacy’s alleged negligent oversight\u003c/a> of opioid prescription practices; San Francisco is slated to receive up to $18.8 million from those settlements. In 2022, the city attorney’s office secured a $10 million settlement from Endo, a pharmaceutical company, and $54 million from drug manufacturers Allergan and Teva. And, the city approved a $45 million settlement with Johnson & Johnson, which manufactures opioids, and distributors including Cardinal, AmerisourceBergen and McKesson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence at trial established that from 2006 to 2020, Walgreens pharmacies in San Francisco dispensed hundreds of thousands of red-flag opioid prescriptions without performing adequate due diligence,” said presiding judge Charles Breyer of the U.S. District Court of the Northern District of California. “Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds are said to be earmarked for overdose prevention, such as distributing Narcan, a nasal spray or injectable that can reverse an opioid overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for overdose prevention have also called for the millions of dollars in opioid litigation settlements to be used for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943309/sf-supervisors-carve-path-for-privately-run-safe-consumption-sites-but-can-nonprofits-fund-them-alone\">safe consumption sites\u003c/a>, facilities where people can consume illicit substances under medical supervision. The idea is to have trained staff available to reverse an overdose if one takes place, and work with drug users to connect them to other health and social services. It also gives drug users a safer place to be rather than the street.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Judge Charles Breyer, US District Court of the Northern District of California\"]‘Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns.’[/pullquote]Supervisor Hillary Ronen said she is advocating for a portion of the settlement funds to cover overdose prevention services at “wellness hubs” the city plans to open in the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market neighborhoods. She said she would also like to see the funding used to hire case managers who could do proactive outreach and trust-building with hard-to-reach people living on the street and experiencing substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said he supports safe consumption sites as a tool to combat overdoses, but has not agreed to use the opioid litigation funds for the sites because of legal disagreements over whether this would run afoul of state and federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image.png\" alt=\"Dozens of distinguished men and women in business suits and dress stand in front of a large, gray building with gold accents. Everyone is posing for a photograph.\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image.png 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image-160x120.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu (second row, center, in blue suit and yellow tie) stands with health director Grant Colfax (third row, center) and former City Attorney Louise Renne (second row, far left, in dark blue suit) and attorneys who led the case against Walgreens for its role in the opioid crisis. \u003ccite>(Sydney Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have allowed San Francisco to pilot safe consumption sites, which are used in more than a dozen countries around the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhode Island passed a similar bill, and is now planning to open a site in 2024 that would use some of that state’s funding from similar opioid litigation wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, New York City has been operating a safe consumption facility using a model that doesn’t rely on public funding — but long-term financing is an ongoing challenge. Staff at the site, run by the nonprofit OnPoint NYC, have reversed more than 800 overdoses, executive director Sam Rivera told Politico earlier this month. New York City Mayor Eric Adams has said he is looking to expand the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have been a long-time supporter of the possibility that San Francisco should consider safe consumption sites,” Chiu said. “In New York, there has been a nonprofit that has moved forward with safe consumption sites without city staff, funding or property. I think that would be appropriate for us to do here in San Francisco, but those conversations continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11944267 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS51826_068_Oakland_HighlandHospitalBridgeProgram_10062021-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local nonprofits in San Francisco that want to operate safe consumption services say they will be hard to fully fund without support from the city’s opioid litigation funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said his office is in conversation with leaders in Rhode Island, but he stressed that Newsom’s veto in 2022 makes the situation harder here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rhode Island is the only state in the country where the state legislature passed a law signed by the governor that would permit safe consumption sites,” he said. “That’s not the case here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco projects it will receive a total of $350 million over the next 15 years from multiple settlements with opioid manufacturers, distributors and dispensers.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Walgreens will pay San Francisco nearly $230 million over 14 years as part of a settlement agreement over the pharmacy giant’s role in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945418/san-francisco-has-doubled-participants-of-this-opioid-treatment-heres-why\">opioid epidemic\u003c/a>, city officials announced Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The settlement stems from landmark litigation San Francisco brought against Walgreens in 2018, and comes as part of a larger legal effort against the drug industry for fueling the opioid industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Opioids have wreaked havoc across our nation, leading to immense suffering and untold damage,” said City Attorney David Chiu. “This historic agreement ensures Walgreens is held accountable for the crisis they fueled and our city receives appropriate resources to combat the opioid crisis and bring relief to our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Walgreens will pay the settlement over 14 years, the bulk of the funding will be released sooner: Up to $57 million will be available in the city’s current budget cycle — part of $175 million San Francisco should receive by 2030, Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we are grateful for the funding secured in this lawsuit, it won’t replace the thousands of lives lost to the opioid epidemic that is playing out across our country. Lives are being devastated, particularly with the rise of fentanyl, and cities are being left to respond to what is a generational crisis,” said San Francisco Mayor London Breed. “We will incorporate the plans to use this funding in our upcoming budget, which is currently being finalized and must be submitted to the Board of Supervisors by the end of the month. I look forward to working with the board members on this as part of our overall budget process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The litigation will now be dismissed, and Breed and the Board of Supervisors must next approve the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2018, San Francisco has sued multiple opioid manufacturers, distributors and dispensers, and Walgreens was the last defendant to reach a settlement agreement with the city. In total, San Francisco stands to receive $352 million over the next 15 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the city settled lawsuits over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946346/walmart-cvs-set-to-pay-san-francisco-19-million-in-opioid-settlements\">Walmart’s and CVS Pharmacy’s alleged negligent oversight\u003c/a> of opioid prescription practices; San Francisco is slated to receive up to $18.8 million from those settlements. In 2022, the city attorney’s office secured a $10 million settlement from Endo, a pharmaceutical company, and $54 million from drug manufacturers Allergan and Teva. And, the city approved a $45 million settlement with Johnson & Johnson, which manufactures opioids, and distributors including Cardinal, AmerisourceBergen and McKesson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence at trial established that from 2006 to 2020, Walgreens pharmacies in San Francisco dispensed hundreds of thousands of red-flag opioid prescriptions without performing adequate due diligence,” said presiding judge Charles Breyer of the U.S. District Court of the Northern District of California. “Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds are said to be earmarked for overdose prevention, such as distributing Narcan, a nasal spray or injectable that can reverse an opioid overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for overdose prevention have also called for the millions of dollars in opioid litigation settlements to be used for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943309/sf-supervisors-carve-path-for-privately-run-safe-consumption-sites-but-can-nonprofits-fund-them-alone\">safe consumption sites\u003c/a>, facilities where people can consume illicit substances under medical supervision. The idea is to have trained staff available to reverse an overdose if one takes place, and work with drug users to connect them to other health and social services. It also gives drug users a safer place to be rather than the street.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Tens of thousands of these prescriptions were written by doctors with suspect prescribing patterns.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Supervisor Hillary Ronen said she is advocating for a portion of the settlement funds to cover overdose prevention services at “wellness hubs” the city plans to open in the Tenderloin, Mission and South of Market neighborhoods. She said she would also like to see the funding used to hire case managers who could do proactive outreach and trust-building with hard-to-reach people living on the street and experiencing substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said he supports safe consumption sites as a tool to combat overdoses, but has not agreed to use the opioid litigation funds for the sites because of legal disagreements over whether this would run afoul of state and federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 720px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image.png\" alt=\"Dozens of distinguished men and women in business suits and dress stand in front of a large, gray building with gold accents. Everyone is posing for a photograph.\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image.png 720w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/image-160x120.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 720px) 100vw, 720px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu (second row, center, in blue suit and yellow tie) stands with health director Grant Colfax (third row, center) and former City Attorney Louise Renne (second row, far left, in dark blue suit) and attorneys who led the case against Walgreens for its role in the opioid crisis. \u003ccite>(Sydney Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have allowed San Francisco to pilot safe consumption sites, which are used in more than a dozen countries around the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhode Island passed a similar bill, and is now planning to open a site in 2024 that would use some of that state’s funding from similar opioid litigation wins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, New York City has been operating a safe consumption facility using a model that doesn’t rely on public funding — but long-term financing is an ongoing challenge. Staff at the site, run by the nonprofit OnPoint NYC, have reversed more than 800 overdoses, executive director Sam Rivera told Politico earlier this month. New York City Mayor Eric Adams has said he is looking to expand the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have been a long-time supporter of the possibility that San Francisco should consider safe consumption sites,” Chiu said. “In New York, there has been a nonprofit that has moved forward with safe consumption sites without city staff, funding or property. I think that would be appropriate for us to do here in San Francisco, but those conversations continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local nonprofits in San Francisco that want to operate safe consumption services say they will be hard to fully fund without support from the city’s opioid litigation funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said his office is in conversation with leaders in Rhode Island, but he stressed that Newsom’s veto in 2022 makes the situation harder here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rhode Island is the only state in the country where the state legislature passed a law signed by the governor that would permit safe consumption sites,” he said. “That’s not the case here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-end-of-wood-street-inside-the-struggle-for-stability-housing-on-the-margins-of-the-bay-area",
"title": "The End of Wood Street: Inside the Struggle for Stability, Housing on the Margins of the Bay Area",
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"content": "\u003cp>The area had long been a forgotten place. That’s what Jessica Huffman found most appealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was around 2019, and she had just been evicted from an encampment near Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. Huffman needed a place to go where she could be invisible. She found it, near \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945984/oakland-begins-evicting-unhoused-residents-at-wood-street-commons\">Wood and 34th streets\u003c/a>, under a tangle of freeway overpasses on the city’s western fringe. A locus of industry and transportation arteries, of waste-recycling centers and logistics, the area had also been, for decades, a release valve for the region’s marginally housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Huffman, former Wood Street resident\"]‘It was a place where they could just kind of brush us under the rug.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, scattered stands of cattails and a small grove of eucalyptus trees punctuated the vast patch of dirt where Huffman parked her trailer. There were a few people there, tucked back from the street. More importantly, she said, it’s where police officers told her she could go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nobody around,” Huffman said. “It was a place where they could just kind of brush us under the rug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, some 300 people moved into a roughly mile-long swath of land under Huffman’s freeway overpass. And the settlement — known simply as Wood Street, for the road running parallel to it — exploded into Northern California’s largest community of unhoused people. Its growth became a symbol of a housing market gone awry, as a yawning affordability gap left many seeking refuge in neglected corners of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities knew about the Wood Street settlement for years, and arguably aided in fueling its expansion. But once it came time to close the site down, they were remarkably short on solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As homelessness in California reaches new peaks — \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2022.pdf\">more than 171,000 people, according to the most recent count (PDF)\u003c/a> — what happened at Wood Street offers a compelling window into why the state’s approach to clearing homeless encampments so often fails to get people housed and what these communities can offer residents, however imperfectly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Jessica\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s spot was near the settlement’s northern edge, which ended in a triangle above 34th Street, where the land narrows between train tracks and warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading south, a dirt access road served as the community’s main artery. On either side, clusters of RVs, trailers and makeshift dwellings lined the road. Inoperable cars and fields of debris, often dumped there illegally, checkered the spaces in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949351\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949351 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits on the stoop of her trailer. A pile of her belongings are stacked to the left of her. A blue jacket hangs on a hook on the door. She is looking off to the left.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman sits in her RV, which was damaged during a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Exhaust from the overpass mixed with dust to form a haze that turned the air harsh and acrid. On hot days, trash ripened in the sun, the odor wafting through the camp. There was no running water, and no electricity, except what residents could siphon from electrical panels under the freeway or generate through solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t come here because we wanted to be here,” Huffman said. “We came here because we were pushed here, and there’s nowhere else we can be. So, we made it the best we could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s blond hair, streaked with pink, was often swept into a loose ponytail, accentuating her angular face and wiry frame. She, like many in the settlement, formed her trailer into a compound with a half dozen other people for both camaraderie and protection. Wood Street, Huffman said, could be a fractious place — the big group was actually made of smaller groups. Theft was common. Some people made their money illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949350\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949350 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a homeless encampment with trailers, tents and people's belongings scattered about underneath a freeway overpass.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman’s compound seen from above after damage from a nearby fire, at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffman didn’t care how people survived. “Just don’t steal my [stuff] or you’ll cause a consequence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her compound was ensconced in an 11-foot-high fence, held in place with metal wire. The half dozen trailers encircled an outdoor living room and kitchen, complete with an electric stove.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Huffman, former Wood Street resident\"]‘If you don’t have an address, you don’t have a job. You don’t have a job, you don’t have an address. And then, you can’t save up money because you got to live every day spending it.’[/pullquote]One day, someone dumped a truckload of bricks in the middle of a street near the settlement. Huffman loaded them onto the back of her truck, brought them to her camp and cemented them into a chunky, V-shaped patio. “It’s got a custom pattern, way original work,” she said, with a wink. “We did a damn good job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wood Street, Huffman was able to settle. It was a welcome respite after years of moving her trailer every three days from one residential street to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness, she said, can be a vicious cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t have an address, you don’t have a job. You don’t have a job, you don’t have an address,” she said. “And then, you can’t save up money because you got to live every day spending it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949600\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949600 size-full\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg\" alt=\"Four people sit at a picnic bench talking to one another. A small cooler sits on top of the table along with a gray basket. Tiny homes are pictured in the background that sit under a freeway overpass.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jared DeFigh (center right) takes a break from dismantling community structure Cob on Wood on Oct. 13, 2022. Nonprofits helped residents build Cob on Wood in early 2021. The buildings housed a free store, a medical supply shed, a bathroom and a shower. There was also a community garden and shared kitchen at the site. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Knowing nobody was coming to kick her out meant Huffman could get other needs met — laundry, food, finding a place to shower — and even land a job. She worked graveyards packing produce boxes and meal kits at Good Eggs’ distribution warehouse near Wood Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949690\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949690\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A colorful illustration of a map of the Wood Street encampment located in West Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-800x1097.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1020x1399.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-160x219.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1120x1536.jpg 1120w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1493x2048.jpg 1493w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1920x2633.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sketch of the Wood Street settlement, as of July 2022. Places and borders are approximate. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was such a big, important thing. And there is no way I could have pulled it off otherwise,” Huffman said. “You can’t be moving around every three days like they want you to do and be dependable anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stability also enabled residents to develop shared resources in the form of two community centers within the camp: Cob on Wood, and the Commons. The centers helped smooth divisions within the camp, allowing residents at Wood Street to cohere into something more like one community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of nonprofits and volunteers in early 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/04/30/homeless-oaklanders-bring-hot-showers-medical-care-and-a-pizza-oven-to-their-encampment/\">helped residents build Cob on Wood\u003c/a> near the middle of the settlement, turning it into a surprising and incongruous oasis. Structures made of mud and recycled materials — which residents jokingly referred to as “hobbit houses” — surrounded a community garden and an outdoor kitchen. Residents used the homespun buildings to house a free store, a medical supply shed, a bathroom and a shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xochitl Bernadette Moreno, co-founder of Essential Food and Medicine, helped mastermind the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Cob on Wood] was birthed from the visions of the residents here around how to meet some of the basic needs that people who are unhoused have in this community,” Moreno said. “Places like Wood Street, and these types of communities that are built from the rubble of society, are really important for unhoused people to create systems of safety, systems of community, because state solutions aren’t providing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949604 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg\" alt='A woman in a pink T-shirt with blonde hair pulls weeds from a planter box that holds a sprouting garden. Little orange flowers are blossoming. A nearby white board reads, \"Today Meeting.\" A trailer is seen to the left in the background.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sasha Huckaby, 28, pulls weeds from a garden at the Wood Street encampment in West Oakland on Tuesday, July 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffman had been unhoused, on and off, for the better part of her 43 years. She said she left her small, Texas hometown as an adolescent, hitchhiking her way across the country. At 17, she stopped in San Francisco, captivated by the city’s Victorian houses and rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like that where I’m from, which is like flatland boring,” she said, recalling the awe of her first impressions. “It’s beautiful out here.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Xochitl Bernadette Moreno, co-founder, Essential Food and Medicine\"]‘Places like Wood Street, and these types of communities that are built from the rubble of society, are really important for unhoused people to create systems of safety, systems of community, because state solutions aren’t providing that.’[/pullquote]In San Francisco, Huffman hung out on Haight Street with other people her age and began experimenting with psychedelics and, later, crack cocaine and speed. Over the next two decades, she had periods of relative stability — a job, housing, sobriety — that would be shattered by a more damaging addiction: abusive partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided that the last time my ex was going to whoop my [butt] was the last time,” she said of her most recent bout with homelessness. “I would rather be safe than dealing with that [stuff].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than three years at Wood Street, she finally had enough money to move — if only a landlord would accept her spotty rental history and lack of a credit score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just not very well qualified,” she lamented. “I don’t have bad credit. I just have no credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman wasn’t looking for anything fancy: a house with a yard. Somewhere close to work. Working plumbing. Electricity. “Not much,” she said. “Probably normal to everybody else. For me, it’d be a dream come true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on July 11, 2022, a fire changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was around 10 a.m. Huffman saw several police cars in the area and went to ask them why they were there (officials said later they were looking for stolen and abandoned cars). Before she could get an answer, smoke began rising near the train trestle, swirling into a thick, black column. It was coming from her compound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949349 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Charred cars, metal, belongings and debris are scattered throughout an open field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charred remnants of residents’ belongings fill areas of the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She ran back. Officers swarmed around her, she said: “They were just ushering us out. Like, go, go, go, go, go!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Huffman saw that faces were missing from her crew. One — a woman named DeeDee — had a tent under the wooden train trestle, which was engulfed in flames. She pleaded with the officers to let her go there. They refused. Another friend began shouting in their faces, causing enough of a distraction for Huffman to slip past the officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found DeeDee still asleep in her tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fire was touching her face,” Huffman shuddered. “She would have burned — not even smoke inhalation — she would have burned to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949410\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a gray and black sweater and a blonde ponytail points to damage done to her trailer. It's covered in soot and grime from a previous fire.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica points to damage to her RV from a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her voice cracked remembering the moment. “That could have been any one of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s truck burned, and the side of her trailer melted from the heat. Her bed momentarily caught on fire, but firefighters doused the flames before the fire could spread further. Others weren’t as lucky. Her partner, Matthew Schatzinger, lost the mini school bus he lived in. Another one of their compound members, Shaun Ryan, watched his trailer and all his belongings turn to ash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials later said five RVs burned in the two-alarm blaze. The cause of the fire was undetermined, but a spokesperson for the fire department said it started in an RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949412\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a man's hands covered in black soot from a previous fire.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew Schatzinger shows soot on his hands from sorting through his belongings that burned during a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Inside Huffman’s compound, soot blackened every surface. The only remnants of the outdoor living room and kitchen were charred wood and twisted metal.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jessica Huffman, former Wood Street resident\"]‘I can’t crawl out of poverty if they make me have to constantly put my job and my income and my everything on emergency hold. It’s like they just want us to die or something.’[/pullquote]Then, less than a week later, Caltrans posted five-day eviction notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Huffman, it felt like a cruel joke. Bits of soot and ash were still raining over the camp, sticking to Huffman’s skin and collecting in the crevices of her face, neck and hands. The sickly smell of burned plastics hung heavy in the air. She hadn’t had time yet to take stock of her losses. Now, she’d lose everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions raced through her mind: Where would she move now? How would she get there? What could she take with her? And, perhaps most importantly, how could she do all that and still make it to work?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t crawl out of poverty if they make me have to constantly put my job and my income and my everything on emergency hold,” she said, bitterly. “It’s like they just want us to die or something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>John\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Caltrans issued the eviction notices, John Janosko sprang into action. Tall, with short dreadlocks and an effusive smile, Janosko could be mistaken for the mayor of Wood Street — or, at least, president of its improvement association, if such a thing existed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His trailer sat at the entrance to the Commons. He had built out the space into a maze of rooms made from plywood and other materials. Beyond it, he arranged couches and outdoor furniture into an open-air living room that doubled as a community meeting space with a communal kitchen tucked into one corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949603 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a white, hooded sweatshirt and long, brown braids sits on a sofa outdoors listening to someone speak off camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko speaks with other members of the Wood Street Commons before a meeting with the city of Oakland and its nonprofit contractor, Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You know how you have that family member where you always go to Thanksgiving or you always spend Christmas?” Janosko said. “So, that would be me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the previous three years, the Commons had served as the main gateway into the larger Wood Street settlement, which was mostly tucked back from the street. Across from Raimondi Park, where kids played football and soccer, the Commons was the most visible part of the settlement, and the most accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established nonprofits like LifeLong Medical Care and Operation Dignity routinely came by to provide health care and shower services for Wood Street residents, and volunteer advocates offered rides to medical appointments or help with paperwork to get into housing. Church groups and other organizations stopped by almost daily with boxes of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg\" alt='A man and a woman hold a conversation at a holiday party. Behind them, a wall with many posters tacked to it. One poster reads, \"Encampment evictions = state violence.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko makes cocktails at the Wood Street Commons for attendees at a holiday celebration at the encampment in Oakland on Dec. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janosko had worked hard to make the Commons homey. Succulent-filled planters dotted the space. Pop-up canopies shaded a few of the outdoor seating areas. A changing rotation of art decorated the walkways.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Janosko, former Wood Street resident\"]‘All this stuff, these resources, these connections, these people, this caring, this love — that took time. It takes time to be able to get to a point where you’re able to take care of yourself and also help take care of your community.’[/pullquote]“All this stuff, these resources, these connections, these people, this caring, this love — that took time,” Janosko said. “It takes time to be able to get to a point where you’re able to take care of yourself and also help take care of your community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was frustrated that certain issues — like trash — persisted, despite offers to the city to pay for dumpsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The designated dumping spot is on the street, where everybody can see it,” Janosko said. “So, that looks bad, when the city should have just put out dumpsters, and that would make it look a lot better, and there wouldn’t be all this trash flying around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In posting the eviction notices, Caltrans — which owns the bulk of the land the Wood Street settlement occupied — said Wood Street had become too dangerous, with more than 200 fires reported in the span of 2 1/2 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949348\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949348 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white page with burned edges shows a charcoal drawing of Victorian facades, and sits among brown, shaded debris.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned drawing of Victorian houses lies amid the remnants of a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on Sept. 2, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Michael Hunt, spokesperson for the Oakland Fire Department, said investigators typically did not look into the causes of these fires, which some residents suspected were arson, because highly flammable siding on RVs and trailers, combined with propane tanks, lighters and other combustible objects, often obscured where fires started or how they spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring residents cited ongoing complaints of crime and blight. Stephen Denlis, CEO of Mean Machine, a nearby fabrication business, said employees’ cars were routinely vandalized, making it hard for him to hire and retain staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is impossible to hire when you are in the middle of a homeless encampment,” he said, adding that over the past 15 years, his workforce had dwindled from 15 employees to four. “I pay $100 a month for rat abatement, close my doors due to tire fires, and added fencing and screening out front. … The way it is now is scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denlis watched the community of unhoused people at Wood Street ebb and flow over the years. But around 2019, city workers painted a long white line on the street and set up concrete dividers, separating people’s four-wheeled homes from traffic — an action that, to Larry Coke and other unhoused people living there, seemed to sanction the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coke had been living at Raimondi Park, near 18th and Wood streets, in a tent, and later a trailer, since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949491\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949491 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg\" alt='A small, tan shack under the freeway with a garden in front of it and a rainbow sign above a wooden archway is hand painted and reads, \"Cob on Wood.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cob on Wood in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The city moved us over here right in front of the soccer field,” he recalled. Across from the park was a vacant lot. “We came across the street. And that’s how it started. That’s how people started coming over here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kp_yDu2nqSA\">In an interview at the time\u003c/a> with KPIX, then-Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf defended the city’s actions, saying, “We don’t have a permanent place for that encampment yet, so you will see us use interim measures because we don’t have enough [shelter] beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf also made it clear the encampment wasn’t, officially speaking, “sanctioned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my experience, we have tried it, and it has failed,” Schaaf said of other sanctioned encampments in the city. “All of them have ended in fires, in really dangerous and unhealthy conditions that I believe are not healthy for the unhoused residents, let alone the surrounding community.”[aside label='More Stories on Wood Street' tag='wood-street']Given all that, for Janosko and other residents, it was clear the city and Caltrans both had known about the settlement for years. What was the rush to evict everyone now? And besides, where was everyone supposed to go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worked with another camp resident, Jaz Colibri, and a nonprofit law group to file for a temporary restraining order in federal court to stop the evictions. The suit argued the five-day notices would cause immediate and irreparable harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko hoped to buy his unhoused neighbors some time, and force the city to offer more in the way of solutions than to simply scatter. The strategy worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the first hearing, District Judge William Orrick asked the attorneys for the government agencies involved — Caltrans, the city of Oakland and Alameda County — what kind of shelter was being offered to residents. They all pointed fingers at each other, admitting there was no plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that everybody wants to wash their hands of this particular problem, and that’s not going to happen,” Orrick said, ordering the agencies to come back in a month with answers to where people could go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949500 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Men in orange and yellow work clothes and white hardhats clear a homeless encampment using large machinery. A white pickup truck is seen being hoisted into the air and hauled off.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers remove vehicles and clear people’s belongings from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this reprieve was only temporary. Caltrans had been on a tear in the year leading up to the eviction notices at Wood Street, clearing 1,237 encampments in fiscal year 2022, according to William Arnold, spokesperson for the agency. In the months since, Caltrans has ramped up its efforts, clearing 1,534 encampments between July 1, 2022, and April 14, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring displaced residents have viable housing options is not part of Caltrans’ mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under state law, providing shelter and housing assistance to homeless individuals — including those residing on a state right-of-way within a city’s or county’s boundaries — is the responsibility of local government,” Arnold said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans will notify local social services providers and request outreach be done at least two weeks prior to an eviction, he said. And, it posts notices at the site “at least 48 hours in advance.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"William Arnold, spokesperson, Caltrans\"]‘Under state law, providing shelter and housing assistance to homeless individuals — including those residing on a state right-of-way within a city’s or county’s boundaries — is the responsibility of local government.’[/pullquote]But finding enough shelter for people displaced through these evictions can be challenging. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2022.pdf\">California had around 68,600 emergency or transitional shelter beds across the state and nearly 115,500 people living in tents, RVs and cars (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wood Street residents, this shortage meant that despite a federal court order mandating a plan for housing, the best that Oakland and Alameda County could offer was beds for about half of the soon-to-be-displaced residents. At the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923663/caltrans-ok-to-clear-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-federal-judge-rules\">next hearing\u003c/a>, Orrick said that was adequate. The law was on Caltrans’ side. “There is no constitutional right to housing,” Orrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko was crushed. He knew outsiders saw only the maze of rundown trailers, the makeshift hovels scrapped together with plywood and tarp, the trash. He wished someone with power could also see what he saw: a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People, they look at the wrong things,” he said, turning his face skyward. “Even though it’s a situation that’s maybe not ideal to most people, there’s a lot of things that bring up good emotions inside of you that make you feel good still. It’s not all about being sad and stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949605\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949605 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a black beanie and jacket hugs a man who is crying wearing a gray, hooded sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xochitl Bernadette Moreno hugs John Janosko at the Wood Street Commons on Friday, Feb. 2, 2023, after a federal district judge said he would allow the city of Oakland to begin evicting residents at the Commons. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 8, 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the evictions began\u003c/a>. Caltrans crews showed up in force. Dozens of California Highway Patrol officers spread out in a line to separate residents from workers, clearing roughly three-quarters of the settlement. Arnold said the agency ultimately spent $2.1 million removing 800 vehicles and enough debris to fill 200 dumpsters. It spent another $5.5 million installing a concrete barrier and a fence to deter people from reentering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Janosko, all that money added up to just one thing: “A whole bunch of people just got all their worldly belongings thrown into a dumpster and grinded away. They got pushed out to another location. They’re scared and alone and by themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-October, when Caltrans had finished its work at Wood Street, city officials said roughly half the settlement, or 95 people, had accepted offers of shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the remaining 110 people, some moved to the Commons. That part of the settlement was spared because it sat on city-owned land — and the city had its own plans for that lot. Others simply spread into the surrounding neighborhood.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Janosko, former Wood Street resident\"]‘A whole bunch of people just got all their worldly belongings thrown into a dumpster and grinded away. They got pushed out to another location. They’re scared and alone and by themselves.’[/pullquote]“Everyone is just sort of scattered,” Janosko said. “If you go up and down some of these side streets, you’ll notice that there’s a few more RVs parked on just regular residential streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Huffman moved about a dozen blocks south, to another vacant lot in West Oakland. Many from her compound followed, along with other displaced Wood Street residents. But just as the owner of that lot was gearing up to kick them out, Huffman caught a break. A long-time friend with a house in East Oakland allowed her to move in. It wasn’t close to her job, but it had a yard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949607\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949607 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with shoulder-length blonde hair is wearing a gray, hooded sweatshirt and is standing inside in front of a kitchen sink filled with dishes. She's smiling. A kitchen window is behind her letting in sunlight.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman poses for a photo inside her home in East Oakland, where she recently began renting a room, on Nov. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I got lucky,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she had left Wood Street, she still returned to the area to visit her friends who remained in trailers nearby. Without them, she said, she never would have made it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949346\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949346 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a dirt field with red bricks from a former patio pictured. Everything is burned.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of Jessica Huffman’s brick patio at the site of the Wood Street encampment where Huffman and other residents once lived, in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“‘Cause, if I didn’t have something to eat, my neighbor was going to share a sandwich with me. And that was the case every day,” Huffman said. “Nobody can survive without everybody else there. We can’t live without each other, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans returned the land where the Wood Street settlement had stood back to bare earth, as empty and open as when Huffman had moved there. Only her brick patio remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramona\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After getting evicted from her spot under the freeway at Wood Street in September 2022, Ramona Choyce moved three times in three months, ultimately ending up about six blocks south, next door to the Commons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guarded by nature, Choyce, 46, has an assertive demeanor that belies her 4-foot-11-inch frame. She works as a scrapper — making money by turning in used metal to be recycled — a trade her father and grandmother practiced before her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949388\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2003px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a broom and looks at the camera as she tries to push away pools of water from her trailer. The sun is going down.\" width=\"2003\" height=\"1431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg 2003w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1920x1372.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2003px) 100vw, 2003px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce rakes debris from water that flooded the area around her trailer, on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s in the family,” she joked on a recycling run one day, driving her beat-up, sky-blue Isuzu pickup truck from the 1980s. “I guess I need to open up my own business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move from Caltrans’ land had made it hard for Choyce to keep working. She had taken what she could fit in her trailer or carry in her pickup, but had to leave behind a lot of gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I done lost a lot. A lot,” she said. “I can’t even work on stuff that I need to work on because I really don’t have the tools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667321522000269\">Studies\u003c/a> show that encampment sweeps, like the one Caltrans performed at Wood Street, \u003ca href=\"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11606-022-07471-y.pdf\">lead to worse mental and physical health for residents (PDF)\u003c/a>, undermine trust in service providers, and push residents into more dangerous environments, among \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/NHCHC-encampment-sweeps-issue-brief-12-22.pdf\">other outcomes (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949338\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949338 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outdoor shot of an unhoused person's encampment site. A white trailer is covered in brown tarps as pools of water start to form in front of the place. Piles of abandoned tires are in the background amid a gray sky.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An RV sits in water on Wood Street in Oakland on Jan. 5, 2023, after storms contributed to flooding in the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her new spot, Choyce was right on the street, exposed to passersby in a way she hadn’t been when she had been tucked under the overpass, “Now, I’m in front, open,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On several occasions, people broke into Choyce’s trailer. Then, when the rains came in November, water pooled in a sometimes knee-deep moat that was often filled with trash and other debris, despite her constantly raking it clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the time that I moved over here, it’s been water,” Choyce said. “Caltrans done threw away all my weather gear. … So, I’m getting wet, and it feel like I’m getting sick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949610\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949610 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt='A brown tarp hangs over a trailer with spraypainted letters in yellow reading, \"Leave us alone in the name of Jesus.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside of Ramona Choyce’s trailer on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her trailer now butted against the fence surrounding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">Southern Pacific’s abandoned 16th Street train station\u003c/a>, not far from where she had grown up as a kid. When she was younger, Choyce sometimes wandered down 16th Street to stare up at the tiled, beaux-arts-style building, with its vaulted ceiling and ornate interior, before the station stopped serving passengers in 1994.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to walk all the way up here,” she said. “But never got on the train.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street, a gleaming white-and-gray apartment complex was under construction — the last of some 1,500 new homes, mostly market rate, built as part of \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=742328&GUID=6BB49C5D-30C9-4253-85B8-6E66E8499C3A&Options=&Search=\">a redevelopment plan Oakland officials approved in 2005\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Silicon Valley’s tech industry was rebounding from the dot-com bust and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Housing-market-still-hot-2004-Bay-Area-median-2737351.php\">rent prices in the region were rising\u003c/a>. West Oakland, which had long experienced disinvestment, suddenly seemed like a promising bet for real estate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slowly, the march of development moved its way northward, right to the Commons’ doorstep. And evidence of the \u003ca href=\"https://ccrl.stanford.edu/blog/oakland-series-4\">change in demographics\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/06/18/oakland-s-f-neighborhoods-fastest-gentrifying-in-u-s/\">income\u003c/a> was all around West Oakland in the form of new cafes, restaurants — even a doggie hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949497\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949497 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a gray, hooded sweater is using a yellow push-broom to sweep away water on the side of the road.\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce sweeps large puddles away from her trailer on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sorting aluminum from plastics into blue trash barrels, Choyce eyed a ginger-bearded man as he jogged past her trailer. She shook her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new people,” she said, emphasizing and repeating “\u003cem>these new people\u003c/em> that’s moving in, in our town, want to boot us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thought about how her mom worked under the table to feed her and her six siblings. Choyce now had six kids of her own, the two youngest of whom were living with their aunt. But despite all the “progress” in West Oakland, it had only become harder for Choyce to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just imagining it’s going to be even worse for my kids,” she said. “A lot of stuff’s changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite her move from under the overpass to the street, she was buoyed by remaining close to the Commons, where she could still access food donations and Operation Dignity’s mobile shower van, and where she was surrounded by people she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When her pickup truck stalled at an intersection one day, her neighbor Smiley helped her fix it. Another day, Patrick Barnes, a volunteer advocate, pulled up with trash cans full of metal that Choyce had collected from her time under the overpass. He had stored it for her during the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel bad, because I’ve been sitting on it for so long,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is perfect,” she said, “because, right now, I could use it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949339\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949339 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a black jacket and a N95 mask over her head is seen moving a pile of scrap metal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce, 44, sorts metal at the Wood Street encampment in West Oakland on Tuesday, July 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this stability was only temporary. The Commons — this last vestige of the Wood Street settlement on city-owned land — was facing its own eviction. Officials had long planned to build affordable housing on the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of the last remaining projects of the original 2005 redevelopment agreement, and officials said the developer couldn’t begin work on the planned 170 affordable condos and apartments until the property was cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, Oakland officials applied for and received a little more than $8 million in state grants to relocate residents from the Commons into a new temporary shelter site consisting of 77 “community cabins” — essentially, Tuff Sheds — capable of housing 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money was part of a $700 million initiative that Newsom established in 2021, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/calich/erf_program.html\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a>, which has a stated goal of placing people exiting encampments into housing or shelter.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ramona Choyce, former Wood Street resident\"]‘If they kick me out, I’ve got my trailer. I’m sheltered. I don’t know if they understand that clearly, but it’s important.’[/pullquote]But the program has so far seen mixed results. Only 30% of the roughly 1,500 people removed from encampments through this program transitioned to temporary or permanent housing, said Russ Heimerich, spokesperson for the state’s Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many people at the Commons, Choyce was skeptical of the city’s plan. To start, officials hadn’t asked residents before they applied for the grant whether anyone wanted to move into cabins. Perhaps unsurprisingly, most did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to go there, either,” Choyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving to the cabins meant giving up the one home she had been able to count on in her six years at Wood Street — her trailer — to go into a program where the outcome was uncertain. \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandauditor.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/20220919_Performance-Audit_The-City-of-Oaklands-Homelessness-Services_Final.pdf\">A 2022 audit of the city’s homelessness services (PDF)\u003c/a> found that fewer than one-third of the people who went into the community cabins moved into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choyce had known people who cycled through the six-month program, only to end up back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they kick me out, I’ve got my trailer. I’m sheltered,” Choyce said. “I don’t know if they understand that clearly, but it’s important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko wanted the city to think long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949825\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949825\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko speaks during a community meeting with city officials about the kinds of services that will be provided to residents of the Commons, if they choose to relocate to a community cabin site the city plans to build, on Nov. 21, 2022. \u003ccite>(Photo by Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Think permanent,” he pleaded with city officials at a community meeting last fall. “So people don’t have to worry [that] if they don’t get housing because they’ve been in mental illness, in drug usage or whatever for the last 10 years and you expect that everything’s gonna be OK? It’s not. There’s too much trauma out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he wanted the city to offer something more than what residents were already getting at the Commons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a clothing closet, we feed people, we house people, we counsel people, we do harm reduction. We already do all this stuff [at the Commons],” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials declined multiple requests for an interview and did not respond to questions about why they chose the community cabin model in applying for the state grants, or how they planned to improve outcomes for residents. In a statement, officials said the city “was able to accommodate many of [the residents’] needs and requests, including plumbed bathrooms, a community space, the ability to cook food, workforce opportunities, and a desire to remain together as a community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the cabins had even been installed, city officials posted eviction notices at the Commons. Choyce and Janosko felt betrayed. Despite the $8 million plan and the community meetings, they were being told to leave before there was a place for them to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What about the people?” Choyce asked. “They don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t get it,” Janosko said. “We put our hope in other people, the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A female-presenting white woman with long brown hair and a beanie holds her fist to her mouth with a concerned expression while listening\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica ‘Freeway’ Blalock (right), along with other residents and supporters, listens to a court hearing, via Zoom, at the Wood Street Commons on Friday, Feb. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Again, he and other residents fought back, filing for a temporary restraining order in federal court. And again, the judge sided with residents, ordering the city to delay the evictions until the community cabin site was open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay would prove instrumental, but it would come with costs. It bought residents a few more months of stability, time Janosko used to try to lobby people at the Commons into accepting the city’s offer to move to the new shelter site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a hard sell. Gathered under the pop-up canopy in the outdoor living room Janosko had built, many at the Commons wanted nothing to do with the rules that come with accepting shelter from the city: Residents weren’t allowed keys to their own cabins, could have no visitors. Minor infractions could lead to expulsion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949423\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949423 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks with her hands behind her back toward a community cabins site for unhouse folks. She's accompanied by a man who walks on her left side.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Ramona Choyce tours the Tuff Sheds near the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on April 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janosko painted a different vision, of using the time at the cabins to realize a larger dream: buying a plot of land together, people building their own houses, a garden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He could almost see it, he said: “That day we walk on our land, that day we break ground. People are coming off the street, and they have a community they can live in for the rest of their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, uncertainty was taking its toll. The looming evictions heightened tensions inside the camp. Sober for nine months, Janosko began using crystal methamphetamine again. Arguments between residents became more common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just anger,” Janosko said. “Anger and frustration with everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945422/end-of-an-era-last-remaining-unhoused-residents-at-oaklands-wood-street-commons-getting-evicted\">the city began evicting residents at the Commons\u003c/a>. For nearly two weeks, residents resisted, fencing off the site and locking the gates, dragging bulky items into the street to block public works crews from entering, and sitting on or lying in front of equipment. But, on April 20, police officers showed up in force, arresting two people on conspiracy and theft charges and threatening to arrest anyone else who obstructed city workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks through a chain link fence at police officers on the other side of it. The man has a crowd of people behind him as his fingers rest in between the fence coils.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford speaks to the police as the City of Oakland begins to evict the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on April 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faced with bulldozers and handcuffs, most of the residents reluctantly agreed to move to the community cabins or go to a city-run RV parking lot in East Oakland. About a dozen chose to take their chances on the streets.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Janosko, former Wood Street resident\"]‘Once you get stability, then you get everything else that comes along with it.’[/pullquote]But Janosko didn’t see the evictions as a complete defeat. Dozens of volunteer advocates had come out to support residents. At the cabins, they’d be together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was already thinking of ways to make the new site less sterile, with planter boxes and a grill outside the fences for barbecues. “We’re going to turn it into something more than what it is,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four years, the Commons had provided residents enough stability to build a community. If all went according to plan, Janosko hoped the cabins would enable them to keep it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you get stability,” he said, “then you get everything else that comes along with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Earlier this month, the city of Oakland completed clearing the remaining portion of the Wood Street settlement, which, at its height, was Northern California’s largest community of unhoused people. Its closure comes as the state seeks to crack down on homeless encampments across California.",
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"title": "The End of Wood Street: Inside the Struggle for Stability, Housing on the Margins of the Bay Area | KQED",
"description": "Earlier this month, the city of Oakland completed clearing the remaining portion of the Wood Street settlement, which, at its height, was Northern California’s largest community of unhoused people. Its closure comes as the state seeks to crack down on homeless encampments across California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The area had long been a forgotten place. That’s what Jessica Huffman found most appealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was around 2019, and she had just been evicted from an encampment near Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. Huffman needed a place to go where she could be invisible. She found it, near \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945984/oakland-begins-evicting-unhoused-residents-at-wood-street-commons\">Wood and 34th streets\u003c/a>, under a tangle of freeway overpasses on the city’s western fringe. A locus of industry and transportation arteries, of waste-recycling centers and logistics, the area had also been, for decades, a release valve for the region’s marginally housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It was a place where they could just kind of brush us under the rug.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, scattered stands of cattails and a small grove of eucalyptus trees punctuated the vast patch of dirt where Huffman parked her trailer. There were a few people there, tucked back from the street. More importantly, she said, it’s where police officers told her she could go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nobody around,” Huffman said. “It was a place where they could just kind of brush us under the rug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, some 300 people moved into a roughly mile-long swath of land under Huffman’s freeway overpass. And the settlement — known simply as Wood Street, for the road running parallel to it — exploded into Northern California’s largest community of unhoused people. Its growth became a symbol of a housing market gone awry, as a yawning affordability gap left many seeking refuge in neglected corners of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities knew about the Wood Street settlement for years, and arguably aided in fueling its expansion. But once it came time to close the site down, they were remarkably short on solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As homelessness in California reaches new peaks — \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_PopSub_State_CA_2022.pdf\">more than 171,000 people, according to the most recent count (PDF)\u003c/a> — what happened at Wood Street offers a compelling window into why the state’s approach to clearing homeless encampments so often fails to get people housed and what these communities can offer residents, however imperfectly.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Jessica\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s spot was near the settlement’s northern edge, which ended in a triangle above 34th Street, where the land narrows between train tracks and warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heading south, a dirt access road served as the community’s main artery. On either side, clusters of RVs, trailers and makeshift dwellings lined the road. Inoperable cars and fields of debris, often dumped there illegally, checkered the spaces in between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949351\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949351 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits on the stoop of her trailer. A pile of her belongings are stacked to the left of her. A blue jacket hangs on a hook on the door. She is looking off to the left.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57509_006_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman sits in her RV, which was damaged during a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Exhaust from the overpass mixed with dust to form a haze that turned the air harsh and acrid. On hot days, trash ripened in the sun, the odor wafting through the camp. There was no running water, and no electricity, except what residents could siphon from electrical panels under the freeway or generate through solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t come here because we wanted to be here,” Huffman said. “We came here because we were pushed here, and there’s nowhere else we can be. So, we made it the best we could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s blond hair, streaked with pink, was often swept into a loose ponytail, accentuating her angular face and wiry frame. She, like many in the settlement, formed her trailer into a compound with a half dozen other people for both camaraderie and protection. Wood Street, Huffman said, could be a fractious place — the big group was actually made of smaller groups. Theft was common. Some people made their money illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949350\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949350 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a homeless encampment with trailers, tents and people's belongings scattered about underneath a freeway overpass.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58500_037_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman’s compound seen from above after damage from a nearby fire, at the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffman didn’t care how people survived. “Just don’t steal my [stuff] or you’ll cause a consequence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her compound was ensconced in an 11-foot-high fence, held in place with metal wire. The half dozen trailers encircled an outdoor living room and kitchen, complete with an electric stove.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you don’t have an address, you don’t have a job. You don’t have a job, you don’t have an address. And then, you can’t save up money because you got to live every day spending it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One day, someone dumped a truckload of bricks in the middle of a street near the settlement. Huffman loaded them onto the back of her truck, brought them to her camp and cemented them into a chunky, V-shaped patio. “It’s got a custom pattern, way original work,” she said, with a wink. “We did a damn good job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wood Street, Huffman was able to settle. It was a welcome respite after years of moving her trailer every three days from one residential street to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness, she said, can be a vicious cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t have an address, you don’t have a job. You don’t have a job, you don’t have an address,” she said. “And then, you can’t save up money because you got to live every day spending it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949600\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949600 size-full\" style=\"font-weight: bold;background-color: transparent;color: #767676\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg\" alt=\"Four people sit at a picnic bench talking to one another. A small cooler sits on top of the table along with a gray basket. Tiny homes are pictured in the background that sit under a freeway overpass.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6257-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jared DeFigh (center right) takes a break from dismantling community structure Cob on Wood on Oct. 13, 2022. Nonprofits helped residents build Cob on Wood in early 2021. The buildings housed a free store, a medical supply shed, a bathroom and a shower. There was also a community garden and shared kitchen at the site. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Knowing nobody was coming to kick her out meant Huffman could get other needs met — laundry, food, finding a place to shower — and even land a job. She worked graveyards packing produce boxes and meal kits at Good Eggs’ distribution warehouse near Wood Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949690\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949690\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A colorful illustration of a map of the Wood Street encampment located in West Oakland.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1097\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-scaled.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-800x1097.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1020x1399.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-160x219.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1120x1536.jpg 1120w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1493x2048.jpg 1493w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_0212-1920x2633.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sketch of the Wood Street settlement, as of July 2022. Places and borders are approximate. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was such a big, important thing. And there is no way I could have pulled it off otherwise,” Huffman said. “You can’t be moving around every three days like they want you to do and be dependable anywhere else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stability also enabled residents to develop shared resources in the form of two community centers within the camp: Cob on Wood, and the Commons. The centers helped smooth divisions within the camp, allowing residents at Wood Street to cohere into something more like one community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of nonprofits and volunteers in early 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/04/30/homeless-oaklanders-bring-hot-showers-medical-care-and-a-pizza-oven-to-their-encampment/\">helped residents build Cob on Wood\u003c/a> near the middle of the settlement, turning it into a surprising and incongruous oasis. Structures made of mud and recycled materials — which residents jokingly referred to as “hobbit houses” — surrounded a community garden and an outdoor kitchen. Residents used the homespun buildings to house a free store, a medical supply shed, a bathroom and a shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xochitl Bernadette Moreno, co-founder of Essential Food and Medicine, helped mastermind the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Cob on Wood] was birthed from the visions of the residents here around how to meet some of the basic needs that people who are unhoused have in this community,” Moreno said. “Places like Wood Street, and these types of communities that are built from the rubble of society, are really important for unhoused people to create systems of safety, systems of community, because state solutions aren’t providing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949604 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg\" alt='A woman in a pink T-shirt with blonde hair pulls weeds from a planter box that holds a sprouting garden. Little orange flowers are blossoming. A nearby white board reads, \"Today Meeting.\" A trailer is seen to the left in the background.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/016_KQED_WoodStreetEncampmentOakland_07192022-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sasha Huckaby, 28, pulls weeds from a garden at the Wood Street encampment in West Oakland on Tuesday, July 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huffman had been unhoused, on and off, for the better part of her 43 years. She said she left her small, Texas hometown as an adolescent, hitchhiking her way across the country. At 17, she stopped in San Francisco, captivated by the city’s Victorian houses and rolling hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like that where I’m from, which is like flatland boring,” she said, recalling the awe of her first impressions. “It’s beautiful out here.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In San Francisco, Huffman hung out on Haight Street with other people her age and began experimenting with psychedelics and, later, crack cocaine and speed. Over the next two decades, she had periods of relative stability — a job, housing, sobriety — that would be shattered by a more damaging addiction: abusive partners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided that the last time my ex was going to whoop my [butt] was the last time,” she said of her most recent bout with homelessness. “I would rather be safe than dealing with that [stuff].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than three years at Wood Street, she finally had enough money to move — if only a landlord would accept her spotty rental history and lack of a credit score.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just not very well qualified,” she lamented. “I don’t have bad credit. I just have no credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman wasn’t looking for anything fancy: a house with a yard. Somewhere close to work. Working plumbing. Electricity. “Not much,” she said. “Probably normal to everybody else. For me, it’d be a dream come true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on July 11, 2022, a fire changed everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was around 10 a.m. Huffman saw several police cars in the area and went to ask them why they were there (officials said later they were looking for stolen and abandoned cars). Before she could get an answer, smoke began rising near the train trestle, swirling into a thick, black column. It was coming from her compound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949349 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Charred cars, metal, belongings and debris are scattered throughout an open field.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57510_004_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charred remnants of residents’ belongings fill areas of the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She ran back. Officers swarmed around her, she said: “They were just ushering us out. Like, go, go, go, go, go!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Huffman saw that faces were missing from her crew. One — a woman named DeeDee — had a tent under the wooden train trestle, which was engulfed in flames. She pleaded with the officers to let her go there. They refused. Another friend began shouting in their faces, causing enough of a distraction for Huffman to slip past the officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found DeeDee still asleep in her tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fire was touching her face,” Huffman shuddered. “She would have burned — not even smoke inhalation — she would have burned to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949410\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949410 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a gray and black sweater and a blonde ponytail points to damage done to her trailer. It's covered in soot and grime from a previous fire.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57515_008_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica points to damage to her RV from a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her voice cracked remembering the moment. “That could have been any one of us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman’s truck burned, and the side of her trailer melted from the heat. Her bed momentarily caught on fire, but firefighters doused the flames before the fire could spread further. Others weren’t as lucky. Her partner, Matthew Schatzinger, lost the mini school bus he lived in. Another one of their compound members, Shaun Ryan, watched his trailer and all his belongings turn to ash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials later said five RVs burned in the two-alarm blaze. The cause of the fire was undetermined, but a spokesperson for the fire department said it started in an RV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949412\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949412 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a man's hands covered in black soot from a previous fire.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57514_010_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07282022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew Schatzinger shows soot on his hands from sorting through his belongings that burned during a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on July 28, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Inside Huffman’s compound, soot blackened every surface. The only remnants of the outdoor living room and kitchen were charred wood and twisted metal.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I can’t crawl out of poverty if they make me have to constantly put my job and my income and my everything on emergency hold. It’s like they just want us to die or something.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, less than a week later, Caltrans posted five-day eviction notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Huffman, it felt like a cruel joke. Bits of soot and ash were still raining over the camp, sticking to Huffman’s skin and collecting in the crevices of her face, neck and hands. The sickly smell of burned plastics hung heavy in the air. She hadn’t had time yet to take stock of her losses. Now, she’d lose everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions raced through her mind: Where would she move now? How would she get there? What could she take with her? And, perhaps most importantly, how could she do all that and still make it to work?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t crawl out of poverty if they make me have to constantly put my job and my income and my everything on emergency hold,” she said, bitterly. “It’s like they just want us to die or something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>John\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Caltrans issued the eviction notices, John Janosko sprang into action. Tall, with short dreadlocks and an effusive smile, Janosko could be mistaken for the mayor of Wood Street — or, at least, president of its improvement association, if such a thing existed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His trailer sat at the entrance to the Commons. He had built out the space into a maze of rooms made from plywood and other materials. Beyond it, he arranged couches and outdoor furniture into an open-air living room that doubled as a community meeting space with a communal kitchen tucked into one corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949603 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a white, hooded sweatshirt and long, brown braids sits on a sofa outdoors listening to someone speak off camera.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_3463-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko speaks with other members of the Wood Street Commons before a meeting with the city of Oakland and its nonprofit contractor, Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), on Nov. 30, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You know how you have that family member where you always go to Thanksgiving or you always spend Christmas?” Janosko said. “So, that would be me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the previous three years, the Commons had served as the main gateway into the larger Wood Street settlement, which was mostly tucked back from the street. Across from Raimondi Park, where kids played football and soccer, the Commons was the most visible part of the settlement, and the most accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Established nonprofits like LifeLong Medical Care and Operation Dignity routinely came by to provide health care and shower services for Wood Street residents, and volunteer advocates offered rides to medical appointments or help with paperwork to get into housing. Church groups and other organizations stopped by almost daily with boxes of food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg\" alt='A man and a woman hold a conversation at a holiday party. Behind them, a wall with many posters tacked to it. One poster reads, \"Encampment evictions = state violence.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62090_006_KQED_WoodStreetHolidayParty_12172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko makes cocktails at the Wood Street Commons for attendees at a holiday celebration at the encampment in Oakland on Dec. 17, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janosko had worked hard to make the Commons homey. Succulent-filled planters dotted the space. Pop-up canopies shaded a few of the outdoor seating areas. A changing rotation of art decorated the walkways.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘All this stuff, these resources, these connections, these people, this caring, this love — that took time. It takes time to be able to get to a point where you’re able to take care of yourself and also help take care of your community.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“All this stuff, these resources, these connections, these people, this caring, this love — that took time,” Janosko said. “It takes time to be able to get to a point where you’re able to take care of yourself and also help take care of your community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was frustrated that certain issues — like trash — persisted, despite offers to the city to pay for dumpsters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The designated dumping spot is on the street, where everybody can see it,” Janosko said. “So, that looks bad, when the city should have just put out dumpsters, and that would make it look a lot better, and there wouldn’t be all this trash flying around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In posting the eviction notices, Caltrans — which owns the bulk of the land the Wood Street settlement occupied — said Wood Street had become too dangerous, with more than 200 fires reported in the span of 2 1/2 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949348\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949348 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white page with burned edges shows a charcoal drawing of Victorian facades, and sits among brown, shaded debris.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58415_018_KQED_WoodStreet_09022022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burned drawing of Victorian houses lies amid the remnants of a fire at the Wood Street encampment, in Oakland on Sept. 2, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Michael Hunt, spokesperson for the Oakland Fire Department, said investigators typically did not look into the causes of these fires, which some residents suspected were arson, because highly flammable siding on RVs and trailers, combined with propane tanks, lighters and other combustible objects, often obscured where fires started or how they spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighboring residents cited ongoing complaints of crime and blight. Stephen Denlis, CEO of Mean Machine, a nearby fabrication business, said employees’ cars were routinely vandalized, making it hard for him to hire and retain staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is impossible to hire when you are in the middle of a homeless encampment,” he said, adding that over the past 15 years, his workforce had dwindled from 15 employees to four. “I pay $100 a month for rat abatement, close my doors due to tire fires, and added fencing and screening out front. … The way it is now is scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denlis watched the community of unhoused people at Wood Street ebb and flow over the years. But around 2019, city workers painted a long white line on the street and set up concrete dividers, separating people’s four-wheeled homes from traffic — an action that, to Larry Coke and other unhoused people living there, seemed to sanction the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coke had been living at Raimondi Park, near 18th and Wood streets, in a tent, and later a trailer, since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949491\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949491 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg\" alt='A small, tan shack under the freeway with a garden in front of it and a rainbow sign above a wooden archway is hand painted and reads, \"Cob on Wood.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/088_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cob on Wood in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The city moved us over here right in front of the soccer field,” he recalled. Across from the park was a vacant lot. “We came across the street. And that’s how it started. That’s how people started coming over here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kp_yDu2nqSA\">In an interview at the time\u003c/a> with KPIX, then-Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf defended the city’s actions, saying, “We don’t have a permanent place for that encampment yet, so you will see us use interim measures because we don’t have enough [shelter] beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf also made it clear the encampment wasn’t, officially speaking, “sanctioned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From my experience, we have tried it, and it has failed,” Schaaf said of other sanctioned encampments in the city. “All of them have ended in fires, in really dangerous and unhealthy conditions that I believe are not healthy for the unhoused residents, let alone the surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Given all that, for Janosko and other residents, it was clear the city and Caltrans both had known about the settlement for years. What was the rush to evict everyone now? And besides, where was everyone supposed to go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worked with another camp resident, Jaz Colibri, and a nonprofit law group to file for a temporary restraining order in federal court to stop the evictions. The suit argued the five-day notices would cause immediate and irreparable harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko hoped to buy his unhoused neighbors some time, and force the city to offer more in the way of solutions than to simply scatter. The strategy worked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the first hearing, District Judge William Orrick asked the attorneys for the government agencies involved — Caltrans, the city of Oakland and Alameda County — what kind of shelter was being offered to residents. They all pointed fingers at each other, admitting there was no plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that everybody wants to wash their hands of this particular problem, and that’s not going to happen,” Orrick said, ordering the agencies to come back in a month with answers to where people could go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949500 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Men in orange and yellow work clothes and white hardhats clear a homeless encampment using large machinery. A white pickup truck is seen being hoisted into the air and hauled off.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58520_063_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrans workers remove vehicles and clear people’s belongings from the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on Sept. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this reprieve was only temporary. Caltrans had been on a tear in the year leading up to the eviction notices at Wood Street, clearing 1,237 encampments in fiscal year 2022, according to William Arnold, spokesperson for the agency. In the months since, Caltrans has ramped up its efforts, clearing 1,534 encampments between July 1, 2022, and April 14, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring displaced residents have viable housing options is not part of Caltrans’ mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under state law, providing shelter and housing assistance to homeless individuals — including those residing on a state right-of-way within a city’s or county’s boundaries — is the responsibility of local government,” Arnold said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans will notify local social services providers and request outreach be done at least two weeks prior to an eviction, he said. And, it posts notices at the site “at least 48 hours in advance.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Under state law, providing shelter and housing assistance to homeless individuals — including those residing on a state right-of-way within a city’s or county’s boundaries — is the responsibility of local government.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But finding enough shelter for people displaced through these evictions can be challenging. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2022.pdf\">California had around 68,600 emergency or transitional shelter beds across the state and nearly 115,500 people living in tents, RVs and cars (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Wood Street residents, this shortage meant that despite a federal court order mandating a plan for housing, the best that Oakland and Alameda County could offer was beds for about half of the soon-to-be-displaced residents. At the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923663/caltrans-ok-to-clear-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment-federal-judge-rules\">next hearing\u003c/a>, Orrick said that was adequate. The law was on Caltrans’ side. “There is no constitutional right to housing,” Orrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko was crushed. He knew outsiders saw only the maze of rundown trailers, the makeshift hovels scrapped together with plywood and tarp, the trash. He wished someone with power could also see what he saw: a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People, they look at the wrong things,” he said, turning his face skyward. “Even though it’s a situation that’s maybe not ideal to most people, there’s a lot of things that bring up good emotions inside of you that make you feel good still. It’s not all about being sad and stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949605\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949605 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a black beanie and jacket hugs a man who is crying wearing a gray, hooded sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_RS62562_IMG_4157-qut-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xochitl Bernadette Moreno hugs John Janosko at the Wood Street Commons on Friday, Feb. 2, 2023, after a federal district judge said he would allow the city of Oakland to begin evicting residents at the Commons. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 8, 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925169/residents-activists-decry-evictions-at-oaklands-largest-homeless-encampment\">the evictions began\u003c/a>. Caltrans crews showed up in force. Dozens of California Highway Patrol officers spread out in a line to separate residents from workers, clearing roughly three-quarters of the settlement. Arnold said the agency ultimately spent $2.1 million removing 800 vehicles and enough debris to fill 200 dumpsters. It spent another $5.5 million installing a concrete barrier and a fence to deter people from reentering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Janosko, all that money added up to just one thing: “A whole bunch of people just got all their worldly belongings thrown into a dumpster and grinded away. They got pushed out to another location. They’re scared and alone and by themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-October, when Caltrans had finished its work at Wood Street, city officials said roughly half the settlement, or 95 people, had accepted offers of shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the remaining 110 people, some moved to the Commons. That part of the settlement was spared because it sat on city-owned land — and the city had its own plans for that lot. Others simply spread into the surrounding neighborhood.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Everyone is just sort of scattered,” Janosko said. “If you go up and down some of these side streets, you’ll notice that there’s a few more RVs parked on just regular residential streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Huffman moved about a dozen blocks south, to another vacant lot in West Oakland. Many from her compound followed, along with other displaced Wood Street residents. But just as the owner of that lot was gearing up to kick them out, Huffman caught a break. A long-time friend with a house in East Oakland allowed her to move in. It wasn’t close to her job, but it had a yard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949607\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949607 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with shoulder-length blonde hair is wearing a gray, hooded sweatshirt and is standing inside in front of a kitchen sink filled with dishes. She's smiling. A kitchen window is behind her letting in sunlight.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/003_KQED_ErinBaldassari_JessicaHuffman_112022-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica Huffman poses for a photo inside her home in East Oakland, where she recently began renting a room, on Nov. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I got lucky,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she had left Wood Street, she still returned to the area to visit her friends who remained in trailers nearby. Without them, she said, she never would have made it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949346\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949346 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a dirt field with red bricks from a former patio pictured. Everything is burned.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS62128_019_KQED_WoodStreet_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of Jessica Huffman’s brick patio at the site of the Wood Street encampment where Huffman and other residents once lived, in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“‘Cause, if I didn’t have something to eat, my neighbor was going to share a sandwich with me. And that was the case every day,” Huffman said. “Nobody can survive without everybody else there. We can’t live without each other, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans returned the land where the Wood Street settlement had stood back to bare earth, as empty and open as when Huffman had moved there. Only her brick patio remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramona\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After getting evicted from her spot under the freeway at Wood Street in September 2022, Ramona Choyce moved three times in three months, ultimately ending up about six blocks south, next door to the Commons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guarded by nature, Choyce, 46, has an assertive demeanor that belies her 4-foot-11-inch frame. She works as a scrapper — making money by turning in used metal to be recycled — a trade her father and grandmother practiced before her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949388\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2003px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949388 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg\" alt=\"A woman holds a broom and looks at the camera as she tries to push away pools of water from her trailer. The sun is going down.\" width=\"2003\" height=\"1431\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971.jpg 2003w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1536x1097.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreetErinBaldassari_IMG_3971-1920x1372.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2003px) 100vw, 2003px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce rakes debris from water that flooded the area around her trailer, on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s in the family,” she joked on a recycling run one day, driving her beat-up, sky-blue Isuzu pickup truck from the 1980s. “I guess I need to open up my own business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the move from Caltrans’ land had made it hard for Choyce to keep working. She had taken what she could fit in her trailer or carry in her pickup, but had to leave behind a lot of gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I done lost a lot. A lot,” she said. “I can’t even work on stuff that I need to work on because I really don’t have the tools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667321522000269\">Studies\u003c/a> show that encampment sweeps, like the one Caltrans performed at Wood Street, \u003ca href=\"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11606-022-07471-y.pdf\">lead to worse mental and physical health for residents (PDF)\u003c/a>, undermine trust in service providers, and push residents into more dangerous environments, among \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/NHCHC-encampment-sweeps-issue-brief-12-22.pdf\">other outcomes (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949338\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949338 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An outdoor shot of an unhoused person's encampment site. A white trailer is covered in brown tarps as pools of water start to form in front of the place. Piles of abandoned tires are in the background amid a gray sky.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS61892_008_KQED_WoodStreetFlooding_01052023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An RV sits in water on Wood Street in Oakland on Jan. 5, 2023, after storms contributed to flooding in the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her new spot, Choyce was right on the street, exposed to passersby in a way she hadn’t been when she had been tucked under the overpass, “Now, I’m in front, open,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On several occasions, people broke into Choyce’s trailer. Then, when the rains came in November, water pooled in a sometimes knee-deep moat that was often filled with trash and other debris, despite her constantly raking it clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the time that I moved over here, it’s been water,” Choyce said. “Caltrans done threw away all my weather gear. … So, I’m getting wet, and it feel like I’m getting sick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949610\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949610 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg\" alt='A brown tarp hangs over a trailer with spraypainted letters in yellow reading, \"Leave us alone in the name of Jesus.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/002_KQED_WoodStreet_ErinBaldassari_IMG_4345-1020x765-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside of Ramona Choyce’s trailer on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her trailer now butted against the fence surrounding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">Southern Pacific’s abandoned 16th Street train station\u003c/a>, not far from where she had grown up as a kid. When she was younger, Choyce sometimes wandered down 16th Street to stare up at the tiled, beaux-arts-style building, with its vaulted ceiling and ornate interior, before the station stopped serving passengers in 1994.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to walk all the way up here,” she said. “But never got on the train.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street, a gleaming white-and-gray apartment complex was under construction — the last of some 1,500 new homes, mostly market rate, built as part of \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=742328&GUID=6BB49C5D-30C9-4253-85B8-6E66E8499C3A&Options=&Search=\">a redevelopment plan Oakland officials approved in 2005\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Silicon Valley’s tech industry was rebounding from the dot-com bust and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Housing-market-still-hot-2004-Bay-Area-median-2737351.php\">rent prices in the region were rising\u003c/a>. West Oakland, which had long experienced disinvestment, suddenly seemed like a promising bet for real estate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slowly, the march of development moved its way northward, right to the Commons’ doorstep. And evidence of the \u003ca href=\"https://ccrl.stanford.edu/blog/oakland-series-4\">change in demographics\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/06/18/oakland-s-f-neighborhoods-fastest-gentrifying-in-u-s/\">income\u003c/a> was all around West Oakland in the form of new cafes, restaurants — even a doggie hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949497\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2048px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949497 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a gray, hooded sweater is using a yellow push-broom to sweep away water on the side of the road.\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_3960-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce sweeps large puddles away from her trailer on Jan. 9, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sorting aluminum from plastics into blue trash barrels, Choyce eyed a ginger-bearded man as he jogged past her trailer. She shook her head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These new people,” she said, emphasizing and repeating “\u003cem>these new people\u003c/em> that’s moving in, in our town, want to boot us out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thought about how her mom worked under the table to feed her and her six siblings. Choyce now had six kids of her own, the two youngest of whom were living with their aunt. But despite all the “progress” in West Oakland, it had only become harder for Choyce to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just imagining it’s going to be even worse for my kids,” she said. “A lot of stuff’s changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite her move from under the overpass to the street, she was buoyed by remaining close to the Commons, where she could still access food donations and Operation Dignity’s mobile shower van, and where she was surrounded by people she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When her pickup truck stalled at an intersection one day, her neighbor Smiley helped her fix it. Another day, Patrick Barnes, a volunteer advocate, pulled up with trash cans full of metal that Choyce had collected from her time under the overpass. He had stored it for her during the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel bad, because I’ve been sitting on it for so long,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is perfect,” she said, “because, right now, I could use it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949339\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949339 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a black jacket and a N95 mask over her head is seen moving a pile of scrap metal.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS57336_022_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ramona Choyce, 44, sorts metal at the Wood Street encampment in West Oakland on Tuesday, July 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this stability was only temporary. The Commons — this last vestige of the Wood Street settlement on city-owned land — was facing its own eviction. Officials had long planned to build affordable housing on the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was one of the last remaining projects of the original 2005 redevelopment agreement, and officials said the developer couldn’t begin work on the planned 170 affordable condos and apartments until the property was cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, Oakland officials applied for and received a little more than $8 million in state grants to relocate residents from the Commons into a new temporary shelter site consisting of 77 “community cabins” — essentially, Tuff Sheds — capable of housing 100 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money was part of a $700 million initiative that Newsom established in 2021, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/calich/erf_program.html\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a>, which has a stated goal of placing people exiting encampments into housing or shelter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If they kick me out, I’ve got my trailer. I’m sheltered. I don’t know if they understand that clearly, but it’s important.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the program has so far seen mixed results. Only 30% of the roughly 1,500 people removed from encampments through this program transitioned to temporary or permanent housing, said Russ Heimerich, spokesperson for the state’s Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many people at the Commons, Choyce was skeptical of the city’s plan. To start, officials hadn’t asked residents before they applied for the grant whether anyone wanted to move into cabins. Perhaps unsurprisingly, most did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to go there, either,” Choyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving to the cabins meant giving up the one home she had been able to count on in her six years at Wood Street — her trailer — to go into a program where the outcome was uncertain. \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandauditor.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/20220919_Performance-Audit_The-City-of-Oaklands-Homelessness-Services_Final.pdf\">A 2022 audit of the city’s homelessness services (PDF)\u003c/a> found that fewer than one-third of the people who went into the community cabins moved into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choyce had known people who cycled through the six-month program, only to end up back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they kick me out, I’ve got my trailer. I’m sheltered,” Choyce said. “I don’t know if they understand that clearly, but it’s important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janosko wanted the city to think long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949825\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949825\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/IMG_6893A-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Janosko speaks during a community meeting with city officials about the kinds of services that will be provided to residents of the Commons, if they choose to relocate to a community cabin site the city plans to build, on Nov. 21, 2022. \u003ccite>(Photo by Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Think permanent,” he pleaded with city officials at a community meeting last fall. “So people don’t have to worry [that] if they don’t get housing because they’ve been in mental illness, in drug usage or whatever for the last 10 years and you expect that everything’s gonna be OK? It’s not. There’s too much trauma out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he wanted the city to offer something more than what residents were already getting at the Commons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a clothing closet, we feed people, we house people, we counsel people, we do harm reduction. We already do all this stuff [at the Commons],” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials declined multiple requests for an interview and did not respond to questions about why they chose the community cabin model in applying for the state grants, or how they planned to improve outcomes for residents. In a statement, officials said the city “was able to accommodate many of [the residents’] needs and requests, including plumbed bathrooms, a community space, the ability to cook food, workforce opportunities, and a desire to remain together as a community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the cabins had even been installed, city officials posted eviction notices at the Commons. Choyce and Janosko felt betrayed. Despite the $8 million plan and the community meetings, they were being told to leave before there was a place for them to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What about the people?” Choyce asked. “They don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t get it,” Janosko said. “We put our hope in other people, the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940097\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940097\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A female-presenting white woman with long brown hair and a beanie holds her fist to her mouth with a concerned expression while listening\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62559_IMG_7029A-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessica ‘Freeway’ Blalock (right), along with other residents and supporters, listens to a court hearing, via Zoom, at the Wood Street Commons on Friday, Feb. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Again, he and other residents fought back, filing for a temporary restraining order in federal court. And again, the judge sided with residents, ordering the city to delay the evictions until the community cabin site was open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay would prove instrumental, but it would come with costs. It bought residents a few more months of stability, time Janosko used to try to lobby people at the Commons into accepting the city’s offer to move to the new shelter site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a hard sell. Gathered under the pop-up canopy in the outdoor living room Janosko had built, many at the Commons wanted nothing to do with the rules that come with accepting shelter from the city: Residents weren’t allowed keys to their own cabins, could have no visitors. Minor infractions could lead to expulsion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949423\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11949423 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman walks with her hands behind her back toward a community cabins site for unhouse folks. She's accompanied by a man who walks on her left side.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64447_012_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident Ramona Choyce tours the Tuff Sheds near the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on April 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Janosko painted a different vision, of using the time at the cabins to realize a larger dream: buying a plot of land together, people building their own houses, a garden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He could almost see it, he said: “That day we walk on our land, that day we break ground. People are coming off the street, and they have a community they can live in for the rest of their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, uncertainty was taking its toll. The looming evictions heightened tensions inside the camp. Sober for nine months, Janosko began using crystal methamphetamine again. Arguments between residents became more common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just anger,” Janosko said. “Anger and frustration with everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945422/end-of-an-era-last-remaining-unhoused-residents-at-oaklands-wood-street-commons-getting-evicted\">the city began evicting residents at the Commons\u003c/a>. For nearly two weeks, residents resisted, fencing off the site and locking the gates, dragging bulky items into the street to block public works crews from entering, and sitting on or lying in front of equipment. But, on April 20, police officers showed up in force, arresting two people on conspiracy and theft charges and threatening to arrest anyone else who obstructed city workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946235\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg\" alt=\"A man looks through a chain link fence at police officers on the other side of it. The man has a crowd of people behind him as his fingers rest in between the fence coils.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/026_KQED_WoodStreetCommonsEviction_04102023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wood Street resident LaMonte Ford speaks to the police as the City of Oakland begins to evict the Wood Street encampment in Oakland on April 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faced with bulldozers and handcuffs, most of the residents reluctantly agreed to move to the community cabins or go to a city-run RV parking lot in East Oakland. About a dozen chose to take their chances on the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Janosko didn’t see the evictions as a complete defeat. Dozens of volunteer advocates had come out to support residents. At the cabins, they’d be together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was already thinking of ways to make the new site less sterile, with planter boxes and a grill outside the fences for barbecues. “We’re going to turn it into something more than what it is,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four years, the Commons had provided residents enough stability to build a community. If all went according to plan, Janosko hoped the cabins would enable them to keep it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you get stability,” he said, “then you get everything else that comes along with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Gov. Newsom Says California Budget Deficit Has Grown to Nearly $32 Billion",
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"headTitle": "Gov. Newsom Says California Budget Deficit Has Grown to Nearly $32 Billion | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s budget deficit has grown to nearly $32 billion, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday, saying the state’s challenges are partly due to high federal inflation rates and the state’s decision to let some people delay filing their taxes after winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about $10 billion more than Newsom predicted in January, when he offered his first budget proposal. The deficit is part of Newsom’s overall proposal for a $306 billion budget, by far the largest state budget in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the only states to have a shortfall this year. That’s mostly because its progressive tax code relies on wealthy taxpayers, whose income is closely tied to the performance of the stock market.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937658,news_11936184\"]In January, Newsom proposed a number of ideas to cover the deficit, including about $9.6 billion in spending cuts that hit some of the state’s ambitious climate programs and other policy areas. His latest proposal includes roughly another $1 billion in spending reductions. Some of that comes from clawing back unspent money in various programs, including those designed to provide tax refunds and help people with their utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s making up the rest of the deficit by shifting expenses, taking some money from the state’s safety net reserve and borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican legislative leaders blasted Newsom’s proposal as another marker of irresponsible spending by the Democrats who control Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His cuts to drought programs are dangerous, his ‘fiscal gimmicks’ are shortsighted, and his words about good government and efficiency are yet another empty promise. Californians deserve better,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit is small compared to the cash crunch the state faced during the last recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2019, Newsom’s biggest budget fights with the Democratic-controlled state Legislature have been how to spend California’s record-breaking surpluses. Agreeing on what to cut could be much more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan in January was to cut money for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-california-state-government-gavin-newsom-b37eff81737c25479987385dd1dd8d54\">flood protection projects\u003c/a>, delaying an expansion of a subsidized \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-child-care-budget-low-income-newsom-cf0f7d5a27b2df6dd9042a97acb8ccca\">child care program\u003c/a> and canceling a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-deficit-newsom-unemployment-debt-taxes-f6588e0376703fca4398375e11639838\">$500 million plan\u003c/a> to help small businesses pay higher tax rates associated with some state debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom now plans to restore money for flood protection projects and introduce another $250 million in new spending, which includes raising \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982460/southern-central-valley-counties-brace-for-flooding-as-heat-wave-melts-sierra-snowpack\">a levee to protect the Central Valley community of Corcoran\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if he can or will relent on his other proposed cuts. Newsom signed off on an expansion of a subsidized child care program last year that would pay to help an extra 20,000 families. But because of the deficit, Newsom proposed delaying that funding for one year. He argued that the state was having trouble filling the child care slots it already had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That angered some Democratic lawmakers, who said the reason the state was having trouble filling its child care slots is there aren’t enough child care workers. On Monday, Democrats in the Assembly proposed $1 billion in new spending to increase the pay of child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we just need to put a little pressure on the governor to make sure he’s on board,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez-Reyes said on Wednesday while speaking to a rally of parents and child care workers at the state Capitol.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence.’[/pullquote]It’s not just child care, though. Democrats in the state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-business-taxes-gavin-newsom-nancy-skinner-4cc2ed58a503c8a1365ed98cbb3bd095\">want to raise taxes on 2,500 of the largest companies so they can cut taxes by about 25% for most other businesses\u003c/a> — a plan that Newsom has already said he opposes. And environmental groups want Newsom to reverse his planned $6 billion cut to some of his climate proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has maintained most of those cuts in his revised proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also protected spending in other key priority areas, such as expanding Medicaid to everyone who is eligible regardless of their immigration status and allowing people to use Medicaid money to pay for rent. Likewise Newsom said he planned to maintain spending to address the state’s housing and homelessness crisis and K–12 education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also some new spending. Newsom wants to add 14 positions at the California Energy Commission to track and oversee oil prices as part of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-prices-gavin-newsom-oil-profits-penalty-price-gouging-c13eeb714b903c753882752c435dbe63\">an effort to crack down on high gas prices\u003c/a>. He also wants to redirect 10 existing positions to that project, creating the Division of Petroleum Market Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget challenges are due in large part to lower tax collections due to a sagging stock market. About half of the state’s money comes from just 1% of earners. That means that the state is vulnerable to big swings in the stock market, which is the source of wealth for most rich people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downward turn has had the biggest impact on California’s massive technology industry as companies like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-sundar-pichai-covid-pandemics-c85c45231712709582b1d3fe46be5ffe\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/facebook-meta-layoffs-283a6e1c1a2e02a439d177a7acdf4296\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-paypal-holdings-inc-san-jose-business-a400968b107a791564d67f9e24d7b4d2\">PayPal\u003c/a> have laid off thousands of workers. Earlier this year, Silicon Valley Bank — one of the nation’s largest financial institutions, whose clients were mostly in the tech industry — failed and was bought by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-banks-fdic-first-citizen-silicon-f6958f1fa87b0991cb525b0424c7a1cd\">North Carolina-based First Citizens Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of intense winter storms that brought widespread damage also prompted state officials to give many people until October, not April, to file their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delayed tax collection means Newsom and lawmakers will have to make a plan without knowing how much money they have to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The state's budget deficit was $10 billion more than predicted in January, said Gov. Gavin Newsom, adding that high federal interest rates and delayed state tax returns following major winter storms were partly to blame.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s budget deficit has grown to nearly $32 billion, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday, saying the state’s challenges are partly due to high federal inflation rates and the state’s decision to let some people delay filing their taxes after winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about $10 billion more than Newsom predicted in January, when he offered his first budget proposal. The deficit is part of Newsom’s overall proposal for a $306 billion budget, by far the largest state budget in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the only states to have a shortfall this year. That’s mostly because its progressive tax code relies on wealthy taxpayers, whose income is closely tied to the performance of the stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, Newsom proposed a number of ideas to cover the deficit, including about $9.6 billion in spending cuts that hit some of the state’s ambitious climate programs and other policy areas. His latest proposal includes roughly another $1 billion in spending reductions. Some of that comes from clawing back unspent money in various programs, including those designed to provide tax refunds and help people with their utility bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s making up the rest of the deficit by shifting expenses, taking some money from the state’s safety net reserve and borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican legislative leaders blasted Newsom’s proposal as another marker of irresponsible spending by the Democrats who control Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His cuts to drought programs are dangerous, his ‘fiscal gimmicks’ are shortsighted, and his words about good government and efficiency are yet another empty promise. Californians deserve better,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit is small compared to the cash crunch the state faced during the last recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2019, Newsom’s biggest budget fights with the Democratic-controlled state Legislature have been how to spend California’s record-breaking surpluses. Agreeing on what to cut could be much more difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan in January was to cut money for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-california-state-government-gavin-newsom-b37eff81737c25479987385dd1dd8d54\">flood protection projects\u003c/a>, delaying an expansion of a subsidized \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-child-care-budget-low-income-newsom-cf0f7d5a27b2df6dd9042a97acb8ccca\">child care program\u003c/a> and canceling a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-deficit-newsom-unemployment-debt-taxes-f6588e0376703fca4398375e11639838\">$500 million plan\u003c/a> to help small businesses pay higher tax rates associated with some state debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom now plans to restore money for flood protection projects and introduce another $250 million in new spending, which includes raising \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1982460/southern-central-valley-counties-brace-for-flooding-as-heat-wave-melts-sierra-snowpack\">a levee to protect the Central Valley community of Corcoran\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if he can or will relent on his other proposed cuts. Newsom signed off on an expansion of a subsidized child care program last year that would pay to help an extra 20,000 families. But because of the deficit, Newsom proposed delaying that funding for one year. He argued that the state was having trouble filling the child care slots it already had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That angered some Democratic lawmakers, who said the reason the state was having trouble filling its child care slots is there aren’t enough child care workers. On Monday, Democrats in the Assembly proposed $1 billion in new spending to increase the pay of child care workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we just need to put a little pressure on the governor to make sure he’s on board,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez-Reyes said on Wednesday while speaking to a rally of parents and child care workers at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This was not an easy budget, but I hope you see we will try to do our best to hold the line and take care of the most vulnerable and most needy, but still maintain prudence.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s not just child care, though. Democrats in the state Senate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-business-taxes-gavin-newsom-nancy-skinner-4cc2ed58a503c8a1365ed98cbb3bd095\">want to raise taxes on 2,500 of the largest companies so they can cut taxes by about 25% for most other businesses\u003c/a> — a plan that Newsom has already said he opposes. And environmental groups want Newsom to reverse his planned $6 billion cut to some of his climate proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has maintained most of those cuts in his revised proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also protected spending in other key priority areas, such as expanding Medicaid to everyone who is eligible regardless of their immigration status and allowing people to use Medicaid money to pay for rent. Likewise Newsom said he planned to maintain spending to address the state’s housing and homelessness crisis and K–12 education spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also some new spending. Newsom wants to add 14 positions at the California Energy Commission to track and oversee oil prices as part of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-prices-gavin-newsom-oil-profits-penalty-price-gouging-c13eeb714b903c753882752c435dbe63\">an effort to crack down on high gas prices\u003c/a>. He also wants to redirect 10 existing positions to that project, creating the Division of Petroleum Market Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budget challenges are due in large part to lower tax collections due to a sagging stock market. About half of the state’s money comes from just 1% of earners. That means that the state is vulnerable to big swings in the stock market, which is the source of wealth for most rich people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downward turn has had the biggest impact on California’s massive technology industry as companies like \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-sundar-pichai-covid-pandemics-c85c45231712709582b1d3fe46be5ffe\">Google\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/facebook-meta-layoffs-283a6e1c1a2e02a439d177a7acdf4296\">Facebook\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-paypal-holdings-inc-san-jose-business-a400968b107a791564d67f9e24d7b4d2\">PayPal\u003c/a> have laid off thousands of workers. Earlier this year, Silicon Valley Bank — one of the nation’s largest financial institutions, whose clients were mostly in the tech industry — failed and was bought by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-banks-fdic-first-citizen-silicon-f6958f1fa87b0991cb525b0424c7a1cd\">North Carolina-based First Citizens Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of intense winter storms that brought widespread damage also prompted state officials to give many people until October, not April, to file their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delayed tax collection means Newsom and lawmakers will have to make a plan without knowing how much money they have to spend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The adage “get it in writing” applies to politics as much as anything else, and it would seem the California Legislature could learn a lesson or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates have been pushing Gov. Gavin Newsom since last year to make good on a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/health-care-costs/\">longtime promise\u003c/a> to funnel money from a controversial tax penalty into the Covered California marketplace, making health insurance cheaper for nearly 1 million enrollees. The problem — or at least the argument Newsom has always made — is that state statute doesn’t require the penalty money to be used on health care. It goes directly into the general fund — where it has stayed for most of the past four years.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Joaquin Arambula\"]‘I’m trying to make sure that those dollars stay in this area to address affordability, and I’m not hearing from the administration that same commitment.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legislators say that’s not what they intended when they voted on the measure in 2019. Senate leadership signaled its intent last week to ensure in writing that the money will “further lower the costs of health coverage for lower- and middle-income Californians” moving forward. The \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">Senate budget proposal rejects Newsom’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> to temporarily move $333.4 million in penalty money from an affordability reserve to the general fund, calling it a “rip-off” of Covered California funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan protects important advancements that California has made that has moved us towards a more equitable and sustainable economy,” Senate Budget Chair \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/nancy-skinner-1954/\">Nancy Skinner\u003c/a> said during a press briefing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom proposed and the Legislature passed a polarizing tax penalty on Californians without health insurance, known as the individual mandate, with verbal assurances that it would be used to lower health care costs for those who have insurance through Covered California, the state version of the Affordable Care Act marketplace. Though \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/article/health-insurance-mandate-penalties/\">more than $1 billion has been collected in the past four years\u003c/a>, the money has only been used once to lower costs for enrollees, about $355 million in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">Senate Democrats’ budget proposal (PDF)\u003c/a>, which relies on corporate tax hikes that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-taxes-budget/\">Newsom swiftly rejected\u003c/a> to avoid a variety of cuts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2023/05/democrats-at-odds-budget-deficit/\">sets the stage for an intense period of negotiation\u003c/a> between the Legislature and governor as they hash out a state spending plan in the face of diminishing tax revenue. The Senate’s counter proposal would mandate using the money to eliminate deductibles and copays for roughly 900,000 Covered California enrollees next year. It’s one of several health care funding battles heating up amid a bleak budget year, including a fight to infuse emergency cash into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">hospitals on the brink of closure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is expected to disclose later this month an even more dismal financial picture for the state than the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-budget/2023/01/california-budget-newsom-deficit/\">$22.5 billion deficit he projected in his January budget proposal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Brandon Richards, spokesperson for Newsom, said the governor will “continue to work with the California Legislature to develop the final budget package” in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is just one step in a long budget negotiation that will stretch to June. If the Senate’s counterproposal makes it into the state’s final budget come summer, leadership intends to end the diversion of penalty money permanently. Notably, Democratic leaders from the Assembly have not endorsed the Senate’s spending plan nor put forth their own proposal, but John Casey, communications director for Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, said both houses are interested in the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see what the May revision includes and the two houses will advance their priorities as best they can in negotiations afterward,” Casey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bitter pill’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent committee hearings, Assembly and Senate legislators have lambasted this particular proposal in Newsom’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to make sure that those dollars stay in this area to address affordability, and I’m not hearing from the administration that same commitment,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/joaquin-arambula-1977/\">Joaquin Arambula\u003c/a>, a Fresno Democrat and chairperson of the Assembly budget subcommittee on health.[aside postID=\"news_11944543,news_11944091\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/caroline-menjivar-1989/\">Caroline Menjivar\u003c/a>, a newly elected Democrat from Van Nuys and chairperson of the Senate budget subcommittee on health, criticized the governor’s plan for saving money “on the backs of our low-income communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his first day in office, Newsom proposed reinstating a tax on people without health insurance to fund increased subsidies for people who have Covered California insurance. A previous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/01/30/trump-touts-repeal-of-obamacare-individual-mandate.html\">federal version of the tax had been repealed by the Trump administration\u003c/a> the year prior, which contributed to a \u003ca href=\"https://hbex.coveredca.com/financial-reports/PDFs/2019/fy-2019-20-annual-report-final.pdf\">24% drop in enrollment in Covered California plans (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New taxes always trigger a \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/02/21/californias-individual-mandate-a-fix-for-a-broken-system-or-a-penalty-on-the-poor/\">legislative skirmish\u003c/a>, but this one gave even Democratic lawmakers and powerful advocacy groups pause: Theoretically, the tax would encourage more people to get health insurance, lowering the overall cost for everyone in the marketplace, but the penalty would come out of the pockets of the state’s poorest residents — those who forego insurance because it’s too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately approved the tax in 2019 with the understanding that the projected $1.4 billion in revenue over three years would be used to lower insurance costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of that money, however, has stayed in the state’s general fund. Newsom has previously argued that the federal government’s more generous COVID-19 subsidies, which extend through 2025, render additional state spending unnecessary, especially at a time when California faces a growing deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legislators in both the Senate and the Assembly say that’s not what they voted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The individual mandate was not intended to create funds for other government programs outside of health care from my perspective,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jim-wood-1960/\">Jim Wood\u003c/a> said during a recent budget subcommittee meeting. “I don’t think I would have supported it if that was the way I thought it would end up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood, a Democrat from Santa Rosa who leads the Assembly Health Committee, called the diversion to the general fund “a bitter pill to swallow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing, Department of Finance analyst Matt Aguilera argued using the money to alleviate the deficit would not impact current services under Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody is concerned about affordability. There’s agreement on that. Just due to the economic situation this may not be a good time to start up new programs,” Aguilera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue using the revenue from the individual mandate penalty wouldn’t be new spending. It would be fulfilling an existing commitment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Costs keep rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, in tandem with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB944\">a measure to ensure the penalty money no longer got diverted\u003c/a>, the Covered California board approved a plan to eliminate deductibles for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthforcalifornia.com/covered-california/plans?gclid=CjwKCAjwxr2iBhBJEiwAdXECw-W0XW5KoSAgoaM1h7Q2V7Khe0nQuGMOs73i3BBK8Mnu7fhFl6vjzRoC-wIQAvD_BwE\">mid-tier coverage option\u003c/a>, which is widely considered the most cost-effective insurance option. When \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-944-veto-message.pdf?emrc=af81f2\">Newsom vetoed the policy bill (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing a “downturn in revenues,” the plan was abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year this was a priority for everybody: the health plans, business groups, both the Assembly and Senate prioritized it in their budgets, health advocates, Covered California itself. Everybody lined up to support this,” said Rachel Linn Gish, communications director for Health Access California, a consumer advocacy lobbying group. “The only person we didn’t have was the governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, \u003ca href=\"https://www.coveredca.com/pdfs/2022-Health-Benefits-table.pdf\">deductibles jumped from $3,700 for an individual and $7,400 for a family with a mid-tier plan (PDF)\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.coveredca.com/pdfs/Health-Benefits-table.pdf\">$4,750 and $9,500, respectively (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health Access is sponsoring \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1208\">another measure\u003c/a> this year to ensure money appropriated for Covered California affordability measures is used for that purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/12755159/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the most direct and impactful ways we can make sure consumers get health care access right now is by lowering the cost of care,” Linn Gish said. “The 2025 (federal subsidy) sunset was the governor’s main sticking point … but to us, it’s 2023. Why can’t we help people now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats also rejected delays and cuts to investments in the state’s health care workforce, including a $49.8 million cut to training programs for public health workers. Michelle Gibbons, executive director of the County Health Executives Association of California, said the money was sorely needed after decades of public health budget cuts left the state scrambling to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t even begin to grow the pipeline of microbiologists, lab directors, epidemiologists — very skilled positions — without these programs and investments,” Gibbons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, however, how feasible the Senate Democrats’ proposal is with the state facing an economic downturn. Most of the cuts avoided are funded through a $6 billion proposed corporate tax hike and $5 billion suspension of a major tax credit, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-taxes-budget/\">Newsom rejected within hours of the proposal’s release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The adage “get it in writing” applies to politics as much as anything else, and it would seem the California Legislature could learn a lesson or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators and advocates have been pushing Gov. Gavin Newsom since last year to make good on a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/health-care-costs/\">longtime promise\u003c/a> to funnel money from a controversial tax penalty into the Covered California marketplace, making health insurance cheaper for nearly 1 million enrollees. The problem — or at least the argument Newsom has always made — is that state statute doesn’t require the penalty money to be used on health care. It goes directly into the general fund — where it has stayed for most of the past four years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legislators say that’s not what they intended when they voted on the measure in 2019. Senate leadership signaled its intent last week to ensure in writing that the money will “further lower the costs of health coverage for lower- and middle-income Californians” moving forward. The \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">Senate budget proposal rejects Newsom’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> to temporarily move $333.4 million in penalty money from an affordability reserve to the general fund, calling it a “rip-off” of Covered California funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our plan protects important advancements that California has made that has moved us towards a more equitable and sustainable economy,” Senate Budget Chair \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/nancy-skinner-1954/\">Nancy Skinner\u003c/a> said during a press briefing last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom proposed and the Legislature passed a polarizing tax penalty on Californians without health insurance, known as the individual mandate, with verbal assurances that it would be used to lower health care costs for those who have insurance through Covered California, the state version of the Affordable Care Act marketplace. Though \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/article/health-insurance-mandate-penalties/\">more than $1 billion has been collected in the past four years\u003c/a>, the money has only been used once to lower costs for enrollees, about $355 million in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://sbud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sbud.senate.ca.gov/files/Protect%20Our%20Progress%20Senate%20Budget%20Plan.pdf\">Senate Democrats’ budget proposal (PDF)\u003c/a>, which relies on corporate tax hikes that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-taxes-budget/\">Newsom swiftly rejected\u003c/a> to avoid a variety of cuts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2023/05/democrats-at-odds-budget-deficit/\">sets the stage for an intense period of negotiation\u003c/a> between the Legislature and governor as they hash out a state spending plan in the face of diminishing tax revenue. The Senate’s counter proposal would mandate using the money to eliminate deductibles and copays for roughly 900,000 Covered California enrollees next year. It’s one of several health care funding battles heating up amid a bleak budget year, including a fight to infuse emergency cash into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/hospital-closures-california/\">hospitals on the brink of closure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is expected to disclose later this month an even more dismal financial picture for the state than the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-budget/2023/01/california-budget-newsom-deficit/\">$22.5 billion deficit he projected in his January budget proposal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Brandon Richards, spokesperson for Newsom, said the governor will “continue to work with the California Legislature to develop the final budget package” in the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is just one step in a long budget negotiation that will stretch to June. If the Senate’s counterproposal makes it into the state’s final budget come summer, leadership intends to end the diversion of penalty money permanently. Notably, Democratic leaders from the Assembly have not endorsed the Senate’s spending plan nor put forth their own proposal, but John Casey, communications director for Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, said both houses are interested in the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see what the May revision includes and the two houses will advance their priorities as best they can in negotiations afterward,” Casey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bitter pill’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent committee hearings, Assembly and Senate legislators have lambasted this particular proposal in Newsom’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to make sure that those dollars stay in this area to address affordability, and I’m not hearing from the administration that same commitment,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/joaquin-arambula-1977/\">Joaquin Arambula\u003c/a>, a Fresno Democrat and chairperson of the Assembly budget subcommittee on health.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/caroline-menjivar-1989/\">Caroline Menjivar\u003c/a>, a newly elected Democrat from Van Nuys and chairperson of the Senate budget subcommittee on health, criticized the governor’s plan for saving money “on the backs of our low-income communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his first day in office, Newsom proposed reinstating a tax on people without health insurance to fund increased subsidies for people who have Covered California insurance. A previous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/01/30/trump-touts-repeal-of-obamacare-individual-mandate.html\">federal version of the tax had been repealed by the Trump administration\u003c/a> the year prior, which contributed to a \u003ca href=\"https://hbex.coveredca.com/financial-reports/PDFs/2019/fy-2019-20-annual-report-final.pdf\">24% drop in enrollment in Covered California plans (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New taxes always trigger a \u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/02/21/californias-individual-mandate-a-fix-for-a-broken-system-or-a-penalty-on-the-poor/\">legislative skirmish\u003c/a>, but this one gave even Democratic lawmakers and powerful advocacy groups pause: Theoretically, the tax would encourage more people to get health insurance, lowering the overall cost for everyone in the marketplace, but the penalty would come out of the pockets of the state’s poorest residents — those who forego insurance because it’s too expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately approved the tax in 2019 with the understanding that the projected $1.4 billion in revenue over three years would be used to lower insurance costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of that money, however, has stayed in the state’s general fund. Newsom has previously argued that the federal government’s more generous COVID-19 subsidies, which extend through 2025, render additional state spending unnecessary, especially at a time when California faces a growing deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But legislators in both the Senate and the Assembly say that’s not what they voted for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The individual mandate was not intended to create funds for other government programs outside of health care from my perspective,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jim-wood-1960/\">Jim Wood\u003c/a> said during a recent budget subcommittee meeting. “I don’t think I would have supported it if that was the way I thought it would end up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood, a Democrat from Santa Rosa who leads the Assembly Health Committee, called the diversion to the general fund “a bitter pill to swallow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing, Department of Finance analyst Matt Aguilera argued using the money to alleviate the deficit would not impact current services under Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody is concerned about affordability. There’s agreement on that. Just due to the economic situation this may not be a good time to start up new programs,” Aguilera said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue using the revenue from the individual mandate penalty wouldn’t be new spending. It would be fulfilling an existing commitment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Costs keep rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, in tandem with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB944\">a measure to ensure the penalty money no longer got diverted\u003c/a>, the Covered California board approved a plan to eliminate deductibles for the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthforcalifornia.com/covered-california/plans?gclid=CjwKCAjwxr2iBhBJEiwAdXECw-W0XW5KoSAgoaM1h7Q2V7Khe0nQuGMOs73i3BBK8Mnu7fhFl6vjzRoC-wIQAvD_BwE\">mid-tier coverage option\u003c/a>, which is widely considered the most cost-effective insurance option. When \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-944-veto-message.pdf?emrc=af81f2\">Newsom vetoed the policy bill (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing a “downturn in revenues,” the plan was abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year this was a priority for everybody: the health plans, business groups, both the Assembly and Senate prioritized it in their budgets, health advocates, Covered California itself. Everybody lined up to support this,” said Rachel Linn Gish, communications director for Health Access California, a consumer advocacy lobbying group. “The only person we didn’t have was the governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, \u003ca href=\"https://www.coveredca.com/pdfs/2022-Health-Benefits-table.pdf\">deductibles jumped from $3,700 for an individual and $7,400 for a family with a mid-tier plan (PDF)\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.coveredca.com/pdfs/Health-Benefits-table.pdf\">$4,750 and $9,500, respectively (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health Access is sponsoring \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1208\">another measure\u003c/a> this year to ensure money appropriated for Covered California affordability measures is used for that purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/12755159/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the most direct and impactful ways we can make sure consumers get health care access right now is by lowering the cost of care,” Linn Gish said. “The 2025 (federal subsidy) sunset was the governor’s main sticking point … but to us, it’s 2023. Why can’t we help people now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Democrats also rejected delays and cuts to investments in the state’s health care workforce, including a $49.8 million cut to training programs for public health workers. Michelle Gibbons, executive director of the County Health Executives Association of California, said the money was sorely needed after decades of public health budget cuts left the state scrambling to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t even begin to grow the pipeline of microbiologists, lab directors, epidemiologists — very skilled positions — without these programs and investments,” Gibbons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, however, how feasible the Senate Democrats’ proposal is with the state facing an economic downturn. Most of the cuts avoided are funded through a $6 billion proposed corporate tax hike and $5 billion suspension of a major tax credit, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-taxes-budget/\">Newsom rejected within hours of the proposal’s release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Care Can't Wait': California's Child Care Workers Demand Better Funding for Essential Services",
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"headTitle": "‘Care Can’t Wait’: California’s Child Care Workers Demand Better Funding for Essential Services | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Every day, Annette Nicholson opens her door as early as 6 a.m. to welcome 10 kids into the child care business she runs out of her home in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson lives on the north edge of town, where child care options are slim for working families. The parents who rely on her mostly work irregular hours, or need to drop off their kids early to commute long distances to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some leave babies as young as 6 weeks old with her. Some have even called her in tears, pleading with her to take care of a sick child because they can’t afford to miss work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the day, Nicholson reads to the preschool-age children, plays with them, watches over their naps and cooks eggs, oatmeal and other hot meals for everyone until the last child gets picked up around 8 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works long hours, yet barely gets by. At 62, Nicholson doesn’t have enough savings to retire because she has been underpaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People still kind of see us as, I’ll say, babysitters, that’s really how people look at us,” Nicholson said. “We are actually the ones that are developing our next generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care is a labor-intensive and essential service, yet people in the child care industry are some of the lowest-paid workers. The Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley found that \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CSCCE-Early-Educator-Compensation-California.pdf\">home-based providers make as little as $16,200 per year (PDF)\u003c/a> — that’s less than what\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/ooh/personal-care-and-service/animal-care-and-service-workers.htm\"> a dog trainer makes\u003c/a>. Like Nicholson, nearly all are women of color and many are immigrants, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948547\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An at-home child care worker in a rainbow T-shirt helps a little boy in a red T-shirt untie a knot in his black sneaker laces.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, helps a child with a knot in his shoe at the day care Nicholson operates from her home in Stockton on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nicholson follows a strict set of licensing requirements, such as meeting appropriate adult-to-child ratios in addition to meeting fire safety codes, sanitary food preparation standards and other requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also serves a wide demographic of families who pay private tuition, as well as lower-income families who receive public subsidies for child care. Still, those subsidies don’t adequately cover the cost of operating a licensed child care business, according to Nicholson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provide all the meals, the location, toys, the assistant, the education piece, the tools to go with that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The providers who care for the most marginalized children in California are paid at reimbursement rates based on \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-providers-need-a-substantial-pay-raise/\">outdated prices\u003c/a> from at least five years ago that neither reflect the true cost of care nor keep pace with the cost of sustaining a business, according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An independent study commissioned by the state found \u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/californiacostmodelreport2022\">the rates meet only 25% to 30% of the current costs to provide child care\u003c/a>. Yet, U.S. Department of Labor data shows parents are paying between \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/wb/wb20230124\">8% and 19%\u003c/a> of their median income for child care either at a home-based program or a center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023.jpg\" alt=\"A residential neighborhood with track homes and a cul-de-sac is pictured. Cars are parked in driveways and it's a sunny day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gaga’s House, a day care run by Annette Nicholson at her home at the end of a cul-de-sac in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lack of available and affordable child care leads many parents of young children to leave their jobs. Economists call the \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/136/The-Economics-of-Childcare-Supply-09-14-final.pdf\">untenable situation a market failure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers like Nicholson find themselves filling the gap between what parents can afford — and what the government pays for child care. Oftentimes, parents will take on credit card debt to make ends meet. Nicholson said she’s even dipped into her own savings to fix a fence that was damaged by a storm, so the children can play safely in her backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnant, meager wages are driving a \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">shortage of early educators\u003c/a>, causing child care centers to sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928111/teacher-shortages-force-dozens-of-california-preschools-to-close-classrooms\">close classrooms\u003c/a> when they don’t have enough staff to meet the adult-to-child ratio. For example, a study in Contra Costa County found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.first5coco.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Contra-Costa-County-Opportunity-Gap-For-Children-3-30-2023-FINAL.pdf\">90 child care sites permanently closed\u003c/a> during the pandemic, leading to even longer waitlists for subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11948316 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/040_KQED_CarpentryTraining_03302023-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state tried to respond to the demand for child care by adding 200,000 new slots for lower-income families by 2025–26 — more than doubling what had been previously available. So far, the state has only filled about 146,000 of them. The situation prompted Gov. Gavin Newsom to propose \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4672\">delaying funding for 20,000 additional slots\u003c/a> to help balance the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child advocates said the problem isn’t because families don’t need public assistance for child care. It’s because there aren’t enough workers or licensed facilities to fill the slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s urgent that we take care of this now because, as many of our advocates have said, care can’t wait,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes told KQED. Reyes is asking lawmakers to bump up the reimbursement rate for providers of subsidized child care — essentially giving them a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re taking care of the most precious people in our lives, and yet we are not paying them enough to keep their doors open,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes said the increase will at least keep pace with the cost of living and stabilize the workforce, especially as federal pandemic aid dries up. Democrats in the state Senate agree and have proposed hiking certain business taxes to pay child care providers. A spokesperson for Newsom, however, told KQED that he won’t support the tax increases.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes\"]‘They’re taking care of the most precious people in our lives, and yet we are not paying them enough to keep their doors open.’[/pullquote]Child Care Providers United, the union representing some 40,000 home-based child care workers in California, is going one step further. It wants an overhaul of the rate reimbursement system, to more accurately reflect the true cost of providing quality care and offer early educators a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a work group convened by the state to assess that system concluded “the chronic undervaluing of ‘women’s work’ and racial bias against women of color” contributed to the low rates for early educators. Their \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\">report traces the pay inequities to America’s slavery past (PDF)\u003c/a>, when Black domestic servants cared for the children of white families for little or no pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An at-home child care worker sits on a chair with children surrounding her who sit on a brown carpet. The worker is reading a story from a blue-colored story book about dinosaurs.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, reads a book to the children at the day care she operates from her home in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we were a male-dominated workforce, you wouldn’t even try to be this disrespectful with giving us a livable wage,” said LaWanda Wesley, a former early educator and advocate with Black Californians United for Early Care and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So these women of color … some of them are 67 years old, don’t have health benefits and have to work year-round. So now you won’t pay them well … you’re getting free labor almost (from them),” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson said she hopes to see potential reform that recognizes her important role in nurturing young children during the most critical period of their brain development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948549\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt='An at-home child care worker hugs a little kid next to the book, \"Danny and the Dinosaur.\" A shelf filled with baskets of colorful toys are to the left.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, hugs one of the children at the day care that she operates from her home in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She used to work as an administrator for Kaiser Permanente before deciding some 16 years ago to apply for a license and care for children inside her suburban tract home. She said her hospital job wasn’t fulfilling, and she wanted to return to her roots — helping her mother with her home-based child care business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson said she has reached a stage where she’s caring for the children of people she helped raise many years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to not only take good care of kids, you’ve got to love kids ’cause kids can wear you down,” she said. “You have to love them even more, to know that you’re not going to get what you deserve at doing this job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s early educators who care for the state’s most marginalized families are paid a fraction of what it costs to provide services. Now, providers are demanding that the state reform the way it funds child care.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Every day, Annette Nicholson opens her door as early as 6 a.m. to welcome 10 kids into the child care business she runs out of her home in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson lives on the north edge of town, where child care options are slim for working families. The parents who rely on her mostly work irregular hours, or need to drop off their kids early to commute long distances to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some leave babies as young as 6 weeks old with her. Some have even called her in tears, pleading with her to take care of a sick child because they can’t afford to miss work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the day, Nicholson reads to the preschool-age children, plays with them, watches over their naps and cooks eggs, oatmeal and other hot meals for everyone until the last child gets picked up around 8 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works long hours, yet barely gets by. At 62, Nicholson doesn’t have enough savings to retire because she has been underpaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People still kind of see us as, I’ll say, babysitters, that’s really how people look at us,” Nicholson said. “We are actually the ones that are developing our next generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care is a labor-intensive and essential service, yet people in the child care industry are some of the lowest-paid workers. The Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley found that \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CSCCE-Early-Educator-Compensation-California.pdf\">home-based providers make as little as $16,200 per year (PDF)\u003c/a> — that’s less than what\u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/ooh/personal-care-and-service/animal-care-and-service-workers.htm\"> a dog trainer makes\u003c/a>. Like Nicholson, nearly all are women of color and many are immigrants, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948547\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An at-home child care worker in a rainbow T-shirt helps a little boy in a red T-shirt untie a knot in his black sneaker laces.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64832_017_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, helps a child with a knot in his shoe at the day care Nicholson operates from her home in Stockton on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nicholson follows a strict set of licensing requirements, such as meeting appropriate adult-to-child ratios in addition to meeting fire safety codes, sanitary food preparation standards and other requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also serves a wide demographic of families who pay private tuition, as well as lower-income families who receive public subsidies for child care. Still, those subsidies don’t adequately cover the cost of operating a licensed child care business, according to Nicholson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provide all the meals, the location, toys, the assistant, the education piece, the tools to go with that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The providers who care for the most marginalized children in California are paid at reimbursement rates based on \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-providers-need-a-substantial-pay-raise/\">outdated prices\u003c/a> from at least five years ago that neither reflect the true cost of care nor keep pace with the cost of sustaining a business, according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An independent study commissioned by the state found \u003ca href=\"https://www.prenatal5fiscal.org/californiacostmodelreport2022\">the rates meet only 25% to 30% of the current costs to provide child care\u003c/a>. Yet, U.S. Department of Labor data shows parents are paying between \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/wb/wb20230124\">8% and 19%\u003c/a> of their median income for child care either at a home-based program or a center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948554\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023.jpg\" alt=\"A residential neighborhood with track homes and a cul-de-sac is pictured. Cars are parked in driveways and it's a sunny day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/030_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gaga’s House, a day care run by Annette Nicholson at her home at the end of a cul-de-sac in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lack of available and affordable child care leads many parents of young children to leave their jobs. Economists call the \u003ca href=\"https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/136/The-Economics-of-Childcare-Supply-09-14-final.pdf\">untenable situation a market failure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers like Nicholson find themselves filling the gap between what parents can afford — and what the government pays for child care. Oftentimes, parents will take on credit card debt to make ends meet. Nicholson said she’s even dipped into her own savings to fix a fence that was damaged by a storm, so the children can play safely in her backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnant, meager wages are driving a \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/child-care-sector-jobs-bls-analysis/\">shortage of early educators\u003c/a>, causing child care centers to sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11928111/teacher-shortages-force-dozens-of-california-preschools-to-close-classrooms\">close classrooms\u003c/a> when they don’t have enough staff to meet the adult-to-child ratio. For example, a study in Contra Costa County found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.first5coco.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/Contra-Costa-County-Opportunity-Gap-For-Children-3-30-2023-FINAL.pdf\">90 child care sites permanently closed\u003c/a> during the pandemic, leading to even longer waitlists for subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state tried to respond to the demand for child care by adding 200,000 new slots for lower-income families by 2025–26 — more than doubling what had been previously available. So far, the state has only filled about 146,000 of them. The situation prompted Gov. Gavin Newsom to propose \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4672\">delaying funding for 20,000 additional slots\u003c/a> to help balance the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child advocates said the problem isn’t because families don’t need public assistance for child care. It’s because there aren’t enough workers or licensed facilities to fill the slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s urgent that we take care of this now because, as many of our advocates have said, care can’t wait,” Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes told KQED. Reyes is asking lawmakers to bump up the reimbursement rate for providers of subsidized child care — essentially giving them a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re taking care of the most precious people in our lives, and yet we are not paying them enough to keep their doors open,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyes said the increase will at least keep pace with the cost of living and stabilize the workforce, especially as federal pandemic aid dries up. Democrats in the state Senate agree and have proposed hiking certain business taxes to pay child care providers. A spokesperson for Newsom, however, told KQED that he won’t support the tax increases.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘They’re taking care of the most precious people in our lives, and yet we are not paying them enough to keep their doors open.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Child Care Providers United, the union representing some 40,000 home-based child care workers in California, is going one step further. It wants an overhaul of the rate reimbursement system, to more accurately reflect the true cost of providing quality care and offer early educators a living wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, a work group convened by the state to assess that system concluded “the chronic undervaluing of ‘women’s work’ and racial bias against women of color” contributed to the low rates for early educators. Their \u003ca href=\"https://cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/CalWORKs/CCT/CCDD/Rate%20and%20Quality%20Stakeholder%20Workgroup%20Report_August%202022_FINAL%20ADA%20(2).pdf?ver=2022-08-24-081240-333\">report traces the pay inequities to America’s slavery past (PDF)\u003c/a>, when Black domestic servants cared for the children of white families for little or no pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948548\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"An at-home child care worker sits on a chair with children surrounding her who sit on a brown carpet. The worker is reading a story from a blue-colored story book about dinosaurs.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64826_009_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, reads a book to the children at the day care she operates from her home in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we were a male-dominated workforce, you wouldn’t even try to be this disrespectful with giving us a livable wage,” said LaWanda Wesley, a former early educator and advocate with Black Californians United for Early Care and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So these women of color … some of them are 67 years old, don’t have health benefits and have to work year-round. So now you won’t pay them well … you’re getting free labor almost (from them),” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson said she hopes to see potential reform that recognizes her important role in nurturing young children during the most critical period of their brain development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948549\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg\" alt='An at-home child care worker hugs a little kid next to the book, \"Danny and the Dinosaur.\" A shelf filled with baskets of colorful toys are to the left.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS64827_014_KQED_AnnetteNicholsonDaycare_04272023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Nicholson, also known as Gaga, hugs one of the children at the day care that she operates from her home in Stockton, on April 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She used to work as an administrator for Kaiser Permanente before deciding some 16 years ago to apply for a license and care for children inside her suburban tract home. She said her hospital job wasn’t fulfilling, and she wanted to return to her roots — helping her mother with her home-based child care business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholson said she has reached a stage where she’s caring for the children of people she helped raise many years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to not only take good care of kids, you’ve got to love kids ’cause kids can wear you down,” she said. “You have to love them even more, to know that you’re not going to get what you deserve at doing this job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsoms-plan-to-crack-down-on-fentanyl-in-san-francisco-could-cause-more-harm-than-good-some-addiction-experts-say",
"title": "Newsom's Plan to Crack Down on Fentanyl in San Francisco Could Cause More Harm Than Good, Some Addiction Experts Say",
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"headTitle": "Newsom’s Plan to Crack Down on Fentanyl in San Francisco Could Cause More Harm Than Good, Some Addiction Experts Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and Mayor London Breed are doubling down on law enforcement to get a grip on drug-related challenges in San Francisco’s city core.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addiction experts, however, say that the city and state’s latest effort repeats tough-on-crime tactics and rhetoric that have not succeeded in curbing drug dealing in the long run, and at times have led to spikes in overdose deaths when the intervention ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, these crackdowns on the drug supply don’t work as well as we want them to,” said Daniel Ciccarone, professor in addiction medicine at UCSF. “When we say we want to crack down on the supply and get more people into treatment, if you don’t do that carefully, the only thing you do is add to stigma and barriers to treatment. That is what the evidence shows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increased police presence could initially deter drug use and dealing. Officials did not state how long the operation would last, however, and that could also lead to other unintended consequences, said Vitka Eisen, CEO of the nonprofit HealthRight 360.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you increase enforcement on the street and pressure the supply side, what often results is much more chaotic drug use patterns in which people are more desperate to get drugs, prices go up, they use in a less safe way,” Eisen said. “So one of the unintended consequences of increased enforcement is increased overdoses.”[aside postID=news_11948062 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS28905_GettyImages-678967-qut-1020x701.jpg']Starting May 1, Newsom is sending additional California Highway Patrol officers into the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, where the majority of overdose deaths have occurred in recent years. There are currently 75 CHP officers assigned to the area, and that could go up to 84, according to CHP officials. Fourteen members of the California National Guard will also work to train San Francisco police in identifying and responding to potential trafficking cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Breed stated that their focus in San Francisco is around drug dealers and traffickers, not drug users themselves. But there is often overlap in those populations, according to addiction researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a false dichotomy here in terms of people who are drug merchants and people who are using drugs. You know, it can often be the same people. The people who use drugs might actually be selling or trading drugs as well,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the independent nonprofit research institute RTI International. “If you’re simply doing an intervention to try to remove people who sell drugs, you’re actually also hurting people who use drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both experts point to how, earlier this year, overdose rates in San Francisco rapidly increased shortly following the closure of the Tenderloin Center, a drop-in social services center and safe consumption site that operated for 11 months. Trained \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/reducing-fatal-and-non-fatal-overdoses-tenderloin#overdoses-reversed-at-the-tenderloin-center\">staff at the facility reversed 333 overdoses in 11 months\u003c/a> before the facility closed, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin Center opened in January 2022 as part of a wider intervention for the neighborhood that aimed to curb outdoor drug dealing and use, clean city sidewalks, get more people into drug treatment and reduce overdose deaths. The temporary emergency operation lasted 90 days and the center stayed open for 11 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a replacement (for the Tenderloin Center), and then to instead focus on policing people, it’s no surprise to me that there are more overdoses this year than last year,” Kral said. “There’s no surprise to me that things will get worse with this approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Residents say help is needed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s intervention comes alongside serious concerns about safety in the Tenderloin and in SoMa and complaints about street conditions that some feel are out of control. Residents who spoke to KQED said they are desperate for solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Thornton, 32, lives at Trinity Place in SoMa and said he has been held up at knifepoint twice outside his building. He supports the additional law enforcement resources coming into the neighborhood.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Vitka Eisen, CEO, HealthRight 360\"]‘[O]ne of the unintended consequences of increased enforcement is increased overdoses.’[/pullquote]“The police recommendation to me when I got a knife pulled on me was to not walk outside and not be on the sidewalk. I mean, wow,” said Thornton outside his building on May 1, the day the latest operation was set to begin. “I have not seen any National Guard yet, but I’m very excited for them to come if they are coming, because this block in particular is just absolutely wild and no one seems to do anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haley Hampton splits her time between her home in the city of Richmond, where her kids and grandmother live, and a room on Jones Street in the Tenderloin to be closer to her son, who was recently released from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She too welcomed the additional attention to the neighborhood, but was skeptical that it would lead to lasting change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m out here every night making sure that no one is in the corner overdosing or drowning from their alcohol,” she said. Sending in CHP “can make a difference only if they include the community that it wants to change. People have their vices, but we don’t give them a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hampton regularly shows friends and neighbors in the area how to administer Narcan, a naloxone nasal spray that can reverse an opioid overdose, and said that the community has learned to look out for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One needs to take only a 20-minute stroll in the Tenderloin to know there’s something amiss. And I understand the political and administrative and even civic call for law and order,” said Ciccarone. “But the drug supply is unbelievably resilient in America. You try to curtail it like a snake and you cut off its head, but it just grows two heads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How other places are responding to fentanyl\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Places outside California are now trying strategies to reduce the demand for illicit drugs. Canada, which is also grappling with fentanyl, opened ATM-like machines that can dispense safe amounts of opioids in controlled settings, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The machines helped reduce overdose deaths and drug dealing by regulating what is in the supply, and by limiting the demand for users to buy drugs illegally. The Canadian government in 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/news/2021/03/government-of-canada-supports-expansion-of-innovative-safer-supply-project-to-operate-in-four-cities-across-canada.html\">expanded the service program to four cities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 200 safe consumption sites also operate globally in more than a dozen countries, including France, Denmark, Canada, Australia, Switzerland and others. The facilities offer a space where people can use drugs and trained staff can reverse an overdose if it occurs, while also connecting people with other health and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City has found early success with reversing overdoses and reducing public drug use by operating two safe consumption sites at a private nonprofit called OnPoint NYC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Rhode Island became the first state to legalize supervised drug consumption services, and now has a state-approved plan to open a site in Providence in early 2024. The state has allocated $2.6 million from opioid settlement funds to pay for the first year of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Breed has said she supports opening safe consumption sites and has support from the Board of Supervisors. But last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed legislation that would have allowed sites to operate on a pilot basis in San Francisco, Los Angeles and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco plans to move forward with opening a safe consumption site nonetheless, using a model borrowed from New York City, where a nonprofit pays for and operates the overdose prevention services.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Alex Kral, epidemiologist, RTI International\"]‘Do you want to spend your money on jails … or do you want to spend your money on these sites that can actually help people?’[/pullquote]But those efforts have hit delays because the nonprofits that want to provide safe consumption say they can’t afford to do so without help from the city. San Francisco has a projected $130 million in funding coming in through settlements with pharmacies, drug manufacturers and distributors for their role in the overdose crisis, and the money is earmarked specifically for overdose prevention, such as purchasing and distributing Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney David Chiu has not yet agreed to use the funds for supervised consumption sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only is the U.S. not up to international standards on overdose prevention, but San Francisco and California as a whole are not up to national standards,” Ciccarone said, referring to the steps that some states are taking to address fentanyl overdoses and street-level problems related to drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/can-a-new-san-francisco-drug-testing-program-help-keep-users-safe/article_f289ddaa-4a53-11ed-a8ae-879e236a7de2.html\">San Francisco has been piloting a drug testing program\u003c/a>, but on a small scale. The idea is to offer people a chance to test what is in their supply and open conversations about safer use and even treatment. The city has also ramped up distribution of Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need here is leadership, not complaining and pointing fingers and draconian responses. We need courage, which combines both the heart-centered approach and bold stances that are not same old, same old,” he said. “That doesn’t work in the fentanyl epidemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rock and a hard place\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Legislature is currently debating nearly 30 bills introduced this year that aim to combat the fentanyl crisis as overdose deaths statewide have also ticked up. Some of the bills seek to ramp up prison sentences for fentanyl dealers, while others focus on education and prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who represents the SoMa neighborhood, has repeatedly called for increased police presence to deter drug use and dealing.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11947448,science_1982214,news_11945418\"]“San Francisco is on the precipice of a potentially catastrophic police staffing shortage, and there are too many public safety problems we’ll be helpless to solve if we don’t start solving SFPD’s understaffing crisis first,” Dorsey stated earlier this year when \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/23.01.23_Dorsey%20pushes%20police%20recruitment%20bonus%20matching%20policy%20to%20avoid%20%E2%80%98catastrophic%E2%80%99%20SFPD%20staffing%20shortage.pdf\">advocating for police recruitment bonuses (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju said he fears that would lead to negative outcomes similar to the crack cocaine and heroin epidemics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know from 50 years of the war on drugs that the people who are likely to be targeted by any forthcoming operations will be in low-income and Black and Brown communities, including those who have been trafficked or coerced into the drug trade under threat to themselves and their families,” Raju said in a press release after the new plan was announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providing housing and places where people can leave the street for safer settings to use drugs can be closer to the win-win politicians are looking for, Kral said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s an economic incentive, too, Kral added. His research on local public health and public safety spending estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">the city could save a minimum of $2.6 million\u003c/a> if it were to offer places where people could use drugs more safely and out of the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want to spend your money on jails,” he said, “or do you want to spend your money on these sites that can actually help people?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "'There is a false dichotomy here in terms of people who are drug merchants and people who are using drugs,' said independent researcher Alex Kral. 'You know, it can often be the same people.'",
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"title": "Newsom's Plan to Crack Down on Fentanyl in San Francisco Could Cause More Harm Than Good, Some Addiction Experts Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and Mayor London Breed are doubling down on law enforcement to get a grip on drug-related challenges in San Francisco’s city core.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addiction experts, however, say that the city and state’s latest effort repeats tough-on-crime tactics and rhetoric that have not succeeded in curbing drug dealing in the long run, and at times have led to spikes in overdose deaths when the intervention ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, these crackdowns on the drug supply don’t work as well as we want them to,” said Daniel Ciccarone, professor in addiction medicine at UCSF. “When we say we want to crack down on the supply and get more people into treatment, if you don’t do that carefully, the only thing you do is add to stigma and barriers to treatment. That is what the evidence shows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increased police presence could initially deter drug use and dealing. Officials did not state how long the operation would last, however, and that could also lead to other unintended consequences, said Vitka Eisen, CEO of the nonprofit HealthRight 360.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you increase enforcement on the street and pressure the supply side, what often results is much more chaotic drug use patterns in which people are more desperate to get drugs, prices go up, they use in a less safe way,” Eisen said. “So one of the unintended consequences of increased enforcement is increased overdoses.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Starting May 1, Newsom is sending additional California Highway Patrol officers into the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, where the majority of overdose deaths have occurred in recent years. There are currently 75 CHP officers assigned to the area, and that could go up to 84, according to CHP officials. Fourteen members of the California National Guard will also work to train San Francisco police in identifying and responding to potential trafficking cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Breed stated that their focus in San Francisco is around drug dealers and traffickers, not drug users themselves. But there is often overlap in those populations, according to addiction researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a false dichotomy here in terms of people who are drug merchants and people who are using drugs. You know, it can often be the same people. The people who use drugs might actually be selling or trading drugs as well,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the independent nonprofit research institute RTI International. “If you’re simply doing an intervention to try to remove people who sell drugs, you’re actually also hurting people who use drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both experts point to how, earlier this year, overdose rates in San Francisco rapidly increased shortly following the closure of the Tenderloin Center, a drop-in social services center and safe consumption site that operated for 11 months. Trained \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/reducing-fatal-and-non-fatal-overdoses-tenderloin#overdoses-reversed-at-the-tenderloin-center\">staff at the facility reversed 333 overdoses in 11 months\u003c/a> before the facility closed, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin Center opened in January 2022 as part of a wider intervention for the neighborhood that aimed to curb outdoor drug dealing and use, clean city sidewalks, get more people into drug treatment and reduce overdose deaths. The temporary emergency operation lasted 90 days and the center stayed open for 11 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a replacement (for the Tenderloin Center), and then to instead focus on policing people, it’s no surprise to me that there are more overdoses this year than last year,” Kral said. “There’s no surprise to me that things will get worse with this approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Residents say help is needed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s intervention comes alongside serious concerns about safety in the Tenderloin and in SoMa and complaints about street conditions that some feel are out of control. Residents who spoke to KQED said they are desperate for solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob Thornton, 32, lives at Trinity Place in SoMa and said he has been held up at knifepoint twice outside his building. He supports the additional law enforcement resources coming into the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The police recommendation to me when I got a knife pulled on me was to not walk outside and not be on the sidewalk. I mean, wow,” said Thornton outside his building on May 1, the day the latest operation was set to begin. “I have not seen any National Guard yet, but I’m very excited for them to come if they are coming, because this block in particular is just absolutely wild and no one seems to do anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haley Hampton splits her time between her home in the city of Richmond, where her kids and grandmother live, and a room on Jones Street in the Tenderloin to be closer to her son, who was recently released from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She too welcomed the additional attention to the neighborhood, but was skeptical that it would lead to lasting change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m out here every night making sure that no one is in the corner overdosing or drowning from their alcohol,” she said. Sending in CHP “can make a difference only if they include the community that it wants to change. People have their vices, but we don’t give them a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hampton regularly shows friends and neighbors in the area how to administer Narcan, a naloxone nasal spray that can reverse an opioid overdose, and said that the community has learned to look out for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One needs to take only a 20-minute stroll in the Tenderloin to know there’s something amiss. And I understand the political and administrative and even civic call for law and order,” said Ciccarone. “But the drug supply is unbelievably resilient in America. You try to curtail it like a snake and you cut off its head, but it just grows two heads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How other places are responding to fentanyl\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Places outside California are now trying strategies to reduce the demand for illicit drugs. Canada, which is also grappling with fentanyl, opened ATM-like machines that can dispense safe amounts of opioids in controlled settings, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The machines helped reduce overdose deaths and drug dealing by regulating what is in the supply, and by limiting the demand for users to buy drugs illegally. The Canadian government in 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/news/2021/03/government-of-canada-supports-expansion-of-innovative-safer-supply-project-to-operate-in-four-cities-across-canada.html\">expanded the service program to four cities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 200 safe consumption sites also operate globally in more than a dozen countries, including France, Denmark, Canada, Australia, Switzerland and others. The facilities offer a space where people can use drugs and trained staff can reverse an overdose if it occurs, while also connecting people with other health and social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City has found early success with reversing overdoses and reducing public drug use by operating two safe consumption sites at a private nonprofit called OnPoint NYC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Rhode Island became the first state to legalize supervised drug consumption services, and now has a state-approved plan to open a site in Providence in early 2024. The state has allocated $2.6 million from opioid settlement funds to pay for the first year of operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Breed has said she supports opening safe consumption sites and has support from the Board of Supervisors. But last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed legislation that would have allowed sites to operate on a pilot basis in San Francisco, Los Angeles and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco plans to move forward with opening a safe consumption site nonetheless, using a model borrowed from New York City, where a nonprofit pays for and operates the overdose prevention services.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But those efforts have hit delays because the nonprofits that want to provide safe consumption say they can’t afford to do so without help from the city. San Francisco has a projected $130 million in funding coming in through settlements with pharmacies, drug manufacturers and distributors for their role in the overdose crisis, and the money is earmarked specifically for overdose prevention, such as purchasing and distributing Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney David Chiu has not yet agreed to use the funds for supervised consumption sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only is the U.S. not up to international standards on overdose prevention, but San Francisco and California as a whole are not up to national standards,” Ciccarone said, referring to the steps that some states are taking to address fentanyl overdoses and street-level problems related to drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/can-a-new-san-francisco-drug-testing-program-help-keep-users-safe/article_f289ddaa-4a53-11ed-a8ae-879e236a7de2.html\">San Francisco has been piloting a drug testing program\u003c/a>, but on a small scale. The idea is to offer people a chance to test what is in their supply and open conversations about safer use and even treatment. The city has also ramped up distribution of Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need here is leadership, not complaining and pointing fingers and draconian responses. We need courage, which combines both the heart-centered approach and bold stances that are not same old, same old,” he said. “That doesn’t work in the fentanyl epidemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rock and a hard place\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Legislature is currently debating nearly 30 bills introduced this year that aim to combat the fentanyl crisis as overdose deaths statewide have also ticked up. Some of the bills seek to ramp up prison sentences for fentanyl dealers, while others focus on education and prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, who represents the SoMa neighborhood, has repeatedly called for increased police presence to deter drug use and dealing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“San Francisco is on the precipice of a potentially catastrophic police staffing shortage, and there are too many public safety problems we’ll be helpless to solve if we don’t start solving SFPD’s understaffing crisis first,” Dorsey stated earlier this year when \u003ca href=\"https://sfbos.org/sites/default/files/23.01.23_Dorsey%20pushes%20police%20recruitment%20bonus%20matching%20policy%20to%20avoid%20%E2%80%98catastrophic%E2%80%99%20SFPD%20staffing%20shortage.pdf\">advocating for police recruitment bonuses (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju said he fears that would lead to negative outcomes similar to the crack cocaine and heroin epidemics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know from 50 years of the war on drugs that the people who are likely to be targeted by any forthcoming operations will be in low-income and Black and Brown communities, including those who have been trafficked or coerced into the drug trade under threat to themselves and their families,” Raju said in a press release after the new plan was announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providing housing and places where people can leave the street for safer settings to use drugs can be closer to the win-win politicians are looking for, Kral said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s an economic incentive, too, Kral added. His research on local public health and public safety spending estimates that \u003ca href=\"https://www.rti.org/impact/cost-benefit-analysis-opening-safe-consumption-site-san-francisco\">the city could save a minimum of $2.6 million\u003c/a> if it were to offer places where people could use drugs more safely and out of the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want to spend your money on jails,” he said, “or do you want to spend your money on these sites that can actually help people?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Taps California Highway Patrol, National Guard to Fight San Francisco’s Fentanyl Crisis",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Taps California Highway Patrol, National Guard to Fight San Francisco’s Fentanyl Crisis | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new team of officers from the California Highway Patrol and the California National Guard will step in to train and assist San Francisco Police in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947448/there-to-save-a-life-san-francisco-bars-fight-fentanyl-overdoses-with-narcan\">disrupting fentanyl\u003c/a> dealing and trafficking, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mobilization comes as overdose rates in the city have increased 41% across \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-04/2023%2004_OCME%20Overdose%20Report_0.pdf\">the first three months of this year (PDF)\u003c/a> compared with \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-03/2022_OCME%20Overdose%20Report_0.pdf\">the same time period in 2022 (PDF)\u003c/a>, when the city was operating a supervised consumption site. Trained staff at \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/reducing-fatal-and-non-fatal-overdoses-tenderloin#overdoses-reversed-at-the-tenderloin-center\">the facility reversed 333 overdoses in 11 months\u003c/a> before the facility closed, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who traffic drugs, guns, and human beings are not welcome in our communities,” said Newsom in a press release. “That’s why we’re launching this operation. This is not about criminalizing people struggling with substance use — this is about taking down the prominent poison peddlers and their connected crime rings that prey on the most vulnerable, and harm our residents. While it’s true that San Francisco is safer than many cities its size, we cannot let rampant crime continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948099\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948099\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of a politician in a navy blue suit with navy and white tie, stands speaking from a podium with the U.S. and California state flags behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom announced on Friday, April 28, 2023, that a new team of officers from the California Highway Patrol and the California National Guard will step in to train and assist San Francisco police in disrupting fentanyl dealing and trafficking. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Starting May 1, CHP officers will help investigate opioid trafficking cases and train local police in identifying intoxicated drivers, city officials said on Friday. The effort will have a particular focus on the Tenderloin neighborhood, where the majority of overdose deaths have occurred this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional CHP units will also patrol hot spots for drug dealing in the city “as workload allows,” according to the press release about the plan. So far, 75 CHP officers have been stationed in the San Francisco area, CHP Commissioner Sean Duryee told reporters at a press conference on Friday. He said he expects that number to increase to 84 in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 14 members of the California National Guard (Cal Guard) will work remotely with SFPD on non-patrol operations such as improving administrative systems and responses to drug-related crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, San Francisco police have made more than 300 arrests for possession with intent to sell and seized 150% more fentanyl in the first three months of 2023 compared to 2022, according to the mayor’s office. On Tuesday, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced multiple charges against a 23-year-old arrested for carrying 11 pounds of fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times more potent than heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl has been involved in the vast majority of recent overdose deaths in San Francisco, data from the Office of the Medical Examiner shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials on Friday did not state what the long-term plan for the intervention would entail, but seemed aware of how \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/city-hall/analysis-political-history-haunts-mayor-breed-as-she-attempts-another-tenderloin-cleanup/\">similar crackdown efforts\u003c/a> in the neighborhood in the past and even \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/da-jenkins-threatens-drug-dealers-with-more-jail-time-harsher-penalties-as-sf-fentanyl-crackdown-expands/\">more recently\u003c/a> have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/drug-overdose-deaths-2023-17904060.php#:~:text=Quarterly%20accidental%20overdose%20deaths%20in%20San%20Francisco&text=Deaths%20reached%20a%20peak%20of,in%20Quarter%201%20of%202023.&text=Fentanyl%2Drelated-,The%20numbers%20are%20preliminary%20and%20subject%20to,more%20death%20investigations%20are%20completed.\">not shown success at slowing down sales, public drug use or overdose deaths\u003c/a> in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Fentanyl' tag='fentanyl']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we deploy large amounts of officers, the problem tends to go away while we are there,” said San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott. “The last thing we want to do is clean the streets up for a week, a month, then everyone goes back to what they were doing again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice and the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office, both of which have called for tougher enforcement around drug dealing as public scrutiny over the overdose crisis mounts, are also supportive of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fentanyl crisis is impacting our residents, workers, and businesses, and it requires all of us working together to disrupt the flow of drugs in San Francisco while also making sure we have treatment for those struggling with addiction,” San Francisco Mayor London Breed said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will send a strong message to those who are perpetrating these crimes,” she later said at Friday’s press conference.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘The fentanyl crisis is impacting our residents, workers, and businesses, and it requires all of us working together to disrupt the flow of drugs in San Francisco while also making sure we have treatment for those struggling with addiction.’[/pullquote]The proclamation Friday was reminiscent of Breed’s bold claim in 2021 that the city would crack down on the “bulls— that has destroyed our city,” which she said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/mayor-london-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-san-franciscos-troubled-tenderloin/\">announcing an emergency plan\u003c/a> to address the drug and overdose crisis in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That effort brought together multiple city agencies to ramp up enforcement of dealing, clear sidewalks and offer new public health responses to drug use such as opening what became a supervised consumption site called the Tenderloin Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility closed at the end of 2022, a few months after Newsom vetoed legislation that would have allowed San Francisco, Los Angeles and Oakland to pilot safe consumption sites. Breed said the plan was only meant to be temporary and, on Friday, added the center “didn’t quite work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948101\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut.jpg\" alt='A blue and yellow sign reads, \"Tenderloin Linkage Center Entrance.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents wait in line to get into the Tenderloin Linkage Center (also known as the Tenderloin Center), a now-defunct safe consumption site in San Francisco, on Feb. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the closing of the Tenderloin Center and the emergency plan’s winding down, overdose rates have again increased in 2023, data from the Office of the Medical Examiner shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, public safety advocates applauded the governor’s decision to increase law enforcement around the issue, at a time when the \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/03/police-staffing-crisis-san-francisco/\">San Francisco Police Department is struggling\u003c/a> to recruit and retain a full workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just the mere presence of our officers we believe will help deter and disrupt criminal activity,” Duryee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that his plan “will not seek to criminalize those struggling with substance use and instead focus on disrupting the supply fueling the fentanyl crisis by holding drug suppliers and traffickers accountable,” according to a press release on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But addiction experts and advocates for people who use drugs say the move could nonetheless have unintended consequences, and negatively affect people who struggle with addiction and lack access to housing, health care or other support systems.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dan Ciccarone, professor, UCSF\"]‘The outcome they want is to disturb the fentanyl supply. But usually these events are short-lived, and when they go away, the drug supply rebounds.’[/pullquote]“The outcome they want is to disturb the fentanyl supply. But usually these events are short-lived, and when they go away, the drug supply rebounds,” said Dan Ciccarone, professor and expert in addiction at UCSF. “When that happens, people die. People reduce their tolerance during the prohibition and go back to normal use when the supply rebounds and overdose rates shoot up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reporters on Friday asked Breed whether she shared concerns from some community members that the federal support and stricter law enforcement approach could replicate some of the devastation of the war on drugs, which \u003ca href=\"https://ldi.upenn.edu/our-work/research-updates/the-war-on-drugs-as-structural-racism/\">fueled overrepresentation\u003c/a> of Black and Latino people imprisoned for drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have more concerns about the number of people who are dying of drug overdoses and the families and people struggling in their neighborhoods,” Breed responded. “I want the streets to be safe … and part of that includes all of the great programs we are doing, but there has to be accountability attached to this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new team of officers from the California Highway Patrol and the California National Guard will step in to train and assist San Francisco Police in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947448/there-to-save-a-life-san-francisco-bars-fight-fentanyl-overdoses-with-narcan\">disrupting fentanyl\u003c/a> dealing and trafficking, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mobilization comes as overdose rates in the city have increased 41% across \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-04/2023%2004_OCME%20Overdose%20Report_0.pdf\">the first three months of this year (PDF)\u003c/a> compared with \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/sites/default/files/2023-03/2022_OCME%20Overdose%20Report_0.pdf\">the same time period in 2022 (PDF)\u003c/a>, when the city was operating a supervised consumption site. Trained staff at \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/reducing-fatal-and-non-fatal-overdoses-tenderloin#overdoses-reversed-at-the-tenderloin-center\">the facility reversed 333 overdoses in 11 months\u003c/a> before the facility closed, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who traffic drugs, guns, and human beings are not welcome in our communities,” said Newsom in a press release. “That’s why we’re launching this operation. This is not about criminalizing people struggling with substance use — this is about taking down the prominent poison peddlers and their connected crime rings that prey on the most vulnerable, and harm our residents. While it’s true that San Francisco is safer than many cities its size, we cannot let rampant crime continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948099\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948099\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A photo of a politician in a navy blue suit with navy and white tie, stands speaking from a podium with the U.S. and California state flags behind him.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS31296_GettyImages-968048630-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom announced on Friday, April 28, 2023, that a new team of officers from the California Highway Patrol and the California National Guard will step in to train and assist San Francisco police in disrupting fentanyl dealing and trafficking. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Starting May 1, CHP officers will help investigate opioid trafficking cases and train local police in identifying intoxicated drivers, city officials said on Friday. The effort will have a particular focus on the Tenderloin neighborhood, where the majority of overdose deaths have occurred this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional CHP units will also patrol hot spots for drug dealing in the city “as workload allows,” according to the press release about the plan. So far, 75 CHP officers have been stationed in the San Francisco area, CHP Commissioner Sean Duryee told reporters at a press conference on Friday. He said he expects that number to increase to 84 in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 14 members of the California National Guard (Cal Guard) will work remotely with SFPD on non-patrol operations such as improving administrative systems and responses to drug-related crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January, San Francisco police have made more than 300 arrests for possession with intent to sell and seized 150% more fentanyl in the first three months of 2023 compared to 2022, according to the mayor’s office. On Tuesday, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced multiple charges against a 23-year-old arrested for carrying 11 pounds of fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times more potent than heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl has been involved in the vast majority of recent overdose deaths in San Francisco, data from the Office of the Medical Examiner shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials on Friday did not state what the long-term plan for the intervention would entail, but seemed aware of how \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/politics/city-hall/analysis-political-history-haunts-mayor-breed-as-she-attempts-another-tenderloin-cleanup/\">similar crackdown efforts\u003c/a> in the neighborhood in the past and even \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/criminal-justice/da-jenkins-threatens-drug-dealers-with-more-jail-time-harsher-penalties-as-sf-fentanyl-crackdown-expands/\">more recently\u003c/a> have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/drug-overdose-deaths-2023-17904060.php#:~:text=Quarterly%20accidental%20overdose%20deaths%20in%20San%20Francisco&text=Deaths%20reached%20a%20peak%20of,in%20Quarter%201%20of%202023.&text=Fentanyl%2Drelated-,The%20numbers%20are%20preliminary%20and%20subject%20to,more%20death%20investigations%20are%20completed.\">not shown success at slowing down sales, public drug use or overdose deaths\u003c/a> in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we deploy large amounts of officers, the problem tends to go away while we are there,” said San Francisco Police Chief Bill Scott. “The last thing we want to do is clean the streets up for a week, a month, then everyone goes back to what they were doing again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice and the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office, both of which have called for tougher enforcement around drug dealing as public scrutiny over the overdose crisis mounts, are also supportive of the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fentanyl crisis is impacting our residents, workers, and businesses, and it requires all of us working together to disrupt the flow of drugs in San Francisco while also making sure we have treatment for those struggling with addiction,” San Francisco Mayor London Breed said in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This will send a strong message to those who are perpetrating these crimes,” she later said at Friday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The proclamation Friday was reminiscent of Breed’s bold claim in 2021 that the city would crack down on the “bulls— that has destroyed our city,” which she said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/mayor-london-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-san-franciscos-troubled-tenderloin/\">announcing an emergency plan\u003c/a> to address the drug and overdose crisis in the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That effort brought together multiple city agencies to ramp up enforcement of dealing, clear sidewalks and offer new public health responses to drug use such as opening what became a supervised consumption site called the Tenderloin Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility closed at the end of 2022, a few months after Newsom vetoed legislation that would have allowed San Francisco, Los Angeles and Oakland to pilot safe consumption sites. Breed said the plan was only meant to be temporary and, on Friday, added the center “didn’t quite work out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11948101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11948101\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut.jpg\" alt='A blue and yellow sign reads, \"Tenderloin Linkage Center Entrance.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS53605_010_SanFrancisco_TLLinkageCenter_02082022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents wait in line to get into the Tenderloin Linkage Center (also known as the Tenderloin Center), a now-defunct safe consumption site in San Francisco, on Feb. 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the closing of the Tenderloin Center and the emergency plan’s winding down, overdose rates have again increased in 2023, data from the Office of the Medical Examiner shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, public safety advocates applauded the governor’s decision to increase law enforcement around the issue, at a time when the \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/03/police-staffing-crisis-san-francisco/\">San Francisco Police Department is struggling\u003c/a> to recruit and retain a full workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just the mere presence of our officers we believe will help deter and disrupt criminal activity,” Duryee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that his plan “will not seek to criminalize those struggling with substance use and instead focus on disrupting the supply fueling the fentanyl crisis by holding drug suppliers and traffickers accountable,” according to a press release on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But addiction experts and advocates for people who use drugs say the move could nonetheless have unintended consequences, and negatively affect people who struggle with addiction and lack access to housing, health care or other support systems.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The outcome they want is to disturb the fentanyl supply. But usually these events are short-lived, and when they go away, the drug supply rebounds,” said Dan Ciccarone, professor and expert in addiction at UCSF. “When that happens, people die. People reduce their tolerance during the prohibition and go back to normal use when the supply rebounds and overdose rates shoot up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reporters on Friday asked Breed whether she shared concerns from some community members that the federal support and stricter law enforcement approach could replicate some of the devastation of the war on drugs, which \u003ca href=\"https://ldi.upenn.edu/our-work/research-updates/the-war-on-drugs-as-structural-racism/\">fueled overrepresentation\u003c/a> of Black and Latino people imprisoned for drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have more concerns about the number of people who are dying of drug overdoses and the families and people struggling in their neighborhoods,” Breed responded. “I want the streets to be safe … and part of that includes all of the great programs we are doing, but there has to be accountability attached to this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, Gov. Gavin Newsom made a splashy announcement: The state had procured around 1,300 trailers to house people experiencing homelessness who were especially vulnerable to the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the more than three years since the trailers were delivered throughout the state, the results have been mixed. In some areas, the trailers continue to fill a crucial need, like in Napa County, where they are used to quarantine sick farmworkers, and in San Francisco, where they’ve become part of the city’s network of non-congregate homeless shelters. But in some other counties that requested them, like Monterey, the trailers are now gathering dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Farrah McDaid Ting, director of public affairs, California State Association of Counties\"]‘The tiny home plan is welcome, and it’s going to be amazing, but it’s a drop in the ocean.’[/pullquote]State housing advocates and fiscal watchdogs say the patchwork success of the trailer program raises questions about whether Newsom’s most recently announced homelessness plan — to erect 1,200 tiny homes across the state — could have a similarly uneven, largely inadequate impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tiny home plan is welcome, and it’s going to be amazing, but it’s a drop in the ocean,” said Farrah McDaid Ting, director of public affairs for the California State Association of Counties. “And like the COVID trailers, they may get lost because there is no accountability or expectation of outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An emergency response to COVID\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2020, the Newsom administration began delivering temporary housing trailers to California cities, including more than a dozen to a parking lot in East Oakland. When the COVID emergency orders went into effect in March, that effort ramped up so both counties and cities could request the trailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the program, the state purchased a total of 1,305 trailers — of which about 105 were used and 1,200 were new — and started leasing hotels in California’s largest population centers to provide isolated lodging to unhoused people. The trailers slept anywhere from two to 10 people. Some had microwaves, bunk beds, sofas, TV mounts and full bathrooms, while others were smaller with fewer amenities.[aside postID=\"news_11945422,news_11927278,news_11796428\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Each trailer cost anywhere from roughly $12,000 to $30,000, totaling nearly $29 million including delivery fees, according to data from the California Department of General Services, which procured them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once the trailers arrived, it was up to each city or county to figure out how to fund and manage them. Some did; others didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco set up its 116 trailers — 91 gifted by the state and 21 paid for by the city — at Pier 94 near the Bayview neighborhood. The city paid for electricity, bathrooms and showers for residents, daily meals, transportation services and on-site health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get power and resources out to the site relatively quickly and open it up to people who were the most vulnerable to COVID living on the streets of the Bayview,” said Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. “It’s not just a trailer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 303 people have so far participated in San Francisco’s program. Of those, 37 have moved to permanent housing, according to Cohen. All but two of the trailers are still in use, and 118 people are still living at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a site just across the bay, near Oakland International Airport, the trailer program had a much rockier start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were in pretty sad shape and rehabbing them was extremely expensive,” said Derek Soo, an advocate for people experiencing homelessness, who in spring 2020 helped move some residents from nearby encampments into the trailers at the site on Hegenberger Road, which became known as Operation HomeBase. “They were falling apart after the first year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soo, who was unhoused himself, reported some of the dangerous conditions at the trailer site in its early days, including a lack of stable electricity. The city of Oakland eventually installed a transformer, which cost about $250,000, according to Soo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Site infrastructure improvements, like physical accessibility and trailer maintenance, and ongoing services, like meals and sanitation, are expensive but necessary to effectively operate temporary housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kym Wilson lived in a trailer at HomeBase from May 2020 to November 2021 with her husband and their two cats and a dog, until the couple was finally approved for an emergency housing voucher. The voucher allowed them to move from the trailer into an apartment in San Leandro, where they continue to live today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The trailer was smaller than our tent and we didn’t like that, but we knew we had an opportunity for housing, so we stayed,” said Wilson, who grew up in the East Bay, but was forced into homelessness after being evicted from her apartment in 2017. “Overall, the [trailer] experience was good. It was like a big trailer park right next to the Coliseum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jeff Scott, spokesperson, San José Housing Department\"]‘We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city.’[/pullquote]But some other cities that received trailers in 2020 couldn’t follow through on providing the services necessary to make the temporary alternative housing programs successful. And some cities that requested the trailers didn’t receive any at all, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">state data dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San José, for instance, only 90 of the 104 trailers sent were deemed habitable upon arrival, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/06/16/san-jose-spent-1-3-million-on-trailers-for-homeless-a-month-later-the-site-was-shut-down/\">Mercury News reported\u003c/a> at the start of the program, as some were missing sinks and had damaged vents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city spent nearly $1.3 million to repair damaged trailers and set up services and infrastructure, like water and electricity. But several months later, San José officials decided to return all 105 of its trailers and ditch the idea altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” said Jeff Scott, spokesperson for the city’s housing department. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monterey County, 15 trailers were set up at a county-owned park with RV hookups for water and electricity already available. But in the fall of 2022, as the COVID emergency became less dire, the trailers were decommissioned, according to Karen Smith, spokesperson with the Monterey County Public Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though the county continues to grapple with an acute housing shortage, the trailers are now sitting unused, in storage, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Empty trailers in a housing crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11947622\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-800x509.jpg\" alt=\"A lineup of trailers outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"509\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-800x509.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-1020x649.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trailers that were brought to Oakland to be used by unhoused people remain empty on Day 30 of the coronavirus shelter-in-place order in Oakland on Wednesday, April 15, 2020. Some of the trailers had been there since a joint press conference was held with Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Mayor Libby Schaaf on Jan. 16, 2020. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To avoid that same fate with tiny homes and other emergency housing initiatives, housing advocates say local municipalities need to receive more guidance and sustained funding from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness in San Francisco, said Newsom’s tiny home plan feels very similar to the trailer program. “Newsom is doing these one-time investments, then asking municipalities to take it on,” she said. “The local government still has to pay for all the infrastructure costs, like pouring cement, staffing, food costs and other services. That was expensive at Pier 94 [in San Francisco].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide disparity in outcomes for these short-term solutions has much to do with a lack of coordination and accountability when they are rolled out, notes McDaid Ting, of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so hodgepodge,” she said of the way broad homelessness initiatives, like the trailer program, have been implemented in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McDaid Ting’s group is calling on the governor to create a master plan to address homelessness that clarifies which state, county and local agencies are responsible for managing different parts of the state’s response — from running shelters and building ample housing and safety-net programs to expanding data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has so far allocated around $2.5 billion in this year’s budget to address homelessness, and has directed more than $20 billion toward the issue since taking office in 2018 — far more than any of his predecessors — according to the state Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many advocates say that still falls far short of what is needed to provide long-term solutions to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"http://chrome-extension//efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"http://chrome-extension//efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">the state’s more than 171,000 unhoused people (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s homelessness crisis is so severe that the governor has called in the National Guard, and several city leaders have declared emergencies in their jurisdictions,” Cal Cities executive director and CEO Carolyn Coleman said in a statement in response to a recent survey showing that 90% of California cities don’t know how they’ll pay for homelessness services in the years ahead. “Lasting progress will be out of reach without an ongoing source of state investment in local communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tiny homes, big promises\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Newsom’s newest housing initiative, the state is planning to deliver 350 tiny homes to Sacramento, 500 to Los Angeles, 200 to San José and 150 to San Diego. The cities will own the homes and be on the hook for funding ongoing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In various studies, a majority of unhoused people say they prefer tiny homes and trailers to congregate shelters because they offer more privacy and security, helping residents to reestablish a greater degree of stability and confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone wants their own place, the opportunity to move forward from the sidewalk to the trailer or tiny homes and into their own apartment or house. That’s the end result, that’s what we are looking for,” said Wilson, a former resident of Oakland’s Operation HomeBase program. “We came from homes. We haven’t always been homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, Gov. Gavin Newsom made a splashy announcement: The state had procured around 1,300 trailers to house people experiencing homelessness who were especially vulnerable to the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the more than three years since the trailers were delivered throughout the state, the results have been mixed. In some areas, the trailers continue to fill a crucial need, like in Napa County, where they are used to quarantine sick farmworkers, and in San Francisco, where they’ve become part of the city’s network of non-congregate homeless shelters. But in some other counties that requested them, like Monterey, the trailers are now gathering dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>State housing advocates and fiscal watchdogs say the patchwork success of the trailer program raises questions about whether Newsom’s most recently announced homelessness plan — to erect 1,200 tiny homes across the state — could have a similarly uneven, largely inadequate impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tiny home plan is welcome, and it’s going to be amazing, but it’s a drop in the ocean,” said Farrah McDaid Ting, director of public affairs for the California State Association of Counties. “And like the COVID trailers, they may get lost because there is no accountability or expectation of outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An emergency response to COVID\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2020, the Newsom administration began delivering temporary housing trailers to California cities, including more than a dozen to a parking lot in East Oakland. When the COVID emergency orders went into effect in March, that effort ramped up so both counties and cities could request the trailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the program, the state purchased a total of 1,305 trailers — of which about 105 were used and 1,200 were new — and started leasing hotels in California’s largest population centers to provide isolated lodging to unhoused people. The trailers slept anywhere from two to 10 people. Some had microwaves, bunk beds, sofas, TV mounts and full bathrooms, while others were smaller with fewer amenities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Each trailer cost anywhere from roughly $12,000 to $30,000, totaling nearly $29 million including delivery fees, according to data from the California Department of General Services, which procured them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But once the trailers arrived, it was up to each city or county to figure out how to fund and manage them. Some did; others didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco set up its 116 trailers — 91 gifted by the state and 21 paid for by the city — at Pier 94 near the Bayview neighborhood. The city paid for electricity, bathrooms and showers for residents, daily meals, transportation services and on-site health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get power and resources out to the site relatively quickly and open it up to people who were the most vulnerable to COVID living on the streets of the Bayview,” said Emily Cohen, spokesperson for the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. “It’s not just a trailer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 303 people have so far participated in San Francisco’s program. Of those, 37 have moved to permanent housing, according to Cohen. All but two of the trailers are still in use, and 118 people are still living at the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at a site just across the bay, near Oakland International Airport, the trailer program had a much rockier start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were in pretty sad shape and rehabbing them was extremely expensive,” said Derek Soo, an advocate for people experiencing homelessness, who in spring 2020 helped move some residents from nearby encampments into the trailers at the site on Hegenberger Road, which became known as Operation HomeBase. “They were falling apart after the first year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soo, who was unhoused himself, reported some of the dangerous conditions at the trailer site in its early days, including a lack of stable electricity. The city of Oakland eventually installed a transformer, which cost about $250,000, according to Soo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Site infrastructure improvements, like physical accessibility and trailer maintenance, and ongoing services, like meals and sanitation, are expensive but necessary to effectively operate temporary housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kym Wilson lived in a trailer at HomeBase from May 2020 to November 2021 with her husband and their two cats and a dog, until the couple was finally approved for an emergency housing voucher. The voucher allowed them to move from the trailer into an apartment in San Leandro, where they continue to live today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The trailer was smaller than our tent and we didn’t like that, but we knew we had an opportunity for housing, so we stayed,” said Wilson, who grew up in the East Bay, but was forced into homelessness after being evicted from her apartment in 2017. “Overall, the [trailer] experience was good. It was like a big trailer park right next to the Coliseum.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some other cities that received trailers in 2020 couldn’t follow through on providing the services necessary to make the temporary alternative housing programs successful. And some cities that requested the trailers didn’t receive any at all, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/views/COVID-19HomelessImpactDashboard/HomelessImpact?:embed=y&:showVizHome=no\">state data dashboard\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San José, for instance, only 90 of the 104 trailers sent were deemed habitable upon arrival, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2020/06/16/san-jose-spent-1-3-million-on-trailers-for-homeless-a-month-later-the-site-was-shut-down/\">Mercury News reported\u003c/a> at the start of the program, as some were missing sinks and had damaged vents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city spent nearly $1.3 million to repair damaged trailers and set up services and infrastructure, like water and electricity. But several months later, San José officials decided to return all 105 of its trailers and ditch the idea altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” said Jeff Scott, spokesperson for the city’s housing department. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monterey County, 15 trailers were set up at a county-owned park with RV hookups for water and electricity already available. But in the fall of 2022, as the COVID emergency became less dire, the trailers were decommissioned, according to Karen Smith, spokesperson with the Monterey County Public Health Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even though the county continues to grapple with an acute housing shortage, the trailers are now sitting unused, in storage, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Empty trailers in a housing crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11947622\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-800x509.jpg\" alt=\"A lineup of trailers outside.\" width=\"800\" height=\"509\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-800x509.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-1020x649.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1220237023.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trailers that were brought to Oakland to be used by unhoused people remain empty on Day 30 of the coronavirus shelter-in-place order in Oakland on Wednesday, April 15, 2020. Some of the trailers had been there since a joint press conference was held with Gov. Gavin Newsom and former Mayor Libby Schaaf on Jan. 16, 2020. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To avoid that same fate with tiny homes and other emergency housing initiatives, housing advocates say local municipalities need to receive more guidance and sustained funding from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness in San Francisco, said Newsom’s tiny home plan feels very similar to the trailer program. “Newsom is doing these one-time investments, then asking municipalities to take it on,” she said. “The local government still has to pay for all the infrastructure costs, like pouring cement, staffing, food costs and other services. That was expensive at Pier 94 [in San Francisco].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide disparity in outcomes for these short-term solutions has much to do with a lack of coordination and accountability when they are rolled out, notes McDaid Ting, of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so hodgepodge,” she said of the way broad homelessness initiatives, like the trailer program, have been implemented in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McDaid Ting’s group is calling on the governor to create a master plan to address homelessness that clarifies which state, county and local agencies are responsible for managing different parts of the state’s response — from running shelters and building ample housing and safety-net programs to expanding data collection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has so far allocated around $2.5 billion in this year’s budget to address homelessness, and has directed more than $20 billion toward the issue since taking office in 2018 — far more than any of his predecessors — according to the state Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many advocates say that still falls far short of what is needed to provide long-term solutions to \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"http://chrome-extension//efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"http://chrome-extension//efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">the state’s more than 171,000 unhoused people (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s homelessness crisis is so severe that the governor has called in the National Guard, and several city leaders have declared emergencies in their jurisdictions,” Cal Cities executive director and CEO Carolyn Coleman said in a statement in response to a recent survey showing that 90% of California cities don’t know how they’ll pay for homelessness services in the years ahead. “Lasting progress will be out of reach without an ongoing source of state investment in local communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tiny homes, big promises\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Newsom’s newest housing initiative, the state is planning to deliver 350 tiny homes to Sacramento, 500 to Los Angeles, 200 to San José and 150 to San Diego. The cities will own the homes and be on the hook for funding ongoing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In various studies, a majority of unhoused people say they prefer tiny homes and trailers to congregate shelters because they offer more privacy and security, helping residents to reestablish a greater degree of stability and confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone wants their own place, the opportunity to move forward from the sidewalk to the trailer or tiny homes and into their own apartment or house. That’s the end result, that’s what we are looking for,” said Wilson, a former resident of Oakland’s Operation HomeBase program. “We came from homes. We haven’t always been homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court issued an order Friday that temporarily stays any changes to federal rules for use of an abortion drug, while it takes time to more fully consider the issues raised in a court challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, signed by Justice Samuel Alito, put a five-day pause on the fast-moving case so the justices can decide whether lower court rulings restricting the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of the drug, mifepristone, should be allowed to take effect in the short term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices are being asked at this point only to determine what parts of an April 7 ruling by U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk in Texas, as modified by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-abortion-pill-appeal-fe13d36218f1fb43590aff29b5ba4e9c\">an appellate ruling Wednesday\u003c/a>, can be enforced while the case continues. The order expires late Wednesday, suggesting the court will decide that issue by then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal saga that has unfolded over mifepristone — one of two drugs commonly used for medication abortions in the U.S. — has caused concern in California, where access to abortion is\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\"> a constitutional right\u003c/a> under state law. Gov. Gavin Newsom announced last week the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946207/california-strikes-deal-to-stockpile-abortion-pill-in-wake-of-texas-judge-ruling\">state would begin stockpiling abortion medications\u003c/a> in the event that restrictions come into effect. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/04/07/governor-newsom-statement-on-texas-judge-restricting-access-to-medication-abortion/\">The governor reiterated that abortion is still legal and accessible\u003c/a> in California as “a fundamental freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to KQED on Friday, the California Department of Public Health said it was assessing the implications of recent rulings and evaluating various options on how to ensure access to reproductive services and medications, saying it was working with “multiple departments across the California Health and Human Services Agency to ensure that individuals in California are not adversely impacted by the recent court rulings regarding the use of Mifepristone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946807\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946807\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495.jpg\" alt='An African American woman with short hair speaks into a microphone surrounded by people holding signs that say \"Abortion Is Health Care\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) speaks at a news conference to reintroduce the Abortion Is Health Care Everywhere Act outside the US Capitol on March 23, 2023, in Washington, DC. The bill authorizes the use of certain foreign assistance funds to provide comprehensive reproductive health care services in developing countries, including abortion services, training and equipment. \u003ccite>(Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), who is co-chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, said that while Alito’s decision Friday meant that mifepristone is still accessible, she warned that this access is still “under threat” pending the high court’s decision, and urged continued vigilance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to realize that this is another step toward Republicans trying to put into law a national ban on abortion,” said Lee in an interview with KQED. “My constituents are saying they’re worried, because some of these broad, really backwards types of decisions could turn the clock back on scientifically approved drugs nationwide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Congressmember added that she and her colleagues were prepared to act if legislation was needed to strengthen the FDA’s authority and prevent court decisions from undermining that authority, warning of the implications such decisions may have down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The] FDA approves the safety and efficacy of drugs for all types of medical conditions, including Alzheimer’s,” Lee said. “So what does this say about a process that could hinder other kinds of scientific research for other types of medical conditions? That is very dangerous and people are concerned about that, in terms of the precedent setting with these decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court finds itself immersed in a new fight involving abortion less than a year after\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-supreme-court-decision-854f60302f21c2c35129e58cf8d8a7b0\"> conservative justices reversed Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and allowed more than a dozen states to effectively ban abortion outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration and New York-based Danco Laboratories, maker of the pill, asked the justices to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said in a statement Friday evening that the administration continues “to stand by FDA’s evidence-based approval of mifepristone, and we will continue to support the FDA’s independent, expert authority to review, approve, and regulate a wide range of prescription drugs.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.)\"]‘I think we need to realize that this is another step toward Republicans trying to put into law a national ban on abortion.’[/pullquote]She added, “The stakes of this fight could not be higher in the face of ongoing attacks on women’s health, and we will continue to fight to restore the protections of Roe v. Wade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the anti-abortion doctors and medical organizations suing over mifepristone said the court’s action Friday was “standard operating procedure” and urged the justices to allow the appeals court-ordered changes to take effect by the middle of next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The type of order issued by the court Friday, an administrative stay, ordinarily is not an indication of what the justices will do going forward. It was signed by Alito because he handles emergency filings from Texas. Alito also is the author of last year’s opinion overturning Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Danco both warned of “regulatory chaos” and harm to women if the high court doesn’t block the lower-court rulings that had the effect of tightening FDA rules under which the drug, mifepristone, can be prescribed and dispensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353.jpg\" alt='Protesters march holding signs that read \"Abortion Is Health Care\" with the U.S. Capitol in the backdrop.' width=\"1024\" height=\"684\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally in support of abortion rights at the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC, April 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new limits would have taken effect Saturday if the court hadn’t acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This application concerns unprecedented lower court orders countermanding FDA’s scientific judgment and unleashing regulatory chaos by suspending the existing FDA-approved conditions of use for mifepristone,” Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, the Biden administration’s top Supreme Court lawyer, wrote Friday, less than two days after the appellate ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and Danco now want a more lasting order that would keep the current rules in place as long as the legal fight over mifepristone continues. As a fallback, they asked the court to take up the issue, hear arguments and decide by early summer a legal challenge to mifepristone that anti-abortion doctors and medical organizations filed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court rarely acts so quickly to grant full review of cases before at least one appeals court has thoroughly examined the legal issues involved.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11946073,news_11946193,news_11938516\"]A ruling from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals late Wednesday would prevent the pill, used in the most common abortion method, from being mailed or prescribed without an in-person visit to a doctor. It also would withdraw the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of mifepristone for use beyond the seventh week of pregnancy. The FDA says it’s safe through 10 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the appeals court did not entirely withdraw FDA approval of mifepristone \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-telehealth-mifepristone-9ba8f3ce130fae246e1d87ce428b74a0\">while the fight over it continues\u003c/a>. The 5th Circuit narrowed an April 7 ruling by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-judge-matthew-kacsmaryk-abortion-pill-fda-75964b777ef09593a1ad948c6cfc0237\">U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk\u003c/a>, whose far-reaching and virtually unprecedented order would have blocked FDA approval of the pill. He gave the administration a week to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the government’s knowledge, this is the first time any court has abrogated FDA’s conditions on a drug’s approval based on a disagreement with the agency’s judgment about safety — much less done so after those conditions have been in effect for years,” Prelogar wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Hawley, lawyer for the challengers, said in a statement that the FDA has put politics ahead of health concerns in its actions on medication abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 5th Circuit rightly required the agency to prioritize women’s health by restoring critical safeguards, and we’ll urge the Supreme Court to keep that accountability in place,” said Hawley, senior counsel with Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative legal group that also argued to overturn Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone was approved by the FDA more than two decades ago and is used in combination with a second drug, misoprostol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the uncertainty, a separate federal judge in Washington on Thursday clarified his own order from last week to make clear that the FDA is not to do anything that might block mifepristone’s availability in 17 Democrat-led states suing to keep it on the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how the FDA can comply with court orders in both cases, a situation that Prelogar described Friday as untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, in a statement Friday night, said the April 7 ruling out of Texas poses “an existential threat to the FDA’s authority to review and approve a wide range of drugs. If it stands, no medicine approved by the FDA would be safe from these attacks.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Elizabeth Prelogar, US solicitor general\"]‘[T]his is the first time any court has abrogated FDA’s conditions on a drug’s approval based on a disagreement with the agency’s judgment about safety — much less done so after those conditions have been in effect for years.’[/pullquote]Use of medication abortion jumped significantly after the FDA’s 2016 rule expansion, according to data gathered by the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights. In 2017, medication abortion accounted for 39% percent of abortions, but by 2020 it had increased to become the most common method, accounting for 53% of all abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have said the use of medication abortion has increased since the court overturned Roe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the drug was initially approved, the FDA limited its use to up to seven weeks of pregnancy. It also required three in-person office visits: the first to administer mifepristone, the next to administer the second drug, misoprostol, and the third to address any complications. It also required a doctor’s supervision and a reporting system for any serious consequences of the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the appeals court’s action stands, those would again be the terms under which mifepristone could be dispensed for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the core of the Texas lawsuit is the allegation that the FDA’s initial approval of mifepristone was flawed because the agency did not adequately review safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone has been used by millions of women over the past 23 years. While less drastic than completely overturning the drug’s approval, the latest ruling still represents a stark challenge to the FDA’s authority overseeing how prescription drugs are used in the U.S. The ruling late Wednesday overturned multiple decisions made by FDA regulators after years of scientific review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common side effects with mifepristone include cramping, bleeding, nausea, headache and diarrhea. In rare cases, patients can experience excess bleeding that requires surgery to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in loosening restrictions on mifepristone, FDA regulators cited “exceedingly low rates of serious adverse events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 5.6 million women in the U.S. had used the drug as of June 2022, according to the FDA. In that period, the agency received 4,200 reports of complications in women, or less than one-tenth of 1% of women who took the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Mark Sherman and Jessica Gresko of The Associated Press and by KQED’s Attila Pelit and Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court issued an order Friday that temporarily stays any changes to federal rules for use of an abortion drug, while it takes time to more fully consider the issues raised in a court challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order, signed by Justice Samuel Alito, put a five-day pause on the fast-moving case so the justices can decide whether lower court rulings restricting the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of the drug, mifepristone, should be allowed to take effect in the short term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices are being asked at this point only to determine what parts of an April 7 ruling by U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk in Texas, as modified by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-abortion-pill-appeal-fe13d36218f1fb43590aff29b5ba4e9c\">an appellate ruling Wednesday\u003c/a>, can be enforced while the case continues. The order expires late Wednesday, suggesting the court will decide that issue by then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal saga that has unfolded over mifepristone — one of two drugs commonly used for medication abortions in the U.S. — has caused concern in California, where access to abortion is\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931183/californians-vote-to-protect-abortion-in-constitution\"> a constitutional right\u003c/a> under state law. Gov. Gavin Newsom announced last week the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946207/california-strikes-deal-to-stockpile-abortion-pill-in-wake-of-texas-judge-ruling\">state would begin stockpiling abortion medications\u003c/a> in the event that restrictions come into effect. \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/04/07/governor-newsom-statement-on-texas-judge-restricting-access-to-medication-abortion/\">The governor reiterated that abortion is still legal and accessible\u003c/a> in California as “a fundamental freedom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to KQED on Friday, the California Department of Public Health said it was assessing the implications of recent rulings and evaluating various options on how to ensure access to reproductive services and medications, saying it was working with “multiple departments across the California Health and Human Services Agency to ensure that individuals in California are not adversely impacted by the recent court rulings regarding the use of Mifepristone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946807\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946807\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495.jpg\" alt='An African American woman with short hair speaks into a microphone surrounded by people holding signs that say \"Abortion Is Health Care\"' width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1475601495-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) speaks at a news conference to reintroduce the Abortion Is Health Care Everywhere Act outside the US Capitol on March 23, 2023, in Washington, DC. The bill authorizes the use of certain foreign assistance funds to provide comprehensive reproductive health care services in developing countries, including abortion services, training and equipment. \u003ccite>(Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), who is co-chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, said that while Alito’s decision Friday meant that mifepristone is still accessible, she warned that this access is still “under threat” pending the high court’s decision, and urged continued vigilance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to realize that this is another step toward Republicans trying to put into law a national ban on abortion,” said Lee in an interview with KQED. “My constituents are saying they’re worried, because some of these broad, really backwards types of decisions could turn the clock back on scientifically approved drugs nationwide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Congressmember added that she and her colleagues were prepared to act if legislation was needed to strengthen the FDA’s authority and prevent court decisions from undermining that authority, warning of the implications such decisions may have down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The] FDA approves the safety and efficacy of drugs for all types of medical conditions, including Alzheimer’s,” Lee said. “So what does this say about a process that could hinder other kinds of scientific research for other types of medical conditions? That is very dangerous and people are concerned about that, in terms of the precedent setting with these decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court finds itself immersed in a new fight involving abortion less than a year after\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-supreme-court-decision-854f60302f21c2c35129e58cf8d8a7b0\"> conservative justices reversed Roe v. Wade\u003c/a> and allowed more than a dozen states to effectively ban abortion outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration and New York-based Danco Laboratories, maker of the pill, asked the justices to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said in a statement Friday evening that the administration continues “to stand by FDA’s evidence-based approval of mifepristone, and we will continue to support the FDA’s independent, expert authority to review, approve, and regulate a wide range of prescription drugs.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I think we need to realize that this is another step toward Republicans trying to put into law a national ban on abortion.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She added, “The stakes of this fight could not be higher in the face of ongoing attacks on women’s health, and we will continue to fight to restore the protections of Roe v. Wade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the anti-abortion doctors and medical organizations suing over mifepristone said the court’s action Friday was “standard operating procedure” and urged the justices to allow the appeals court-ordered changes to take effect by the middle of next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The type of order issued by the court Friday, an administrative stay, ordinarily is not an indication of what the justices will do going forward. It was signed by Alito because he handles emergency filings from Texas. Alito also is the author of last year’s opinion overturning Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Danco both warned of “regulatory chaos” and harm to women if the high court doesn’t block the lower-court rulings that had the effect of tightening FDA rules under which the drug, mifepristone, can be prescribed and dispensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946813\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946813\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353.jpg\" alt='Protesters march holding signs that read \"Abortion Is Health Care\" with the U.S. Capitol in the backdrop.' width=\"1024\" height=\"684\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/GettyImages-1251856353-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally in support of abortion rights at the US Supreme Court in Washington, DC, April 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The new limits would have taken effect Saturday if the court hadn’t acted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This application concerns unprecedented lower court orders countermanding FDA’s scientific judgment and unleashing regulatory chaos by suspending the existing FDA-approved conditions of use for mifepristone,” Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, the Biden administration’s top Supreme Court lawyer, wrote Friday, less than two days after the appellate ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration and Danco now want a more lasting order that would keep the current rules in place as long as the legal fight over mifepristone continues. As a fallback, they asked the court to take up the issue, hear arguments and decide by early summer a legal challenge to mifepristone that anti-abortion doctors and medical organizations filed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court rarely acts so quickly to grant full review of cases before at least one appeals court has thoroughly examined the legal issues involved.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A ruling from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals late Wednesday would prevent the pill, used in the most common abortion method, from being mailed or prescribed without an in-person visit to a doctor. It also would withdraw the Food and Drug Administration’s approval of mifepristone for use beyond the seventh week of pregnancy. The FDA says it’s safe through 10 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the appeals court did not entirely withdraw FDA approval of mifepristone \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-telehealth-mifepristone-9ba8f3ce130fae246e1d87ce428b74a0\">while the fight over it continues\u003c/a>. The 5th Circuit narrowed an April 7 ruling by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-judge-matthew-kacsmaryk-abortion-pill-fda-75964b777ef09593a1ad948c6cfc0237\">U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk\u003c/a>, whose far-reaching and virtually unprecedented order would have blocked FDA approval of the pill. He gave the administration a week to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the government’s knowledge, this is the first time any court has abrogated FDA’s conditions on a drug’s approval based on a disagreement with the agency’s judgment about safety — much less done so after those conditions have been in effect for years,” Prelogar wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Hawley, lawyer for the challengers, said in a statement that the FDA has put politics ahead of health concerns in its actions on medication abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 5th Circuit rightly required the agency to prioritize women’s health by restoring critical safeguards, and we’ll urge the Supreme Court to keep that accountability in place,” said Hawley, senior counsel with Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative legal group that also argued to overturn Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone was approved by the FDA more than two decades ago and is used in combination with a second drug, misoprostol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the uncertainty, a separate federal judge in Washington on Thursday clarified his own order from last week to make clear that the FDA is not to do anything that might block mifepristone’s availability in 17 Democrat-led states suing to keep it on the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how the FDA can comply with court orders in both cases, a situation that Prelogar described Friday as untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, in a statement Friday night, said the April 7 ruling out of Texas poses “an existential threat to the FDA’s authority to review and approve a wide range of drugs. If it stands, no medicine approved by the FDA would be safe from these attacks.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[T]his is the first time any court has abrogated FDA’s conditions on a drug’s approval based on a disagreement with the agency’s judgment about safety — much less done so after those conditions have been in effect for years.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Use of medication abortion jumped significantly after the FDA’s 2016 rule expansion, according to data gathered by the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights. In 2017, medication abortion accounted for 39% percent of abortions, but by 2020 it had increased to become the most common method, accounting for 53% of all abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts have said the use of medication abortion has increased since the court overturned Roe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the drug was initially approved, the FDA limited its use to up to seven weeks of pregnancy. It also required three in-person office visits: the first to administer mifepristone, the next to administer the second drug, misoprostol, and the third to address any complications. It also required a doctor’s supervision and a reporting system for any serious consequences of the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the appeals court’s action stands, those would again be the terms under which mifepristone could be dispensed for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the core of the Texas lawsuit is the allegation that the FDA’s initial approval of mifepristone was flawed because the agency did not adequately review safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone has been used by millions of women over the past 23 years. While less drastic than completely overturning the drug’s approval, the latest ruling still represents a stark challenge to the FDA’s authority overseeing how prescription drugs are used in the U.S. The ruling late Wednesday overturned multiple decisions made by FDA regulators after years of scientific review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common side effects with mifepristone include cramping, bleeding, nausea, headache and diarrhea. In rare cases, patients can experience excess bleeding that requires surgery to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, in loosening restrictions on mifepristone, FDA regulators cited “exceedingly low rates of serious adverse events.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 5.6 million women in the U.S. had used the drug as of June 2022, according to the FDA. In that period, the agency received 4,200 reports of complications in women, or less than one-tenth of 1% of women who took the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Mark Sherman and Jessica Gresko of The Associated Press and by KQED’s Attila Pelit and Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Strikes Deal to Stockpile Abortion Pill in Wake of Texas Judge Ruling",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several states say they are stocking up on medications used to induce abortions as a major abortion pill appears poised to potentially become unavailable in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office says it’s made plans to secure an emergency stockpile of up to 2 million pills of misoprostol, a drug used in combination with another pill that is now the subject of legal battles in federal courts. Officials say the state currently has more than 250,000 of the pills already on hand, which were purchased for about $100,000.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11946073,news_11938516,news_11931860\"]“While California still believes Mifepristone is central to the preferred regimen for medication abortion, the State negotiated and purchased an emergency stockpile of Misoprostol in anticipation of Friday’s ruling by far-right federal judge Matthew Kacsmaryk to ensure that California remains a safe haven for safe, affordable, and accessible reproductive care,” Newsom’s office said in a statement provided to NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healy said Monday afternoon that her state has stockpiled some 15,000 mifepristone pills or more than a year’s worth of doses. Last week, Washington Gov. Jay Inslee announced his state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/04/04/1167867948/washington-state-stockpiles-thousands-of-abortion-pills\">prepared a stockpile\u003c/a> of about three years’ worth of mifepristone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, most medication abortions involve two drugs: mifepristone followed by misoprostol, a protocol approved by the Food and Drug Administration in 2000. A coalition of anti-abortion-rights groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/01/1153593174/mifepristone-abortion-pill-federal-texas-lawsuit-restrict-access-nationwide\">suing the FDA\u003c/a>, seeking to force mifepristone to be pulled from the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Friday, Kaczmaryk, a Trump-appointed federal judge in Texas with a long history of ties with conservative activists, ruled that the FDA should halt its approval. His nationwide order is scheduled to go into effect this Friday unless the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals intervenes.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘While California still believes Mifepristone is central to the preferred regimen for medication abortion, the State negotiated and purchased an emergency stockpile of Misoprostol in anticipation of Friday’s ruling by far-right federal judge Matthew Kacsmaryk to ensure that California remains a safe haven for safe, affordable, and accessible reproductive care.’[/pullquote]More than half of abortions in the U.S. are now medication abortions, and the vast majority of those involve the two-drug protocol, which is considered the gold standard here. But the second medication in that regimen, misoprostol, also can be used alone to induce abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/24/1159075709/abortion-drug-mifepristone-misoprotol-texas-case\">single-drug approach\u003c/a> is slightly less effective and can be more painful for patients, but misoprostol alone is endorsed by the World Health Organization as an effective option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office says the pills were secured through the state’s CalRx prescription drug program, and California is providing information about its purchase agreement to other states that may be interested in taking similar action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies facing shortages will be directed to a state website where they can find information about how to request pills from the misoprostol supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As mifepristone remains a subject of legal battles in federal courts, California joins several other states in stockpiling misoprostol, with Gov. Newsom's office saying they plan to secure an emergency stockpile of up to 2 million pills.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several states say they are stocking up on medications used to induce abortions as a major abortion pill appears poised to potentially become unavailable in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office says it’s made plans to secure an emergency stockpile of up to 2 million pills of misoprostol, a drug used in combination with another pill that is now the subject of legal battles in federal courts. Officials say the state currently has more than 250,000 of the pills already on hand, which were purchased for about $100,000.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While California still believes Mifepristone is central to the preferred regimen for medication abortion, the State negotiated and purchased an emergency stockpile of Misoprostol in anticipation of Friday’s ruling by far-right federal judge Matthew Kacsmaryk to ensure that California remains a safe haven for safe, affordable, and accessible reproductive care,” Newsom’s office said in a statement provided to NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Massachusetts Gov. Maura Healy said Monday afternoon that her state has stockpiled some 15,000 mifepristone pills or more than a year’s worth of doses. Last week, Washington Gov. Jay Inslee announced his state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/04/04/1167867948/washington-state-stockpiles-thousands-of-abortion-pills\">prepared a stockpile\u003c/a> of about three years’ worth of mifepristone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the United States, most medication abortions involve two drugs: mifepristone followed by misoprostol, a protocol approved by the Food and Drug Administration in 2000. A coalition of anti-abortion-rights groups are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/01/1153593174/mifepristone-abortion-pill-federal-texas-lawsuit-restrict-access-nationwide\">suing the FDA\u003c/a>, seeking to force mifepristone to be pulled from the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Friday, Kaczmaryk, a Trump-appointed federal judge in Texas with a long history of ties with conservative activists, ruled that the FDA should halt its approval. His nationwide order is scheduled to go into effect this Friday unless the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals intervenes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>More than half of abortions in the U.S. are now medication abortions, and the vast majority of those involve the two-drug protocol, which is considered the gold standard here. But the second medication in that regimen, misoprostol, also can be used alone to induce abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/24/1159075709/abortion-drug-mifepristone-misoprotol-texas-case\">single-drug approach\u003c/a> is slightly less effective and can be more painful for patients, but misoprostol alone is endorsed by the World Health Organization as an effective option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office says the pills were secured through the state’s CalRx prescription drug program, and California is providing information about its purchase agreement to other states that may be interested in taking similar action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies facing shortages will be directed to a state website where they can find information about how to request pills from the misoprostol supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Access to Abortion Pill in Limbo After Competing Rulings as Biden, Newsom Slam Texas Judge",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to the most commonly used method of abortion in the U.S. plunged into uncertainty Friday following conflicting court rulings over the legality of the abortion medication mifepristone, which has been widely available for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the drug that the Food and Drug Administration approved in 2000 remains at least immediately available in the wake of the separate rulings that were issued just minutes apart by federal judges in Texas and Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, a Trump appointee and formerly an attorney for a religious liberty legal group with a long history of pushing conservative causes, ordered a hold on federal approval of mifepristone in a decision that overruled decades of scientific approval. But that decision was quickly followed by U.S. District Judge Thomas O. Rice, an Obama appointee, essentially ordering the opposite and directing U.S. authorities to not make any changes that would restrict access to the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“FDA is under one order that says you can do nothing and another that says in seven days I’m going to require you to vacate the approval of mifepristone,” said Glenn Cohen of Harvard Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extraordinary timing of the competing orders revealed the high stakes that surround the drug a year after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and curtailed access to abortion across the country. President Joe Biden said his administration would fight the Texas ruling.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘Today’s ruling, by an extremist judge pursuing a radical political agenda, ignores facts, science, and the law.’[/pullquote]“The Court in this case has substituted its judgment for FDA, the expert agency that approves drugs,” Biden said. “If this ruling were to stand, then there will be virtually no prescription, approved by the FDA, that would be safe from these kinds of political, ideological attacks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/04/07/governor-newsom-statement-on-texas-judge-restricting-access-to-medication-abortion/\">issued a statement Friday\u003c/a> condemning the decision by the “far-right federal judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling, by an extremist judge pursuing a radical political agenda, ignores facts, science, and the law — putting the health of millions of women and girls at risk,” said Newsom. “Abortion is still legal and accessible here in California and we won’t stand by as fundamental freedoms are stripped away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-denounces-texas-court-decision-suspending-approval\">a press release Friday\u003c/a>, Attorney General Rob Bonta called the ruling in Texas “unconscionable” and “another chapter in a very dark period of American history,” saying, “I will continue doing everything in my power to ensure that our state remains a safe haven for all those seeking, supporting, and providing reproductive care,” and reminding Californians of their \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reprorights\">reproductive rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee (CA-12), co-chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, issued a \u003ca href=\"https://lee.house.gov/news/press-releases/congresswoman-barbara-lee-condemns-ruling-by-trump-appointed-judge-undermining-fda-approval-of-abortion-medication-\">press statement\u003c/a> in which she called the Texas judge’s decision part of a coordinated and decades-long attack on abortion rights in the country.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11945838,news_11938516,news_11943903\"]“If the Supreme Court upholds this extreme and dangerous ruling, it will be the greatest loss for abortion rights since the fall of Roe\u003cem> … \u003c/em>We can’t let that happen,” said Lee. “As Co-Chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, I am working closely with our partners to respond to this egregious ruling and preserve access to mifepristone nationwide. People — not politicians — should have the freedom to make their own health care decisions, and we won’t stop fighting until they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=76D1DECB-6B1E-4566-B674-8CF33B157D6A\">issued a statement Saturday\u003c/a> saying the ruling in Texas wasn’t about the “safety of the drug or protecting patients” but about “overriding the FDA’s processes and expertise to attack women’s reproductive rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion providers also slammed the Texas ruling, including Whole Woman’s Health, which operates six clinics in five states and said it would continue to dispense mifepristone in person and by mail over the next week as they review the rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jodi Hicks of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California said the ruling was in stark contrast to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Attacks on reproductive health care, including medication abortion, are all about power and control, and this is no different,” said Hicks in an interview with KQED. “This ruling will create additional barriers to care, and people will be hurt by this. But let’s be clear, despite this ruling and the efforts of extremists, abortion remains legal and accessible in California. Planned Parenthood in California will continue to support Californians and out-of-state patients seeking care they need here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday, American Medical Association President Dr. Jack Resneck Jr., said “the court’s disregard for well-established scientific facts in favor of speculative allegations and ideological assertions will cause harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By rejecting medical facts, the court has intruded into the exam room and has intervened in decisions that belong to patients and physicians,” said Resneck. “Mifepristone has been studied extensively for over two decades and has been proven to be safe time and time again … We will continue to support access to evidence-based health care, including abortion medication, and oppose intrusions that undermine our patients’ health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The abortion drug has been widely used in the U.S. since 2000, and there is essentially no precedent for a lone judge overruling the medical decisions of the Food and Drug Administration. Mifepristone is one of two drugs used for medication abortion in the United States, along with misoprostol, which is also used to treat other medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kacsmaryk signed an injunction directing the FDA to stay mifepristone’s approval while a lawsuit challenging the safety and approval of the drug continues. His 67-page order gave the government seven days to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinics and doctors that prescribe the two-drug combination have said that if mifepristone were pulled from the market, they would switch to using only the second drug, misoprostol. That single-drug approach has a slightly lower rate of effectiveness in ending pregnancies, but it is widely used in countries where mifepristone is illegal or unavailable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit in the Texas case was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-food-and-drug-administration-donald-trump-texas-medication-bdd99c39613c71f62d10dfc2f2d1bf07\">filed by the Alliance Defending Freedom\u003c/a>, which was also involved in the Mississippi case that led to Roe v. Wade being overturned. At the core of the lawsuit is the allegation that the FDA’s initial approval of mifepristone was flawed because it did not adequately review its safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts have long deferred to the FDA on issues of drug safety and effectiveness. But the agency’s authority faces new challenges in a post-Roe legal environment in which abortions are banned or unavailable in 14 states, while 16 states have laws specifically targeting abortion medications.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Greer Donley, professor specializing in reproductive health care, University of Pittsburgh Law School\"]‘This has never happened before in history — it’s a huge deal … You have a federal judge who has zero scientific background second-guessing every scientific decision that the FDA made.’[/pullquote]Since the Texas lawsuit was filed in November, legal experts have warned of questionable arguments and factual inaccuracies in the Christian group’s filing. Kacsmaryk essentially agreed with the plaintiffs on all of their major points, including that the FDA didn’t adequately review mifepristone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court does not second-guess FDA’s decision-making lightly.” Kacsmaryk wrote. “But here, FDA acquiesced on its legitimate safety concerns — in violation of its statutory duty — based on plainly unsound reasoning and studies that did not support its conclusions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone has been used by millions of women over the past 23 years, and complications from the drug occur at a lower rate than that seen with wisdom teeth removal, colonoscopies and other routine medical procedures, medical groups have recently noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere, Kacsmaryk sided with plaintiffs in stating that the FDA overstepped its authority in approving mifepristone, in part, by using a specialized review process reserved for drugs to treat “serious or life-threatening illnesses.” The judge brushed aside FDA arguments that its own regulations make clear that pregnancy is a medical condition that can sometimes be serious and life-threatening, instead calling it a “natural process essential to perpetuating human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His order also agreed with plaintiffs in invoking a controversial 19th-century law that anti-abortion groups are now trying to revive to block sending abortion medications through the mail. Originally passed in 1873 and named for an “anti-vice crusader,” the Comstock Act was used to prohibit the mailing of contraceptives, “lewd” writings and “instruments” that could be used in an abortion. The law was seldom invoked in the 50 years after Roe established a federal right to abortion.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"President Joe Biden\"]‘If this ruling were to stand, then there will be virtually no prescription, approved by the FDA, that would be safe from these kinds of political, ideological attacks.’[/pullquote]Kacsmaryk, though, agreed with plaintiffs that the law — as literally interpreted — prohibits mailing mifepristone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His order, if upheld, would also dismantle a number of recent FDA actions intended to ease access to the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2021, the FDA — under the Biden administration — dropped a requirement that patients pick up the drug in person, opening the door to delivery by mail-order pharmacies. In January the agency dropped another requirement that prevented most brick-and-mortar pharmacies from dispensing the pill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion groups, which are newly encouraged about their ability to further restrict abortion and prevail in court since last’s year’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, embraced the Texas ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court’s decision today is a major step forward for women and girls whose health and safety have been jeopardized for decades by the FDA’s rushed, flawed and politicized approval of these dangerous drugs,” said March for Life President Jeanne Mancini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts warned that the ruling could upend decades of precedent, setting the stage for political groups to overturn other FDA approvals of controversial drugs and vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has never happened before in history — it’s a huge deal,” said Greer Donley, a professor specializing in reproductive health care at the University of Pittsburgh Law School. “You have a federal judge who has zero scientific background second-guessing every scientific decision that the FDA made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, because of the contradictory nature of the rulings, Donley and other experts said there would be little immediate impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the short term, nothing’s going to change,” Donley said. “This is the time to be preparing for the fact that in a week, potentially, mifepristone becomes an unapproved drug in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Paul J. Weber, Matthew Perrone and Lindsay Whitehurst of The Associated Press and by Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman and Attila Pelit of KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A federal judge in Texas has thrown into jeopardy the most common method of abortion in the US, ordering regulators to temporarily halt their approval of the drug mifepristone for abortion, while another federal judge ordered the opposite, directing US authorities not to make any changes that would restrict access to the drug.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to the most commonly used method of abortion in the U.S. plunged into uncertainty Friday following conflicting court rulings over the legality of the abortion medication mifepristone, which has been widely available for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, the drug that the Food and Drug Administration approved in 2000 remains at least immediately available in the wake of the separate rulings that were issued just minutes apart by federal judges in Texas and Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, a Trump appointee and formerly an attorney for a religious liberty legal group with a long history of pushing conservative causes, ordered a hold on federal approval of mifepristone in a decision that overruled decades of scientific approval. But that decision was quickly followed by U.S. District Judge Thomas O. Rice, an Obama appointee, essentially ordering the opposite and directing U.S. authorities to not make any changes that would restrict access to the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“FDA is under one order that says you can do nothing and another that says in seven days I’m going to require you to vacate the approval of mifepristone,” said Glenn Cohen of Harvard Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extraordinary timing of the competing orders revealed the high stakes that surround the drug a year after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and curtailed access to abortion across the country. President Joe Biden said his administration would fight the Texas ruling.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Today’s ruling, by an extremist judge pursuing a radical political agenda, ignores facts, science, and the law.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Court in this case has substituted its judgment for FDA, the expert agency that approves drugs,” Biden said. “If this ruling were to stand, then there will be virtually no prescription, approved by the FDA, that would be safe from these kinds of political, ideological attacks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/04/07/governor-newsom-statement-on-texas-judge-restricting-access-to-medication-abortion/\">issued a statement Friday\u003c/a> condemning the decision by the “far-right federal judge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling, by an extremist judge pursuing a radical political agenda, ignores facts, science, and the law — putting the health of millions of women and girls at risk,” said Newsom. “Abortion is still legal and accessible here in California and we won’t stand by as fundamental freedoms are stripped away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-denounces-texas-court-decision-suspending-approval\">a press release Friday\u003c/a>, Attorney General Rob Bonta called the ruling in Texas “unconscionable” and “another chapter in a very dark period of American history,” saying, “I will continue doing everything in my power to ensure that our state remains a safe haven for all those seeking, supporting, and providing reproductive care,” and reminding Californians of their \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/reprorights\">reproductive rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee (CA-12), co-chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, issued a \u003ca href=\"https://lee.house.gov/news/press-releases/congresswoman-barbara-lee-condemns-ruling-by-trump-appointed-judge-undermining-fda-approval-of-abortion-medication-\">press statement\u003c/a> in which she called the Texas judge’s decision part of a coordinated and decades-long attack on abortion rights in the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If the Supreme Court upholds this extreme and dangerous ruling, it will be the greatest loss for abortion rights since the fall of Roe\u003cem> … \u003c/em>We can’t let that happen,” said Lee. “As Co-Chair of the Pro-Choice Caucus, I am working closely with our partners to respond to this egregious ruling and preserve access to mifepristone nationwide. People — not politicians — should have the freedom to make their own health care decisions, and we won’t stop fighting until they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=76D1DECB-6B1E-4566-B674-8CF33B157D6A\">issued a statement Saturday\u003c/a> saying the ruling in Texas wasn’t about the “safety of the drug or protecting patients” but about “overriding the FDA’s processes and expertise to attack women’s reproductive rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion providers also slammed the Texas ruling, including Whole Woman’s Health, which operates six clinics in five states and said it would continue to dispense mifepristone in person and by mail over the next week as they review the rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jodi Hicks of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California said the ruling was in stark contrast to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Attacks on reproductive health care, including medication abortion, are all about power and control, and this is no different,” said Hicks in an interview with KQED. “This ruling will create additional barriers to care, and people will be hurt by this. But let’s be clear, despite this ruling and the efforts of extremists, abortion remains legal and accessible in California. Planned Parenthood in California will continue to support Californians and out-of-state patients seeking care they need here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement Friday, American Medical Association President Dr. Jack Resneck Jr., said “the court’s disregard for well-established scientific facts in favor of speculative allegations and ideological assertions will cause harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By rejecting medical facts, the court has intruded into the exam room and has intervened in decisions that belong to patients and physicians,” said Resneck. “Mifepristone has been studied extensively for over two decades and has been proven to be safe time and time again … We will continue to support access to evidence-based health care, including abortion medication, and oppose intrusions that undermine our patients’ health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The abortion drug has been widely used in the U.S. since 2000, and there is essentially no precedent for a lone judge overruling the medical decisions of the Food and Drug Administration. Mifepristone is one of two drugs used for medication abortion in the United States, along with misoprostol, which is also used to treat other medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kacsmaryk signed an injunction directing the FDA to stay mifepristone’s approval while a lawsuit challenging the safety and approval of the drug continues. His 67-page order gave the government seven days to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinics and doctors that prescribe the two-drug combination have said that if mifepristone were pulled from the market, they would switch to using only the second drug, misoprostol. That single-drug approach has a slightly lower rate of effectiveness in ending pregnancies, but it is widely used in countries where mifepristone is illegal or unavailable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit in the Texas case was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-food-and-drug-administration-donald-trump-texas-medication-bdd99c39613c71f62d10dfc2f2d1bf07\">filed by the Alliance Defending Freedom\u003c/a>, which was also involved in the Mississippi case that led to Roe v. Wade being overturned. At the core of the lawsuit is the allegation that the FDA’s initial approval of mifepristone was flawed because it did not adequately review its safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts have long deferred to the FDA on issues of drug safety and effectiveness. But the agency’s authority faces new challenges in a post-Roe legal environment in which abortions are banned or unavailable in 14 states, while 16 states have laws specifically targeting abortion medications.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since the Texas lawsuit was filed in November, legal experts have warned of questionable arguments and factual inaccuracies in the Christian group’s filing. Kacsmaryk essentially agreed with the plaintiffs on all of their major points, including that the FDA didn’t adequately review mifepristone’s safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Court does not second-guess FDA’s decision-making lightly.” Kacsmaryk wrote. “But here, FDA acquiesced on its legitimate safety concerns — in violation of its statutory duty — based on plainly unsound reasoning and studies that did not support its conclusions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mifepristone has been used by millions of women over the past 23 years, and complications from the drug occur at a lower rate than that seen with wisdom teeth removal, colonoscopies and other routine medical procedures, medical groups have recently noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere, Kacsmaryk sided with plaintiffs in stating that the FDA overstepped its authority in approving mifepristone, in part, by using a specialized review process reserved for drugs to treat “serious or life-threatening illnesses.” The judge brushed aside FDA arguments that its own regulations make clear that pregnancy is a medical condition that can sometimes be serious and life-threatening, instead calling it a “natural process essential to perpetuating human life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His order also agreed with plaintiffs in invoking a controversial 19th-century law that anti-abortion groups are now trying to revive to block sending abortion medications through the mail. Originally passed in 1873 and named for an “anti-vice crusader,” the Comstock Act was used to prohibit the mailing of contraceptives, “lewd” writings and “instruments” that could be used in an abortion. The law was seldom invoked in the 50 years after Roe established a federal right to abortion.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kacsmaryk, though, agreed with plaintiffs that the law — as literally interpreted — prohibits mailing mifepristone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His order, if upheld, would also dismantle a number of recent FDA actions intended to ease access to the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late 2021, the FDA — under the Biden administration — dropped a requirement that patients pick up the drug in person, opening the door to delivery by mail-order pharmacies. In January the agency dropped another requirement that prevented most brick-and-mortar pharmacies from dispensing the pill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-abortion groups, which are newly encouraged about their ability to further restrict abortion and prevail in court since last’s year’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, embraced the Texas ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court’s decision today is a major step forward for women and girls whose health and safety have been jeopardized for decades by the FDA’s rushed, flawed and politicized approval of these dangerous drugs,” said March for Life President Jeanne Mancini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts warned that the ruling could upend decades of precedent, setting the stage for political groups to overturn other FDA approvals of controversial drugs and vaccines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has never happened before in history — it’s a huge deal,” said Greer Donley, a professor specializing in reproductive health care at the University of Pittsburgh Law School. “You have a federal judge who has zero scientific background second-guessing every scientific decision that the FDA made.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, because of the contradictory nature of the rulings, Donley and other experts said there would be little immediate impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the short term, nothing’s going to change,” Donley said. “This is the time to be preparing for the fact that in a week, potentially, mifepristone becomes an unapproved drug in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by Paul J. Weber, Matthew Perrone and Lindsay Whitehurst of The Associated Press and by Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman and Attila Pelit of KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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"id": "bbc-world-service",
"title": "BBC World Service",
"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
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