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Fremont’s city attorney also agreed to recommend the city not enforce the ordinance, which goes into effect on March 13, until any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law would make it illegal to store personal property, including camping gear, on public land. Because of this provision, the lawsuit alleges unhoused people who take even “rudimentary precautions against the elements will be arrested and their property will be seized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular ordinance is so broad, far-reaching, and punitive,” said Andrea Henson, one of the attorneys who filed the complaint, noting that the ban also applies to anyone living temporarily outdoors or using “camp paraphernalia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit was filed on the same day city leaders voted to support eliminating a clause in the new law that some advocates said would have allowed the city to arrest or fine people for providing tents, blankets, food, or other supplies to people experiencing homelessness, punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provision raised alarms with advocates and volunteers, who said it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city leaders have pushed back on that characterization, claiming the ordinance’s language was being “weaponized” or misinterpreted. The city also issued a lengthy explanation of its intent after the law’s approval on Feb. 11, saying the ban “does not criminalize service workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, however, the city council ceded to those concerns, voting to remove the “aiding and abetting” section in an amendment that will need to be formally adopted at an upcoming meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing a good thing here by clarifying our intent,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We have said it at least 20 times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite striking the controversial clause from the camping ordinance, the city’s general municipal code contains a similar provision, and some residents and Henson said that could effectively allow for the same enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, nothing has been changed, this is all fluid and moving very fast,” Henson said. “People are worried, volunteers are worried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is one of several cities across California that have cracked down on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials more power to do so last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some residents have embraced the more aggressive laws in the hopes of seeing large, sprawling encampments cleared, many advocates and faith leaders have recoiled at Fremont’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a poorly crafted ordinance through and through,” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, said at the council meeting. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wanted to actually solve a problem and bring people together like leaders are supposed to, you would have actually had that conversation before this ordinance was passed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Godfrey, a resident, said at the meeting the city is gaining a reputation as one of the harshest in the nation when it comes to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would suggest that we have been taking baby steps towards an authoritative police state rather than giant steps toward a truly compassionate city,” Godfrey said.[aside postID=news_12026580 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00250-1020x680.jpg']Even some council members appeared to be reconsidering elements of the law they voted to support just last month, such as Kathy Kimberlin and Teresa Keng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both indicated Tuesday they would support changing the law to remove the threat of a misdemeanor and arrest, and instead make camping ban violations punishable only by citation or infraction. However, the council majority did not support weakening the penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t think anything above (a citation) is going to change anything anyway,” Kimberlin said. “The fines probably aren’t going to be paid, anything is not going to be paid, and going to jail is not going to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Yang Shao asked Police Chief Sean Washington, “Is our citation paper soft enough so they can use it as toilet paper?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberlin gasped and said, “Oh my stars.” An audience member was heard saying, “That was inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts said that since the Supreme Court’s ruling, cities and counties have been experimenting with how far their laws policing homelessness can go. Laura Riley, director of the Clinical Program at Berkeley Law, said lawsuits like the one filed by the California Homeless Union can help counterbalance these new ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the pushback in the form of lawsuits like this will show that there are legal boundaries that should not be crossed,” Riley said. “What exactly those are; we have to wait to see what the courts do. But I do think it shows that municipalities can’t criminalize homelessness in a way that’s unchecked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">controversial camping ban\u003c/a> in Fremont was put on hold Thursday amid a legal challenge from advocates for unhoused residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Homeless Union, along with other local unhoused advocacy and faith-based organizations, filed a complaint on Tuesday in federal court seeking an injunction against the ban, which the group alleges is unduly harsh and violates a host of civil rights and religious freedom laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit asked the court to stop “what will otherwise be a completely preventable humanitarian crisis in the city of Fremont.” On Thursday, both parties agreed to pause litigation until the council’s final action on proposed amendments that sought to address the most contentious provision in the law. Fremont’s city attorney also agreed to recommend the city not enforce the ordinance, which goes into effect on March 13, until any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law would make it illegal to store personal property, including camping gear, on public land. Because of this provision, the lawsuit alleges unhoused people who take even “rudimentary precautions against the elements will be arrested and their property will be seized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular ordinance is so broad, far-reaching, and punitive,” said Andrea Henson, one of the attorneys who filed the complaint, noting that the ban also applies to anyone living temporarily outdoors or using “camp paraphernalia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit was filed on the same day city leaders voted to support eliminating a clause in the new law that some advocates said would have allowed the city to arrest or fine people for providing tents, blankets, food, or other supplies to people experiencing homelessness, punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provision raised alarms with advocates and volunteers, who said it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city leaders have pushed back on that characterization, claiming the ordinance’s language was being “weaponized” or misinterpreted. The city also issued a lengthy explanation of its intent after the law’s approval on Feb. 11, saying the ban “does not criminalize service workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, however, the city council ceded to those concerns, voting to remove the “aiding and abetting” section in an amendment that will need to be formally adopted at an upcoming meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing a good thing here by clarifying our intent,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We have said it at least 20 times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite striking the controversial clause from the camping ordinance, the city’s general municipal code contains a similar provision, and some residents and Henson said that could effectively allow for the same enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, nothing has been changed, this is all fluid and moving very fast,” Henson said. “People are worried, volunteers are worried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is one of several cities across California that have cracked down on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials more power to do so last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some residents have embraced the more aggressive laws in the hopes of seeing large, sprawling encampments cleared, many advocates and faith leaders have recoiled at Fremont’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a poorly crafted ordinance through and through,” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, said at the council meeting. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wanted to actually solve a problem and bring people together like leaders are supposed to, you would have actually had that conversation before this ordinance was passed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Godfrey, a resident, said at the meeting the city is gaining a reputation as one of the harshest in the nation when it comes to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would suggest that we have been taking baby steps towards an authoritative police state rather than giant steps toward a truly compassionate city,” Godfrey said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even some council members appeared to be reconsidering elements of the law they voted to support just last month, such as Kathy Kimberlin and Teresa Keng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both indicated Tuesday they would support changing the law to remove the threat of a misdemeanor and arrest, and instead make camping ban violations punishable only by citation or infraction. However, the council majority did not support weakening the penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t think anything above (a citation) is going to change anything anyway,” Kimberlin said. “The fines probably aren’t going to be paid, anything is not going to be paid, and going to jail is not going to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Yang Shao asked Police Chief Sean Washington, “Is our citation paper soft enough so they can use it as toilet paper?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberlin gasped and said, “Oh my stars.” An audience member was heard saying, “That was inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts said that since the Supreme Court’s ruling, cities and counties have been experimenting with how far their laws policing homelessness can go. Laura Riley, director of the Clinical Program at Berkeley Law, said lawsuits like the one filed by the California Homeless Union can help counterbalance these new ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the pushback in the form of lawsuits like this will show that there are legal boundaries that should not be crossed,” Riley said. “What exactly those are; we have to wait to see what the courts do. But I do think it shows that municipalities can’t criminalize homelessness in a way that’s unchecked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cities across California are cracking down on homeless encampments following a Supreme Court ruling last year giving local governments the O.K. to do so. Fremont recently took a bigger step than most, by also prohibiting anyone from “aiding and abetting” camping on public property and private land. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1651500540\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:16] Fremont now has one of, it seems like the most extreme camping bans in California is how I’ve seen it described. What would this ban, this ordinance that the city just passed, what would it do exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] So the basics are that it bans camping on public property citywide. It also bans camping on private property, and that includes residential property for more than three consecutive nights. The piece that’s really alarmed some people is that it prohibits anyone from, “permitting, aiding, abetting, or concealing camping” on any of that property. A violation of the ordinance is punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1 ,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:14] Oh, wow. Okay, so when I hear aiding and abetting, I mean, are we talking about people giving a homeless person a blanket or having someone couch surf in your house? Like, what exactly do we mean when we say aiding and abetting?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, it’s very unclear in the language of the ordinance itself, which is one of the huge issues that a lot of people have with this ordinance. City officials say that they intend to apply it narrowly, but that language is not in the ordinance itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] I mean, Vanessa, has there ever been a camping ban quite like this in California, like the one Fremont just passed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:03:09] So the legal experts I talked to say no. There are certainly laws that ban camping on public property anytime, anywhere, but certainly in California, they say that there is no camping ban that includes this sort of aiding and abetting language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] When you hear from city officials about why they passed this ordinance, I mean, how do they talk about the intention here? What do city leaders say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:03:42] Good evening, everybody. I’d like to call the city council meeting to order for February 12th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:03:49] At the city council meeting where council members were considering adopting this ordinance, they brought out a number of city officials to answer their questions. So the head of economic development spoke about some of the impacts of homelessness on the business community. People in charge of homelessness services laid out all of the city’s different efforts around homelessness and the amount of money being spent, which they said is roughly around $8 million a year. And the chief of police, Sean Washington, spoke about how he intended for his officers to use this ordinance, like how they would enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Washington \u003c/strong>[00:04:33] The intent will never be to arrest someone for being unhoused. And in fact, our policies prohibit us from doing that. This ordinance is another tool to bring some balance to where there’s conflict or a hazard or a safety concern to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:04:59] They frame it as an attempt to take a, quote, balanced approach to dealing with homelessness. So they point out all of the investments that the city has made in providing services, roughly $8 million a year, rental assistance, financial coaching. I mean, there’s mobile health services. As a result, the mayor is proud to point out that they’ve reduced homelessness by more than 20 % from 2022 to 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Washington \u003c/strong>[00:05:39] What, I guess, is the fear here that you’re hearing, especially from advocates of the unhoused?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:05:45] For a lot of people, this ordinance came as a bit of a shock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] It’s a sweeping ban that criminalizes homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] I talked to Vivian Wan. She’s the CEO of Abode Services. They’re a provider that runs a shelter and some other housing programs in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:06:04] We have decades of evidence that that bans like this don’t actually solve homelessness and they actually don’t help cities and communities either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:06:14] She was very worried that just performing core job functions like handing out water, blankets, things that her outreach workers do all the time could violate this law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:06:29] If we don’t disclose where someone is sleeping outside, would that be concealing? So it’s just so egregious in every way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:06:38] Legal experts and advocates, services providers all talked about how vague the language in this ordinance is, right? They said your intentions, no matter how clearly you council members or you police chief or you city attorney say that the intention of this ordinance is to do one thing, the ordinance will be interpreted by courts based on the language that is in it. The language is so broad that people find that very scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:07:14] Yeah, and I guess as someone who knows very intimately what homelessness looks like in Fremont as someone who’s working with unhoused folks, what do people like Vivian think the city should be doing instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:07:29] She points to research evidence that laws like this can have a cascade of negative consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] People are going to be moving more and not actually working towards their housing goals, you know, hiding more, more scared to actually, you know, get services and move towards housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:07:49] People talk about the stress of constantly moving as really destabilizing for people living on the streets, right? That that can exacerbate mental health problems, it can worsen addiction and that pushing people to more hidden areas takes them away from services. Providers could make it harder for outreach workers to find them. And that can be really harmful in terms of a person’s progress towards finding housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:08:20] It’s not that people don’t want to come inside and you need a stick to get people come inside. There is a lack of resources, a lack of a lack of housing resources. And if there is a ban, it’s not going to solve either one of those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:08:37] I mean, what have you heard from people who live in Fremont about how they’re feeling about this idea?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:47] At this time, we will open the floor for public comment. How many cards do we have?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:53] One hundred and ninety four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:55] Okay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:08:56] Yeah, there were more than 70 people who spoke during public comment at this meeting. And there were many, many more who wanted to speak, but didn’t get the chance because of the time limit that was imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:09:08] Have personally supported homeless outreach efforts. And I believe in compassionate solutions, but allowing encampments is not a solution. It’s neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:09:17] And the people who spoke in favor of this law were really appealing to the council to deal with trash and noise and loose dogs. They talked about not being able to open their windows because of campfire smoke from encampments. They complained about parking lots that reek of urine and people showering in their yards or stealing stuff out of their backyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] My neighbor has people defecate their front porch, their door continuously for two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:09:55] There were also business owners who talked about their customers complaining to them about encampments surrounding the businesses or just deciding not to patronize those businesses. The public appeared to be deeply divided because a lot of people also spoke during public comment against this ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] I have sympathy for the businesses and residents experiencing the negative effects of some of the unhoused, but most unhoused folks are not creating these problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:10:27] Criminalizing the unhoused and those who help them is inhumane and wrong in every way for a city that claims to be compassionate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:41] I mean, so a lot of competing opinions here, it sounds like, but how did the council ultimately vote on this ordinance, Vanessa?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:10:50] After about four and a half hours, they passed it six to one. It was just the vice mayor, Desiree Campbell, who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Vanessa, I want to step back just a little bit and just ask you, I mean, why is this happening in Fremont and why is this happening, I guess, now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:11:14] As you probably remember, last summer, the Supreme Court ruled that enforcing laws banning public camping is not a violation of the constitution’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. So cities can fine and jail people under these laws, whether or not there’s alternative shelter available. And a lot of officials, including Governor Newsom, a lot of mayors around California, really welcomed this decision because they said it was going to allow them to do more to clean up encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:55] Zooming in on Fremont, it’s also one of those cities in the Bay Area that doesn’t have enough shelter beds for the number of people who are, in fact, houseless, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:12:05] That’s right. So city staff went over shelter figures at this city council meeting. And according to them, there are 111 year -round shelter beds in the city, plus another 18 reserved for victims of domestic violence. And at the last point in time count, there were around 800 people experiencing homelessness in the city. 600 of those are unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:34] That doesn’t seem particularly unique, but what is your sense of why this is happening in Fremont in particular?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:12:43] The city has a new mayor, Raj Salwan. He was elected in November and he ran on the promise of change and common sense solutions. So he pitched himself as kind of a problem solver. And homelessness and public safety were among his top issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:13:01] You know, frankly, this is complaint driven. So nobody’s going to go around trying to see if somebody’s sleeping outdoors. That’s not the goal. The goal is to address the health and safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:13:11] He told me when I interviewed him that his constituents talk about homelessness a lot, but it’s like one of the things that they most want addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:13:22] And we’ve heard concerns about fires and safety and dogs running wild. So we just need a little bit of a code of conduct to kind of rein things in a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:13:36] He acknowledged that it’s not a solution. He said the city would continue to invest in services and shelter and affordable housing, but he talked about wanting to do something for his constituents who have so many complaints about homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:14:00] This is what our community is seeking. They want to help our unhoused individuals, but they also want to be able to walk to their normal park and feel safe. And so that’s kind of what we’re trying to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:18] What do unhoused people that you spoke with say about how they’re feeling about this ordinance and what it’s going to mean for them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:14:26] I went to an encampment at the edge of the city. It’s along this creek. And one of the people I talked to was a woman named Jasmine Grijalva.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:14:34] It’s just kind of bizonk though for them to try to tell us that we don’t have the right to try to figure out how we’re going to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:14:42] She estimated there are around 30 people living around this creek, and she said that they had ended up there because it was sort of hidden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:14:51] What are we supposed to do? Just stand around on corners or in front of the stores or in making beds in front of the stores? They don’t want that either. So where do we go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] She appealed to people to recognize the humanity of unhoused people and to try to find a way to live in harmony with people who, in her view, don’t have another option. They don’t have an option to be indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:15:20] They don’t like looking at us. They don’t want to deal with us. But we’re also, we’re humans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:15:29] Often I hear unhoused people talk about the idea of sanctioned encampments, you know, some sort of safe space where they can continue to live outside in community, but not worry about being policed and pushed from place to place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:15:46] If you’re going to kick us out, give us somewhere else that we can be at. Give us something. Don’t just take it all away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Seems like it’s not necessarily about one person, one new city leader, sort of trying to push this forward, but really a reflection of what people in Fremont want and sort of where they’re at and how they want the city to deal with homelessness. And it seems like people are asking for more punitive measures here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:16:30] I mean, there was just this proliferation of public, of visible homelessness during COVID and the cities repeatedly were often were blaming court rulings for tying their hands when it came to addressing these encampments. So as soon as they got the opening from the Supreme Court, they really moved to crack down. And a big part of that does have to do with public frustration.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Fremont Passes California’s Most Extreme Encampment Ban | KQED",
"description": "Cities across California are cracking down on homeless encampments following a Supreme Court ruling last year giving local governments the O.K. to do so. Fremont recently took a bigger step than most, by also prohibiting anyone from “aiding and abetting” camping on public property and private land. Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local. This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors. Ericka Cruz Guevarra Fremont now has one of, it seems like",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cities across California are cracking down on homeless encampments following a Supreme Court ruling last year giving local governments the O.K. to do so. Fremont recently took a bigger step than most, by also prohibiting anyone from “aiding and abetting” camping on public property and private land. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1651500540\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:16] Fremont now has one of, it seems like the most extreme camping bans in California is how I’ve seen it described. What would this ban, this ordinance that the city just passed, what would it do exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:01:30] So the basics are that it bans camping on public property citywide. It also bans camping on private property, and that includes residential property for more than three consecutive nights. The piece that’s really alarmed some people is that it prohibits anyone from, “permitting, aiding, abetting, or concealing camping” on any of that property. A violation of the ordinance is punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1 ,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:14] Oh, wow. Okay, so when I hear aiding and abetting, I mean, are we talking about people giving a homeless person a blanket or having someone couch surf in your house? Like, what exactly do we mean when we say aiding and abetting?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:02:38] Well, it’s very unclear in the language of the ordinance itself, which is one of the huge issues that a lot of people have with this ordinance. City officials say that they intend to apply it narrowly, but that language is not in the ordinance itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:03] I mean, Vanessa, has there ever been a camping ban quite like this in California, like the one Fremont just passed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:03:09] So the legal experts I talked to say no. There are certainly laws that ban camping on public property anytime, anywhere, but certainly in California, they say that there is no camping ban that includes this sort of aiding and abetting language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] When you hear from city officials about why they passed this ordinance, I mean, how do they talk about the intention here? What do city leaders say about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:03:42] Good evening, everybody. I’d like to call the city council meeting to order for February 12th.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:03:49] At the city council meeting where council members were considering adopting this ordinance, they brought out a number of city officials to answer their questions. So the head of economic development spoke about some of the impacts of homelessness on the business community. People in charge of homelessness services laid out all of the city’s different efforts around homelessness and the amount of money being spent, which they said is roughly around $8 million a year. And the chief of police, Sean Washington, spoke about how he intended for his officers to use this ordinance, like how they would enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Washington \u003c/strong>[00:04:33] The intent will never be to arrest someone for being unhoused. And in fact, our policies prohibit us from doing that. This ordinance is another tool to bring some balance to where there’s conflict or a hazard or a safety concern to our community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:04:59] They frame it as an attempt to take a, quote, balanced approach to dealing with homelessness. So they point out all of the investments that the city has made in providing services, roughly $8 million a year, rental assistance, financial coaching. I mean, there’s mobile health services. As a result, the mayor is proud to point out that they’ve reduced homelessness by more than 20 % from 2022 to 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sean Washington \u003c/strong>[00:05:39] What, I guess, is the fear here that you’re hearing, especially from advocates of the unhoused?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:05:45] For a lot of people, this ordinance came as a bit of a shock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] It’s a sweeping ban that criminalizes homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:05:56] I talked to Vivian Wan. She’s the CEO of Abode Services. They’re a provider that runs a shelter and some other housing programs in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:06:04] We have decades of evidence that that bans like this don’t actually solve homelessness and they actually don’t help cities and communities either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:06:14] She was very worried that just performing core job functions like handing out water, blankets, things that her outreach workers do all the time could violate this law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:06:29] If we don’t disclose where someone is sleeping outside, would that be concealing? So it’s just so egregious in every way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:06:38] Legal experts and advocates, services providers all talked about how vague the language in this ordinance is, right? They said your intentions, no matter how clearly you council members or you police chief or you city attorney say that the intention of this ordinance is to do one thing, the ordinance will be interpreted by courts based on the language that is in it. The language is so broad that people find that very scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:07:14] Yeah, and I guess as someone who knows very intimately what homelessness looks like in Fremont as someone who’s working with unhoused folks, what do people like Vivian think the city should be doing instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:07:29] She points to research evidence that laws like this can have a cascade of negative consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:07:38] People are going to be moving more and not actually working towards their housing goals, you know, hiding more, more scared to actually, you know, get services and move towards housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:07:49] People talk about the stress of constantly moving as really destabilizing for people living on the streets, right? That that can exacerbate mental health problems, it can worsen addiction and that pushing people to more hidden areas takes them away from services. Providers could make it harder for outreach workers to find them. And that can be really harmful in terms of a person’s progress towards finding housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:08:20] It’s not that people don’t want to come inside and you need a stick to get people come inside. There is a lack of resources, a lack of a lack of housing resources. And if there is a ban, it’s not going to solve either one of those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vivian Wan \u003c/strong>[00:08:37] I mean, what have you heard from people who live in Fremont about how they’re feeling about this idea?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:47] At this time, we will open the floor for public comment. How many cards do we have?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:53] One hundred and ninety four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:08:55] Okay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:08:56] Yeah, there were more than 70 people who spoke during public comment at this meeting. And there were many, many more who wanted to speak, but didn’t get the chance because of the time limit that was imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:09:08] Have personally supported homeless outreach efforts. And I believe in compassionate solutions, but allowing encampments is not a solution. It’s neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:09:17] And the people who spoke in favor of this law were really appealing to the council to deal with trash and noise and loose dogs. They talked about not being able to open their windows because of campfire smoke from encampments. They complained about parking lots that reek of urine and people showering in their yards or stealing stuff out of their backyards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:09:43] My neighbor has people defecate their front porch, their door continuously for two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:09:55] There were also business owners who talked about their customers complaining to them about encampments surrounding the businesses or just deciding not to patronize those businesses. The public appeared to be deeply divided because a lot of people also spoke during public comment against this ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] I have sympathy for the businesses and residents experiencing the negative effects of some of the unhoused, but most unhoused folks are not creating these problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City Council Meeting \u003c/strong>[00:10:27] Criminalizing the unhoused and those who help them is inhumane and wrong in every way for a city that claims to be compassionate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:41] I mean, so a lot of competing opinions here, it sounds like, but how did the council ultimately vote on this ordinance, Vanessa?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:10:50] After about four and a half hours, they passed it six to one. It was just the vice mayor, Desiree Campbell, who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:11:02] Well, Vanessa, I want to step back just a little bit and just ask you, I mean, why is this happening in Fremont and why is this happening, I guess, now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:11:14] As you probably remember, last summer, the Supreme Court ruled that enforcing laws banning public camping is not a violation of the constitution’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. So cities can fine and jail people under these laws, whether or not there’s alternative shelter available. And a lot of officials, including Governor Newsom, a lot of mayors around California, really welcomed this decision because they said it was going to allow them to do more to clean up encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:55] Zooming in on Fremont, it’s also one of those cities in the Bay Area that doesn’t have enough shelter beds for the number of people who are, in fact, houseless, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:12:05] That’s right. So city staff went over shelter figures at this city council meeting. And according to them, there are 111 year -round shelter beds in the city, plus another 18 reserved for victims of domestic violence. And at the last point in time count, there were around 800 people experiencing homelessness in the city. 600 of those are unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:34] That doesn’t seem particularly unique, but what is your sense of why this is happening in Fremont in particular?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:12:43] The city has a new mayor, Raj Salwan. He was elected in November and he ran on the promise of change and common sense solutions. So he pitched himself as kind of a problem solver. And homelessness and public safety were among his top issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:13:01] You know, frankly, this is complaint driven. So nobody’s going to go around trying to see if somebody’s sleeping outdoors. That’s not the goal. The goal is to address the health and safety risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:13:11] He told me when I interviewed him that his constituents talk about homelessness a lot, but it’s like one of the things that they most want addressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:13:22] And we’ve heard concerns about fires and safety and dogs running wild. So we just need a little bit of a code of conduct to kind of rein things in a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:13:36] He acknowledged that it’s not a solution. He said the city would continue to invest in services and shelter and affordable housing, but he talked about wanting to do something for his constituents who have so many complaints about homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Raj Salwan \u003c/strong>[00:14:00] This is what our community is seeking. They want to help our unhoused individuals, but they also want to be able to walk to their normal park and feel safe. And so that’s kind of what we’re trying to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:18] What do unhoused people that you spoke with say about how they’re feeling about this ordinance and what it’s going to mean for them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:14:26] I went to an encampment at the edge of the city. It’s along this creek. And one of the people I talked to was a woman named Jasmine Grijalva.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:14:34] It’s just kind of bizonk though for them to try to tell us that we don’t have the right to try to figure out how we’re going to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:14:42] She estimated there are around 30 people living around this creek, and she said that they had ended up there because it was sort of hidden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:14:51] What are we supposed to do? Just stand around on corners or in front of the stores or in making beds in front of the stores? They don’t want that either. So where do we go?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:15:02] She appealed to people to recognize the humanity of unhoused people and to try to find a way to live in harmony with people who, in her view, don’t have another option. They don’t have an option to be indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:15:20] They don’t like looking at us. They don’t want to deal with us. But we’re also, we’re humans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:15:29] Often I hear unhoused people talk about the idea of sanctioned encampments, you know, some sort of safe space where they can continue to live outside in community, but not worry about being policed and pushed from place to place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jasmine Grijalva \u003c/strong>[00:15:46] If you’re going to kick us out, give us somewhere else that we can be at. Give us something. Don’t just take it all away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:15:59] Seems like it’s not necessarily about one person, one new city leader, sort of trying to push this forward, but really a reflection of what people in Fremont want and sort of where they’re at and how they want the city to deal with homelessness. And it seems like people are asking for more punitive measures here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vanessa Rancaño \u003c/strong>[00:16:30] I mean, there was just this proliferation of public, of visible homelessness during COVID and the cities repeatedly were often were blaming court rulings for tying their hands when it came to addressing these encampments. So as soon as they got the opening from the Supreme Court, they really moved to crack down. And a big part of that does have to do with public frustration.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "This Bay Area City Just Passed the Most Extreme Encampment Ban in California",
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"headTitle": "This Bay Area City Just Passed the Most Extreme Encampment Ban in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Fremont city leaders on Tuesday night passed what could be the state’s most extreme \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=2006&MediaPosition=&ID=5341&CssClass=\">anti-camping law\u003c/a> over widespread condemnation from legal advocates and homeless services providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026508/this-bay-area-citys-encampment-ban-could-become-the-toughest-in-the-state\">bans camping\u003c/a> on not only public property but also private land, including on residential property, for more than three consecutive nights. In what appears to be the first ban of its kind, it also prohibits anyone from “permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” camping on those lands — a provision so broad advocates warn it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A violation is punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four and a half hours of discussion and impassioned public comment, the City Council voted 6–1 in favor of the plan, with only Vice Mayor Desrie Campbell opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must balance accountability with compassion,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We can’t just say, ‘Let’s just leave things as they are,’ because whatever we’re doing is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities across California have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">cracked down\u003c/a> on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to do so\u003c/a> last summer, though none to the extent of Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, policy director for the National Homelessness Law Center, called the city’s ordinance “both unprecedented and deeply cruel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NHLC was among 20 organizations that signed on to a Feb. 7 letter to the council warning that the law could lead to “devastating humanitarian consequences” and arguing that the language was so broad as to be “patently unreasonable,” exposing the city to legal liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members were prepared to amend the ordinance on Tuesday by asking the city attorney to add language clarifying that providing food or clothing to people living on the streets wouldn’t be punishable under the ordinance while helping someone to build a shelter outdoors would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they opted against that because it would have meant delaying a vote until March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Grijalva poses for a portrait near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, California, on Feb. 10, 2025. Grijalva has been unhoused since moving from the Central Valley to the Bay Area in June 2020. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local services providers have raised concerns that they would run afoul of the law by performing core job functions, like handing out water and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my staff gives someone a blanket so they don’t freeze at night or a bottle of water, that would be considered aiding, right?” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, told KQED. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabyl Landrum, an attorney for the East Bay Community Law Center’s homelessness unit, said the ordinance was so broad that residents could potentially be cited for letting a family member stay in an RV in their driveway or pitch a tent in their backyard if they did so for more than three days in a row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Salwan dismissed those concerns. In an interview, he said the language in the ordinance had been “weaponized” and insisted the council was taking a “common sense” approach intended to give officials a tool to deal with the camps that have received the most complaints about health and safety hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to penalize people for giving water or food or a tent or some support services,” he said. “Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Devante Booth practices the acoustic guitar outside of his makeshift shelter near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, Calif. In addition to playing the guitar, Booth collects Lego sets and repairs bicycles for others in the community. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The council heard public comment on Tuesday from over 70 community members, who were deeply divided on the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in favor appealed to the council to address trash, noise, loose dogs and campfire smoke in their neighborhoods. They complained about urine-soaked parking lots, people showering in their yards or stealing from them, and worried aloud about encampment fires spreading to their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gutierrez, a small-business owner, said customers have to navigate an encampment to reach his door and voice concerns about their safety, “or they’ve just decided not to patronize our business at all,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents argued the law was inhumane and counterproductive, misusing money while driving people deeper into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are better ways these funds can be used, such as social services like Housing First initiatives and affordable housing, which are the only true long-term options if you don’t want people to camp,” said resident Sierra Fields, “and these are true public safety options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026498\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026498\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Grijalva drives a golf ball across open public space as Devante Booth looks on near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, Calif., on Feb. 10, 2025. They are among approximately 40 people who live in an encampment at this location. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salwan and other council members acknowledged that the ordinance is not a solution and said they would continue to invest in emergency shelter and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont’s budget for the 2024–25 fiscal year included $8 million on homelessness services and enforcement, according to city staff. The city has \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/data_point_in_time.page?\">cut homelessness by more than 20% since 2022\u003c/a>, but there were still over 600 people living unsheltered at last count — and the city has just 129 year-round shelter beds.[aside postID=news_11997352 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law is set to go into effect in 30 days. Fremont Police Chief Sean Washington told the council his officers would only rely on it in “extreme situations,” where there are health or safety hazards and “we are unable to get voluntary compliance,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal advocates emphasized that regardless of agency policies and lawmakers’ intentions, as written, the law’s broad language allows it to be applied broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those concerned is state Assemblymember Alex Lee, who represents Fremont and said he was “frankly embarrassed” by the city’s move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he was looking into legislative action to reign in proliferating laws policing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to continue helping, aiding and abetting unhoused neighbors,” he said. “I’m never going to stop doing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Fremont’s new law not only restricts camping on public and private property but also prohibits aiding, abetting and concealing it. Advocates warn of unintended consequences — and lawsuits.",
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"title": "This Bay Area City Just Passed the Most Extreme Encampment Ban in California | KQED",
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"headline": "This Bay Area City Just Passed the Most Extreme Encampment Ban in California",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fremont city leaders on Tuesday night passed what could be the state’s most extreme \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=2006&MediaPosition=&ID=5341&CssClass=\">anti-camping law\u003c/a> over widespread condemnation from legal advocates and homeless services providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ordinance \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026508/this-bay-area-citys-encampment-ban-could-become-the-toughest-in-the-state\">bans camping\u003c/a> on not only public property but also private land, including on residential property, for more than three consecutive nights. In what appears to be the first ban of its kind, it also prohibits anyone from “permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” camping on those lands — a provision so broad advocates warn it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A violation is punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four and a half hours of discussion and impassioned public comment, the City Council voted 6–1 in favor of the plan, with only Vice Mayor Desrie Campbell opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must balance accountability with compassion,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We can’t just say, ‘Let’s just leave things as they are,’ because whatever we’re doing is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities across California have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">cracked down\u003c/a> on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to do so\u003c/a> last summer, though none to the extent of Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, policy director for the National Homelessness Law Center, called the city’s ordinance “both unprecedented and deeply cruel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NHLC was among 20 organizations that signed on to a Feb. 7 letter to the council warning that the law could lead to “devastating humanitarian consequences” and arguing that the language was so broad as to be “patently unreasonable,” exposing the city to legal liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Council members were prepared to amend the ordinance on Tuesday by asking the city attorney to add language clarifying that providing food or clothing to people living on the streets wouldn’t be punishable under the ordinance while helping someone to build a shelter outdoors would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they opted against that because it would have meant delaying a vote until March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00117-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Grijalva poses for a portrait near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, California, on Feb. 10, 2025. Grijalva has been unhoused since moving from the Central Valley to the Bay Area in June 2020. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local services providers have raised concerns that they would run afoul of the law by performing core job functions, like handing out water and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my staff gives someone a blanket so they don’t freeze at night or a bottle of water, that would be considered aiding, right?” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, told KQED. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sabyl Landrum, an attorney for the East Bay Community Law Center’s homelessness unit, said the ordinance was so broad that residents could potentially be cited for letting a family member stay in an RV in their driveway or pitch a tent in their backyard if they did so for more than three days in a row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Salwan dismissed those concerns. In an interview, he said the language in the ordinance had been “weaponized” and insisted the council was taking a “common sense” approach intended to give officials a tool to deal with the camps that have received the most complaints about health and safety hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to penalize people for giving water or food or a tent or some support services,” he said. “Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Devante Booth practices the acoustic guitar outside of his makeshift shelter near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, Calif. In addition to playing the guitar, Booth collects Lego sets and repairs bicycles for others in the community. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The council heard public comment on Tuesday from over 70 community members, who were deeply divided on the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in favor appealed to the council to address trash, noise, loose dogs and campfire smoke in their neighborhoods. They complained about urine-soaked parking lots, people showering in their yards or stealing from them, and worried aloud about encampment fires spreading to their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gutierrez, a small-business owner, said customers have to navigate an encampment to reach his door and voice concerns about their safety, “or they’ve just decided not to patronize our business at all,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents argued the law was inhumane and counterproductive, misusing money while driving people deeper into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are better ways these funds can be used, such as social services like Housing First initiatives and affordable housing, which are the only true long-term options if you don’t want people to camp,” said resident Sierra Fields, “and these are true public safety options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026498\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026498\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00765-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Grijalva drives a golf ball across open public space as Devante Booth looks on near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, Calif., on Feb. 10, 2025. They are among approximately 40 people who live in an encampment at this location. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salwan and other council members acknowledged that the ordinance is not a solution and said they would continue to invest in emergency shelter and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont’s budget for the 2024–25 fiscal year included $8 million on homelessness services and enforcement, according to city staff. The city has \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/data_point_in_time.page?\">cut homelessness by more than 20% since 2022\u003c/a>, but there were still over 600 people living unsheltered at last count — and the city has just 129 year-round shelter beds.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law is set to go into effect in 30 days. Fremont Police Chief Sean Washington told the council his officers would only rely on it in “extreme situations,” where there are health or safety hazards and “we are unable to get voluntary compliance,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal advocates emphasized that regardless of agency policies and lawmakers’ intentions, as written, the law’s broad language allows it to be applied broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those concerned is state Assemblymember Alex Lee, who represents Fremont and said he was “frankly embarrassed” by the city’s move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he was looking into legislative action to reign in proliferating laws policing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to continue helping, aiding and abetting unhoused neighbors,” he said. “I’m never going to stop doing that.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "this-bay-area-citys-encampment-ban-could-become-the-toughest-in-the-state",
"title": "This Bay Area City’s Encampment Ban Could Become the Toughest in the State",
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"headTitle": "This Bay Area City’s Encampment Ban Could Become the Toughest in the State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Fremont city leaders are expected Tuesday to consider a \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=2006&MediaPosition=&ID=5341&CssClass=\">camping ban\u003c/a> that legal advocates say could be among the harshest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would restrict camping on not only public property but also private property for more than three consecutive nights. And, it would prohibit anyone from “permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” camping on those lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city council adopts the new rules on Tuesday, they would go into effect in 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public frustration with widespread homelessness has led cities across California to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">crack down\u003c/a> on encampments. And, the Supreme Court last summer gave local officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to do so\u003c/a>. However, advocates say Fremont’s proposed plan goes further than most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, policy director for the National Homelessness Law Center, said that, while other cities may have general clauses in their municipal codes prohibiting “aiding and abetting” any violation, they aren’t generally enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So making it this clear and explicit around people needing to live outside can only mean Fremont is trying to do something different,” he wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for people experiencing homelessness say the proposed law would make it more difficult for them to do their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my staff gives someone a blanket so they don’t freeze at night or a bottle of water, that would be considered aiding, right?” said Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, which runs a shelter and other housing programs in Fremont. “If we don’t disclose where someone is sleeping outside, would that be concealing?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont Mayor Raj Salwan refuted the characterization of the plan as uniquely harsh, pointing out that Fremont’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.codepublishing.com/CA/Fremont/html/Fremont01/Fremont0110.html\">existing law\u003c/a> is like other cities’ that prohibit people from aiding and abetting any code violation. He said the language was only restated in this ordinance for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showdocument?id=17280&t=638745346086012766\">sake of transparency\u003c/a> and dismissed concerns that advocates’ work would be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to penalize people for giving water or food or a tent or some support services,” he said. “Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The aim, he said, is to give the city another tool to deal with the camps that have received the most complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If somebody is doing something that’s not safe, we can say, ‘Hey, you can’t do that.’ And at least they will have some concern that there may be some repercussions,” Salwan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12026496 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Devante Booth practices the acoustic guitar outside of his makeshift shelter near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, California, on Monday, Feb. 10, 2025. In addition to playing the guitar, Booth collects Lego sets and repairs bicycles for others in the community. On Feb. 11, 2025, Fremont city leaders are expected to vote on a proposed public camping ban that extends punishment beyond those living on the streets to people who facilitate or conceal encampments in what is being described as a first-in-the-state ban. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sabyl Landrum, an attorney for the East Bay Community Law Center’s homelessness unit, argued that the ordinance is overly broad, especially with respect to the inclusion of aiding and abetting and private property. The plan bars camping on private property for more than three consecutive nights, so Landrum said residents could potentially be cited for letting a family member stay in an RV in their driveway or pitch a tent in their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside label=’More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if that’s not officials’ intention, she said, “They are enacting an ordinance that can be used that way. Courts are going to interpret it based on the language of the ordinance, so they need to change the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=1987&MediaPosition=&ID=5308&CssClass=\">a December report\u003c/a> on the proposed ban, city staff estimated that implementing it would take over a million dollars in ongoing funding for law enforcement, waste management services and outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said the city council will address community concerns before adopting the new rules, pointing out that Fremont has \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/data_point_in_time.page?\">cut homelessness by more than 20% since 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is always to lead with services and safety and to, again, help people get a permanent path to housing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, unhoused residents and their advocates say there just aren’t enough temporary or permanent placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Grijalva, 33, lives along a creek on the outskirts of Fremont in one of the encampments city leaders are targeting for cleanup. She said she’s been trying to get housing for four years. After working with various services providers, she said she’s finally on the cusp of getting a subsidized apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not the case for most of her neighbors in the camp, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to figure out how we can just be corresponding with the world that’s out there. They don’t like looking at us. They don’t want to deal with us,” Grijalva said. “If you’re going to kick us out, give us somewhere else that we can be at. Give us something. Don’t just take it all away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fremont city leaders are expected Tuesday to consider a \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=2006&MediaPosition=&ID=5341&CssClass=\">camping ban\u003c/a> that legal advocates say could be among the harshest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would restrict camping on not only public property but also private property for more than three consecutive nights. And, it would prohibit anyone from “permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” camping on those lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city council adopts the new rules on Tuesday, they would go into effect in 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public frustration with widespread homelessness has led cities across California to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">crack down\u003c/a> on encampments. And, the Supreme Court last summer gave local officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to do so\u003c/a>. However, advocates say Fremont’s proposed plan goes further than most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, policy director for the National Homelessness Law Center, said that, while other cities may have general clauses in their municipal codes prohibiting “aiding and abetting” any violation, they aren’t generally enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So making it this clear and explicit around people needing to live outside can only mean Fremont is trying to do something different,” he wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for people experiencing homelessness say the proposed law would make it more difficult for them to do their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If my staff gives someone a blanket so they don’t freeze at night or a bottle of water, that would be considered aiding, right?” said Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, which runs a shelter and other housing programs in Fremont. “If we don’t disclose where someone is sleeping outside, would that be concealing?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont Mayor Raj Salwan refuted the characterization of the plan as uniquely harsh, pointing out that Fremont’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.codepublishing.com/CA/Fremont/html/Fremont01/Fremont0110.html\">existing law\u003c/a> is like other cities’ that prohibit people from aiding and abetting any code violation. He said the language was only restated in this ordinance for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showdocument?id=17280&t=638745346086012766\">sake of transparency\u003c/a> and dismissed concerns that advocates’ work would be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to penalize people for giving water or food or a tent or some support services,” he said. “Absolutely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The aim, he said, is to give the city another tool to deal with the camps that have received the most complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If somebody is doing something that’s not safe, we can say, ‘Hey, you can’t do that.’ And at least they will have some concern that there may be some repercussions,” Salwan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12026496 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00457-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Devante Booth practices the acoustic guitar outside of his makeshift shelter near Quarry Lakes Drive in Fremont, California, on Monday, Feb. 10, 2025. In addition to playing the guitar, Booth collects Lego sets and repairs bicycles for others in the community. On Feb. 11, 2025, Fremont city leaders are expected to vote on a proposed public camping ban that extends punishment beyond those living on the streets to people who facilitate or conceal encampments in what is being described as a first-in-the-state ban. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sabyl Landrum, an attorney for the East Bay Community Law Center’s homelessness unit, argued that the ordinance is overly broad, especially with respect to the inclusion of aiding and abetting and private property. The plan bars camping on private property for more than three consecutive nights, so Landrum said residents could potentially be cited for letting a family member stay in an RV in their driveway or pitch a tent in their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if that’s not officials’ intention, she said, “They are enacting an ordinance that can be used that way. Courts are going to interpret it based on the language of the ordinance, so they need to change the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=1987&MediaPosition=&ID=5308&CssClass=\">a December report\u003c/a> on the proposed ban, city staff estimated that implementing it would take over a million dollars in ongoing funding for law enforcement, waste management services and outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said the city council will address community concerns before adopting the new rules, pointing out that Fremont has \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/data_point_in_time.page?\">cut homelessness by more than 20% since 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is always to lead with services and safety and to, again, help people get a permanent path to housing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But right now, unhoused residents and their advocates say there just aren’t enough temporary or permanent placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Grijalva, 33, lives along a creek on the outskirts of Fremont in one of the encampments city leaders are targeting for cleanup. She said she’s been trying to get housing for four years. After working with various services providers, she said she’s finally on the cusp of getting a subsidized apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not the case for most of her neighbors in the camp, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to figure out how we can just be corresponding with the world that’s out there. They don’t like looking at us. They don’t want to deal with us,” Grijalva said. “If you’re going to kick us out, give us somewhere else that we can be at. Give us something. Don’t just take it all away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, February 10, 2025…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s a growing club you don’t want to be a part of. They’re the people who’ve lost their homes and had their lives turned upside down because of natural catastrophes. But getting through these events, whether they’re fires or floods, also means you can be a source of hope for others in their moment of crisis. One group is linking these extreme weather survivors, the veterans with the newcomers.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the city of Fremont is expected to vote on a new ordinance that would make it a crime to “aid or abet” an illegal homeless encampment.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Survivors Group Supports Those Impacted By LA Fires\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.extremeweathersurvivors.org/\">Extreme Weather Survivors\u003c/a> is a nationwide non-profit that includes a community of people directly harmed by disasters like wildfires, floods, extreme heat, deadly air pollution, drought, and hurricanes. It’s a space for survivors to support and learn from one another, and to fight to keep these disasters from happening to more families and communities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi and Jeff Moreno are some of the newest members. Along with their three daughters, they lost their Altadena home of 19 years in the LA fires last month. Through the group, they were able to contact Erica Solove online. Solove survived one of Colorado’s most destructive fires on record, the Marshall Fire. Eventually Solove and her family rebuilt, and moved back to their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Morenos have questions that only a veteran fire survivor like Solove can answer. Like rebuilding and safety issues. But they’re not the only victims involved with Extreme Weather Survivors. “We can emotionally connect with all of our friends who are surviving this,” said Jeff Moreno. “And be there for each other. But none of us know what the next step is. You get to talk with people who went down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"entry-title \">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/02/fremont-ordinance-aid-abet/\">\u003cstrong>Should ‘Aiding’ Or ‘Abetting’ A Homeless Camp Be Illegal?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As communities up and down California ban homeless encampments, one Bay Area city is trying to go a step further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay city of Fremont is set to vote Tuesday on a \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=1987&MediaPosition=&ID=5308&CssClass=\">new ordinance\u003c/a> that would make it illegal to camp on any street or sidewalk, in any park or on any other public property. But, in an apparent California first, it also would make anyone “causing, permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” an illegal encampment guilty of a misdemeanor – and possibly subject to a $1,000 fine and six months in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unusual prohibition — the latest in a series of crackdowns by communities following a Supreme Court decision last summer — has alarmed activists who worry it could be used against aid workers who provide services to people living in encampments. While Fremont Mayor Raj Salwan told CalMatters that police won’t target outreach workers handing out food and clothing, the ordinance doesn’t specify what qualifies as “aiding, abetting or concealing.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, February 10, 2025…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s a growing club you don’t want to be a part of. They’re the people who’ve lost their homes and had their lives turned upside down because of natural catastrophes. But getting through these events, whether they’re fires or floods, also means you can be a source of hope for others in their moment of crisis. One group is linking these extreme weather survivors, the veterans with the newcomers.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Tuesday, the city of Fremont is expected to vote on a new ordinance that would make it a crime to “aid or abet” an illegal homeless encampment.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Survivors Group Supports Those Impacted By LA Fires\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.extremeweathersurvivors.org/\">Extreme Weather Survivors\u003c/a> is a nationwide non-profit that includes a community of people directly harmed by disasters like wildfires, floods, extreme heat, deadly air pollution, drought, and hurricanes. It’s a space for survivors to support and learn from one another, and to fight to keep these disasters from happening to more families and communities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi and Jeff Moreno are some of the newest members. Along with their three daughters, they lost their Altadena home of 19 years in the LA fires last month. Through the group, they were able to contact Erica Solove online. Solove survived one of Colorado’s most destructive fires on record, the Marshall Fire. Eventually Solove and her family rebuilt, and moved back to their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Morenos have questions that only a veteran fire survivor like Solove can answer. Like rebuilding and safety issues. But they’re not the only victims involved with Extreme Weather Survivors. “We can emotionally connect with all of our friends who are surviving this,” said Jeff Moreno. “And be there for each other. But none of us know what the next step is. You get to talk with people who went down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"entry-title \">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/02/fremont-ordinance-aid-abet/\">\u003cstrong>Should ‘Aiding’ Or ‘Abetting’ A Homeless Camp Be Illegal?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As communities up and down California ban homeless encampments, one Bay Area city is trying to go a step further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay city of Fremont is set to vote Tuesday on a \u003ca href=\"https://fremontcityca.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_LegiFile.aspx?Frame=&MeetingID=1987&MediaPosition=&ID=5308&CssClass=\">new ordinance\u003c/a> that would make it illegal to camp on any street or sidewalk, in any park or on any other public property. But, in an apparent California first, it also would make anyone “causing, permitting, aiding, abetting or concealing” an illegal encampment guilty of a misdemeanor – and possibly subject to a $1,000 fine and six months in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unusual prohibition — the latest in a series of crackdowns by communities following a Supreme Court decision last summer — has alarmed activists who worry it could be used against aid workers who provide services to people living in encampments. While Fremont Mayor Raj Salwan told CalMatters that police won’t target outreach workers handing out food and clothing, the ordinance doesn’t specify what qualifies as “aiding, abetting or concealing.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Salwan Holds Big Lead in Fremont Mayor’s Race",
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"content": "\u003cp>Raj Salwan, who has served on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda/fremont#mayor\">Fremont\u003c/a> City Council for a decade, is currently holding a strong lead in the four-person race to become the East Bay city’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan had garnered nearly half of the votes counted in the race so far — about 13,000 — and was ahead of his closest opponent, former two-term City Councilmember Vinnie Bacon, by about 15 points in initial election results as of 1 a.m. Wednesday. The next update from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters is expected Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a distant third and fourth place were Rohan Marfatia, a tech executive and political newcomer who moved to Fremont in 2017, and perennial school board candidate Hiu Ng, who this year threw his hat in the ring for mayor. Together, they have earned about a fifth of the votes thus far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a significant gap,” Salwan said Wednesday of his lead, though he noted there are more votes to count. “I think it’s very likely that we should prevail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, a higher turnout election year, about 89,000 total votes were cast in Fremont’s mayoral race. The Alameda County Registrar of Voters reported on Wednesday that nearly 28,000 votes had been counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said he feels the support he earned shows that Fremont residents want a “problem solver” at the helm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many issues now that people are concerned about, whether it’s homelessness or public safety or quality of life issues,” he said. “I think they’re looking for folks that are going to be on the ground, hands-on, solving problems. That’s what I see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacon did not immediately respond to a request for comment.[aside label=\"Live 2024 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda,Alameda County: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/10/Aside-Results-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is the fourth-largest city in the Bay Area, with about 230,000 residents. It has successfully positioned itself as a hub for biotech and as an outpost for many tech companies and advanced manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, the city has also grappled with a lack of affordable homes for low-income families, failing to get close to state housing goals while real estate prices have generally increased, worsening a region-wide affordability crisis. Fremont has also seen a steep increase in homelessness over the last several years. Coupled with leaner budgets, the next mayor of Fremont will have plenty of opportunities and challenges facing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont has also experienced serious scandals in recent years, with the family of Fremont police Capt. Fred Bobbitt, who died by suicide while on the force, sued the city for wrongful death. In the suit, the family claimed former City Manager Mark Danaj pressured Bobbitt to leave the department and had helped derail his career aspirations. The city settled for $1.5 million earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danaj was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/30/former-fremont-city-manager-mark-danaj-charged-with-embezzlement/\">embezzlement\u003c/a> and misappropriation of public funds in March 2022 on allegations he used a city credit card to make personal purchases. He later resigned while taking a more than $300,000 payout from the city. Earlier this year, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/04/18/former-fremont-city-manager-sentenced-to-jail-in-fraud-case-must-pay-317000-in-restitution/\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to a felony count of obtaining money under false pretenses and must repay the city his severance package value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said he has “worked his way up” in Fremont politics, and he’s looking forward to taking on the task of leading the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel I can do a lot of good work. I think I’m meant to do this,” he said. “So hopefully, I can get everybody on the same page, and hopefully, we get the support of the community, and we can do a lot of good things. We can take Fremont to the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Fremont Councilmember Raj Salwan was well ahead of former Councilmember Vinnie Bacon in the race to become Fremont’s next mayor, initial election results showed. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Raj Salwan, who has served on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/alameda/fremont#mayor\">Fremont\u003c/a> City Council for a decade, is currently holding a strong lead in the four-person race to become the East Bay city’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan had garnered nearly half of the votes counted in the race so far — about 13,000 — and was ahead of his closest opponent, former two-term City Councilmember Vinnie Bacon, by about 15 points in initial election results as of 1 a.m. Wednesday. The next update from the Alameda County Registrar of Voters is expected Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a distant third and fourth place were Rohan Marfatia, a tech executive and political newcomer who moved to Fremont in 2017, and perennial school board candidate Hiu Ng, who this year threw his hat in the ring for mayor. Together, they have earned about a fifth of the votes thus far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a significant gap,” Salwan said Wednesday of his lead, though he noted there are more votes to count. “I think it’s very likely that we should prevail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, a higher turnout election year, about 89,000 total votes were cast in Fremont’s mayoral race. The Alameda County Registrar of Voters reported on Wednesday that nearly 28,000 votes had been counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said he feels the support he earned shows that Fremont residents want a “problem solver” at the helm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many issues now that people are concerned about, whether it’s homelessness or public safety or quality of life issues,” he said. “I think they’re looking for folks that are going to be on the ground, hands-on, solving problems. That’s what I see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacon did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is the fourth-largest city in the Bay Area, with about 230,000 residents. It has successfully positioned itself as a hub for biotech and as an outpost for many tech companies and advanced manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, the city has also grappled with a lack of affordable homes for low-income families, failing to get close to state housing goals while real estate prices have generally increased, worsening a region-wide affordability crisis. Fremont has also seen a steep increase in homelessness over the last several years. Coupled with leaner budgets, the next mayor of Fremont will have plenty of opportunities and challenges facing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont has also experienced serious scandals in recent years, with the family of Fremont police Capt. Fred Bobbitt, who died by suicide while on the force, sued the city for wrongful death. In the suit, the family claimed former City Manager Mark Danaj pressured Bobbitt to leave the department and had helped derail his career aspirations. The city settled for $1.5 million earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danaj was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/30/former-fremont-city-manager-mark-danaj-charged-with-embezzlement/\">embezzlement\u003c/a> and misappropriation of public funds in March 2022 on allegations he used a city credit card to make personal purchases. He later resigned while taking a more than $300,000 payout from the city. Earlier this year, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/04/18/former-fremont-city-manager-sentenced-to-jail-in-fraud-case-must-pay-317000-in-restitution/\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to a felony count of obtaining money under false pretenses and must repay the city his severance package value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salwan said he has “worked his way up” in Fremont politics, and he’s looking forward to taking on the task of leading the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel I can do a lot of good work. I think I’m meant to do this,” he said. “So hopefully, I can get everybody on the same page, and hopefully, we get the support of the community, and we can do a lot of good things. We can take Fremont to the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fremont-city-councilmember-jenny-kassan-resigns-helps-husbands-run-for-mayor",
"title": "Fremont City Councilmember Jenny Kassan Resigns, Helps Husband's Run for Mayor",
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"headTitle": "Fremont City Councilmember Jenny Kassan Resigns, Helps Husband’s Run for Mayor | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Fremont City Councilmember Jenny Kassan is planning to resign from her post this year, in part to help support her husband’s candidacy for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassan, who was first elected in 2018 and reelected in 2022, submitted a letter of resignation to the city clerk’s office on Thursday. She told KQED she plans to stay on long enough to help appoint an interim successor to her seat, which could take several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassan said a confluence of factors influenced her decision to resign amid her second term, including an increased workload in her day job as a private practice attorney and a part-time job she took on last year as a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. She also cited the expansion of issues in the city of Fremont that require council members’ attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she takes pride in responding to every call, email and voicemail from residents and constituents as a council member and doesn’t want to remain on council if she can’t commit to it fully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just feel like if I’m going to be in the role, I need to perform at a certain level, and that takes a lot of time and energy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband, former Councilmember Vinnie Bacon, is also running for mayor, and Kassan said she didn’t want potential voters to have to weigh any concerns about her being on council at the same time if Bacon were elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just to make sure it doesn’t hinder him from being able to get people excited about his candidacy, I thought it’s a good time to take that out of the mix,” she said. “There’s a lot of other reasons, but that is definitely something that adds to the decision that this is the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple have previously served on the council together in 2019 and 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/11/08/fremont-married-couple-to-serve-on-council-together/\">making local history\u003c/a> as the first married couple to do so. And while some initial concerns after the 2018 election were raised at that time, Kassan said people seemed to be able to tell the couple were “independent thinkers” on the dais.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with Bacon potentially serving as mayor, it could change the dynamics, and she said she has heard some voters on the campaign trail express concern about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001768\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2876px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2876\" height=\"1888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867.png 2876w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1536x1008.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-2048x1344.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1920x1260.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2876px) 100vw, 2876px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenny Kassan \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenny Kassan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The optics are not great,” Kassan said. “I don’t want that to prevent him from becoming mayor because I really, really want him to be our mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean McMorris, the head of transparency, ethics, and accountability at nonprofit good government group Common Cause California, said no laws would prevent the two from serving on the same council again, even with Bacon as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But again, the public has a right to their opinion and to voice their concerns,” McMorris said. “Public perception is extremely important, and I’m glad they’re taking that into account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacon, for his part, said he respects Kassan’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris said Kassan has every right to choose to step down both as a “strategic political decision” to help support Bacon and as a way to balance the demands on her time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If indeed she feels like she’s not able to devote as much time to that role as she would like to or her constituents deserve, then yes … that’s an honorable reason for stepping aside,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, Kassan thanked residents for electing her and said she is proud of her contributions to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will continue to fight for the underrepresented and under-resourced members of our community, but as a private citizen rather than a public official,” Kassan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fremont City Councilmember Jenny Kassan is planning to resign from her post this year, in part to help support her husband’s candidacy for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassan, who was first elected in 2018 and reelected in 2022, submitted a letter of resignation to the city clerk’s office on Thursday. She told KQED she plans to stay on long enough to help appoint an interim successor to her seat, which could take several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kassan said a confluence of factors influenced her decision to resign amid her second term, including an increased workload in her day job as a private practice attorney and a part-time job she took on last year as a deputy district attorney in Alameda County. She also cited the expansion of issues in the city of Fremont that require council members’ attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she takes pride in responding to every call, email and voicemail from residents and constituents as a council member and doesn’t want to remain on council if she can’t commit to it fully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just feel like if I’m going to be in the role, I need to perform at a certain level, and that takes a lot of time and energy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband, former Councilmember Vinnie Bacon, is also running for mayor, and Kassan said she didn’t want potential voters to have to weigh any concerns about her being on council at the same time if Bacon were elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just to make sure it doesn’t hinder him from being able to get people excited about his candidacy, I thought it’s a good time to take that out of the mix,” she said. “There’s a lot of other reasons, but that is definitely something that adds to the decision that this is the right time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple have previously served on the council together in 2019 and 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/11/08/fremont-married-couple-to-serve-on-council-together/\">making local history\u003c/a> as the first married couple to do so. And while some initial concerns after the 2018 election were raised at that time, Kassan said people seemed to be able to tell the couple were “independent thinkers” on the dais.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with Bacon potentially serving as mayor, it could change the dynamics, and she said she has heard some voters on the campaign trail express concern about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001768\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2876px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2876\" height=\"1888\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867.png 2876w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-800x525.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1020x670.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-160x105.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1536x1008.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-2048x1344.png 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/headshot2-e1724458694867-1920x1260.png 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2876px) 100vw, 2876px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenny Kassan \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenny Kassan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The optics are not great,” Kassan said. “I don’t want that to prevent him from becoming mayor because I really, really want him to be our mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean McMorris, the head of transparency, ethics, and accountability at nonprofit good government group Common Cause California, said no laws would prevent the two from serving on the same council again, even with Bacon as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But again, the public has a right to their opinion and to voice their concerns,” McMorris said. “Public perception is extremely important, and I’m glad they’re taking that into account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bacon, for his part, said he respects Kassan’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris said Kassan has every right to choose to step down both as a “strategic political decision” to help support Bacon and as a way to balance the demands on her time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If indeed she feels like she’s not able to devote as much time to that role as she would like to or her constituents deserve, then yes … that’s an honorable reason for stepping aside,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, Kassan thanked residents for electing her and said she is proud of her contributions to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will continue to fight for the underrepresented and under-resourced members of our community, but as a private citizen rather than a public official,” Kassan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Tesla Factory is Ordered to Fix Toxic Emissions. It's Got Over a Year to Do It",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area’s air quality watchdog has ordered Tesla to take steps to fix problems at its Fremont factory that have led to frequent toxic emissions over the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24780613/20240626-stipulated-order-for-abatement-pdf.pdf\">an order\u003c/a> issued Wednesday and signed by lawyers for Tesla, the Bay Area Air Quality Management District gives the automaker more than a year to implement a plan to stop the releases originating in the factory’s vehicle-painting facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla had racked up 112 notices of violation since 2019, the district said in \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24780608/20240502-accusation-pdf.pdf\">a formal complaint\u003c/a> filed last month. Each incident resulted in the release of precursor organic compounds — chemicals that react with nitrogen oxides to form ozone — and other toxic air contaminants. Ozone exposure can make it harder to breathe deeply or aggravate respiratory illnesses such as asthma, among other health effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the air quality district, the releases have stemmed from equipment malfunctions in the Tesla plant’s two paint shops, where the auto bodies and components for the hundreds of thousands of vehicles the facility produces each year are spray-coated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the malfunctions have involved systems designed to prevent the release of pollutants from the paint shops. The air district’s complaint also notes that releases sometimes occur even when the anti-pollution systems are operating normally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failures anywhere in the factory’s production line, “such as vehicles crashing into one another when they are not properly overseen by Tesla staff,” can result in an automatic shutdown of the pollution-abatement systems “even if the abatement equipment is still working properly,” according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air agency’s order gives Tesla a maximum of about 15 months to retain an engineering firm and devise a process to stop all toxic emissions from the paint shops except in emergencies when releases may be unavoidable. Once the air district signs off on the plan, the company will have six more months to implement it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district’s case is the second major pollution action against the automaker this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, district attorneys in 25 California counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2024/2/3/24058476/tesla-hazardous-waste-suit-settlement-california\">sued the company\u003c/a> for mishandling hazardous waste at dozens of facilities across the state, including the Fremont plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed in San Joaquin County said Tesla improperly discarded toxic materials — including batteries, fuel and paint — in Dumpsters or at landfills not permitted to accept hazardous waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company settled that case for $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area’s air quality watchdog has ordered Tesla to take steps to fix problems at its Fremont factory that have led to frequent toxic emissions over the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24780613/20240626-stipulated-order-for-abatement-pdf.pdf\">an order\u003c/a> issued Wednesday and signed by lawyers for Tesla, the Bay Area Air Quality Management District gives the automaker more than a year to implement a plan to stop the releases originating in the factory’s vehicle-painting facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla had racked up 112 notices of violation since 2019, the district said in \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24780608/20240502-accusation-pdf.pdf\">a formal complaint\u003c/a> filed last month. Each incident resulted in the release of precursor organic compounds — chemicals that react with nitrogen oxides to form ozone — and other toxic air contaminants. Ozone exposure can make it harder to breathe deeply or aggravate respiratory illnesses such as asthma, among other health effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the air quality district, the releases have stemmed from equipment malfunctions in the Tesla plant’s two paint shops, where the auto bodies and components for the hundreds of thousands of vehicles the facility produces each year are spray-coated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the malfunctions have involved systems designed to prevent the release of pollutants from the paint shops. The air district’s complaint also notes that releases sometimes occur even when the anti-pollution systems are operating normally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Failures anywhere in the factory’s production line, “such as vehicles crashing into one another when they are not properly overseen by Tesla staff,” can result in an automatic shutdown of the pollution-abatement systems “even if the abatement equipment is still working properly,” according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air agency’s order gives Tesla a maximum of about 15 months to retain an engineering firm and devise a process to stop all toxic emissions from the paint shops except in emergencies when releases may be unavoidable. Once the air district signs off on the plan, the company will have six more months to implement it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tesla did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district’s case is the second major pollution action against the automaker this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, district attorneys in 25 California counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/2024/2/3/24058476/tesla-hazardous-waste-suit-settlement-california\">sued the company\u003c/a> for mishandling hazardous waste at dozens of facilities across the state, including the Fremont plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed in San Joaquin County said Tesla improperly discarded toxic materials — including batteries, fuel and paint — in Dumpsters or at landfills not permitted to accept hazardous waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company settled that case for $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "east-bay-priests-accused-of-abuse-still-active",
"title": "Court Records Reveal Names of Active East Bay Priests Accused of Abuse",
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"headTitle": "Court Records Reveal Names of Active East Bay Priests Accused of Abuse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Catholic priest in Rodeo remains the active head of a church and parochial school while he faces accusations of molesting a child parishioner decades ago, KQED has learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawsuit filed in Alameda County in September alleges ongoing abuse in the mid-1980s, including that the priest secluded the unnamed plaintiff in an office and groped his genitals underneath his clothing when he was a parishioner at St. Raymond Catholic Church in Dublin. The plaintiff was around 6 and 7 years old at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The priest is not named in the lawsuit. But documents filed in federal bankruptcy court and records from a special proceeding in state court reveal who the priest is: Father Larry Young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young was parochial vicar at St. Raymond’s from September 1984 to June 1987, according to the Oakland diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is the current pastor of St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone on July 24, Young initially declined to comment. After he and his attorneys were presented with information identifying him as the unnamed defendant, Young sent an Aug. 8 emailed statement calling the accusation against him “absolutely false.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a defamation of my name and character for something I did not — and would not — do to any child of God,” Young said in his statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956782\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956782\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED.jpg\" alt='A brightly colored sign hanging on a chain link fence that reads \"Saint Patrick School Now Enrolling.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signage outside the St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo on July 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegation in the lawsuit is not proven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Young is among over a thousand claims filed in Northern California courts on behalf of survivors of alleged childhood sexual abuse by clergy under a recent California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys defending the Roman Catholic Diocese of Oakland and two accused clergy who remain in active ministry — Young and another East Bay priest — have been fighting for several months to keep their identities sealed in court and out of public view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argue that the diocese’s internal investigation found the allegations are without merit and that the priests’ identities have been uncovered in violation of the law. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rick Simons, attorney for victims’ cases against clergy in Northern California\"]‘The reason that the bishop and his lawyers want to keep names of alleged perpetrators confidential is they know that once the name gets out in the public, other potential victims will come forward.’[/pullquote] “This matter has not been deemed credible,” Oakland diocese spokesperson Helen Osman wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former assistant U.S. attorney hired by the diocese found the allegations were not credible, Osman said. The diocese declined to identify the former prosecutor or provide documentation of their findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bankruptcy proceedings effectively froze all the state court cases filed against the Oakland diocese, its facilities and its clergy. Advocates say the diocese is using the bankruptcy process to delay the lawsuits, and that the lack of transparency undermines the diocese’s public stance of compassion for survivors of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely abhorrent and irresponsible,” said Rick Simons, one of the lead attorneys managing victims’ cases against clergy in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the bishop and his lawyers want to keep names of alleged perpetrators confidential is they know that once the name gets out in the public, other potential victims will come forward,” Simons said. “It’s like the #MeToo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland diocese sought Chapter 11 protection in federal bankruptcy court in May as it faced more than 330 claims filed by the survivors of alleged child sexual abuse under a 2019 state law, the California Child Victims Act, or \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law waived all time limits for those claims from 2020 through the end of last year, and it permanently extended age limits to sue for childhood molestation — from age 26 to 40 years old, or within five years after the discovery of the abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland diocese was the second California diocese to file for bankruptcy this year in the wake of lawsuits brought under AB 218. The Diocese of Santa Rosa sought Chapter 11 protection in March. The Archdiocese of San Francisco announced Friday it will “very likely” follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956783\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956783\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED.jpg\" alt='A wooden sign outside a large building that reads \"Welcome: St. Patrick Catholic Church\" and listing the times of services.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signage outside the St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo on July 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing survivors of alleged molestation are “alarmed that two priests accused of sexual abuse remain currently employed by the [diocese],” according to a recent filing in federal court. “An immediate investigation is necessary with respect to the Accused Employees because they (i) remain in contact with children, and (ii) are continuing to collect a salary and benefits from assets of the [diocese’s] estate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bankruptcy judge granted the diocese’s request last month to keep the names of the two current employees under seal in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys have also sought to keep the priests’ names out of state court filings — and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Referencing him in a story now is improper and would severely and recklessly harm Father Young and his reputation,” Young’s attorney, Dan Webb, wrote in a June 27 email to KQED.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Father George Mockel, pastor, Santa Maria Church in Orinda\"]‘I have never been involved in any disciplinary action, criminal case, or civil matter and have never been accused of assault or any such wrongdoing in my lifetime. I am deeply saddened and distressed by this maligning of my name and reputation.’[/pullquote] Webb, along with the diocese, argue that naming Young violates rules of civil proceedings created by the California Child Victims Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These very issues are in litigation now,” Webb wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law prohibits accused abusers sued as defendants from being named in lawsuits until supporting evidence is presented. It does not apply to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Father George Mockel, another active East Bay priest, has also been accused of sexually abusing a child in a civil case brought under AB 218.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lawsuit filed in December, a plaintiff alleges they were sexually abused by a priest in the mid-1970s. A filing in the case directly identifies Father George Mockel as the alleged perpetrator, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/east-bay-priests-accused-child-sex-abuse-suits/3263850/\">NBC Bay Area reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mockel is the pastor of Santa Maria Church in Orinda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://santamariaorinda.com/fr-george-statement\">a statement that was posted to the church’s website\u003c/a>, but has since been taken down, Mockel denied the allegations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never abused anyone in any way at any time. That is not who I am,” Mockel said. “I have never been involved in any disciplinary action, criminal case, or civil matter and have never been accused of assault or any such wrongdoing in my lifetime. I am deeply saddened and distressed by this maligning of my name and reputation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys in both cases either did not respond to a request for comment or declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This effort to leave them in ministry is an effort to intimidate other victims from coming forward,” said Dan McNevin, Oakland leader of the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests, or SNAP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are afraid of powerful priests. Larry Young is a very powerful man within the diocese,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ordained in 1981, Young served at several parishes in the East Bay, including in San Leandro, Fremont and Richmond, according to church records, before becoming pastor of St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo over 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large and circular modern-looking building sitting beside a body of water.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Cathedral of Christ the Light and Catholic Diocese of Oakland in Oakland on July 28, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mockel was previously the vicar general of the diocese, a role that directly supports the bishop in the governance of the diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both priests were listed among diocesan consultors in the 2021 Official Catholic Directory, meaning they are advisors to the bishop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://holyspiritfremont.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/July-2019-Appointments.pdf\">2019 memo (PDF)\u003c/a> includes Mockel and Young among members of the diocese’s Priests Personnel Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know them both, I know them fairly well,” said Tim Stier, a former priest with the Oakland diocese who was an associate pastor at St. Raymond in the early 1990s.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tim Stier, former priest, outspoken critic, Oakland diocese\"]‘When a priest is accused, he’s supposed to be suspended by the bishop while an investigation takes place.’[/pullquote] “I like Larry. I’ve always found him somewhat peculiar and eccentric, but he’s always been nice to me. But then, priests are always nice to fellow priests, generally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stier has been an outspoken critic of the Oakland diocese’s handling of sexual abuse by its priests. Last year, the Vatican \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/09/vatican-defrocks-priest-who-scolded-oakland-diocese-over-sex-abuse/?clearUserState=true\">officially removed\u003c/a> him from the priesthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a priest is accused, he’s supposed to be suspended by the bishop while an investigation takes place,” Stier said, referring to the Oakland diocese’s process for \u003ca href=\"https://oakdiocese.org/victims-assistance#:~:text=When%20the%20diocese%20receives%20an,temporary%20suspension%20of%20all%20ministry.\">responding to allegations of sexual abuse\u003c/a> by clergy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The procedures also require the diocese to report any allegations that a priest is sexually abusing a child to law enforcement and the priest’s parish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The diocese has not reported the allegation against Young to law enforcement. He has not been suspended and parishioners of St. Patrick Catholic Church have not been notified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the diocese’s policies don’t apply to historical allegations brought through a lawsuit, according to spokesperson Helen Osman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Diocese was not aware of the alleged abuse when it allegedly occurred,” Osman said in an email. “We have no records of being contacted. The Diocese also sought to speak with the plaintiff about the allegations after the filing of the complaint and the plaintiff refused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young is also not included in the Oakland diocese’s \u003ca href=\"https://oakdiocese.org/credible-accusations\">list of credibly accused clergy\u003c/a> released in 2019, because, Osman said, he has not been credibly accused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bishop has expressed his support for me and has stated I deserve to maintain my good name,” Young said, adding that he has been advised not to speak about the case beyond his emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate your understanding, but especially your prayers, not just for me but for everyone involved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the priests’ identities were revealed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a June 21 conference call in the bankruptcy case, a representative of the Oakland diocese said that two priests recently accused of child abuse in the East Bay remain in active ministry, without naming them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The diocese initially requested that the names of all accused priests and anyone involved in a cover-up of abuse, along with the survivors of alleged abuse, be kept under seal or redacted from the bankruptcy proceedings. The diocese had argued its employees are entitled to protection from identity theft and harassment.[aside label='More on the Oakland Diocese' tag='oakland-diocese']Lawyers representing the survivors among other “unsecured creditors” in the case, opposed the request. The request for confidentiality was later narrowed to just the two priests in active ministry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public should be aware. What we’re doing should not be done behind closed doors,” Jeff Prol, an attorney for the survivors and other creditors in the bankruptcy case, said in an interview with KQED on July 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public interest requires that the priests’ names be disclosed,” he said. “They’re potentially a danger to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankruptcy Judge William J. Lafferty granted the diocese’s request last month, sealing the names of the two active priests in the bankruptcy case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cross-referencing filings by the diocese in bankruptcy court and documents filed in state court reveal the identities of the priests and the accusations against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A routine filing in bankruptcy court in early July disclosed that two active priests with the Oakland diocese hired an attorney to address potential violations of California privacy law. That document referenced two Alameda County Superior Court case numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case numbers relate to two lawsuits filed in state court alleging sexual abuse by priests. Mockel is identified as the alleged perpetrator in one of those cases, but Young is not named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a statement filed monthly in state court includes a chart with information from over 1,500 lawsuits filed in the three-year window created by the California Child Victims Act. The chart displays case numbers, attorney names, time periods of the alleged abuse and the names of the alleged perpetrator in hundreds of the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young and Mockel are listed as alleged perpetrators in the chart, buried among the names of hundreds of other accused clergy. Searching by the two case numbers the diocese identified in bankruptcy court, however, highlights Mockel and Young as the two recently accused priests who remain actively leading parishioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing for secrecy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland diocese spokesperson Osman said attorneys for survivors “ignored the law” when they named Young in the chart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California law requires that certain criteria be met before an alleged childhood sexual abuser can be publicly named as a defendant in a lawsuit,” Osman wrote. “Those criteria have not been met in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Simons, the plaintiffs’ attorney manager in the special proceeding, said lawyers are required by court order to provide information from their cases for use in the chart.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dan McNevin, Oakland leader, Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP)\"]‘I think it really defeats justice when these cases are not publicized and we have no visibility into the process that caused a priest to remain in ministry.’[/pullquote] Attorneys representing the priests have pushed to keep Young and Mockel’s names confidential in state court filings as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Webb, the attorney representing the two priests, asked an Alameda County Superior Court clerk in late June to seal the chart, blocking public access, while he prepared a motion requesting the priests’ names be removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court responded that no action would be taken based on Webb’s emailed request, but that the priests could file a motion to seal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, no motion has been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it really defeats justice when these cases are not publicized and we have no visibility into the process that caused a priest to remain in ministry,” said McNevin of SNAP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Young] should be suspended. His parish should be informed. All of the parishes where he worked should be informed, and survivors should be invited to come forward from all of those places. That would be the compassionate response to an accusation like this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Catholic priest in Rodeo remains the active head of a church and parochial school while he faces accusations of molesting a child parishioner decades ago, KQED has learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawsuit filed in Alameda County in September alleges ongoing abuse in the mid-1980s, including that the priest secluded the unnamed plaintiff in an office and groped his genitals underneath his clothing when he was a parishioner at St. Raymond Catholic Church in Dublin. The plaintiff was around 6 and 7 years old at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The priest is not named in the lawsuit. But documents filed in federal bankruptcy court and records from a special proceeding in state court reveal who the priest is: Father Larry Young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young was parochial vicar at St. Raymond’s from September 1984 to June 1987, according to the Oakland diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is the current pastor of St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone on July 24, Young initially declined to comment. After he and his attorneys were presented with information identifying him as the unnamed defendant, Young sent an Aug. 8 emailed statement calling the accusation against him “absolutely false.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a defamation of my name and character for something I did not — and would not — do to any child of God,” Young said in his statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956782\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956782\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED.jpg\" alt='A brightly colored sign hanging on a chain link fence that reads \"Saint Patrick School Now Enrolling.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signage outside the St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo on July 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The allegation in the lawsuit is not proven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit against Young is among over a thousand claims filed in Northern California courts on behalf of survivors of alleged childhood sexual abuse by clergy under a recent California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys defending the Roman Catholic Diocese of Oakland and two accused clergy who remain in active ministry — Young and another East Bay priest — have been fighting for several months to keep their identities sealed in court and out of public view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argue that the diocese’s internal investigation found the allegations are without merit and that the priests’ identities have been uncovered in violation of the law. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The reason that the bishop and his lawyers want to keep names of alleged perpetrators confidential is they know that once the name gets out in the public, other potential victims will come forward.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “This matter has not been deemed credible,” Oakland diocese spokesperson Helen Osman wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former assistant U.S. attorney hired by the diocese found the allegations were not credible, Osman said. The diocese declined to identify the former prosecutor or provide documentation of their findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bankruptcy proceedings effectively froze all the state court cases filed against the Oakland diocese, its facilities and its clergy. Advocates say the diocese is using the bankruptcy process to delay the lawsuits, and that the lack of transparency undermines the diocese’s public stance of compassion for survivors of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely abhorrent and irresponsible,” said Rick Simons, one of the lead attorneys managing victims’ cases against clergy in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the bishop and his lawyers want to keep names of alleged perpetrators confidential is they know that once the name gets out in the public, other potential victims will come forward,” Simons said. “It’s like the #MeToo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland diocese sought Chapter 11 protection in federal bankruptcy court in May as it faced more than 330 claims filed by the survivors of alleged child sexual abuse under a 2019 state law, the California Child Victims Act, or \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law waived all time limits for those claims from 2020 through the end of last year, and it permanently extended age limits to sue for childhood molestation — from age 26 to 40 years old, or within five years after the discovery of the abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland diocese was the second California diocese to file for bankruptcy this year in the wake of lawsuits brought under AB 218. The Diocese of Santa Rosa sought Chapter 11 protection in March. The Archdiocese of San Francisco announced Friday it will “very likely” follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956783\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956783\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED.jpg\" alt='A wooden sign outside a large building that reads \"Welcome: St. Patrick Catholic Church\" and listing the times of services.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signage outside the St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo on July 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing survivors of alleged molestation are “alarmed that two priests accused of sexual abuse remain currently employed by the [diocese],” according to a recent filing in federal court. “An immediate investigation is necessary with respect to the Accused Employees because they (i) remain in contact with children, and (ii) are continuing to collect a salary and benefits from assets of the [diocese’s] estate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bankruptcy judge granted the diocese’s request last month to keep the names of the two current employees under seal in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys have also sought to keep the priests’ names out of state court filings — and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Referencing him in a story now is improper and would severely and recklessly harm Father Young and his reputation,” Young’s attorney, Dan Webb, wrote in a June 27 email to KQED.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Webb, along with the diocese, argue that naming Young violates rules of civil proceedings created by the California Child Victims Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These very issues are in litigation now,” Webb wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law prohibits accused abusers sued as defendants from being named in lawsuits until supporting evidence is presented. It does not apply to the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Father George Mockel, another active East Bay priest, has also been accused of sexually abusing a child in a civil case brought under AB 218.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lawsuit filed in December, a plaintiff alleges they were sexually abused by a priest in the mid-1970s. A filing in the case directly identifies Father George Mockel as the alleged perpetrator, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/east-bay-priests-accused-child-sex-abuse-suits/3263850/\">NBC Bay Area reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mockel is the pastor of Santa Maria Church in Orinda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://santamariaorinda.com/fr-george-statement\">a statement that was posted to the church’s website\u003c/a>, but has since been taken down, Mockel denied the allegations:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have never abused anyone in any way at any time. That is not who I am,” Mockel said. “I have never been involved in any disciplinary action, criminal case, or civil matter and have never been accused of assault or any such wrongdoing in my lifetime. I am deeply saddened and distressed by this maligning of my name and reputation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs’ attorneys in both cases either did not respond to a request for comment or declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This effort to leave them in ministry is an effort to intimidate other victims from coming forward,” said Dan McNevin, Oakland leader of the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests, or SNAP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are afraid of powerful priests. Larry Young is a very powerful man within the diocese,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ordained in 1981, Young served at several parishes in the East Bay, including in San Leandro, Fremont and Richmond, according to church records, before becoming pastor of St. Patrick Catholic Church in Rodeo over 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956785\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956785\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large and circular modern-looking building sitting beside a body of water.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230727-Oakland-Diocese-Sexual-Abuse-MHN-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Cathedral of Christ the Light and Catholic Diocese of Oakland in Oakland on July 28, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mockel was previously the vicar general of the diocese, a role that directly supports the bishop in the governance of the diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both priests were listed among diocesan consultors in the 2021 Official Catholic Directory, meaning they are advisors to the bishop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://holyspiritfremont.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/July-2019-Appointments.pdf\">2019 memo (PDF)\u003c/a> includes Mockel and Young among members of the diocese’s Priests Personnel Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know them both, I know them fairly well,” said Tim Stier, a former priest with the Oakland diocese who was an associate pastor at St. Raymond in the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “I like Larry. I’ve always found him somewhat peculiar and eccentric, but he’s always been nice to me. But then, priests are always nice to fellow priests, generally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stier has been an outspoken critic of the Oakland diocese’s handling of sexual abuse by its priests. Last year, the Vatican \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/09/vatican-defrocks-priest-who-scolded-oakland-diocese-over-sex-abuse/?clearUserState=true\">officially removed\u003c/a> him from the priesthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a priest is accused, he’s supposed to be suspended by the bishop while an investigation takes place,” Stier said, referring to the Oakland diocese’s process for \u003ca href=\"https://oakdiocese.org/victims-assistance#:~:text=When%20the%20diocese%20receives%20an,temporary%20suspension%20of%20all%20ministry.\">responding to allegations of sexual abuse\u003c/a> by clergy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The procedures also require the diocese to report any allegations that a priest is sexually abusing a child to law enforcement and the priest’s parish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The diocese has not reported the allegation against Young to law enforcement. He has not been suspended and parishioners of St. Patrick Catholic Church have not been notified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because the diocese’s policies don’t apply to historical allegations brought through a lawsuit, according to spokesperson Helen Osman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Diocese was not aware of the alleged abuse when it allegedly occurred,” Osman said in an email. “We have no records of being contacted. The Diocese also sought to speak with the plaintiff about the allegations after the filing of the complaint and the plaintiff refused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young is also not included in the Oakland diocese’s \u003ca href=\"https://oakdiocese.org/credible-accusations\">list of credibly accused clergy\u003c/a> released in 2019, because, Osman said, he has not been credibly accused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bishop has expressed his support for me and has stated I deserve to maintain my good name,” Young said, adding that he has been advised not to speak about the case beyond his emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate your understanding, but especially your prayers, not just for me but for everyone involved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the priests’ identities were revealed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a June 21 conference call in the bankruptcy case, a representative of the Oakland diocese said that two priests recently accused of child abuse in the East Bay remain in active ministry, without naming them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The diocese initially requested that the names of all accused priests and anyone involved in a cover-up of abuse, along with the survivors of alleged abuse, be kept under seal or redacted from the bankruptcy proceedings. The diocese had argued its employees are entitled to protection from identity theft and harassment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lawyers representing the survivors among other “unsecured creditors” in the case, opposed the request. The request for confidentiality was later narrowed to just the two priests in active ministry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public should be aware. What we’re doing should not be done behind closed doors,” Jeff Prol, an attorney for the survivors and other creditors in the bankruptcy case, said in an interview with KQED on July 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public interest requires that the priests’ names be disclosed,” he said. “They’re potentially a danger to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankruptcy Judge William J. Lafferty granted the diocese’s request last month, sealing the names of the two active priests in the bankruptcy case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cross-referencing filings by the diocese in bankruptcy court and documents filed in state court reveal the identities of the priests and the accusations against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A routine filing in bankruptcy court in early July disclosed that two active priests with the Oakland diocese hired an attorney to address potential violations of California privacy law. That document referenced two Alameda County Superior Court case numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case numbers relate to two lawsuits filed in state court alleging sexual abuse by priests. Mockel is identified as the alleged perpetrator in one of those cases, but Young is not named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a statement filed monthly in state court includes a chart with information from over 1,500 lawsuits filed in the three-year window created by the California Child Victims Act. The chart displays case numbers, attorney names, time periods of the alleged abuse and the names of the alleged perpetrator in hundreds of the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young and Mockel are listed as alleged perpetrators in the chart, buried among the names of hundreds of other accused clergy. Searching by the two case numbers the diocese identified in bankruptcy court, however, highlights Mockel and Young as the two recently accused priests who remain actively leading parishioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing for secrecy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oakland diocese spokesperson Osman said attorneys for survivors “ignored the law” when they named Young in the chart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California law requires that certain criteria be met before an alleged childhood sexual abuser can be publicly named as a defendant in a lawsuit,” Osman wrote. “Those criteria have not been met in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Simons, the plaintiffs’ attorney manager in the special proceeding, said lawyers are required by court order to provide information from their cases for use in the chart.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Attorneys representing the priests have pushed to keep Young and Mockel’s names confidential in state court filings as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Webb, the attorney representing the two priests, asked an Alameda County Superior Court clerk in late June to seal the chart, blocking public access, while he prepared a motion requesting the priests’ names be removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court responded that no action would be taken based on Webb’s emailed request, but that the priests could file a motion to seal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, no motion has been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it really defeats justice when these cases are not publicized and we have no visibility into the process that caused a priest to remain in ministry,” said McNevin of SNAP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Young] should be suspended. His parish should be informed. All of the parishes where he worked should be informed, and survivors should be invited to come forward from all of those places. That would be the compassionate response to an accusation like this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area Afghans are scrambling to contact family members in eastern Afghanistan, after a 5.9 magnitude earthquake struck southwest of the city of Khost Wednesday, killing more than 1,000 people. Community leaders here say they fear that, under the Taliban government, the relief effort will be challenging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fouzia Azizi, the director of refugee services for \u003ca href=\"https://jfcs-eastbay.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Jewish Family and Community Services- East Bay\u003c/a>, said she learned of the earthquake early Wednesday morning from the Facebook post of a relative in Afghanistan. Then she and her staff started reaching out to Bay Area clients originally from the affected region, including one man whose wife and children are still living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God his family is doing fine, but they felt the earthquake really bad,” Azizi said. “And they confirmed it’s extremely chaotic there; it’s just chaos.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Freshta Kohgadai, United Afghan Association\"]‘We are all very devastated. We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mountainous eastern provinces of Paktika and Khost, where the earthquake hit, were Taliban strongholds even during the U.S. occupation, and the region was a war zone for many years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the U.S. withdrew and the Taliban took over the national government in August, international aid has dried up and food is scarce. As of last month, \u003ca href=\"https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/05/1117812\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">20 million Afghans\u003c/a> – nearly half the population – were facing acute hunger, according to the United Nations. To suffer a devastating earthquake on top of that is another layer of unimaginable hardship, said Azizi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now in Afghanistan, people are already starving, children are starving. There is not enough food,” she said. “Such a crisis at this point is just heartbreaking.” Other Bay Area Afghans were also struggling to come to terms with the impact of the quake, which destroyed entire villages and left hundreds of people trapped under collapsed buildings.[aside tag=\"afghanistan, afghan\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all very devastated,” said Freshta Kohgadai of the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedafgassociation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Afghan Association\u003c/a>. “We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than her own local organization, Kohgadai suggested channeling donations to \u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a>, an e-commerce marketplace for Afghan artisans that has pivoted in the past year to distributing packages of food and medicine in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of Afghans in the Bay Area are still just trying to be sure their relatives back home are okay, said Hayward City Councilmember Aisha Wahab, who’s the daughter of Afghan refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to sending aid, local grassroots groups are likely to fundraise, but larger international organizations are better equipped to handle the logistics of disaster response, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that a lot of these institutions left Afghanistan and kind of turned their back on it,” said Wahab. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Aisha Wahab, Hayward City Councilmember\"]‘It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab fears the emergency response will be slow unless the U.S. decides to set aside its hostility toward the Taliban and help with relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States must stand on the right side of history,” said Wahab. “It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/devastating-earthquake-in-afghanistan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said “U.S. humanitarian partners,” were sending medical teams and other assistance. The United States suspended diplomatic relations with Afghanistan last August but has continued to channel humanitarian aid through non-governmental and international organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Help:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations with a track record of working in Afghanistan, and what they say they’re doing to respond to the earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a> is assembling tents and packages of food and emergency supplies to distribute in the earthquake zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/where-we-work/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Doctors Without Borders\u003c/a> runs a large maternity hospital in Khost province, and is coordinating with authorities and other groups on earthquake response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rescue.org/country/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">International Rescue Committee\u003c/a> has deployed mobile health teams and is working with authorities to distribute support, including cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/about-us/news-and-events/news/2022/red-crescent-teams-respond-to-afghanistan-earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Red Cross\u003c/a> is supporting the Afghan Red Crescent, which has branches in every province, including Khost and Paktika, and is sending ambulances and truckloads of food and relief supplies to the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/thousands-children-risk-after-devastating-earthquake-hits-eastern-afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UNICEF\u003c/a> has dispatched health and nutrition teams to the affected provinces and is distributing tents, blankets and hygiene supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://wiseafghanistan.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WISE Afghanistan\u003c/a> is an Afghan-led women’s empowerment organization that has health brigades in all five regions of Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now in Afghanistan, people are already starving, children are starving. There is not enough food,” she said. “Such a crisis at this point is just heartbreaking.” Other Bay Area Afghans were also struggling to come to terms with the impact of the quake, which destroyed entire villages and left hundreds of people trapped under collapsed buildings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all very devastated,” said Freshta Kohgadai of the \u003ca href=\"https://unitedafgassociation.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">United Afghan Association\u003c/a>. “We feel the people of Afghanistan can’t catch a break. Their situation just continues to worsen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than her own local organization, Kohgadai suggested channeling donations to \u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a>, an e-commerce marketplace for Afghan artisans that has pivoted in the past year to distributing packages of food and medicine in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of Afghans in the Bay Area are still just trying to be sure their relatives back home are okay, said Hayward City Councilmember Aisha Wahab, who’s the daughter of Afghan refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to sending aid, local grassroots groups are likely to fundraise, but larger international organizations are better equipped to handle the logistics of disaster response, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that a lot of these institutions left Afghanistan and kind of turned their back on it,” said Wahab. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab fears the emergency response will be slow unless the U.S. decides to set aside its hostility toward the Taliban and help with relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States must stand on the right side of history,” said Wahab. “It’s important to step up when a natural disaster takes place, and there are millions of people currently already starving.… This is a test of everybody’s diplomacy and making sure that we are prioritizing human life over politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/devastating-earthquake-in-afghanistan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">statement\u003c/a> Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said “U.S. humanitarian partners,” were sending medical teams and other assistance. The United States suspended diplomatic relations with Afghanistan last August but has continued to channel humanitarian aid through non-governmental and international organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How to Help:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Here are some organizations with a track record of working in Afghanistan, and what they say they’re doing to respond to the earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://aseelapp.com/en_us/earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Aseel\u003c/a> is assembling tents and packages of food and emergency supplies to distribute in the earthquake zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/where-we-work/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Doctors Without Borders\u003c/a> runs a large maternity hospital in Khost province, and is coordinating with authorities and other groups on earthquake response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.rescue.org/country/afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">International Rescue Committee\u003c/a> has deployed mobile health teams and is working with authorities to distribute support, including cash assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/about-us/news-and-events/news/2022/red-crescent-teams-respond-to-afghanistan-earthquake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Red Cross\u003c/a> is supporting the Afghan Red Crescent, which has branches in every province, including Khost and Paktika, and is sending ambulances and truckloads of food and relief supplies to the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/thousands-children-risk-after-devastating-earthquake-hits-eastern-afghanistan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UNICEF\u003c/a> has dispatched health and nutrition teams to the affected provinces and is distributing tents, blankets and hygiene supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://wiseafghanistan.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">WISE Afghanistan\u003c/a> is an Afghan-led women’s empowerment organization that has health brigades in all five regions of Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Tesla Discriminated Against Black Workers at Fremont Factory, State Lawsuit Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:20 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators have sued Tesla Inc., alleging the electric carmaker has been discriminating against Black employees at the Bay Area factory where most of its vehicles are made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seems likely to widen a rift between Tesla CEO Elon Musk, the world's wealthiest person, and the state where he launched the company. Tesla is now worth more than $900 billion, less than 20 years after Musk set out to transform the auto industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk moved Tesla's headquarters from Palo Alto to Austin, Texas, last year after publicly feuding with Alameda County officials over whether Tesla's Fremont factory should remain shut down during the spring of 2020 while the coronavirus pandemic was still in its early stages (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818938/tesla-reopens-but-battle-between-carmaker-and-alameda-county-isnt-over\">Musk reopened the factory in defiance of county health orders\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The discrimination lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21202498/dfeh-vs-tesla.pdf\">filed late Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court\u003c/a> by California's Department of Fair Employment and Housing, was sparked by hundreds of worker complaints, said Kevin Kish, the agency's head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department, which enforces state civil rights laws, \"found evidence that Tesla's Fremont factory is a racially segregated workplace where Black workers are subjected to racial slurs and discriminated against in job assignments, discipline, pay, and promotion creating a hostile work environment,\" Kish said in a statement reported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/tesla-sued-by-california-civil-rights-agency-for-alleged-racial-discrimination-harassment-11644468985?mod=hp_lista_pos1\">The Wall Street Journal\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-02-10/tesla-sued-by-california-for-race-discrimination-agency-says\">Bloomberg\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21202498/dfeh-vs-tesla.pdf\">39-page complaint filed Wednesday\u003c/a>, the state alleges that Black workers at Tesla's Fremont factory have reported since 2012 that supervisors and managers \"constantly use the n-word and other racial slurs to refer to Black workers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black workers have also complained \"that swastikas, 'KKK,' the n-word, and other racist writing are etched onto walls of restrooms, restroom stalls, lunch tables, and even factory machinery,\" and have said they are often assigned more physically demanding work, paid less than other workers and often denied advancement opportunities, the filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit frames Tesla's move to Texas as an attempt to evade accountability for turning “a blind eye to years of complaints from Black workers who protest commonplace use of racial slurs on the assembly line.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the complaints, the lawsuit alleges Musk has told workers to be “thick-skinned\" about racial harassment, contributing to the culture that's slow to clean up racist graffiti and other hateful symbols scrawled around the factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides the N-word, other racist language used in the factory included \"porch monkey\" and \"hood rat\" and entreaties that Black workers \"go back to Africa,\" according to the lawsuit. The complaint also alleges the factory was racially segregated, and that the area where Black workers labored was derided as the \"slave ship,\" or \"the plantation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the agency filed the lawsuit, Tesla \u003ca href=\"https://www.tesla.com/blog/dfehs-misguided-lawsuit\">preemptively posted a statement on its website\u003c/a> lashing out at what it called an \"unfair and counterproductive\" lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='tesla']The company asserted that the agency has been asked on nearly 50 occasions during the past five years to look into allegations of discrimination and harassment, and closed each investigation without finding any evidence of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It therefore strains credibility for the agency to now allege, after a three-year investigation, that systematic racial discrimination and harassment somehow existed at Tesla,\" the company wrote, while trying to frame the lawsuit as a publicity stunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this isn't the first time that Tesla's treatment of the roughly 10,000 employees at its Fremont factory has come under scrutiny. The factory remains Tesla's biggest manufacturer of electric cars, even as the company has opened additional plants, including a new one in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last October, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">a federal jury awarded $137 million in damages to a \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">Black \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">former elevator operator who had alleged he faced daily racist slurs\u003c/a> and other forms of harassment while working at the Fremont plant in 2015 and 2016 before quitting. Tesla is appealing that verdict and has denied any knowledge of racist conduct that the former elevator operator, Owen Diaz, said took place at the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then more than a half dozen current and former Tesla employees filed another lawsuit, alleging the company didn't take adequate steps to protect them against sexual harassment. Tesla is seeking to shift those complaints into arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10% of Tesla's U.S. employees are Black and 21% are women, according to the company's latest employment breakdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:20 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators have sued Tesla Inc., alleging the electric carmaker has been discriminating against Black employees at the Bay Area factory where most of its vehicles are made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit seems likely to widen a rift between Tesla CEO Elon Musk, the world's wealthiest person, and the state where he launched the company. Tesla is now worth more than $900 billion, less than 20 years after Musk set out to transform the auto industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Musk moved Tesla's headquarters from Palo Alto to Austin, Texas, last year after publicly feuding with Alameda County officials over whether Tesla's Fremont factory should remain shut down during the spring of 2020 while the coronavirus pandemic was still in its early stages (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11818938/tesla-reopens-but-battle-between-carmaker-and-alameda-county-isnt-over\">Musk reopened the factory in defiance of county health orders\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The discrimination lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21202498/dfeh-vs-tesla.pdf\">filed late Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court\u003c/a> by California's Department of Fair Employment and Housing, was sparked by hundreds of worker complaints, said Kevin Kish, the agency's head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department, which enforces state civil rights laws, \"found evidence that Tesla's Fremont factory is a racially segregated workplace where Black workers are subjected to racial slurs and discriminated against in job assignments, discipline, pay, and promotion creating a hostile work environment,\" Kish said in a statement reported by \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/tesla-sued-by-california-civil-rights-agency-for-alleged-racial-discrimination-harassment-11644468985?mod=hp_lista_pos1\">The Wall Street Journal\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-02-10/tesla-sued-by-california-for-race-discrimination-agency-says\">Bloomberg\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21202498/dfeh-vs-tesla.pdf\">39-page complaint filed Wednesday\u003c/a>, the state alleges that Black workers at Tesla's Fremont factory have reported since 2012 that supervisors and managers \"constantly use the n-word and other racial slurs to refer to Black workers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black workers have also complained \"that swastikas, 'KKK,' the n-word, and other racist writing are etched onto walls of restrooms, restroom stalls, lunch tables, and even factory machinery,\" and have said they are often assigned more physically demanding work, paid less than other workers and often denied advancement opportunities, the filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company asserted that the agency has been asked on nearly 50 occasions during the past five years to look into allegations of discrimination and harassment, and closed each investigation without finding any evidence of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It therefore strains credibility for the agency to now allege, after a three-year investigation, that systematic racial discrimination and harassment somehow existed at Tesla,\" the company wrote, while trying to frame the lawsuit as a publicity stunt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this isn't the first time that Tesla's treatment of the roughly 10,000 employees at its Fremont factory has come under scrutiny. The factory remains Tesla's biggest manufacturer of electric cars, even as the company has opened additional plants, including a new one in Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last October, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">a federal jury awarded $137 million in damages to a \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">Black \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891110/tesla-must-pay-137-million-to-a-black-former-contractor-who-claimed-racial-abuse\">former elevator operator who had alleged he faced daily racist slurs\u003c/a> and other forms of harassment while working at the Fremont plant in 2015 and 2016 before quitting. Tesla is appealing that verdict and has denied any knowledge of racist conduct that the former elevator operator, Owen Diaz, said took place at the plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then more than a half dozen current and former Tesla employees filed another lawsuit, alleging the company didn't take adequate steps to protect them against sexual harassment. Tesla is seeking to shift those complaints into arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10% of Tesla's U.S. employees are Black and 21% are women, according to the company's latest employment breakdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED's David Marks.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>“Go back to where you came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an insult that, unfortunately, many of us have heard. For writer, playwright and political commentator Wajahat Ali, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/25/1075283913/wajahat-alis-go-back-to-where-you-came-from-is-biting-and-funny-and-full-of-hear\">it’s also the title of his new book\u003c/a> — a memoir he calls “a love letter to a country that doesn’t love us back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book traces Ali’s childhood in Fremont through his activism as a UC Berkeley student after 9/11, and the challenges he’s faced as a son, a father and a writer. It chronicles his near-death from a heart condition, his young daughter getting cancer and his parents going to jail. The book is also, somehow, hysterically funny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali shared some of his reflections about Islamophobia, humor and resilience with The California Report Magazine host Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Interview excerpts have been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On representations of South Asians and Muslims in pop culture\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up as a child of the ’80s and ’90s, I inhaled American pop culture. Growing up, you don’t sit there and go, “I am a Muslim Pakistani son of immigrants. I am left-handed and wearing Husky pants.” You’re like, “I’m just a kid and I’m an American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you internalize being the other. You see movies where you are either the sidekick, the villain or you’re completely invisible. Like action movies where Chuck Norris used to go to Middle Eastern countries and just blow up swaths of brown people all the time. He was the hero and you’re rooting for him. Or you’re watching that movie “Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom.” Even then, as a 5-year-old, I’m like, “This is not how my people are. We don’t eat chilled monkey brains or drink eyeball soup.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then you don’t realize, oh, the joke’s on me. I’m the bad guy. What does that do to your sense of self-worth, your self-esteem, your image of beauty? When you look at yourself in the mirror, do you love yourself or do you hate yourself? Are you taught to hate the color of your skin, the shape of your nose, your ethnic last name? Many people, without ever really thinking about it, internalize these images, for the rest of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An excerpt from “Go Back to Where You Came From”:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>I’m about as American as chicken korma, apple pie, and chai, but even after forty years, I’m still told to “go back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In America, who (and what) are you when you’re both “us” and “them”? When I’m a native but seen as a foreigner? When I’m a citizen but also seen as a perpetual suspect? When I’m your neighbor but also seen as an invader? When I’m a cultural creator but also seen as an eraser of white identity and European civilization?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to mainstream code, I will never be “ordinary” or “a real American” from the “Rust Belt” (unless you consider California the heartland which, let’s face it, no one does). My parents are seen by some as potential terrorists because they’re from Pakistan, even though they’ve lived in this country for over forty years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can I be a “real” American when I’m not white no matter how much Fair & Lovely cream I slather on my skin? The answer in 2022 is “Yes, but with conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I don’t want conditional love. I want more from America and my fellow Americans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903778\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 832px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11903778 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110.jpeg\" alt=\"group family photo of 5 people\" width=\"832\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110.jpeg 832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110-800x627.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110-160x125.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 832px) 100vw, 832px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young Wajahat Ali (far left) with family, including his parents and grandmother. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Wajahat Ali)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On life as a young Muslim in post-9/11 America\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I was liberal in college and was, I guess you could say, an accidental activist. But a lot of it was book learning. Let me be blunt, and some people might not like to hear this, but a lot of those kids are good, well-intentioned kids who haven’t lived those experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They read about poverty. They haven’t tasted poverty. They read about oppression. They’ve never been oppressed. They’re like cul-de-sac social justice warriors, right? Their heart is in the right place. Their mind is in the right place. I was like that, but I didn’t really taste it. My [immigrant] parents tasted it. But they protected me. So I was kind of in a suburban, protected shell living the American dream. A kid who was at UC Berkeley and was thinking about going to law school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then 9/11 happened, and overnight we became citizens and suspects. Overnight, we became terrorists. The American story had a remake, and tag, Muslims were it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903780\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903780\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"980\" height=\"1480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978.jpg 980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978-800x1208.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978-160x242.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 980px) 100vw, 980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wajahat Ali’s new memoir transforms a painful phrase into a hilarious exploration of Islamophobia and racism. \u003ccite>(Courtesy W.W. Norton and Co.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We were the villains. Not just Muslims, but those who look Muslim-y. All of a sudden the entire target was on our back. This country went mad after 9/11. This country went so crazy, we renamed french fries as freedom fries. This country went so nuts that they canceled Susan Sontag. They canceled the Dixie Chicks, who are like the whitest women on Earth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you think they were doing to Muslims? They were surveilling us. They were entrapping us. They went after our organizations. They went after our charities. What is the type of effect that has on Muslims? A chilling effect. Fear. There were hate crimes against Muslim women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this was happening as I was a student at UC Berkeley. Overnight I became this accidental activist and this representative of this thing called “Islam” and “Muslims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I learned then that we would have to be something called the “moderate Muslim” in order to be accepted by America. That meant condemning violent acts done by people we’ve never met. Even if we condemned violent acts, and no matter how nice and shiny, we were still seen as suspects. That’s what happened, and we realized, “Oh crap, we’re not white. We’re actually, for a brief moment, living the Black experience in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On ‘actively investing’ in joy and humor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think humor is important for us to simply have catharsis, to have joy. For people of color to have joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two things that have surprised people most about the book is that people didn’t expect it to be so funny, and people didn’t expect it to end on such a hopeful note, and they needed that hope. The hope that I try to give in the book is an earned hope, not a Hollywood Hallmark hope, where they tie on a bow at the end to make you feel better, like cotton candy. It tastes good for the moment, but afterwards you feel really bad and you get angry, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903781\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Wajahat-Ali-author-photo-scaled-e1644023476196.jpg\" alt=\"profile headshot with bright pink background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Wajahat Ali has written for The Atlantic, The Washington Post and The New York Times and appeared as a political commentator on CNN. \u003ccite>(Danin Dahlen/HuffPost)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earned hope is confronting the demons, acknowledging them. Walking through the [forest] of horrors and then coming out with the scars and the wounds, but still standing. The journey of horrors, which is the life of so many Americans who still haven’t tasted the American dream. They’ve lived the American nightmare. And this pandemic, which has flattened us but flattened us unequally and revealed the wonderful X-ray of this country — all of its goodness and badness — perfectly laid bare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As so many are suffering, I have made the decision in life to actively invest in joy. You have to actively invest in it like exercise. You have to make the intention and then you have to develop the discipline, because for so many of us, we don’t get joy, we don’t get to laugh. Instead, the narrative that we were taught was suffer, but suffer well. Suffer but suffer proud. Suffer, but suffer silently. Smile, even though you’re crying inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When [our then-2-year-old daughter] Nusayba was diagnosed with cancer, my wife and I could have easily gone to this mental quicksand of, “Why us? Why us? Why, God?” You’ll never receive an answer to that. That whisper eats away and destroys you. But instead, we said, “This is life. Life happens.” There’s good and there’s bad. Bad things happen to good people. Good things happen to bad people. It’s how we choose to confront it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"956\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015-800x797.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wajahat Ali, a tired dad, in 2015. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Wajahat Ali)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I remember I used to sit there at night after my kids went to sleep during my daughter’s stage-four cancer, where we didn’t know if she’d survive. I imagined burying her. I imagined her dying. I imagined [calling her grandparents], saying she died, because I had to prepare myself as the father. But then I made the choice of imagining her alive and healthy, wearing her “Encanto” Isabella dress, full of life. I chose to invest in that story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though it feels like you’re on the edge of the cliff and the cliff is falling, you know, you never know, sometimes the page turns and brings with it a plot twist, and it leads to a better story. And [after being diagnosed with a serious heart condition], I should be dead. Literally, I should be dead. But here I am talking to you. Still alive. My daughter is still alive. So how can I not invest in hope?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Go back to where you came from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an insult that, unfortunately, many of us have heard. For writer, playwright and political commentator Wajahat Ali, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/01/25/1075283913/wajahat-alis-go-back-to-where-you-came-from-is-biting-and-funny-and-full-of-hear\">it’s also the title of his new book\u003c/a> — a memoir he calls “a love letter to a country that doesn’t love us back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book traces Ali’s childhood in Fremont through his activism as a UC Berkeley student after 9/11, and the challenges he’s faced as a son, a father and a writer. It chronicles his near-death from a heart condition, his young daughter getting cancer and his parents going to jail. The book is also, somehow, hysterically funny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali shared some of his reflections about Islamophobia, humor and resilience with The California Report Magazine host Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Interview excerpts have been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On representations of South Asians and Muslims in pop culture\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up as a child of the ’80s and ’90s, I inhaled American pop culture. Growing up, you don’t sit there and go, “I am a Muslim Pakistani son of immigrants. I am left-handed and wearing Husky pants.” You’re like, “I’m just a kid and I’m an American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you internalize being the other. You see movies where you are either the sidekick, the villain or you’re completely invisible. Like action movies where Chuck Norris used to go to Middle Eastern countries and just blow up swaths of brown people all the time. He was the hero and you’re rooting for him. Or you’re watching that movie “Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom.” Even then, as a 5-year-old, I’m like, “This is not how my people are. We don’t eat chilled monkey brains or drink eyeball soup.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then you don’t realize, oh, the joke’s on me. I’m the bad guy. What does that do to your sense of self-worth, your self-esteem, your image of beauty? When you look at yourself in the mirror, do you love yourself or do you hate yourself? Are you taught to hate the color of your skin, the shape of your nose, your ethnic last name? Many people, without ever really thinking about it, internalize these images, for the rest of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An excerpt from “Go Back to Where You Came From”:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>I’m about as American as chicken korma, apple pie, and chai, but even after forty years, I’m still told to “go back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where, exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In America, who (and what) are you when you’re both “us” and “them”? When I’m a native but seen as a foreigner? When I’m a citizen but also seen as a perpetual suspect? When I’m your neighbor but also seen as an invader? When I’m a cultural creator but also seen as an eraser of white identity and European civilization?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to mainstream code, I will never be “ordinary” or “a real American” from the “Rust Belt” (unless you consider California the heartland which, let’s face it, no one does). My parents are seen by some as potential terrorists because they’re from Pakistan, even though they’ve lived in this country for over forty years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can I be a “real” American when I’m not white no matter how much Fair & Lovely cream I slather on my skin? The answer in 2022 is “Yes, but with conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I don’t want conditional love. I want more from America and my fellow Americans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903778\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 832px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11903778 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110.jpeg\" alt=\"group family photo of 5 people\" width=\"832\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110.jpeg 832w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110-800x627.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/young-waj-fam-e1643842585110-160x125.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 832px) 100vw, 832px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young Wajahat Ali (far left) with family, including his parents and grandmother. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Wajahat Ali)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On life as a young Muslim in post-9/11 America\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I was liberal in college and was, I guess you could say, an accidental activist. But a lot of it was book learning. Let me be blunt, and some people might not like to hear this, but a lot of those kids are good, well-intentioned kids who haven’t lived those experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They read about poverty. They haven’t tasted poverty. They read about oppression. They’ve never been oppressed. They’re like cul-de-sac social justice warriors, right? Their heart is in the right place. Their mind is in the right place. I was like that, but I didn’t really taste it. My [immigrant] parents tasted it. But they protected me. So I was kind of in a suburban, protected shell living the American dream. A kid who was at UC Berkeley and was thinking about going to law school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then 9/11 happened, and overnight we became citizens and suspects. Overnight, we became terrorists. The American story had a remake, and tag, Muslims were it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903780\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903780\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"980\" height=\"1480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978.jpg 980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978-800x1208.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/9780393867978-160x242.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 980px) 100vw, 980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wajahat Ali’s new memoir transforms a painful phrase into a hilarious exploration of Islamophobia and racism. \u003ccite>(Courtesy W.W. Norton and Co.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We were the villains. Not just Muslims, but those who look Muslim-y. All of a sudden the entire target was on our back. This country went mad after 9/11. This country went so crazy, we renamed french fries as freedom fries. This country went so nuts that they canceled Susan Sontag. They canceled the Dixie Chicks, who are like the whitest women on Earth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you think they were doing to Muslims? They were surveilling us. They were entrapping us. They went after our organizations. They went after our charities. What is the type of effect that has on Muslims? A chilling effect. Fear. There were hate crimes against Muslim women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this was happening as I was a student at UC Berkeley. Overnight I became this accidental activist and this representative of this thing called “Islam” and “Muslims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I learned then that we would have to be something called the “moderate Muslim” in order to be accepted by America. That meant condemning violent acts done by people we’ve never met. Even if we condemned violent acts, and no matter how nice and shiny, we were still seen as suspects. That’s what happened, and we realized, “Oh crap, we’re not white. We’re actually, for a brief moment, living the Black experience in America.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On ‘actively investing’ in joy and humor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think humor is important for us to simply have catharsis, to have joy. For people of color to have joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two things that have surprised people most about the book is that people didn’t expect it to be so funny, and people didn’t expect it to end on such a hopeful note, and they needed that hope. The hope that I try to give in the book is an earned hope, not a Hollywood Hallmark hope, where they tie on a bow at the end to make you feel better, like cotton candy. It tastes good for the moment, but afterwards you feel really bad and you get angry, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903781\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Wajahat-Ali-author-photo-scaled-e1644023476196.jpg\" alt=\"profile headshot with bright pink background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1282\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author Wajahat Ali has written for The Atlantic, The Washington Post and The New York Times and appeared as a political commentator on CNN. \u003ccite>(Danin Dahlen/HuffPost)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earned hope is confronting the demons, acknowledging them. Walking through the [forest] of horrors and then coming out with the scars and the wounds, but still standing. The journey of horrors, which is the life of so many Americans who still haven’t tasted the American dream. They’ve lived the American nightmare. And this pandemic, which has flattened us but flattened us unequally and revealed the wonderful X-ray of this country — all of its goodness and badness — perfectly laid bare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As so many are suffering, I have made the decision in life to actively invest in joy. You have to actively invest in it like exercise. You have to make the intention and then you have to develop the discipline, because for so many of us, we don’t get joy, we don’t get to laugh. Instead, the narrative that we were taught was suffer, but suffer well. Suffer but suffer proud. Suffer, but suffer silently. Smile, even though you’re crying inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When [our then-2-year-old daughter] Nusayba was diagnosed with cancer, my wife and I could have easily gone to this mental quicksand of, “Why us? Why us? Why, God?” You’ll never receive an answer to that. That whisper eats away and destroys you. But instead, we said, “This is life. Life happens.” There’s good and there’s bad. Bad things happen to good people. Good things happen to bad people. It’s how we choose to confront it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903779\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11903779\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"956\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015-800x797.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/sleeping-dad-2015-160x159.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wajahat Ali, a tired dad, in 2015. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Wajahat Ali)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I remember I used to sit there at night after my kids went to sleep during my daughter’s stage-four cancer, where we didn’t know if she’d survive. I imagined burying her. I imagined her dying. I imagined [calling her grandparents], saying she died, because I had to prepare myself as the father. But then I made the choice of imagining her alive and healthy, wearing her “Encanto” Isabella dress, full of life. I chose to invest in that story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though it feels like you’re on the edge of the cliff and the cliff is falling, you know, you never know, sometimes the page turns and brings with it a plot twist, and it leads to a better story. And [after being diagnosed with a serious heart condition], I should be dead. Literally, I should be dead. But here I am talking to you. Still alive. My daughter is still alive. So how can I not invest in hope?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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