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"content": "\u003cp>California Sen. Kamala Harris will be the first Black woman and person of Indian descent to run for vice president on a major-party ticket. Many Americans got to know her when she ran for president last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But we here in the Bay Area have known her for a lot longer. Not just because she was born in Oakland and raised in Berkeley — but because her political career started in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she’s joined Joe Biden’s ticket as the Democratic nominee for vice president. So on this episode of The Bay podcast, we explored how Bay Area politics shaped Kamala Harris and spoke to Marisa Lagos, KQED politics correspondent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read on for five takeaways from our interview with Lagos. (This episode originally aired in January 2019.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>1. Her relationship to the justice system will always be a flashpoint\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Kamala Harris has always had this tension within her career, which is that she is a law enforcement officer. She was a prosecutor in Alameda. She was a prosecutor in San Francisco before she became DA. You know, she threw people in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, she is an Indian American, African American woman who comes from a progressive mold of San Francisco politics, who is anti-death penalty, who has spent a lot of time talking about the need to be “smart on crime, not tough on crime.” It’s this idea that we can be both sort of progressive in the way we approach criminal justice, but also still respect law enforcement and understand that they are a necessary part of of our world.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>2. Her start in San Francisco will always define her (for better or worse)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When you learn how to do politics at the local level in San Francisco, it makes you way more equipped for Sacramento — which makes you way more equipped for Washington, D.C. I don’t know that you see a lot of people leap-frog the way she has so quickly. And I think that is obviously partly due to her talent as a politician, but I think partly due to the schooling she got in San Francisco. But the flip side of that is that she is a product of, you know, “the liberal Bay Area” — the boogie man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11789288\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11789288\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris.jpg\" alt=\"California Sen. Kamala Harris speaks to the press after participating in a Democratic primary debate on Nov. 20. Harris announced Tuesday that she's dropping out of the presidential race.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/Kamala-Harris-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Sen. Kamala Harris speaks to the press after participating in a Democratic primary debate on Nov. 20, 2019. \u003ccite>(NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>3. Her identity as the daughter of immigrants from Jamaica and India is already a focal point\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s impossible to separate her personal identity from who she is as a politician. I always go back to that thing Obama said when people attacked him for not being Black enough, and he’d say, “Well, try being me and hailing a cab on Fifth Avenue.” So much of identity is about other people’s perceptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Kamala Harris carries with her, I think, the lessons that her parents instilled as civil rights leaders. Being an African American woman who has broken barriers basically, throughout her career, has to influence the way she approaches things.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>4. Her previous approach to politics was rooted in caution\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>You know, Kamala Harris as a person is a really warm, likable human being. I think as a \u003cem>politician\u003c/em>, she’s always been really cautious — perhaps overly cautious and a little bit inaccessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I think that this followed through to her years as attorney general, which she and her supporters would argue is that as a prosecutor, you have to be really careful about what you weigh in on, and when you take positions on things, and what you say. Because if your independence is questioned, that could throw into question the cases that you’re prosecuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>5. … but we might see an even greater shift on the campaign trail\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>She’s been a lot more the Kamala Harris I’ve known off the record as a senator than she was as an attorney general or DA … It literally feels like she’s been unleashed. 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"title": "How Open Vallejo Uncovered the Story of Bent Police Badges",
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"content": "\u003cp>A secret clique of Vallejo police officers commemorate killings by bending the tips of their star-shaped badges — and the city’s top leaders did nothing about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to Open Vallejo, a recently launched nonprofit news organization. For many locals, the story only confirmed their mistrust of a department they feel continues to act with impunity. Last week, Vallejo Police Department Chief Shawny Williams announced he would launch a third-party investigation into the allegations after two VPD employees came forward about the practice. But in a city where local officials have been reluctant to discipline its Police Department, what is the path forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: Geoffrey King, founder of \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a> and civil liberties lawyer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See Geoffrey’s article and subscribe to the Open Vallejo podcast \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452\">Click here\u003c/a> to leave The Bay a rating on Apple Podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A secret clique of Vallejo police officers commemorate killings by bending the tips of their star-shaped badges — and the city’s top leaders did nothing about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to Open Vallejo, a recently launched nonprofit news organization. For many locals, the story only confirmed their mistrust of a department they feel continues to act with impunity. Last week, Vallejo Police Department Chief Shawny Williams announced he would launch a third-party investigation into the allegations after two VPD employees came forward about the practice. But in a city where local officials have been reluctant to discipline its Police Department, what is the path forward?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guest\u003c/strong>: Geoffrey King, founder of \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/\">Open Vallejo\u003c/a> and civil liberties lawyer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>See Geoffrey’s article and subscribe to the Open Vallejo podcast \u003ca href=\"https://openvallejo.org/2020/07/28/vallejo-police-bend-badge-tips-to-mark-fatal-shootings/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452\">Click here\u003c/a> to leave The Bay a rating on Apple Podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-the-longest-student-strike-in-u-s-history-created-ethnic-studies",
"title": "Ethnic Studies: Born in the Bay Area from History's Biggest Student Strike",
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"content": "\u003cp>Earlier this summer, education advocates scored a major win in the California state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825573/ethnic-studies-to-be-required-for-cal-state-university-students\">requiring all California State University students to take courses in ethnic studies\u003c/a>, including African American, Asian American, Latinx and Native American studies. Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to sign the bill later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious received a question about ethnic studies from 23-year-old Michael Viray: “I’ve heard from one of my professors of ethnic studies at UC Davis that there was actually a revolution in the Bay Area for an ethnic studies field. Is this true? And how did it happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viray minored in Asian American Studies, fascinated by coursework that revealed the history and contributions of Filipino Americans, Asian Americans and Latinx Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not being taught in classrooms,” he said. “I didn’t know my own history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael’s professor was right. Ethnic studies was born from a revolution that began at San Francisco State in 1968. How it happened, is a fascinating story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Origins of Black Activism on Campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>November of 1968 was a tumultuous time. The United States was 13 years into the Vietnam War, Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated and the Black Panther Party was demanding systemic change for Black communities plagued by poverty and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were members of the Black Student Union who were also members of the Black Panther Party,” said Nesbit Crutchfield, who started his studies at San Francisco State as a business school student in 1967. Crutchfield — who considered himself an “aspiring revolutionary” — soon joined San Francisco State’s Black Student Union, the very first in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830386 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield in a crowd at a San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt very privileged to be a member of the Black Student Union,” Crutchfield said. “It was clear to me that the Black Student Union represented a very progressive energy and thought among Black students in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, just a small percentage of Black students attended San Francisco State. Enrollment rates for minority students had dwindled down to just 4%, even though 70% of students in the San Francisco Unified School District were from minority backgrounds. Black students were just a fraction of that 4%. Crutchfield remembers it as a time when “white supremacy was the norm of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very unusual to see Black people in any positive positions,” Crutchfield said. “As a Black person, you expected to be one of the very few Black people in any classroom, laboratory or auditorium. [The campus] was overwhelmingly white.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Black students were hungry to study their own history. The Black Student Union had been pushing the university to create a Black studies department for nearly three years, but administrators resisted the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though ethnic studies was not validated by the university, it doesn’t mean that that study wasn’t taking place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~cheo/\">Jason Ferreira\u003c/a>, a professor in the Department of Race and Resistance Studies at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira has spent years collecting oral histories on the student strike. Back in 1968, he said, students had to create their own spaces to learn about their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 293px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"293\" height=\"391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg 480w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 293px) 100vw, 293px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian Jason Ferreira. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jason Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was something called the Experimental College, which was a student-run initiative for them to teach their own classes,” Ferreira said. “The Black Student Union had its own classes, so that was another space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But students didn’t just learn untold histories, they connected them to the ongoing struggle against systemic issues plaguing their communities, including poverty, police brutality and lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an era of young people asking questions and wanting to transform their communities,” Ferreira explained. “That impulse, that hunger to transform one’s community is actually what forms the basis of ethnic studies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students of Color Create the Third World Liberation Front\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 1968, Penny Nakatsu — originally from San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood — was grappling with her own questions about race and identity. At San Francisco State, she pursued a self-directed degree in Asian American studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t ‘Asian Americans’ then, we were ‘Orientals,’ ” Nakatsu said. “ ‘Oriental’ is a term that was imposed on us by the larger society. Starting to use the term ‘Asian American’ was a way of taking back our own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830398\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11830398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-160x90.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM.png 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KTVU News report from November 1968 at San Francisco State College in which Roger Alvarado (center) and Penny Nakatsu (right) announce the Third World Liberation Front’s support of the Black Student Union. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Penny Nakatsu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At San Francisco State, Nakatsu found herself gravitating toward people with like-minded values and who were involved in the anti-war movement. She became a member of a student organization called the Asian American Political Alliance, which was one of many ethnic student organizations on campus. In early Fall of 1968, these organizations banded together and formed a coalition called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_World_Liberation_Front\">the Third World Liberation Front.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that particular time, ‘Third World’ referred to the nonaligned countries or cultures in Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Nakatsu explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though students in the Third World Liberation Front came from different cultures, they believed they were united in their shared history of colonial and imperial oppression. The students saw parallels between their tension with the school and what they viewed as the oppression of the Vietnamese by the United States military.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Firing of a Beloved Teacher Sparks Protest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830392\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b-160x105.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">George Murray, Minister of Education for the Black Panthers, teaching English at San Francisco State College. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of San Francisco State’s most influential anti-Vietnam War organizers was a popular English instructor named George Mason Murray. He also happened to be the minister of education for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/black-panthers\">Black Panther Party\u003c/a>. Students loved Murray, but his outspoken politics were not tolerated by San Francisco State administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The war in Vietnam is racist,” Murray said in a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/187251?searchOffset=0\">televised press conference\u003c/a>. “It is the war that crackers like Johnson are using Black soldiers and poor white soldiers and Mexican soldiers as dupes and fools to fight against people of color in Vietnam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of trustees forced San Francisco State’s president, Robert Smith, to fire Murray on Nov. 1, 1968. Five days later, the Black Student Union and the Third World Liberation Front joined together and went on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray’s suspension was like setting fire to kindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student strikers wanted the right to define their own educational experience. Together they drafted \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187915\">15 demands\u003c/a>, including a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187979?searchOffset=88\">school of Third World studies\u003c/a>, and a Black studies degree and department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830393 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In 1968, the vast majority of white people, a whole lot of Black people, and other people of color did not feel that it was reasonable to know more about themselves,” Crutchfield explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He disagreed. He and the other strikers felt it was vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that geniuses were falling by the wayside,” he said. “I’m talking about geniuses in education, in literature, in drama, in art … geniuses, in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers also wanted to raise admission rates for students of color. At the time, a special admissions program intended to prioritize marginalized students continued to allocate spots to white students. Meanwhile, the United States military was disproportionately drafting Black and brown men to fight in the Vietnam War. They weren’t eligible for student exemption if they weren’t in school, which meant that their right to an education was a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strikers vowed to boycott all classes until the school met their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to find out and be educated about ourselves,” Crutchfield said. “If we could not get that, then nobody could get an education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five Months of Striking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Initially, strikers engaged in acts of disruption known as the “War of the Flea,” a campaign to disrupt the normal operations of the school. Students put cherry bombs in toilets and checked out huge quantities of books to overwhelm the school’s library system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, administrators invited police on campus. They swarmed San Francisco State, dressed in full riot gear and armed with five-foot batons. Students responded by throwing rocks and yelling obscenities at police and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830426\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830426 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"609\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x-160x130.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear marching in formation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University Archives, J. Paul Leonard Library, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By this time, Crutchfield had become a leader of the strike, often \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0QtlxIPNiQ0\">speaking to huge crowds of protesters\u003c/a>. He said his involvement put a target on his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m quite sure they wouldn’t have cared if some of us had died. They definitely wanted some of us to go to prison. Some of us went to prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day early on in the strike, police surrounded the Black Student Union office. Crutchfield said police were looking to arrest its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830444\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 214px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"214\" height=\"334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x-160x250.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 214px) 100vw, 214px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified, bloody-faced student is taken away in handcuffs during a protest. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I volunteered to leave the Black Student Union first,” Crutchfield said. “The police started running at me. I got beat up with nightsticks and boots and fists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police arrested Crutchfield and escorted him off campus. He faced charges for illegal assembly, resisting arrest and intent to injure and maim, resulting in more than a year in jail. At 80 years old, Crutchfield, now a mental health administrator in Richmond, said he is still dealing with the trauma of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think you can talk to anyone who was at S.F. State, who participated [in the strike], who ran from the police and can say that they’re the same person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he has no regrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the great, great grandson of Africans who were made slaves,” he said. “I realized the things I got arrested for were really important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many white students, especially white radicals, followed the lead of strike leaders like Crutchfield. They believed that without ethnic studies, they themselves had been denied a proper education. Their support intensified as the strike dragged on and the violence continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month into the strike, teachers joined with demands of their own. As tensions escalated, President Smith shut down the school indefinitely. However, Gov. Ronald Reagan and the California State University Board of Trustees demanded he reopen the campus. Smith resigned in December 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his place, the board appointed \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._I._Hayakawa\">S.I. Hayakawa\u003c/a>, an English professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayakawa was popular with conservatives in Sacramento, but extremely unpopular with strikers. Their confrontations were heated and frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on in his role as interim president, Hayakawa famously climbed aboard a sound truck and yanked the wires from a loud speaker during a student protest. Strikers, in return, called Hayakawa “The Puppet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830442 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x-160x103.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State College acting-President S. I. Hayakawa holds press conference after violent demonstrations in December 1968. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early January, Hayakawa declared an end to student gatherings on campus. In a press conference he said he believed in the right to free speech, but that “freedom of speech does not mean freedom to incite riot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mass Bust\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Strikers ignored Hayakawa’s ban on gatherings. Penny Nakatsu was protesting on Jan. 23, 1969 in what many call “the mass bust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two lines of police came up,” Nakatsu said. “They surrounded over 500 people who were there for the rally and trapped all of the individuals who were caught within a human net.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police charged at the students. Nakatsu said it was one of the bloodiest and most frightening days of the entire strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The power of the state was trying to literally beat down the strike and strikers,” she said. “It was literally a practiced, orchestrated, military movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of protesters were arrested, backing up San Francisco’s court system for months. Students, faculty and members of the community were affected, Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people suffered. Virtually all of the individuals who were arrested had to spend some jail time. A lot of those folks were blacklisted. University lecturers or teachers lost their jobs. There were real consequences to having participated in that event,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strikers Prevail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After two more months of striking, Hayakawa and strikers negotiated a deal on March 20, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school agreed to accept virtually all nonwhite applicants for the fall 1969 semester, and establish a College of Ethnic Studies, the first in the country, with classes geared towards communities of color. Hayakawa gave Nakatsu and her peers the job of designing a curriculum from scratch in a matter of months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830484 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"612\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x-160x131.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in action during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State College Strike Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have a feeling that one of the reasons why the administration agreed to that was I don’t think they thought we could pull it off,” Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College of Ethnic Studies was ready by fall of 1969. Today, Nakatsu is a civil rights lawyer in San Francisco and believes in the importance of ethnic studies as much as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies is a way of embracing all of the cultures that make up the world,” she said. “If we don’t understand each other, how are we going to get along? Ethnic studies is something that’s important, not just for people of color so we know about our histories and cultures and destinies, but for all people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many strikers, Ferreira believes ethnic studies should be required in K-12 schools, as well as universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand for ethnic studies is as important today as it ever was, if not more,” he said. “The inability of this country to come to terms with the ongoing practices of racism and white supremacy speaks to the demands of the Third World Liberation Front and the Black Student Union for an education that was relevant and transformative. It’s still an uphill battle. But we’ll win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Ethnic Studies: Born in the Bay Area from History's Biggest Student Strike | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Earlier this summer, education advocates scored a major win in the California state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825573/ethnic-studies-to-be-required-for-cal-state-university-students\">requiring all California State University students to take courses in ethnic studies\u003c/a>, including African American, Asian American, Latinx and Native American studies. Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to sign the bill later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious received a question about ethnic studies from 23-year-old Michael Viray: “I’ve heard from one of my professors of ethnic studies at UC Davis that there was actually a revolution in the Bay Area for an ethnic studies field. Is this true? And how did it happen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viray minored in Asian American Studies, fascinated by coursework that revealed the history and contributions of Filipino Americans, Asian Americans and Latinx Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not being taught in classrooms,” he said. “I didn’t know my own history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael’s professor was right. Ethnic studies was born from a revolution that began at San Francisco State in 1968. How it happened, is a fascinating story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Origins of Black Activism on Campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>November of 1968 was a tumultuous time. The United States was 13 years into the Vietnam War, Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated and the Black Panther Party was demanding systemic change for Black communities plagued by poverty and police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were members of the Black Student Union who were also members of the Black Panther Party,” said Nesbit Crutchfield, who started his studies at San Francisco State as a business school student in 1967. Crutchfield — who considered himself an “aspiring revolutionary” — soon joined San Francisco State’s Black Student Union, the very first in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830386\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830386 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"521\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515532.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield in a crowd at a San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I felt very privileged to be a member of the Black Student Union,” Crutchfield said. “It was clear to me that the Black Student Union represented a very progressive energy and thought among Black students in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, just a small percentage of Black students attended San Francisco State. Enrollment rates for minority students had dwindled down to just 4%, even though 70% of students in the San Francisco Unified School District were from minority backgrounds. Black students were just a fraction of that 4%. Crutchfield remembers it as a time when “white supremacy was the norm of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was very unusual to see Black people in any positive positions,” Crutchfield said. “As a Black person, you expected to be one of the very few Black people in any classroom, laboratory or auditorium. [The campus] was overwhelmingly white.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Black students were hungry to study their own history. The Black Student Union had been pushing the university to create a Black studies department for nearly three years, but administrators resisted the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though ethnic studies was not validated by the university, it doesn’t mean that that study wasn’t taking place,” said \u003ca href=\"https://faculty.sfsu.edu/~cheo/\">Jason Ferreira\u003c/a>, a professor in the Department of Race and Resistance Studies at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ferreira has spent years collecting oral histories on the student strike. Back in 1968, he said, students had to create their own spaces to learn about their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830387\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 293px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"293\" height=\"391\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106.jpeg 480w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-160x213.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-414x552.jpeg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/IMG_4106-354x472.jpeg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 293px) 100vw, 293px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Historian Jason Ferreira. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jason Ferreira)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There was something called the Experimental College, which was a student-run initiative for them to teach their own classes,” Ferreira said. “The Black Student Union had its own classes, so that was another space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But students didn’t just learn untold histories, they connected them to the ongoing struggle against systemic issues plaguing their communities, including poverty, police brutality and lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an era of young people asking questions and wanting to transform their communities,” Ferreira explained. “That impulse, that hunger to transform one’s community is actually what forms the basis of ethnic studies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students of Color Create the Third World Liberation Front\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 1968, Penny Nakatsu — originally from San Francisco’s Western Addition neighborhood — was grappling with her own questions about race and identity. At San Francisco State, she pursued a self-directed degree in Asian American studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We weren’t ‘Asian Americans’ then, we were ‘Orientals,’ ” Nakatsu said. “ ‘Oriental’ is a term that was imposed on us by the larger society. Starting to use the term ‘Asian American’ was a way of taking back our own destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830398\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11830398\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-800x449.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM-160x90.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/Screen-Shot-2020-07-23-at-4.26.06-PM.png 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A KTVU News report from November 1968 at San Francisco State College in which Roger Alvarado (center) and Penny Nakatsu (right) announce the Third World Liberation Front’s support of the Black Student Union. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Penny Nakatsu)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At San Francisco State, Nakatsu found herself gravitating toward people with like-minded values and who were involved in the anti-war movement. She became a member of a student organization called the Asian American Political Alliance, which was one of many ethnic student organizations on campus. In early Fall of 1968, these organizations banded together and formed a coalition called \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Third_World_Liberation_Front\">the Third World Liberation Front.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At that particular time, ‘Third World’ referred to the nonaligned countries or cultures in Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Nakatsu explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though students in the Third World Liberation Front came from different cultures, they believed they were united in their shared history of colonial and imperial oppression. The students saw parallels between their tension with the school and what they viewed as the oppression of the Vietnamese by the United States military.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Firing of a Beloved Teacher Sparks Protest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830392\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b.jpeg 500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/681438b78e080128a0ca3c065b53176b-160x105.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">George Murray, Minister of Education for the Black Panthers, teaching English at San Francisco State College. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of San Francisco State’s most influential anti-Vietnam War organizers was a popular English instructor named George Mason Murray. He also happened to be the minister of education for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/black-panthers\">Black Panther Party\u003c/a>. Students loved Murray, but his outspoken politics were not tolerated by San Francisco State administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The war in Vietnam is racist,” Murray said in a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/187251?searchOffset=0\">televised press conference\u003c/a>. “It is the war that crackers like Johnson are using Black soldiers and poor white soldiers and Mexican soldiers as dupes and fools to fight against people of color in Vietnam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board of trustees forced San Francisco State’s president, Robert Smith, to fire Murray on Nov. 1, 1968. Five days later, the Black Student Union and the Third World Liberation Front joined together and went on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murray’s suspension was like setting fire to kindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student strikers wanted the right to define their own educational experience. Together they drafted \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187915\">15 demands\u003c/a>, including a \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/strike/bundles/187979?searchOffset=88\">school of Third World studies\u003c/a>, and a Black studies degree and department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830393\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830393 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515517.750x-160x111.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nesbit Crutchfield during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Labor Archives and Research Center, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In 1968, the vast majority of white people, a whole lot of Black people, and other people of color did not feel that it was reasonable to know more about themselves,” Crutchfield explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He disagreed. He and the other strikers felt it was vital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that geniuses were falling by the wayside,” he said. “I’m talking about geniuses in education, in literature, in drama, in art … geniuses, in politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strikers also wanted to raise admission rates for students of color. At the time, a special admissions program intended to prioritize marginalized students continued to allocate spots to white students. Meanwhile, the United States military was disproportionately drafting Black and brown men to fight in the Vietnam War. They weren’t eligible for student exemption if they weren’t in school, which meant that their right to an education was a matter of life or death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strikers vowed to boycott all classes until the school met their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to find out and be educated about ourselves,” Crutchfield said. “If we could not get that, then nobody could get an education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five Months of Striking\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Initially, strikers engaged in acts of disruption known as the “War of the Flea,” a campaign to disrupt the normal operations of the school. Students put cherry bombs in toilets and checked out huge quantities of books to overwhelm the school’s library system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, administrators invited police on campus. They swarmed San Francisco State, dressed in full riot gear and armed with five-foot batons. Students responded by throwing rocks and yelling obscenities at police and administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830426\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830426 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"609\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515826.750x-160x130.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police officers in riot gear marching in formation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of University Archives, J. Paul Leonard Library, San Francisco State University)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By this time, Crutchfield had become a leader of the strike, often \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0QtlxIPNiQ0\">speaking to huge crowds of protesters\u003c/a>. He said his involvement put a target on his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m quite sure they wouldn’t have cared if some of us had died. They definitely wanted some of us to go to prison. Some of us went to prison,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day early on in the strike, police surrounded the Black Student Union office. Crutchfield said police were looking to arrest its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830444\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 214px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"214\" height=\"334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495646.750x-160x250.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 214px) 100vw, 214px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unidentified, bloody-faced student is taken away in handcuffs during a protest. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I volunteered to leave the Black Student Union first,” Crutchfield said. “The police started running at me. I got beat up with nightsticks and boots and fists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police arrested Crutchfield and escorted him off campus. He faced charges for illegal assembly, resisting arrest and intent to injure and maim, resulting in more than a year in jail. At 80 years old, Crutchfield, now a mental health administrator in Richmond, said he is still dealing with the trauma of that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think you can talk to anyone who was at S.F. State, who participated [in the strike], who ran from the police and can say that they’re the same person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he has no regrets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the great, great grandson of Africans who were made slaves,” he said. “I realized the things I got arrested for were really important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many white students, especially white radicals, followed the lead of strike leaders like Crutchfield. They believed that without ethnic studies, they themselves had been denied a proper education. Their support intensified as the strike dragged on and the violence continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month into the strike, teachers joined with demands of their own. As tensions escalated, President Smith shut down the school indefinitely. However, Gov. Ronald Reagan and the California State University Board of Trustees demanded he reopen the campus. Smith resigned in December 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his place, the board appointed \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._I._Hayakawa\">S.I. Hayakawa\u003c/a>, an English professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayakawa was popular with conservatives in Sacramento, but extremely unpopular with strikers. Their confrontations were heated and frequent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on in his role as interim president, Hayakawa famously climbed aboard a sound truck and yanked the wires from a loud speaker during a student protest. Strikers, in return, called Hayakawa “The Puppet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830442 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1495648.750x-160x103.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State College acting-President S. I. Hayakawa holds press conference after violent demonstrations in December 1968. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State University Photographic Timeline Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early January, Hayakawa declared an end to student gatherings on campus. In a press conference he said he believed in the right to free speech, but that “freedom of speech does not mean freedom to incite riot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Mass Bust\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Strikers ignored Hayakawa’s ban on gatherings. Penny Nakatsu was protesting on Jan. 23, 1969 in what many call “the mass bust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two lines of police came up,” Nakatsu said. “They surrounded over 500 people who were there for the rally and trapped all of the individuals who were caught within a human net.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police charged at the students. Nakatsu said it was one of the bloodiest and most frightening days of the entire strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The power of the state was trying to literally beat down the strike and strikers,” she said. “It was literally a practiced, orchestrated, military movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of protesters were arrested, backing up San Francisco’s court system for months. Students, faculty and members of the community were affected, Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people suffered. Virtually all of the individuals who were arrested had to spend some jail time. A lot of those folks were blacklisted. University lecturers or teachers lost their jobs. There were real consequences to having participated in that event,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strikers Prevail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After two more months of striking, Hayakawa and strikers negotiated a deal on March 20, 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school agreed to accept virtually all nonwhite applicants for the fall 1969 semester, and establish a College of Ethnic Studies, the first in the country, with classes geared towards communities of color. Hayakawa gave Nakatsu and her peers the job of designing a curriculum from scratch in a matter of months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11830484\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 750px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11830484 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"750\" height=\"612\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/07/1515751.750x-160x131.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 750px) 100vw, 750px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters in action during the San Francisco State College strike. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of San Francisco State College Strike Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I have a feeling that one of the reasons why the administration agreed to that was I don’t think they thought we could pull it off,” Nakatsu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The College of Ethnic Studies was ready by fall of 1969. Today, Nakatsu is a civil rights lawyer in San Francisco and believes in the importance of ethnic studies as much as ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies is a way of embracing all of the cultures that make up the world,” she said. “If we don’t understand each other, how are we going to get along? Ethnic studies is something that’s important, not just for people of color so we know about our histories and cultures and destinies, but for all people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many strikers, Ferreira believes ethnic studies should be required in K-12 schools, as well as universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The demand for ethnic studies is as important today as it ever was, if not more,” he said. “The inability of this country to come to terms with the ongoing practices of racism and white supremacy speaks to the demands of the Third World Liberation Front and the Black Student Union for an education that was relevant and transformative. It’s still an uphill battle. But we’ll win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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