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"content": "\u003cp>In San Francisco, the houses are quite cozy — sometimes mere inches apart. We can hear our neighbors’ wailing babies, their band practice and even their showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This design is pretty common in cities across the country, but Friedel Pretorius, this week’s Bay Curious question asker, couldn’t help noticing it here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like walking around San Francisco and just observing all the different houses,” says Friedel. “And I noticed that a lot of the buildings in San Francisco are really close together, like less than a foot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants to know why they are so close and how they ended up this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always rot and maintenance that old houses need, and I just wonder how are they built and how are they maintained,” Friedel says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfhistory.org/board-of-directors/#c-fracchia\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Charles Fracchia\u003c/a> has the answer. He’s the founder of the\u003ca href=\"https://sfhistory.org/about/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> San Francisco Museum and Historical Society, \u003c/a>and has written several books on San Francisco history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I meet him in the Jackson Square area, just north of the Transamerica Pyramid, where some of the city’s oldest buildings still stand. His bushy white eyebrows peek out from circular rimmed glasses that give him a scholarly look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705856\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11705856 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"This house once stood at 1916 Sacramento Street and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15 and a half feet wide and the staircase was about five feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This house, called the H. W. Newbauer House, once stood at 1916 Sacramento St. and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15 and a half feet wide and the staircase was about 5 feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot. \u003ccite>(Quarterly Architectural News, October 1879)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So you notice every one of these is on a lot next to each other, basically back to back,” says Fracchia. “There are no side yards or gardens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re looking at a series of brick buildings, two to three stories tall, very plain. He tells me this tight style of building was common in old European settlements, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ancient towns and cities had a wall around them. So you wanted to compress your real estate as much as you can,” says Fracchia, offering Paris in the Middle Ages as an example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tells me cities were designed this way to protect against invaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ask him how San Francisco made this idea its own, and he ushers me into a nearby private dining club he’s a member of, to show me some framed paintings of what the city looked like before it was a city … before it became squished together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the one I really wanted to show you,” he says. “You notice there are just a handful of buildings over here. So very few buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702207 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Close1-800x541.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"541\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charles Fracchia points to a drawing of San Francisco before the Gold Rush. \u003ccite>(Sarah Craig/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We are looking at a painting dated from 1846 to 1847. It’s right before the Gold Rush and right after the U.S. took over California from Mexico. At that point, there’s not really much to the city — it’s mostly sand dunes and it looks like peaceful, rolling countryside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with so few people, there was a city council. They convinced the federal government to give them the land San Francisco sits on. And then, Fracchia says, they started divvying that land up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They did this late in 1846, when they hired O’Farrell to do the survey,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasper O’Farrell was an Irish-born surveyor. \u003ca href=\"https://www.revolvy.com/page/Jasper-O%27Farrell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">O’Farrell Street in San Francisco is named after him.\u003c/a> He designed ranchos and other towns in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was given the job, there are about, let’s say, 500 people in the settlement of Yerba Buena,” says Fracchia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702219\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702219 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Close2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charles Fracchia in front of a photo of San Francisco’s original waterfront. \u003ccite>(Sarah Craig/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>O’Farrell had no idea what the future held for this little settlement and he had to guess how big the city would become. With little direction from the city council, he was given free rein to design it however he fancied. He started with a grid — a format already in place by the Mexican settlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fracchia then points out another drawing of an early map of the city with streets running perpendicular to one another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map has a bunch of teeny boxes, and each box represents a city block. Each of those blocks is divided into six smaller lots called varas — a Spanish unit of measurement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After O’Farrell finalized his map, the city started auctioning off these varas. The ones South of Market were going for cheap: $12.67. But those close to downtown were pricey: $50 to $100 per vara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as they are auctioning them off, the Gold Rush happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of a sudden, there’s a huge demand to cram together an exploding population. A lot of people need to fit into not much space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The varas got subdivided into smaller lots, some less than 25 feet wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very typical real estate operation in large U.S. cities,” says Fracchia. “You can get more money by splitting the lots up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 25 feet is not that much space. Another local historian, William Kostura, says that it was just enough room for a parlor and a staircase. So in most cases, houses were built to take up the entire lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To build these houses, the walls had to be built first, on the ground, and then lifted into place using a system of levers and pulleys. This still happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the unique building techniques, Fracchia says the small lots also influenced the architecture of the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gave way to the shape of San Francisco flats or houses. You know, a long narrow corridor called a railroad flat. Little rooms off that. You don’t have any kind of expansion,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705855\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11705855 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This house once stood at 1916 Sacramento St. and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15½ feet wide and the staircase was about 5 feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot. \u003ccite>(Quarterly Architectural News, October 1879)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A lot of these houses were often built with small gaps separating them — like 1 or 2 feet — to allow light to come in through the side walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maintaining those walls can get tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do you fix a house when you can’t get to the side?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ben Ladomirak from\u003ca href=\"http://www.teevan.com/about-us/team/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Teevan \u003c/a>works on all sorts of houses in San Francisco, and he tells me he’s done everything imaginable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is nothing that exists on a home that we haven’t done,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He comes across houses that are super close together all the time, but he says “none are wide enough that you could get a person in there. I mean, I might be able to get a tiny person that’s not me. But all jokes aside, you can’t get in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means that he can’t paint them — which causes problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UV damages the paint, which then makes the paint peel, which then makes the wood split and crack, which lets the water in, and it’s really water that does the damage,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This doesn’t happen that often because most walls are shaded from the sun. But when it does happen, it’s a big deal. If Ben thinks the wall is rotted out and the building might fall down, he has to do something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll be able to deal with it is from the inside of your house. We cannot get to it from the outside,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine everything on the wall being stripped down, all the sheetrock out, and you have the vertical studs that you can see. If they are damaged, you are doing the best you can from the inside of your house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he fixes the wall from the inside, but Ben also needs to protect the outside. He does this by connecting the roofs of the two buildings, or by making sure one roof overlaps the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, you just have to hope that your roof keeps the water out.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In San Francisco, the houses are quite cozy — sometimes mere inches apart. We can hear our neighbors’ wailing babies, their band practice and even their showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This design is pretty common in cities across the country, but Friedel Pretorius, this week’s Bay Curious question asker, couldn’t help noticing it here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like walking around San Francisco and just observing all the different houses,” says Friedel. “And I noticed that a lot of the buildings in San Francisco are really close together, like less than a foot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants to know why they are so close and how they ended up this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s always rot and maintenance that old houses need, and I just wonder how are they built and how are they maintained,” Friedel says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfhistory.org/board-of-directors/#c-fracchia\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Charles Fracchia\u003c/a> has the answer. He’s the founder of the\u003ca href=\"https://sfhistory.org/about/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> San Francisco Museum and Historical Society, \u003c/a>and has written several books on San Francisco history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I meet him in the Jackson Square area, just north of the Transamerica Pyramid, where some of the city’s oldest buildings still stand. His bushy white eyebrows peek out from circular rimmed glasses that give him a scholarly look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705856\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11705856 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"This house once stood at 1916 Sacramento Street and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15 and a half feet wide and the staircase was about five feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0366-1-e1542057208808.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This house, called the H. W. Newbauer House, once stood at 1916 Sacramento St. and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15 and a half feet wide and the staircase was about 5 feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot. \u003ccite>(Quarterly Architectural News, October 1879)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So you notice every one of these is on a lot next to each other, basically back to back,” says Fracchia. “There are no side yards or gardens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re looking at a series of brick buildings, two to three stories tall, very plain. He tells me this tight style of building was common in old European settlements, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ancient towns and cities had a wall around them. So you wanted to compress your real estate as much as you can,” says Fracchia, offering Paris in the Middle Ages as an example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He tells me cities were designed this way to protect against invaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I ask him how San Francisco made this idea its own, and he ushers me into a nearby private dining club he’s a member of, to show me some framed paintings of what the city looked like before it was a city … before it became squished together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the one I really wanted to show you,” he says. “You notice there are just a handful of buildings over here. So very few buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702207 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Close1-800x541.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"541\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charles Fracchia points to a drawing of San Francisco before the Gold Rush. \u003ccite>(Sarah Craig/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>We are looking at a painting dated from 1846 to 1847. It’s right before the Gold Rush and right after the U.S. took over California from Mexico. At that point, there’s not really much to the city — it’s mostly sand dunes and it looks like peaceful, rolling countryside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with so few people, there was a city council. They convinced the federal government to give them the land San Francisco sits on. And then, Fracchia says, they started divvying that land up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They did this late in 1846, when they hired O’Farrell to do the survey,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasper O’Farrell was an Irish-born surveyor. \u003ca href=\"https://www.revolvy.com/page/Jasper-O%27Farrell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">O’Farrell Street in San Francisco is named after him.\u003c/a> He designed ranchos and other towns in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was given the job, there are about, let’s say, 500 people in the settlement of Yerba Buena,” says Fracchia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702219\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702219 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Close2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charles Fracchia in front of a photo of San Francisco’s original waterfront. \u003ccite>(Sarah Craig/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>O’Farrell had no idea what the future held for this little settlement and he had to guess how big the city would become. With little direction from the city council, he was given free rein to design it however he fancied. He started with a grid — a format already in place by the Mexican settlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fracchia then points out another drawing of an early map of the city with streets running perpendicular to one another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map has a bunch of teeny boxes, and each box represents a city block. Each of those blocks is divided into six smaller lots called varas — a Spanish unit of measurement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After O’Farrell finalized his map, the city started auctioning off these varas. The ones South of Market were going for cheap: $12.67. But those close to downtown were pricey: $50 to $100 per vara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as they are auctioning them off, the Gold Rush happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of a sudden, there’s a huge demand to cram together an exploding population. A lot of people need to fit into not much space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The varas got subdivided into smaller lots, some less than 25 feet wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very typical real estate operation in large U.S. cities,” says Fracchia. “You can get more money by splitting the lots up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But 25 feet is not that much space. Another local historian, William Kostura, says that it was just enough room for a parlor and a staircase. So in most cases, houses were built to take up the entire lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To build these houses, the walls had to be built first, on the ground, and then lifted into place using a system of levers and pulleys. This still happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the unique building techniques, Fracchia says the small lots also influenced the architecture of the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gave way to the shape of San Francisco flats or houses. You know, a long narrow corridor called a railroad flat. Little rooms off that. You don’t have any kind of expansion,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11705855\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11705855 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/IMG_0367-1-e1542057187557.jpg 1224w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This house once stood at 1916 Sacramento St. and was built in 1878. The parlors on each floor were 15½ feet wide and the staircase was about 5 feet wide. Today, apartments occupy this lot. \u003ccite>(Quarterly Architectural News, October 1879)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A lot of these houses were often built with small gaps separating them — like 1 or 2 feet — to allow light to come in through the side walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maintaining those walls can get tricky.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do you fix a house when you can’t get to the side?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ben Ladomirak from\u003ca href=\"http://www.teevan.com/about-us/team/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Teevan \u003c/a>works on all sorts of houses in San Francisco, and he tells me he’s done everything imaginable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is nothing that exists on a home that we haven’t done,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He comes across houses that are super close together all the time, but he says “none are wide enough that you could get a person in there. I mean, I might be able to get a tiny person that’s not me. But all jokes aside, you can’t get in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means that he can’t paint them — which causes problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UV damages the paint, which then makes the paint peel, which then makes the wood split and crack, which lets the water in, and it’s really water that does the damage,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This doesn’t happen that often because most walls are shaded from the sun. But when it does happen, it’s a big deal. If Ben thinks the wall is rotted out and the building might fall down, he has to do something.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll be able to deal with it is from the inside of your house. We cannot get to it from the outside,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine everything on the wall being stripped down, all the sheetrock out, and you have the vertical studs that you can see. If they are damaged, you are doing the best you can from the inside of your house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he fixes the wall from the inside, but Ben also needs to protect the outside. He does this by connecting the roofs of the two buildings, or by making sure one roof overlaps the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>FRISCO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just try dropping that word into conversation these days and see what kind of response you get. Chances are good the nickname will be met with a healthy dose of side-eye, a grimace or even a slap on the wrist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frisco is the nickname we love to hate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland native Rena Yang wanted to know: why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to the story above, or read the web version: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11339599/why-do-some-hate-the-nickname-frisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Why Do Some Hate the Nickname ‘Frisco’?\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>FRISCO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just try dropping that word into conversation these days and see what kind of response you get. Chances are good the nickname will be met with a healthy dose of side-eye, a grimace or even a slap on the wrist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frisco is the nickname we love to hate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland native Rena Yang wanted to know: why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to the story above, or read the web version: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11339599/why-do-some-hate-the-nickname-frisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Why Do Some Hate the Nickname ‘Frisco’?\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Golden State Plate: The Story of the Martini, Straight Up, With a Twist",
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"content": "\u003cp>The martini is iconic. Not just because of James Bond, but the glass it’s served in, those neon signs in front of old school bars … it even has its own emoji.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OUUq5mRCimo\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The martini is also the first cocktail Tamir Ben-Shalom learned how to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben-Shalom is bar manager at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bullvalleyroadhouse.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bull Valley Roadhouse\u003c/a> in the tiny East Bay town of Port Costa. He makes a mean martini: two parts of Old Tom Gin, one part Turino vermouth blend, and orange bitters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703176\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703176\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamir Ben-Shalom is the Bar Manager at Bull Valley Road House in Port Costa, a tiny town in the East Bay. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703175\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lemon, gin and vermouth go into the martini at the Bull Valley Roadhouse. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But he tells me that if I want to get to the bottom of the martini mystery, I really need to drive 20 minutes to Martinez. So, I get in my car until I hit the intersection of Masonic and Alhambra Streets. It’s an unassuming parking lot, except for a plaque on a giant boulder that claims \u003cem>this\u003c/em> is the site of the martini’s invention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703173\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703173 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"In the middle of a parking lot in Martinez, there is a plaque that claims it is the site of the invention of the martini.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the middle of a parking lot in Martinez, there is a plaque that claims it is the site of the invention of the martini. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The plaque reads: “On this site in 1874, Julio Richelieu, bartender, served up the first martini when a miner came into his saloon with a fistful of nuggets and asked for something special. He was served a Martinez Special. After three or four drinks, however, the Z would get very much in the way. The drink consisted of two thirds gin, one third vermouth, a dash of orange bitters, poured over crushed ice and served with an olive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does Martinez lay claim to the drink with a plaque, it throws an \u003ca href=\"http://www.martinezchamber.com/martinis-on-the-plaza-gala\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">annual Martini’s on the Plaza Gaza\u003c/a>, and the drink’s origin story is on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofmartinez.org/our_city/martini.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">city’s official website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gabriel Clothes, a San Francisco bartender who collects and studies old cocktail recipes, says there’s actually a lot of controversy about where — and who — invented the martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These origins are so murky. Especially a drink, it’s not entered into the public record,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703179\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 347px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703179 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"347\" height=\"310\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut.jpg 294w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut-160x143.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut-240x215.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 347px) 100vw, 347px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1862 engraving of Jerry Thomas. His ‘Bartenders Guide’ is a seminal cocktail recipe book. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Museum of the American Cocktail)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Clothes tells me a really similar origin story — it also takes place during the 1870s, but this time it happens in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It starts with a miner with a sack of gold who went into the bar at the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Occidental_Hotel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Occidental Hotel\u003c/a> hoping to trade it for a bottle of whiskey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartender \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jerry_Thomas_(bartender)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jerry Thomas\u003c/a> gave him the whiskey AND a special drink he invented off the cuff — the Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1887, the recipe for the Martinez was documented for the first time, in Jerry Thomas’ Bartender’s Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And his recipe looks a lot like the classic martini : one part Old Tom gin, and two parts vermouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703178\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 292px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11703178\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"292\" height=\"440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut.jpg 199w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut-160x241.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 292px) 100vw, 292px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerry Thomas’ Bartenders Guide (first published in 1862) was reprinted in 1887 with a recipe for the Martinez. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jennifer Colliau)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To try to clarify the Martinez-Martini confusion, I consult with Jennifer Colliau, an an award-winning bartender and self-proclaimed cocktail nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love that there’s this air of mystery to it,” she says of the cocktail. “[American writer] H.L. Mencken called the martini ‘the only American invention as perfect as the sonnet.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She loves the martini so much, she’s created a spreadsheet of all the different variations she’s found over the years. It has whopping 469 entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the drinks she’s documented are made with exact same recipe but different names: the Chris Racquet Club, the Duey, the Dry Martini, the Marguerite and the Nutting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703180\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703180 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"415\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Colliau is founder of Small Hand Foods, and an award-winning bartender. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jennifer Colliau)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of those drinks are made with the same ingredients: 1 to 1 gin and dry vermouth with orange bitters. So which one is one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colliau says I’m asking the wrong question: “There is nothing empirical here. There are people writing other people’s recipes. There are people naming drinks after themselves or after the bars they work in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This explains why it’s \u003cem>so\u003c/em> hard to nail down the difference between a Martinez and a martini, let alone where it was invented. But regardless of what it was called…it’s obvious that a martini-type gin drink was very popular at the turn of the century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always drank whatever they had around and you know when America was being settled, there was a lot of gin here,” says Colliau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that wasn’t an accident. Gin’s popularity can really be traced back to \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prohibition_in_the_United_States\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Prohibition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the manufacturing and selling of alcohol became illegal in 1920, people got…creative. Ever heard of bathtub gin? That was literally gin made in a bathtub. It was cheap and easy, and there was a lot of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703181\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 472px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11703181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"472\" height=\"372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut.jpg 472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-240x189.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-375x296.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 472px) 100vw, 472px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prohibition agents destroying barrels of alcohol. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Chicago Daily News negatives collection, Chicago Historical Society.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And the martini profile got a boost when President Roosevelt repealed Prohibition thirteen years later. According to Gabriel Clothes, Roosevelt even toasted the end of Prohibition with — a martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colliau considers the martini the “granddaddy of cocktails”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this granddaddy came from here — the San Francisco Bay Area. Well it PROBABLY came from here…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2015/11/27/move-over-san-francisco-the-martini-has-a-home-in-contra-costa-county-seat/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Mercury News\u003c/a>, in 1983, the San Francisco Court of Historical Review — a group with no actual legal authority — held a mock trial over the origin of the martini, determining that their city was the cocktail’s rightful birthplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703182\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 287px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703182\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"287\" height=\"383\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-520x693.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1.jpg 1512w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 287px) 100vw, 287px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A martini with a twist. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But not to be outdone, a mock court in Martinez overturned the ruling shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I press Jennifer Colliau, Tamir Ben-Shalom, and Gabriel Clothes on the martini was invented, no one is willing to say anything definitively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, when I ask Colliau if she thinks it’s important that people know where the martini comes from, she gives it to me straight:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh god no no no. No one needs to know any of this,” she says laughing. Then she adds, “I mean if you’re enjoying yourself at my bar that’s really all that I care about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheers to that!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Golden State Plate: The Story of the Martini, Straight Up, With a Twist | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The martini is iconic. Not just because of James Bond, but the glass it’s served in, those neon signs in front of old school bars … it even has its own emoji.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/OUUq5mRCimo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/OUUq5mRCimo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The martini is also the first cocktail Tamir Ben-Shalom learned how to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben-Shalom is bar manager at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.bullvalleyroadhouse.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bull Valley Roadhouse\u003c/a> in the tiny East Bay town of Port Costa. He makes a mean martini: two parts of Old Tom Gin, one part Turino vermouth blend, and orange bitters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703176\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703176\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33552_IMG_4072-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamir Ben-Shalom is the Bar Manager at Bull Valley Road House in Port Costa, a tiny town in the East Bay. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703175\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703175\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33512_IMG_4071-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lemon, gin and vermouth go into the martini at the Bull Valley Roadhouse. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But he tells me that if I want to get to the bottom of the martini mystery, I really need to drive 20 minutes to Martinez. So, I get in my car until I hit the intersection of Masonic and Alhambra Streets. It’s an unassuming parking lot, except for a plaque on a giant boulder that claims \u003cem>this\u003c/em> is the site of the martini’s invention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703173\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703173 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"In the middle of a parking lot in Martinez, there is a plaque that claims it is the site of the invention of the martini.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33511_alt_797-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In the middle of a parking lot in Martinez, there is a plaque that claims it is the site of the invention of the martini. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The plaque reads: “On this site in 1874, Julio Richelieu, bartender, served up the first martini when a miner came into his saloon with a fistful of nuggets and asked for something special. He was served a Martinez Special. After three or four drinks, however, the Z would get very much in the way. The drink consisted of two thirds gin, one third vermouth, a dash of orange bitters, poured over crushed ice and served with an olive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does Martinez lay claim to the drink with a plaque, it throws an \u003ca href=\"http://www.martinezchamber.com/martinis-on-the-plaza-gala\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">annual Martini’s on the Plaza Gaza\u003c/a>, and the drink’s origin story is on the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofmartinez.org/our_city/martini.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">city’s official website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gabriel Clothes, a San Francisco bartender who collects and studies old cocktail recipes, says there’s actually a lot of controversy about where — and who — invented the martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These origins are so murky. Especially a drink, it’s not entered into the public record,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703179\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 347px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703179 \" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"347\" height=\"310\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut.jpg 294w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut-160x143.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33514_JerryThomas01-qut-240x215.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 347px) 100vw, 347px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1862 engraving of Jerry Thomas. His ‘Bartenders Guide’ is a seminal cocktail recipe book. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Museum of the American Cocktail)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Clothes tells me a really similar origin story — it also takes place during the 1870s, but this time it happens in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It starts with a miner with a sack of gold who went into the bar at the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Occidental_Hotel\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Occidental Hotel\u003c/a> hoping to trade it for a bottle of whiskey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bartender \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jerry_Thomas_(bartender)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jerry Thomas\u003c/a> gave him the whiskey AND a special drink he invented off the cuff — the Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1887, the recipe for the Martinez was documented for the first time, in Jerry Thomas’ Bartender’s Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And his recipe looks a lot like the classic martini : one part Old Tom gin, and two parts vermouth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703178\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 292px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11703178\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"292\" height=\"440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut.jpg 199w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33515_bartenders-guide-qut-160x241.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 292px) 100vw, 292px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerry Thomas’ Bartenders Guide (first published in 1862) was reprinted in 1887 with a recipe for the Martinez. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jennifer Colliau)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To try to clarify the Martinez-Martini confusion, I consult with Jennifer Colliau, an an award-winning bartender and self-proclaimed cocktail nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love that there’s this air of mystery to it,” she says of the cocktail. “[American writer] H.L. Mencken called the martini ‘the only American invention as perfect as the sonnet.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She loves the martini so much, she’s created a spreadsheet of all the different variations she’s found over the years. It has whopping 469 entries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the drinks she’s documented are made with exact same recipe but different names: the Chris Racquet Club, the Duey, the Dry Martini, the Marguerite and the Nutting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703180\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703180 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"415\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33516_JENNIFER-colliau-qut-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Colliau is founder of Small Hand Foods, and an award-winning bartender. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jennifer Colliau)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of those drinks are made with the same ingredients: 1 to 1 gin and dry vermouth with orange bitters. So which one is one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colliau says I’m asking the wrong question: “There is nothing empirical here. There are people writing other people’s recipes. There are people naming drinks after themselves or after the bars they work in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This explains why it’s \u003cem>so\u003c/em> hard to nail down the difference between a Martinez and a martini, let alone where it was invented. But regardless of what it was called…it’s obvious that a martini-type gin drink was very popular at the turn of the century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always drank whatever they had around and you know when America was being settled, there was a lot of gin here,” says Colliau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that wasn’t an accident. Gin’s popularity can really be traced back to \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prohibition_in_the_United_States\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Prohibition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the manufacturing and selling of alcohol became illegal in 1920, people got…creative. Ever heard of bathtub gin? That was literally gin made in a bathtub. It was cheap and easy, and there was a lot of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703181\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 472px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11703181\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"472\" height=\"372\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut.jpg 472w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-240x189.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33553_prohibition-qut-375x296.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 472px) 100vw, 472px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prohibition agents destroying barrels of alcohol. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Chicago Daily News negatives collection, Chicago Historical Society.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And the martini profile got a boost when President Roosevelt repealed Prohibition thirteen years later. According to Gabriel Clothes, Roosevelt even toasted the end of Prohibition with — a martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colliau considers the martini the “granddaddy of cocktails”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this granddaddy came from here — the San Francisco Bay Area. Well it PROBABLY came from here…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2015/11/27/move-over-san-francisco-the-martini-has-a-home-in-contra-costa-county-seat/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Mercury News\u003c/a>, in 1983, the San Francisco Court of Historical Review — a group with no actual legal authority — held a mock trial over the origin of the martini, determining that their city was the cocktail’s rightful birthplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703182\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 287px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703182\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"287\" height=\"383\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1-520x693.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/RS33508_alt_798-1.jpg 1512w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 287px) 100vw, 287px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A martini with a twist. \u003ccite>(Bianca Taylor/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But not to be outdone, a mock court in Martinez overturned the ruling shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I press Jennifer Colliau, Tamir Ben-Shalom, and Gabriel Clothes on the martini was invented, no one is willing to say anything definitively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, when I ask Colliau if she thinks it’s important that people know where the martini comes from, she gives it to me straight:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh god no no no. No one needs to know any of this,” she says laughing. Then she adds, “I mean if you’re enjoying yourself at my bar that’s really all that I care about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheers to that!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "50-years-on-the-olympic-power-salute-of-1968-gets-its-due-respect",
"title": "50 Years On, the Olympic Power Salute of 1968 Gets Its Due Respect",
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"headTitle": "50 Years On, the Olympic Power Salute of 1968 Gets Its Due Respect | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Before anyone took a knee on a football field, two athletes from San Jose State University (SJSU) raised their fists in the air. It was 50 years ago this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of the most iconic images in sports history: Tommie Smith and John Carlos, two African-American track and field medal winners from SJSU, standing shoeless on an awards platform in Mexico City with their heads bowed and their fists in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, San Jose State University celebrated the major anniversary of that moment with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjsuwordstoaction.com/50th-anniversary-of-the-defining-moment-in-sports-social-activism-the-voices-of-1968-head-to-san-jose-state-university-for-historic-town-hall/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">town hall\u003c/a> that drew a large, enthusiastic crowd of students and a few people old enough to remember the original moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699652\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Tommie Smith at his alma mater, San Jose State University on October 17, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommie Smith at his alma mater, San Jose State University on October 17, 2018. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His hair now grey, 74-year-old Smith has no regrets. “Find something to be responsible for. Get up in the morning, look in the mirror, and say to yourself, you have a responsibility. Then you’ve got to answer that. What is it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young university student, Smith was thinking along these lines before he qualified for the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. In 1967, as the Mexico City Olympics approached, another athlete and activist on campus by the name of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjsuwordstoaction.com/category/dr-harry-edwards/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a> formed the Olympic Project for Human Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group called for an athlete boycott of the games, to highlight the inequities African-American athletes faced. They wanted more black coaches. They wanted Olympic officials to restore Muhammad Ali’s heavyweight title, to disinvite South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) from the Olympics, and to remove Avery Brundage, the controversial International Olympic Committee president, from power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boycott failed to gain traction, but in the political moment of 1968, after two major assassinations, rolling riots and protests throughout the country, Smith and Carlos were not alone in feeling the charged political atmosphere back home demanded some kind of response, some action to capitalize on the platform they would enjoy with the world’s attention on them for the games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of athletes wore black items of clothing during the Olympics as silent, subtle protests, but Smith and Carlos had something bigger in mind. After they won the gold and bronze, respectively, for their performances in the 200-meter dash, they walked up to receive their medals wearing black scarves to symbolize lynching, as well as black socks with no shoes to symbolize poverty. As the crowd cheered, they each raised a gloved fist to the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the men’s 200-meter race at the 1968 Mexico City Games, and the awards ceremony that follows. The relevant action begins at 29:45.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pVsQYRZgb10]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response was immediate and vitriolic. The International Olympic Committee called the protest of black suffering in America “outrageous,” and sent the two men\u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/206374\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> back to San Jose\u003c/a> the next day. Smith and Carlos received death threats, and the FBI monitored them with the label “rabble rousers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The action … was an insult to the Mexican hosts and a disgrace to the United States,” Avery Brundage, the International Olympic Committee president, wrote in a letter months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superstars from “Speed City,” as San Jose State was called at the time, were banned from international track and field competitions. In 1968, Tommie Smith was one of the fastest men on the planet. He set 13 world records, including the one on Oct. 16, 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yV4zvaxeI94]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, attitudes towards what the men did began to change. In 1984, Smith and Carlos became emissaries for the Summer Olympics in Los Angeles. They were inducted into the U.S. Track and Field Hall of Fame. And in 2005, the Associated Students of San Jose State University unveiled, in the heart of the campus, a 23-foot-tall sculpture of the two athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos told the gathering, “W\u003cb>\u003c/b>e had to do something that would be prestigious, respectable, pungent, shocking. We didn’t give the finger. We didn’t wrap the flag around our head or tie it up like a diaper. We didn’t stand there with disrespect. We stood there to say, ‘Hey man, I’m America. I’m your son and I’m wounded. I’m not wounded for me, because I’m one of your heroes. I’m in the Olympics. But I’m wounded for the race.’ […] That’s why we went to Mexico City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699653\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"John Carlos and Tommie Smith stand in front of the statue memorializing their iconic Olympic moment on the San Jose State University campus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Carlos and Tommie Smith stand in front of the statue memorializing their iconic Olympic moment on the San Jose State University campus. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He added, “I didn’t choose to be the guy in Mexico City. God chose me to be there. But God left it up to us as to how we were going to respond when we got there. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in attendance that day: Australian Olympian Peter Norman, the white, silver medal winner who stood with Smith and Carlos in sympathy back in 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a year before he died in 2006, Norman had this to say. “Two men made a statement that reverberated around the world. It was like a pebble into the middle of a small pond. The reverberations of the ripple are still rippling. It’s a very big pond. It’s the entire world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699655\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699655\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Harry Edwards, now Professor Emeritus at UC Berkeley, addresses a celebration at San Jose State University.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033.jpg 1738w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Harry Edwards, now Professor Emeritus at UC Berkeley, addresses a celebration at San Jose State University. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edwards calls what happened in Mexico City part of the third wave of athletic political activism. The first wave, he explains, includes people like Jack Johnson and Joe Lewis who established the fact of black athletic talent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second wave includes people like Jackie Robinson and Bill Willis who struggled to establish access to the fields of play, to end segregation of professional sports after World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third wave includes Muhammed Ali, as well as Smith and Carlos.\u003cbr>\n[ad floatright]\u003cbr>\n“Dignity and respect. Not only did they want to be on the field and on the courts, in the boxing ring. They wanted to be respected as human beings outside of the arena. That’s why it was the Olympic project for human rights, not the Olympic project for civil rights,” Edwards says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/colin-kaepernick\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Colin Kaepernick\u003c/a>, the quarterback who lost his NFL position after kneeling during the national anthem to protest racial and social injustice? Edwards says Kaepernick is part of the fourth wave, which he sees as play for power. “Today, we’re in a position where we can exercise power. Here’s what we want to talk about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards sees a fifth wave coming: women claiming more of a leadership role in professional sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going anywhere where women don’t lead,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/52f6ac29a40773d4b276d006a9cc5ce8/politics-at-the-olympics/index.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "On the 50th anniversary of the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, San Jose State University celebrates the athletes who spoke out against racism.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before anyone took a knee on a football field, two athletes from San Jose State University (SJSU) raised their fists in the air. It was 50 years ago this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s one of the most iconic images in sports history: Tommie Smith and John Carlos, two African-American track and field medal winners from SJSU, standing shoeless on an awards platform in Mexico City with their heads bowed and their fists in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, San Jose State University celebrated the major anniversary of that moment with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjsuwordstoaction.com/50th-anniversary-of-the-defining-moment-in-sports-social-activism-the-voices-of-1968-head-to-san-jose-state-university-for-historic-town-hall/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">town hall\u003c/a> that drew a large, enthusiastic crowd of students and a few people old enough to remember the original moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699652\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Tommie Smith at his alma mater, San Jose State University on October 17, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0062.jpg 1800w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommie Smith at his alma mater, San Jose State University on October 17, 2018. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His hair now grey, 74-year-old Smith has no regrets. “Find something to be responsible for. Get up in the morning, look in the mirror, and say to yourself, you have a responsibility. Then you’ve got to answer that. What is it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a young university student, Smith was thinking along these lines before he qualified for the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. In 1967, as the Mexico City Olympics approached, another athlete and activist on campus by the name of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjsuwordstoaction.com/category/dr-harry-edwards/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harry Edwards\u003c/a> formed the Olympic Project for Human Rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group called for an athlete boycott of the games, to highlight the inequities African-American athletes faced. They wanted more black coaches. They wanted Olympic officials to restore Muhammad Ali’s heavyweight title, to disinvite South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) from the Olympics, and to remove Avery Brundage, the controversial International Olympic Committee president, from power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boycott failed to gain traction, but in the political moment of 1968, after two major assassinations, rolling riots and protests throughout the country, Smith and Carlos were not alone in feeling the charged political atmosphere back home demanded some kind of response, some action to capitalize on the platform they would enjoy with the world’s attention on them for the games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of athletes wore black items of clothing during the Olympics as silent, subtle protests, but Smith and Carlos had something bigger in mind. After they won the gold and bronze, respectively, for their performances in the 200-meter dash, they walked up to receive their medals wearing black scarves to symbolize lynching, as well as black socks with no shoes to symbolize poverty. As the crowd cheered, they each raised a gloved fist to the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the men’s 200-meter race at the 1968 Mexico City Games, and the awards ceremony that follows. The relevant action begins at 29:45.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/pVsQYRZgb10'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/pVsQYRZgb10'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The response was immediate and vitriolic. The International Olympic Committee called the protest of black suffering in America “outrageous,” and sent the two men\u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/206374\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> back to San Jose\u003c/a> the next day. Smith and Carlos received death threats, and the FBI monitored them with the label “rabble rousers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The action … was an insult to the Mexican hosts and a disgrace to the United States,” Avery Brundage, the International Olympic Committee president, wrote in a letter months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superstars from “Speed City,” as San Jose State was called at the time, were banned from international track and field competitions. In 1968, Tommie Smith was one of the fastest men on the planet. He set 13 world records, including the one on Oct. 16, 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yV4zvaxeI94'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yV4zvaxeI94'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, attitudes towards what the men did began to change. In 1984, Smith and Carlos became emissaries for the Summer Olympics in Los Angeles. They were inducted into the U.S. Track and Field Hall of Fame. And in 2005, the Associated Students of San Jose State University unveiled, in the heart of the campus, a 23-foot-tall sculpture of the two athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos told the gathering, “W\u003cb>\u003c/b>e had to do something that would be prestigious, respectable, pungent, shocking. We didn’t give the finger. We didn’t wrap the flag around our head or tie it up like a diaper. We didn’t stand there with disrespect. We stood there to say, ‘Hey man, I’m America. I’m your son and I’m wounded. I’m not wounded for me, because I’m one of your heroes. I’m in the Olympics. But I’m wounded for the race.’ […] That’s why we went to Mexico City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699653\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699653\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"John Carlos and Tommie Smith stand in front of the statue memorializing their iconic Olympic moment on the San Jose State University campus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33278_TommieCarlos_Sculpture_EPE0461-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Carlos and Tommie Smith stand in front of the statue memorializing their iconic Olympic moment on the San Jose State University campus. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He added, “I didn’t choose to be the guy in Mexico City. God chose me to be there. But God left it up to us as to how we were going to respond when we got there. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in attendance that day: Australian Olympian Peter Norman, the white, silver medal winner who stood with Smith and Carlos in sympathy back in 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just a year before he died in 2006, Norman had this to say. “Two men made a statement that reverberated around the world. It was like a pebble into the middle of a small pond. The reverberations of the ripple are still rippling. It’s a very big pond. It’s the entire world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11699655\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11699655\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Harry Edwards, now Professor Emeritus at UC Berkeley, addresses a celebration at San Jose State University.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/EPE0033.jpg 1738w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Harry Edwards, now Professor Emeritus at UC Berkeley, addresses a celebration at San Jose State University. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Josie Lepe/San Jose State University )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edwards calls what happened in Mexico City part of the third wave of athletic political activism. The first wave, he explains, includes people like Jack Johnson and Joe Lewis who established the fact of black athletic talent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second wave includes people like Jackie Robinson and Bill Willis who struggled to establish access to the fields of play, to end segregation of professional sports after World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third wave includes Muhammed Ali, as well as Smith and Carlos.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“Dignity and respect. Not only did they want to be on the field and on the courts, in the boxing ring. They wanted to be respected as human beings outside of the arena. That’s why it was the Olympic project for human rights, not the Olympic project for civil rights,” Edwards says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/colin-kaepernick\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Colin Kaepernick\u003c/a>, the quarterback who lost his NFL position after kneeling during the national anthem to protest racial and social injustice? Edwards says Kaepernick is part of the fourth wave, which he sees as play for power. “Today, we’re in a position where we can exercise power. Here’s what we want to talk about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards sees a fifth wave coming: women claiming more of a leadership role in professional sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going anywhere where women don’t lead,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/52f6ac29a40773d4b276d006a9cc5ce8/politics-at-the-olympics/index.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-san-francisco-origins-of-green-goddess-dressing",
"title": "The San Francisco Origins of Green Goddess Dressing",
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"headTitle": "The San Francisco Origins of Green Goddess Dressing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Brent Silver is a self-described foodie who has lived in San Francisco for 15 years. Over the years, he’s heard people claim all sorts of different foods were invented here: fortune cookies, chicken tetrazzini, the California roll and cioppino to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to Bay Curious looking for some facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to know which foods originated in San Francisco?” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is one question with \u003cem>many\u003c/em> answers. So we’re starting a new series called “Golden State Plate,” to learn the true stories behind our iconic foods. We’re doing it in partnership with our friends at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Report Magazine.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silver didn’t come asking this question without a few foods in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was watching one of those Food Network TV shows, and they were talking about green goddess dressing. It was like this vibrant green dressing that you would put on salad or chicken or meats of different kinds. What is green goddess dressing and is it from San Francisco?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Green Goddess Story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Palace Hotel in downtown San Francisco is historically notable in a number of ways, including as a place where a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/105407/death-of-a-president-san-francisco-style\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sitting president of the United States died\u003c/a>. It’s also the birthplace of a famous California recipe: green goddess dressing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ve likely seen the dressing on the shelves at the grocery store, but you may not know the story behind the condiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two people who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> know a lot about green goddess dressing are Renee Roberts, who’s worked with the Palace Hotel for more than 20 years, and Laura Borrman, author of the new book \u003ca href=\"https://www.arcadiapublishing.com/Products/9781625859587\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Iconic San Francisco Dishes, Drinks & Desserts.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I met Roberts and Borrman at the palace’s Garden Court restaurant to try some of the famous dressing at its birthplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691796\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691796\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Garden Court at the Palace Hotel. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sitting here makes you feel sort of automatically connected to history,” says Borrman. “I think about all of the other people who have sat at these tables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts agrees: “There’s a lot of history here… A lot of people have been through these doors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hotel, back in its day, was a place where lots of well-known and wealthy people stayed, like opera star \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/biography/Luisa-Tetrazzini\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Luisa Tetrazzini\u003c/a>. The hotel claims to have invented \u003ca href=\"https://www.allrecipes.com/recipe/37784/easy-turkey-tetrazzini/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">turkey tetrazzini\u003c/a>, named after her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691797\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691797\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-800x1002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1002\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-800x1002.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-1020x1278.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-958x1200.jpg 958w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-1180x1478.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-960x1203.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-240x301.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-375x470.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-520x651.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luisa Tetrazzini was a famous opera singer who stayed at the Palace Hotel. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Bain News Service, publisher Library of Congress)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Likewise, green goddess dressing was inspired by another star guest: George Arliss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arliss was the lead actor in the 1920s play, “The Green Goddess.” While he was staying at the Palace Hotel for a performance, Head Chef Phillip Roemer created the special dressing to be served on the starter salad — and the rest is history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a favorite,” Roberts says. “There was a point when someone thought they could change it and took it off the menu. It lasted for like a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t ignore how there’s something really enchanting about the phrase ‘The Green Goddess,'” says Bormann, who loves the dressing so much, she served it at her wedding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wear a green dress to work, everybody’s calling you the green goddess,” Roberts laughs. “It’s just kind of a thing around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how do you make green goddess dressing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, Executive Banquet Chef Juan Rojas throws all the ingredients in a blender: ice, pasteurized eggs, whole grain mustard, shallots, capers, chives, spinach, fresh tarragon, chopped parsley, tarragon vinaigrette, salt and pepper, some olive oil and lemon juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a tangy, bright green dressing that is a far cry from the original invented in this kitchen almost 100 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691763\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Executive Banquet Chef at the Palace Hotel, Juan Rojas, with freshly made green goddess dressing. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Roberts, the original recipe was heavy on the mayonnaise, and was served on a canned artichoke, considered a luxury in those days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-800x620.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-800x620.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1020x791.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1200x930.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1180x915.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-960x744.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-375x291.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-520x403.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut.jpg 1433w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Green goddess dressing was invented at the Palace Hotel in 1923. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Renee Roberts)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, the Palace Hotel has lightened the dressing with olive oil. And there are no canned vegetables in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691772\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Green Goddess Dressing as it is served today at the Palace Hotel’s Garden Court. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Renee Roberts)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So what about the dressing’s namesake? What exactly was the green goddess?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where things get complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the play finished, two film versions of “The Green Goddess” were made. And in them, Arliss — a white British actor — starred as an Indian maharajah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-800x672.jpg\" alt=\"British actor George Arliss starred in the play and film versions of 'The Green Goddess.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"672\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-800x672.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1020x857.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1200x1008.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1180x991.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-960x807.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-240x202.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-375x315.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-520x437.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">British actor George Arliss starred in the play and film versions of ‘The Green Goddess.’ \u003ccite>(Flickr: National Library NZ on The Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of the other actors were white too. They faked horrendous Indian accents. The film portrayed some of them as savages running around in afros, waving swords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the green goddess? She was a made-up deity in a bad Hollywood version of a Hindu temple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2hldKQSUpgg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s honestly kind of a blow to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I love this dressing. I grew up thinking of it as hippie salad dressing, seeing it in the health food store, throwing it on my salads with sunflower seeds and carrots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my family is Hindu, my dad is from India. And this racist movie from nearly 100 years ago is straight-up worse than Apu on the Simpsons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes digging into California food history isn’t so savory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But green goddess is a California classic because of the things that make it so Californian: the fresh herbs, an obsession with a Hollywood celebrity, and simply how good it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m still trying to work through the fact that something so seemingly innocent as salad dressing can carry baggage when my salad arrives: a big mountain of crab on a bed of shaved zucchini on one side of the plate, some greens on the other and a gravy boat full of electric green dressing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Palace Signature Salad comes with crab and green goddess dressing on the side. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to deny: the dressing is really good, despite the problematic origins of its name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Borrman and Roberts describe it is as being “so Californian.” And they’re right: the dressing is clean and bright. It’s herbaceous and tangy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you don’t need to spend $40 on a salad at the Palace Hotel to try Green Goddess Dressing. You can find it pretty much anywhere at any supermarket, or make it yourself:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Palace Green Goddess Dressing:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2 bunches of Italian flat leaf parsley (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2 bunches fresh chervil (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>5 bunches tarragon (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>5 cups fresh spinach\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 bottle chopped capers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/4 bottle Worcestershire sauce\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 cup chopped garlic\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/4 cup shopped shallots\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1 tbsp. sugar\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>6 anchovies\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>3 cups tarragon vinegar\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 cup Dijon mustard\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>3 egg yolks\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>6 cups corn oil\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Preparation:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nCombine all ingredients (except oil) in a blender or in a container using an immersion blender. Blend on high until smooth. While blending, slowly drizzle oil into mixture. Keep drizzling until oil is gone, then season with salt and pepper to taste. This recipe is for a one gallon batch of dressing. Can be stored in refrigerator for up to 10 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "The San Francisco Origins of Green Goddess Dressing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Brent Silver is a self-described foodie who has lived in San Francisco for 15 years. Over the years, he’s heard people claim all sorts of different foods were invented here: fortune cookies, chicken tetrazzini, the California roll and cioppino to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He came to Bay Curious looking for some facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to know which foods originated in San Francisco?” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is one question with \u003cem>many\u003c/em> answers. So we’re starting a new series called “Golden State Plate,” to learn the true stories behind our iconic foods. We’re doing it in partnership with our friends at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Report Magazine.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silver didn’t come asking this question without a few foods in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was watching one of those Food Network TV shows, and they were talking about green goddess dressing. It was like this vibrant green dressing that you would put on salad or chicken or meats of different kinds. What is green goddess dressing and is it from San Francisco?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Green Goddess Story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>he Palace Hotel in downtown San Francisco is historically notable in a number of ways, including as a place where a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/105407/death-of-a-president-san-francisco-style\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sitting president of the United States died\u003c/a>. It’s also the birthplace of a famous California recipe: green goddess dressing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ve likely seen the dressing on the shelves at the grocery store, but you may not know the story behind the condiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two people who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> know a lot about green goddess dressing are Renee Roberts, who’s worked with the Palace Hotel for more than 20 years, and Laura Borrman, author of the new book \u003ca href=\"https://www.arcadiapublishing.com/Products/9781625859587\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Iconic San Francisco Dishes, Drinks & Desserts.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I met Roberts and Borrman at the palace’s Garden Court restaurant to try some of the famous dressing at its birthplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691796\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691796\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32620_0E324908-3861-4EE3-AABF-2CF8D737D239-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Garden Court at the Palace Hotel. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sitting here makes you feel sort of automatically connected to history,” says Borrman. “I think about all of the other people who have sat at these tables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberts agrees: “There’s a lot of history here… A lot of people have been through these doors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hotel, back in its day, was a place where lots of well-known and wealthy people stayed, like opera star \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/biography/Luisa-Tetrazzini\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Luisa Tetrazzini\u003c/a>. The hotel claims to have invented \u003ca href=\"https://www.allrecipes.com/recipe/37784/easy-turkey-tetrazzini/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">turkey tetrazzini\u003c/a>, named after her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691797\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691797\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-800x1002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1002\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-800x1002.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-1020x1278.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-958x1200.jpg 958w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-1180x1478.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-960x1203.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-240x301.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-375x470.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32761_Luisa_Tetrazzini_1910-1915-qut-520x651.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luisa Tetrazzini was a famous opera singer who stayed at the Palace Hotel. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons: Bain News Service, publisher Library of Congress)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Likewise, green goddess dressing was inspired by another star guest: George Arliss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arliss was the lead actor in the 1920s play, “The Green Goddess.” While he was staying at the Palace Hotel for a performance, Head Chef Phillip Roemer created the special dressing to be served on the starter salad — and the rest is history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a favorite,” Roberts says. “There was a point when someone thought they could change it and took it off the menu. It lasted for like a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t ignore how there’s something really enchanting about the phrase ‘The Green Goddess,'” says Bormann, who loves the dressing so much, she served it at her wedding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wear a green dress to work, everybody’s calling you the green goddess,” Roberts laughs. “It’s just kind of a thing around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how do you make green goddess dressing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, Executive Banquet Chef Juan Rojas throws all the ingredients in a blender: ice, pasteurized eggs, whole grain mustard, shallots, capers, chives, spinach, fresh tarragon, chopped parsley, tarragon vinaigrette, salt and pepper, some olive oil and lemon juice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a tangy, bright green dressing that is a far cry from the original invented in this kitchen almost 100 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691763\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-240x320.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-375x500.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32607_alt_780-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Executive Banquet Chef at the Palace Hotel, Juan Rojas, with freshly made green goddess dressing. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Roberts, the original recipe was heavy on the mayonnaise, and was served on a canned artichoke, considered a luxury in those days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691764\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-800x620.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-800x620.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1020x791.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1200x930.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-1180x915.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-960x744.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-240x186.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-375x291.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut-520x403.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32760_GreenGoddessSalad-qut.jpg 1433w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Green goddess dressing was invented at the Palace Hotel in 1923. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Renee Roberts)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Today, the Palace Hotel has lightened the dressing with olive oil. And there are no canned vegetables in sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691772\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32759_Palace-Green-Goddess-Dressing-2-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Green Goddess Dressing as it is served today at the Palace Hotel’s Garden Court. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Renee Roberts)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So what about the dressing’s namesake? What exactly was the green goddess?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is where things get complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the play finished, two film versions of “The Green Goddess” were made. And in them, Arliss — a white British actor — starred as an Indian maharajah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-800x672.jpg\" alt=\"British actor George Arliss starred in the play and film versions of 'The Green Goddess.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"672\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-800x672.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-160x134.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1020x857.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1200x1008.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-1180x991.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-960x807.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-240x202.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-375x315.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32764_Screening_at_a_country_town_1931_6297430030-qut-520x437.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">British actor George Arliss starred in the play and film versions of ‘The Green Goddess.’ \u003ccite>(Flickr: National Library NZ on The Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All of the other actors were white too. They faked horrendous Indian accents. The film portrayed some of them as savages running around in afros, waving swords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the green goddess? She was a made-up deity in a bad Hollywood version of a Hindu temple.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/2hldKQSUpgg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/2hldKQSUpgg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s honestly kind of a blow to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I love this dressing. I grew up thinking of it as hippie salad dressing, seeing it in the health food store, throwing it on my salads with sunflower seeds and carrots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But my family is Hindu, my dad is from India. And this racist movie from nearly 100 years ago is straight-up worse than Apu on the Simpsons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes digging into California food history isn’t so savory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But green goddess is a California classic because of the things that make it so Californian: the fresh herbs, an obsession with a Hollywood celebrity, and simply how good it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m still trying to work through the fact that something so seemingly innocent as salad dressing can carry baggage when my salad arrives: a big mountain of crab on a bed of shaved zucchini on one side of the plate, some greens on the other and a gravy boat full of electric green dressing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11691773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11691773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/RS32615_93004DA1-C92F-48DF-8742-F5D599410B79-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Palace Signature Salad comes with crab and green goddess dressing on the side. \u003ccite>(Sasha Khokha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to deny: the dressing is really good, despite the problematic origins of its name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Borrman and Roberts describe it is as being “so Californian.” And they’re right: the dressing is clean and bright. It’s herbaceous and tangy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you don’t need to spend $40 on a salad at the Palace Hotel to try Green Goddess Dressing. You can find it pretty much anywhere at any supermarket, or make it yourself:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Palace Green Goddess Dressing:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2 bunches of Italian flat leaf parsley (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2 bunches fresh chervil (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>5 bunches tarragon (finely chopped)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>5 cups fresh spinach\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 bottle chopped capers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/4 bottle Worcestershire sauce\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 cup chopped garlic\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/4 cup shopped shallots\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1 tbsp. sugar\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>6 anchovies\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>3 cups tarragon vinegar\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>1/2 cup Dijon mustard\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>3 egg yolks\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>6 cups corn oil\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Preparation:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nCombine all ingredients (except oil) in a blender or in a container using an immersion blender. Blend on high until smooth. While blending, slowly drizzle oil into mixture. Keep drizzling until oil is gone, then season with salt and pepper to taste. This recipe is for a one gallon batch of dressing. Can be stored in refrigerator for up to 10 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "Should Californians Allow Rent Control to Expand? Proposition 10, Explained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=10]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 10 aims to overturn the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing act, which limits rent control throughout the state.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Propositions 4, 8 and 11 — the three health-related propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: Hey guys! Here we are, day four of Bay Curious Prop Week. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. If you’re just tuning in, all week we’ve been breaking down the 11 statewide initiatives on this November’s ballot. Today, we’ll look at the three health-related props. They’re easy to overlook but could have a big impact on you or someone you love. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All righty. Let’s dive in. The three props we’ll get to today are Proposition 11…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should EMTs and paramedics be allowed to take off-duty breaks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Proposition 4…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should California issue bonds to help with improvements at children’s hospitals?\u003cbr>\n[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: And Proposition 8…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should the state cap how much profit dialysis clinics can make?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: First up on today’s tour is Prop 11. I headed to the newsroom and asked health reporter April Dembosky to let us know what it’s all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>APRIL DEMBOSKY: Prop 11 asks voters to decide if EMTs and paramedics — the people who work on ambulances — should be allowed to take uninterrupted off-duty breaks. So when they take a rest break or go out on their lunch break, are they allowed to turn off their pagers and radios so they can get a true break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=11]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now this is one of those props that is so specific and kind of in the weeds that it makes me think that there must be a story behind it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: You are absolutely right. So here’s the status quo of how it works for ambulance drivers. They are on a 12-hour shift. You know, they’re responding to emergencies. Maybe they have a lull. They drive up to McDonald’s or Starbucks to take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JASON BROLLINI: If I’m lucky, I can sit for 30 minutes and get a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This is Jason Brollini. He leads one of the main ambulance drivers unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: What a more common experience is, we order our food, and we’re interrupted at some point. Sometimes those interruptions are for true emergencies, but sometimes they’re not. Sometimes they’re non-emergency calls where there isn’t a life-threatening incident that needs to be mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: This is the way it’s been working in California for many, many years. But in 2016, there was a court case in California, and it was actually on behalf of security guards. Security guards also have to be on duty while they take breaks. And they said, “Hey, if I have to be on duty, I’m not actually on break.” And the Supreme Court agreed with them, said yep, when you look at California’s labor code, if you want to have a break, you have to actually be off duty. And so the ambulance industry looked at this and they thought, “Oh no, this is going to apply to us, too.” And so they said we don’t want to do that. We’re going to have this proposition instead to try to carve out a law that is specifically for paramedics and EMTs to just continue doing their job the way they always have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this is really a preemptive proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Sort of because there were actually negotiations in the Legislature between ambulance companies and the unions who represent EMTs and paramedics. They tried to address this head on, and negotiations between those two parties broke down, and that’s why the ambulance industry then put Proposition 11 on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So ambulance drivers and workers, what’s their take on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: The ambulance staff, for the most part, says totally, we don’t want anybody getting hurt. If I’m on my lunch break and there’s a kid choking a couple blocks down the street…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: We are going to go to that call. 100 percent of the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: But at the same time, they’re saying we work these 12-hour shifts. Sometimes work is so busy that it’s six or seven hours before I get to take a lunch break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: Starting to get dizzy and lightheaded because my blood sugar is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Not only that, I just responded to this really stressful call, like, I could really use a few minutes to just decompress, get back to my baseline, eat some food. And so they want the workers to be at the top of their game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You know, why is the ambulance industry different from any other industry where people are entitled to a break? What makes them kind of unique here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Well it’s definitely the public safety issue, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: While it is \u003cem>public\u003c/em> safety, about 75 percent of California’s 911 calls are answered by \u003cem>private\u003c/em> companies. Carol Meyer works for McCormick Ambulance Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CAROL MEYER: There is an individual who has a heart attack, and we can’t call that vehicle, we have to call the next vehicle that is available and not on a break. And minutes make a big difference when it’s life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Most ambulance companies have contracts with the counties where they work. You know, part of what they’re concerned about is that if you have one or two ambulances from your fleet that are just totally out of service, that could compromise how well and how quickly you can respond to those calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MEYER: Having those vehicles available so that if something happens they can be called is critical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: So there’s a serious public safety issue, but it really does come down to money, and the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimated costs could go up 25 percent in order to have just enough extra ambulances on the road to cover people. And so when you start looking at cutting into those profit margins, you have these companies deciding whether or not it’s worth it for them to continue providing this service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So in a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop 11 would mean you think EMTs and paramedics should stay on call during their breaks. A no vote means in your eyes, ambulance companies should follow the same labor laws as everybody else. Next up is Proposition 4, one of the four bonds on the ballot this year. Now a bond is basically an IOU. The state sells a piece of paper that says if you give us the money we need now, we promise to pay you back later with interest. It’s a quick way for governments to get cash for big projects, and it’s a pretty safe investment for the people buying the bonds, too. Health reporter Laura Klivans explains what this bond, Proposition 4, would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=4]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAURA KLIVANS: So this proposition is about the state being able to sell $1.5 billion in bonds so that they can use that to fund infrastructure improvements for children’s hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: The money from this bond will be used for capital improvements — essentially fixing up hospital buildings. Right now, a lot of hospitals are in the process of making seismic updates. These are required by the state to make their buildings safer in the event of an earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: The majority of the money will go to private nonprofit children’s hospitals. About 70 percent of it will. And then a good portion of it, about 18 percent, goes to the UC children’s hospitals and then other hospitals will get some of it too. And those are hospitals that will have, like, a children’s wing or a specific children’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Laura talked to Ann-Louise Kuhns, the president of the California Children’s Hospital Association. She says for an example of where this money could go locally, look to Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ANN-LOUISE KUHNS: You know, they provide some of the most specialized care for some of the most medically fragile kids in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: They have a sickle cell program, and it’s one of two in the state. And they see about 700 patients a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: And most of those patients are covered by Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: Which is a program for low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: Just the operational costs of running that center… just to run it the hospital loses about $3.5 million every year because what they receive from Medi-Cal isn’t sufficient to cover their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: And part of the space that they use for that program is using buildings and facilities that are over 100 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: So they need to make infrastructure improvements. They need to modernize their pediatric intensive care unit and as well as their neonatal intensive care unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: So that’s what this bond would do. It would upgrade, like, the sickle cell wing at Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this is not exactly like a new bond initiative. We’ve seen similar bonds in 2004 and 2008 for children’s hospitals. Why is this a thing that just keeps coming onto our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: Great question. I also was curious about that, so I asked the folks behind the proposition, and they think that, no, we’re going to meet seismic requirements and then it’s going to be a while before we need any kind of money for infrastructure again like this.\u003cbr>\n[baycuriousbug]\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: Is anyone against this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: I think people who would be against this are folks that realize that bonds come from somewhere. It’s not just free money. They need to be repaid. They need to be repaid with interest. And how is this money held accountable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You are a yes on Prop 4 if you think the state should use bonds to help to fund improvements at children’s hospitals. And you’re a no if you think they should find that money some other way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All righty. Last up we arrive at Proposition 8. It’s about reimbursement payouts from dialysis clinics. If that sounds super wonky to you, it’s because it is. But if passed, it would be groundbreaking regulation in the health care industry. People across the country are watching this one. I dropped in on health editor Carrie Feibel to learn more about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=8]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARRIE FEIBEL: Hi, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: How’s it going?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Well, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Could you start by telling us what is dialysis and who uses it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: So dialysis is basically a machine that replaces your kidney, and for people who have failing kidneys — and many of them are waiting for a kidney transplant that hopefully they’ll get but some of them don’t — but they can live many, many years getting dialysis. It just cleans their blood of all the toxins and other things that our kidneys are usually doing. But you need to get it three times a week, three-to-four hours each. Which means that there has to be dialysis clinics near where people live, and there’s almost 600 clinics across California. So it’s a big industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And these are all private clinics for the most part? Or…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: There’s a few that are owned by county hospitals and such. But for the most part they’re private clinics owned by for-profit companies, and there’s been more scrutiny lately on, you know, what the dialysis industry is up to and how much profit they’re making and that’s what brings us to this proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, so let’s get to this Prop 8. What are voters being asked to weigh in on here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Well this is a big deal at least in health care because basically California, if this passes, would be able to cap the amount of revenue a dialysis clinic company could get per patient and that would therefore indirectly cap how much profit and overhead they could take out of that clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This wouldn’t directly tell dialysis clinics what they can charge patients. Instead it would tell them they can only take in 15 percent more money than they spend on patient treatment. If they go over that 15 percent cap…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Then they would have to rebate whoever paid for the dialysis, maybe the patient but more likely their insurance company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So who’s on which side of the story? Who’s for and against?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: The main sponsor of this is a union that has been trying to unionize dialysis clinic workers for a long time, and their hope is that this revenue cap would force the companies to reinvest in the clinic — put it into higher wages or better training for the workers or more drugs and tubing and supplies for the machines, which ultimately, the hope is, that would make a safer, more stable experience getting dialysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this would, in effect, force these companies to reinvest more of the funds than perhaps they’re reinvesting now. At least that’s what the unions think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: That’s what the unions think, and that’s the whole thrust of it. And the dialysis companies say no that’s not what’s going to happen. What you’re actually going to do is really get into our business sheets and force us to close clinics. So it’s really unclear what the business ripple effect will be of this. And I think that the dialysis industry across the country is definitely watching this. If this happens here, they are afraid of a domino effect in all the states that could sort of potentially impact their bottom lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s a pretty radical ballot initiative really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: It’s an experiment, for sure, pushing a big lever on an industry that’s important to a lot of Californians health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: A vote for Prop 8 says you think this experiment is worth trying to get dialysis clinics to invest more in patient care. A no vote says this is too risky and could actually hurt patients by forcing clinics to shut down. That’s 10 props down and one more to go for Prop week. Today’s show was produced by Ryan Levi. Tomorrow we take on Prop 10 and the topic of rent control. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Propositions 4, 8 and 11 — the three health-related propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: Hey guys! Here we are, day four of Bay Curious Prop Week. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. If you’re just tuning in, all week we’ve been breaking down the 11 statewide initiatives on this November’s ballot. Today, we’ll look at the three health-related props. They’re easy to overlook but could have a big impact on you or someone you love. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All righty. Let’s dive in. The three props we’ll get to today are Proposition 11…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should EMTs and paramedics be allowed to take off-duty breaks?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Proposition 4…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should California issue bonds to help with improvements at children’s hospitals?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: And Proposition 8…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VOICE OVER: Should the state cap how much profit dialysis clinics can make?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: First up on today’s tour is Prop 11. I headed to the newsroom and asked health reporter April Dembosky to let us know what it’s all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>APRIL DEMBOSKY: Prop 11 asks voters to decide if EMTs and paramedics — the people who work on ambulances — should be allowed to take uninterrupted off-duty breaks. So when they take a rest break or go out on their lunch break, are they allowed to turn off their pagers and radios so they can get a true break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now this is one of those props that is so specific and kind of in the weeds that it makes me think that there must be a story behind it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: You are absolutely right. So here’s the status quo of how it works for ambulance drivers. They are on a 12-hour shift. You know, they’re responding to emergencies. Maybe they have a lull. They drive up to McDonald’s or Starbucks to take a break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JASON BROLLINI: If I’m lucky, I can sit for 30 minutes and get a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This is Jason Brollini. He leads one of the main ambulance drivers unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: What a more common experience is, we order our food, and we’re interrupted at some point. Sometimes those interruptions are for true emergencies, but sometimes they’re not. Sometimes they’re non-emergency calls where there isn’t a life-threatening incident that needs to be mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: This is the way it’s been working in California for many, many years. But in 2016, there was a court case in California, and it was actually on behalf of security guards. Security guards also have to be on duty while they take breaks. And they said, “Hey, if I have to be on duty, I’m not actually on break.” And the Supreme Court agreed with them, said yep, when you look at California’s labor code, if you want to have a break, you have to actually be off duty. And so the ambulance industry looked at this and they thought, “Oh no, this is going to apply to us, too.” And so they said we don’t want to do that. We’re going to have this proposition instead to try to carve out a law that is specifically for paramedics and EMTs to just continue doing their job the way they always have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this is really a preemptive proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Sort of because there were actually negotiations in the Legislature between ambulance companies and the unions who represent EMTs and paramedics. They tried to address this head on, and negotiations between those two parties broke down, and that’s why the ambulance industry then put Proposition 11 on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So ambulance drivers and workers, what’s their take on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: The ambulance staff, for the most part, says totally, we don’t want anybody getting hurt. If I’m on my lunch break and there’s a kid choking a couple blocks down the street…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: We are going to go to that call. 100 percent of the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: But at the same time, they’re saying we work these 12-hour shifts. Sometimes work is so busy that it’s six or seven hours before I get to take a lunch break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROLLINI: Starting to get dizzy and lightheaded because my blood sugar is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Not only that, I just responded to this really stressful call, like, I could really use a few minutes to just decompress, get back to my baseline, eat some food. And so they want the workers to be at the top of their game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You know, why is the ambulance industry different from any other industry where people are entitled to a break? What makes them kind of unique here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Well it’s definitely the public safety issue, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: While it is \u003cem>public\u003c/em> safety, about 75 percent of California’s 911 calls are answered by \u003cem>private\u003c/em> companies. Carol Meyer works for McCormick Ambulance Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CAROL MEYER: There is an individual who has a heart attack, and we can’t call that vehicle, we have to call the next vehicle that is available and not on a break. And minutes make a big difference when it’s life and death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: Most ambulance companies have contracts with the counties where they work. You know, part of what they’re concerned about is that if you have one or two ambulances from your fleet that are just totally out of service, that could compromise how well and how quickly you can respond to those calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MEYER: Having those vehicles available so that if something happens they can be called is critical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMBOSKY: So there’s a serious public safety issue, but it really does come down to money, and the Legislative Analyst’s Office estimated costs could go up 25 percent in order to have just enough extra ambulances on the road to cover people. And so when you start looking at cutting into those profit margins, you have these companies deciding whether or not it’s worth it for them to continue providing this service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So in a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop 11 would mean you think EMTs and paramedics should stay on call during their breaks. A no vote means in your eyes, ambulance companies should follow the same labor laws as everybody else. Next up is Proposition 4, one of the four bonds on the ballot this year. Now a bond is basically an IOU. The state sells a piece of paper that says if you give us the money we need now, we promise to pay you back later with interest. It’s a quick way for governments to get cash for big projects, and it’s a pretty safe investment for the people buying the bonds, too. Health reporter Laura Klivans explains what this bond, Proposition 4, would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAURA KLIVANS: So this proposition is about the state being able to sell $1.5 billion in bonds so that they can use that to fund infrastructure improvements for children’s hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: The money from this bond will be used for capital improvements — essentially fixing up hospital buildings. Right now, a lot of hospitals are in the process of making seismic updates. These are required by the state to make their buildings safer in the event of an earthquake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: The majority of the money will go to private nonprofit children’s hospitals. About 70 percent of it will. And then a good portion of it, about 18 percent, goes to the UC children’s hospitals and then other hospitals will get some of it too. And those are hospitals that will have, like, a children’s wing or a specific children’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Laura talked to Ann-Louise Kuhns, the president of the California Children’s Hospital Association. She says for an example of where this money could go locally, look to Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ANN-LOUISE KUHNS: You know, they provide some of the most specialized care for some of the most medically fragile kids in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: They have a sickle cell program, and it’s one of two in the state. And they see about 700 patients a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: And most of those patients are covered by Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: Which is a program for low-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: Just the operational costs of running that center… just to run it the hospital loses about $3.5 million every year because what they receive from Medi-Cal isn’t sufficient to cover their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: And part of the space that they use for that program is using buildings and facilities that are over 100 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KUHNS: So they need to make infrastructure improvements. They need to modernize their pediatric intensive care unit and as well as their neonatal intensive care unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: So that’s what this bond would do. It would upgrade, like, the sickle cell wing at Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this is not exactly like a new bond initiative. We’ve seen similar bonds in 2004 and 2008 for children’s hospitals. Why is this a thing that just keeps coming onto our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: Great question. I also was curious about that, so I asked the folks behind the proposition, and they think that, no, we’re going to meet seismic requirements and then it’s going to be a while before we need any kind of money for infrastructure again like this.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: Is anyone against this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KLIVANS: I think people who would be against this are folks that realize that bonds come from somewhere. It’s not just free money. They need to be repaid. They need to be repaid with interest. And how is this money held accountable?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You are a yes on Prop 4 if you think the state should use bonds to help to fund improvements at children’s hospitals. And you’re a no if you think they should find that money some other way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All righty. Last up we arrive at Proposition 8. It’s about reimbursement payouts from dialysis clinics. If that sounds super wonky to you, it’s because it is. But if passed, it would be groundbreaking regulation in the health care industry. People across the country are watching this one. I dropped in on health editor Carrie Feibel to learn more about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARRIE FEIBEL: Hi, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: How’s it going?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Well, thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Could you start by telling us what is dialysis and who uses it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: So dialysis is basically a machine that replaces your kidney, and for people who have failing kidneys — and many of them are waiting for a kidney transplant that hopefully they’ll get but some of them don’t — but they can live many, many years getting dialysis. It just cleans their blood of all the toxins and other things that our kidneys are usually doing. But you need to get it three times a week, three-to-four hours each. Which means that there has to be dialysis clinics near where people live, and there’s almost 600 clinics across California. So it’s a big industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And these are all private clinics for the most part? Or…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: There’s a few that are owned by county hospitals and such. But for the most part they’re private clinics owned by for-profit companies, and there’s been more scrutiny lately on, you know, what the dialysis industry is up to and how much profit they’re making and that’s what brings us to this proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, so let’s get to this Prop 8. What are voters being asked to weigh in on here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Well this is a big deal at least in health care because basically California, if this passes, would be able to cap the amount of revenue a dialysis clinic company could get per patient and that would therefore indirectly cap how much profit and overhead they could take out of that clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This wouldn’t directly tell dialysis clinics what they can charge patients. Instead it would tell them they can only take in 15 percent more money than they spend on patient treatment. If they go over that 15 percent cap…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: Then they would have to rebate whoever paid for the dialysis, maybe the patient but more likely their insurance company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So who’s on which side of the story? Who’s for and against?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: The main sponsor of this is a union that has been trying to unionize dialysis clinic workers for a long time, and their hope is that this revenue cap would force the companies to reinvest in the clinic — put it into higher wages or better training for the workers or more drugs and tubing and supplies for the machines, which ultimately, the hope is, that would make a safer, more stable experience getting dialysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So this would, in effect, force these companies to reinvest more of the funds than perhaps they’re reinvesting now. At least that’s what the unions think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: That’s what the unions think, and that’s the whole thrust of it. And the dialysis companies say no that’s not what’s going to happen. What you’re actually going to do is really get into our business sheets and force us to close clinics. So it’s really unclear what the business ripple effect will be of this. And I think that the dialysis industry across the country is definitely watching this. If this happens here, they are afraid of a domino effect in all the states that could sort of potentially impact their bottom lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s a pretty radical ballot initiative really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEIBEL: It’s an experiment, for sure, pushing a big lever on an industry that’s important to a lot of Californians health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: A vote for Prop 8 says you think this experiment is worth trying to get dialysis clinics to invest more in patient care. A no vote says this is too risky and could actually hurt patients by forcing clinics to shut down. That’s 10 props down and one more to go for Prop week. Today’s show was produced by Ryan Levi. Tomorrow we take on Prop 10 and the topic of rent control. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Should California Expand Tax Breaks for Older Homeowners? Propositions 5, 1 and 2, Explained",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=5]\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=1]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=2]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Tomorrow we’re talking about the props that could impact our health care in California — and potentially the entire country. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Should California Expand Tax Breaks for Older Homeowners? Propositions 5, 1 and 2, Explained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "voting-on-daylight-saving-time-animal-confinement-and-water-propositions-3-7-and-12-explained",
"title": "Voting on Daylight Saving Time, Animal Confinement and Water. Propositions 3, 7 and 12, Explained",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Propositions 7, 12 and 3 — the three science-related propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: Twice a year most of us in the United States go through a sort of time warp. In March we go to bed on a Saturday night climbing under our covers for a relaxing slumber. But then the alarm goes off an hour early the next day. This time warp is daylight saving time, of course, and it’s one of the three science-related props Californians are voting on this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. It’s Bay Curious Prop Week. All week long, we’re taking you inside what’s behind some of the many propositions you’ll be voting on this November. Today we explore questions of daylight saving time and animal confinement. Plus a water bond. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DANIELLE VENTON: Daylight saving time is this practice that we have of switching our clocks twice a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: To help us understand Proposition 7, I called my friend from a few desks down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: I’m Danielle Venton. I’m one of the editors on the science desk here at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 7 could lead to the end of switching clocks in California. But before we get into how the prop works, let’s first understand how daylight saving time came to be a thing in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=7]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It was an idea that has been kicked around for centuries. Benjamin Franklin, he calculated that the French could save some number of pounds of candles every year by switching their clocks. But the first country to institute it was Germany during the First World War. Then they brought it back for the Second World War and that was meant to save energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It was voted on by California voters in 1949 to adopt the practice of daylight saving time. It was wartime and this belief that it would save energy and would help the war effort… it was a very popular notion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’d always heard it had something to do with farms. Is that just a total myth? Is that not true?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It seems to be largely a myth. I mean farmers are going to wake up when the sun gets up. Cows do not read clocks. You know, you bail your hay when it’s ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Because Californians voted daylight saving time into practice in 1949, it’s up to us to vote it out… or, in the case of prop 7, vote to pass control onto the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: So if it passes, the state legislature will have the authority to vote on changing daylight saving time, and if they approve it by two thirds, and if the federal government allows, then California could maintain year round daylight saving time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So people can think of this as like step one in, at least, a three step process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Right. But it’s likely that if there is a lot of voter support for this then the legislature would follow the will of the people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: How did this get on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: So Assembly Member Kansen Chu…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KANSEN CHU: Kansen Chu. I’m a state assembly member representing District 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: From the South Bay heard about this issue from one of his constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KANSEN CHU: I got this idea from my dentist. You know he was telling me there was a health impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MALE NEWS ANCHOR: New at Six. Potential daylight saving time dangers. Now that the sun sets later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: But the changing of the clocks can also disturb sleep. Something some experts blame for an increase in car crashes this time of year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: There is consensus that it disrupts sleep schedules, that there’s a higher incidence of heart attacks and stroke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Supporters of Prop 7 say not only is daylight saving time hazardous for your health, but it doesn’t really save energy either. Studies have found that energy savings is pretty much a wash. On the other side of the coin you’ve got opponents of Prop 7 who say darker mornings could be dangerous for pedestrians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: If we kept daylight saving time year round that would mean very dark mornings in the winter, some people worry that that puts children, in particular, at extra risk when they are traveling to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now California wouldn’t be the first place to try to ditch the clock switch. Arizona and Hawaii don’t do daylight saving time and neither do most countries in the world. Even if this prop does pass, things aren’t going to change overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Clocks would still change in November, of course, on November 2nd. And they would still change in the springtime. But the legislature would have the choice of keeping that change permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So potentially in a year, we would not be falling back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: That’s right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Next we turn to proposition 12, the animal confinement prop. It was put on the ballot by the Humane Society of the United States. KQED Science reporter Lesley McClurg explains what it’s all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LESLEY MCCLURG: Californians are going to vote on whether or not animals should come out of cages, like, altogether. So it would take pigs, egg-laying hens and veal calves out of cages altogether, and it allocates a specific amount of space for each animal depending on which animal it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=12]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now there are some farms that are basically already doing this kind of farming, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Yeah, exactly. I went to a small farm in Pescadero near the coast and a farmer there, her name is Dede Boies, showed me around the grounds. And she is really, really passionate about taking care of her animals in the most natural conditions that she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: So we pasture raise two different breeds of slow-growing chickens, and ducks, heritage turkeys and pigs. Right now we’re kind of looking at the set up we have, where all the animals get rotated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: The animals are kept in a very large, very open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: This time of day, they’re pretty much in the shelter. But in the morning and evening they definitely spread out a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And she’s just really against the idea of keeping animals confined in any way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: The point for me is to raise animals in a way that they were intended to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Dede Boies supports Prop 12 because she wants to see more animals raised without cages. If this prop feels vaguely familiar to you, there’s a reason why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Didn’t we already do this? I remember voting on this already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: In some ways we did already. This was Proposition 2, back in 2008. It said that animals should have enough space to stand up, sit down, turn around and spread their limbs or wings. It didn’t allocate a specific amount of space, and industry basically argued that that was too vague, so they didn’t take the animals out of the cages, they just put fewer animals in the cages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So, is it fair to think of Prop 12 as kind of a redo of Prop 2? Only this time, like, with much more specific requirements?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: Yeah that’s right. And so it’s 43 square feet per calf. It’s 24 square feet per pig and each egg-laying hen will have to have a foot of space. I think what’s important about Proposition 12 is it not only includes animals in California and how they’re raised but also anything imported into California. So this will change the practices for producers all across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And as you might guess, not all those producers are thrilled about Proposition 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: I also talked to a guy named Ken Maschhoff. He’s a pork producer in Illinois.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: We’re on the same land that my great great great great grandfather purchased in 1851.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And he was really adamant that he believes in taking care of animals, but he actually specifically said the animals do not have rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: But I believe that farmers, ranchers, veterinarians are animal welfarists. So there’s a difference between animal rights and animal welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And then we should take care of animals as best we can but we need to be cost effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: [This] type of legislation actually affects low income people much much harder than middle or high income folks because they just can’t afford the cost of their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And he says, you know, if consumers are willing to pay more these products are already available in the grocery store. You can already buy cage-free, organic, etc. products. Those are available. So why force everyone to do something that maybe they can’t afford?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If Prop 12 passes there is some time built in for producers to adapt their facilities. Changes for pork and veal need to be done by 2020 and for egg-laying hens, it’s 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Last up, we’ve got Proposition 3. And what would a California election be without a water prop on the ballot? Voters just okayed a $4 billion water bond in June of this year. And here we are again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=3]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: A measure on the ballot this November could have major implications for our water here…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: …Proposition 3 authorizes bonds to fund projects for water supply and quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MALE NEWS ANCHOR: It’s an $8.9 billion bond measure for water-related projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If passed, Prop 3 would issue nearly $9 billion in bonds to fund a bunch of different water projects. The largest payouts go to projects that improve water quality, restore watersheds and help sustain our groundwater. There is some disagreement among environmentalists on this one. Supporters, like Save the Bay, say it will leave the state better prepared for a drought, and help fix our water infrastructure. But opponents, like the Sierra Club, say it benefits wealthy farmers in the Central Valley and taxpayers shouldn’t foot the bill for projects the private sector should cover. We’ve got more on Proposition 3 on the Bay Curious website. You’ll find a KQED Forum debate on the topic, plus a guide to all the propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Ryan Levi, and me, Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back in your feed tomorrow morning for a look at Proposition 5, which could expand tax breaks for homeowners 55 and older. It’s a really interesting one. You definitely want to tune in. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Propositions 7, 12 and 3 — the three science-related propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: Twice a year most of us in the United States go through a sort of time warp. In March we go to bed on a Saturday night climbing under our covers for a relaxing slumber. But then the alarm goes off an hour early the next day. This time warp is daylight saving time, of course, and it’s one of the three science-related props Californians are voting on this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. It’s Bay Curious Prop Week. All week long, we’re taking you inside what’s behind some of the many propositions you’ll be voting on this November. Today we explore questions of daylight saving time and animal confinement. Plus a water bond. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DANIELLE VENTON: Daylight saving time is this practice that we have of switching our clocks twice a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: To help us understand Proposition 7, I called my friend from a few desks down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: I’m Danielle Venton. I’m one of the editors on the science desk here at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 7 could lead to the end of switching clocks in California. But before we get into how the prop works, let’s first understand how daylight saving time came to be a thing in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It was an idea that has been kicked around for centuries. Benjamin Franklin, he calculated that the French could save some number of pounds of candles every year by switching their clocks. But the first country to institute it was Germany during the First World War. Then they brought it back for the Second World War and that was meant to save energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It was voted on by California voters in 1949 to adopt the practice of daylight saving time. It was wartime and this belief that it would save energy and would help the war effort… it was a very popular notion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’d always heard it had something to do with farms. Is that just a total myth? Is that not true?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: It seems to be largely a myth. I mean farmers are going to wake up when the sun gets up. Cows do not read clocks. You know, you bail your hay when it’s ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Because Californians voted daylight saving time into practice in 1949, it’s up to us to vote it out… or, in the case of prop 7, vote to pass control onto the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: So if it passes, the state legislature will have the authority to vote on changing daylight saving time, and if they approve it by two thirds, and if the federal government allows, then California could maintain year round daylight saving time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So people can think of this as like step one in, at least, a three step process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Right. But it’s likely that if there is a lot of voter support for this then the legislature would follow the will of the people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: How did this get on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: So Assembly Member Kansen Chu…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KANSEN CHU: Kansen Chu. I’m a state assembly member representing District 25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: From the South Bay heard about this issue from one of his constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KANSEN CHU: I got this idea from my dentist. You know he was telling me there was a health impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MALE NEWS ANCHOR: New at Six. Potential daylight saving time dangers. Now that the sun sets later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: But the changing of the clocks can also disturb sleep. Something some experts blame for an increase in car crashes this time of year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: There is consensus that it disrupts sleep schedules, that there’s a higher incidence of heart attacks and stroke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Supporters of Prop 7 say not only is daylight saving time hazardous for your health, but it doesn’t really save energy either. Studies have found that energy savings is pretty much a wash. On the other side of the coin you’ve got opponents of Prop 7 who say darker mornings could be dangerous for pedestrians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: If we kept daylight saving time year round that would mean very dark mornings in the winter, some people worry that that puts children, in particular, at extra risk when they are traveling to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now California wouldn’t be the first place to try to ditch the clock switch. Arizona and Hawaii don’t do daylight saving time and neither do most countries in the world. Even if this prop does pass, things aren’t going to change overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Clocks would still change in November, of course, on November 2nd. And they would still change in the springtime. But the legislature would have the choice of keeping that change permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So potentially in a year, we would not be falling back?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: That’s right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Next we turn to proposition 12, the animal confinement prop. It was put on the ballot by the Humane Society of the United States. KQED Science reporter Lesley McClurg explains what it’s all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LESLEY MCCLURG: Californians are going to vote on whether or not animals should come out of cages, like, altogether. So it would take pigs, egg-laying hens and veal calves out of cages altogether, and it allocates a specific amount of space for each animal depending on which animal it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now there are some farms that are basically already doing this kind of farming, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VENTON: Yeah, exactly. I went to a small farm in Pescadero near the coast and a farmer there, her name is Dede Boies, showed me around the grounds. And she is really, really passionate about taking care of her animals in the most natural conditions that she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: So we pasture raise two different breeds of slow-growing chickens, and ducks, heritage turkeys and pigs. Right now we’re kind of looking at the set up we have, where all the animals get rotated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: The animals are kept in a very large, very open space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: This time of day, they’re pretty much in the shelter. But in the morning and evening they definitely spread out a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And she’s just really against the idea of keeping animals confined in any way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEDE BOIES: The point for me is to raise animals in a way that they were intended to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Dede Boies supports Prop 12 because she wants to see more animals raised without cages. If this prop feels vaguely familiar to you, there’s a reason why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Didn’t we already do this? I remember voting on this already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: In some ways we did already. This was Proposition 2, back in 2008. It said that animals should have enough space to stand up, sit down, turn around and spread their limbs or wings. It didn’t allocate a specific amount of space, and industry basically argued that that was too vague, so they didn’t take the animals out of the cages, they just put fewer animals in the cages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So, is it fair to think of Prop 12 as kind of a redo of Prop 2? Only this time, like, with much more specific requirements?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: Yeah that’s right. And so it’s 43 square feet per calf. It’s 24 square feet per pig and each egg-laying hen will have to have a foot of space. I think what’s important about Proposition 12 is it not only includes animals in California and how they’re raised but also anything imported into California. So this will change the practices for producers all across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And as you might guess, not all those producers are thrilled about Proposition 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: I also talked to a guy named Ken Maschhoff. He’s a pork producer in Illinois.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: We’re on the same land that my great great great great grandfather purchased in 1851.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And he was really adamant that he believes in taking care of animals, but he actually specifically said the animals do not have rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: But I believe that farmers, ranchers, veterinarians are animal welfarists. So there’s a difference between animal rights and animal welfare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And then we should take care of animals as best we can but we need to be cost effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KEN MASCHHOFF: [This] type of legislation actually affects low income people much much harder than middle or high income folks because they just can’t afford the cost of their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MCCLURG: And he says, you know, if consumers are willing to pay more these products are already available in the grocery store. You can already buy cage-free, organic, etc. products. Those are available. So why force everyone to do something that maybe they can’t afford?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If Prop 12 passes there is some time built in for producers to adapt their facilities. Changes for pork and veal need to be done by 2020 and for egg-laying hens, it’s 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Last up, we’ve got Proposition 3. And what would a California election be without a water prop on the ballot? Voters just okayed a $4 billion water bond in June of this year. And here we are again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: A measure on the ballot this November could have major implications for our water here…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMALE NEWS ANCHOR: …Proposition 3 authorizes bonds to fund projects for water supply and quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MALE NEWS ANCHOR: It’s an $8.9 billion bond measure for water-related projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If passed, Prop 3 would issue nearly $9 billion in bonds to fund a bunch of different water projects. The largest payouts go to projects that improve water quality, restore watersheds and help sustain our groundwater. There is some disagreement among environmentalists on this one. Supporters, like Save the Bay, say it will leave the state better prepared for a drought, and help fix our water infrastructure. But opponents, like the Sierra Club, say it benefits wealthy farmers in the Central Valley and taxpayers shouldn’t foot the bill for projects the private sector should cover. We’ve got more on Proposition 3 on the Bay Curious website. You’ll find a KQED Forum debate on the topic, plus a guide to all the propositions on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Ryan Levi, and me, Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back in your feed tomorrow morning for a look at Proposition 5, which could expand tax breaks for homeowners 55 and older. It’s a really interesting one. You definitely want to tune in. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\nProposition 6, Gas Tax Repeal – \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Watch a replay here\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Proposition 6. If passed, it would repeal SB 1, the gas tax and vehicle fee increase passed by state lawmakers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align: left\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Bay-Curious-Logo_Final-01.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/div>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. This is Bay Curious. Election season is here, and if you’re anything like me, you wait until a day or two before Election Day to cram on the facts and decide how you’ll vote, especially on those confusing California ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each year I vow to do better, to start earlier, to not wait until the last minute. This is that year. Over the next five days we’ll be exploring the 11 statewide propositions that Californians are voting on — not just what the prop is about but also how it came to be on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll drop a new episode each day. Some will cover multiple props. Some just one. And by Friday afternoon you and I will be hella informed. We’re calling it Bay Curious Prop Week.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: First up is Proposition 6, the effort to repeal the state’s new gas tax and vehicle fees. It has become one of the top issues for Republicans in California this year. But before we dive into it, let’s first understand how the tax and fees were passed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: Colleagues, we are back in session… if everyone would take their seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: It’s Apr. 6, 2016. The state Senate had already been in session for nearly three hours by the time they arrived at Senate Bill 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: SB 1 is a long-term solution to our transportation infrastructure problem in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KATIE ORR: I remember that night. It was super late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: KQED politics and government reporter Katie Orr was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: And they got the bare minimum number of votes they needed in each chamber to get it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: Ayes 27, nos 11. The measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And can you briefly just go through what was SB 1? What were they voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: SB 1 was a gas tax and vehicle fee increase. Gas, normal gas that we all use in our cars, went up by 12 cents a gallon. Diesel fuel went up by 20 cents a gallon. And then car registration fees went up between $25 and $175, depending on the value of the car. So all that money together is expected to bring in $5 billion a year over the next decade. And that money gets split between the state government and local governments to fix freeways, bridges, local roads… various infrastructure projects around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Gov. Jerry Brown was a big advocate of SB 1 and right after it passed the Legislature, he held an impromptu press conference outside his office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOV. JERRY BROWN: I really want to say, I appreciate being a Democrat and what the Democrats did tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: And all the Democrats were crowding around him. You know, everyone wants their picture with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROWN: The Democratic Party is the party of doing things, and tonight we did something to fix the roads of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: But it wasn’t too much longer after that when we started hearing talk about recall efforts and efforts to repeal this tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS AUDIO: New at 6 o’clock. A new gas tax is set to go into effect in just a couple of months, but it may not be in place for long if one San Diegan has his way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So take me from that room where Jerry Brown is celebrating his big win, the pass of SB 1. You know, what is happening, what are the Republicans doing, sort of, from that moment through today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So we see an organizing effort by various Republicans to try and overturn this new tax. You saw Carl DeMaio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARL DEMAIO: C-A-R-L D-E-capital M-A-I-O. Chairman, Reform California, Yes on 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: He was a former city councilman in San Diego. He launched an effort. They got enough signatures, they put it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMAIO: The bottom line is we’ve got the second-highest gas tax in the country prior to this increase and yet we have some of the worst roads. Why is that? Well it’s not for lack of money. It’s really for lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: You can make the argument to voters that, ‘hey, you already pay the state a lot of money. They have your money. They don’t need any more to fix the roads. What they need to do is manage the money they have better.’\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=6]\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: So we get Proposition 6 on the ballot. What are we voting on? What is in Proposition 6?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So Proposition 6 would repeal the increased gas tax that went into effect in November. So that 12 extra cents on your gallon of gas, that 20 extra cents on your gallon of diesel and those increased fees at the DMV, that would all be repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: But that’s not all Prop. 6 would do. KQED transportation editor Dan Brekke explains what else we’re voting on with this prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DAN BREKKE: The second big part of this is that it would amend the state constitution so that any future gasoline tax increases or increases in the vehicle fees would be subject to approval of the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: What would that mean for the future if this did pass and you did have that constitutional change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: Well, it becomes politically sort of impossible to get a gas tax increase. I mean, we’ve had all sorts of what they call ballot box budgeting, and this would just be maybe the most radical example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So it really takes a lot of power away from the Legislature and puts it back with the voters, which some people would see as a great thing. Legislators tend to think that it would leave them a little bit hamstrung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So why has this become sort of the marquee issue for Republicans in 2018?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: There was fear, especially in the primary, that they would not have a candidate in the governor’s race. So there was concern that it would be Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa, both Democrats, in November. If that happens, Republicans don’t have a lot of reason to come out to the polls. So they were thinking, ‘well, shoot, we need something on the ballot because this is a huge year for the congressional races as well.’ There are about seven seats in California that Democrats think they have a really good shot at flipping from Republican to Democrat, and if Republican voters aren’t at the polls because they don’t have a candidate, then that makes those odds a lot better for Democrats. So fortunately for the Republicans, they did get a candidate into the November election, John Cox. He’s a businessman from San Diego, but he doesn’t seem to be getting as much traction as Gavin Newsom, and the gas tax is what they’re counting on to get their core voters out to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now, even though everyone is talking about this as the gas tax repeal, and they’re talking about what you pay at the pump, Dan says it might actually be the vehicle fee increase that people really notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: The fees are steep under SB 1. Your vehicle fee — and then there’s a new transportation fee — is based on the market value of your car. So we bought a car last year, and I get my first vehicle registration form in the mail and the fee is over $400. And over $400 at one time, you feel that. Twelve cents a gallon is sort of a slow drip. This is kind of like a big hit all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: The kind of surprising thing is all this fighting might not even matter in a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: The interesting thing about the gas tax is we’re having this big argument about it, right? But no matter what they really do, the gas tax is going to keep declining because people are getting more fuel-efficient cars, so they need less gas. Some people are getting electric cars — they don’t need any gas. So fewer and fewer people are actually buying the gas we need them to buy to maintain the roads. So at some point, they’re going to have to come up with a new funding mechanism anyway. And I think if this gas tax is repealed, it would just kind of speed up that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Wow. If this passes, if Prop. 6 passes, what happens?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: Those taxes and fees are repealed, period, and any future taxes and fee increases will need to be approved by the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If this doesn’t pass, what message does that send?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: Well, I think it sends a message that California is facing a lot of issues. I mean, our roads, our cost of living, the increase in the homeless population, and at some point — and Gov. Jerry Brown says this a lot in his speeches — you’re going to have to pay to fix it. Like, sorry. That’s just the reality of the situation. You’re going to have to pay to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to KQED reporters Katie Orr and Dan Brekke for walking us through this one. If you’ve still got questions about the gas tax, I’ve got good news for you. We’re hosting a Facebook Live on Oct. 10 about the gas tax, and we’ll be answering your questions. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time, so you’ll get this handy reminder when it rolls around. Details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s one prop down and 10 more to go for Prop Week. Tomorrow, we’re talking about whether daylight saving time should be all the time, how much space animals deserve and our state’s favorite topic — water. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\nProposition 6, Gas Tax Repeal – \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Watch a replay here\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a transcript of our episode on Proposition 6. If passed, it would repeal SB 1, the gas tax and vehicle fee increase passed by state lawmakers last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align: left\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Bay-Curious-Logo_Final-01.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area. Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/div>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. This is Bay Curious. Election season is here, and if you’re anything like me, you wait until a day or two before Election Day to cram on the facts and decide how you’ll vote, especially on those confusing California ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each year I vow to do better, to start earlier, to not wait until the last minute. This is that year. Over the next five days we’ll be exploring the 11 statewide propositions that Californians are voting on — not just what the prop is about but also how it came to be on the ballot in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll drop a new episode each day. Some will cover multiple props. Some just one. And by Friday afternoon you and I will be hella informed. We’re calling it Bay Curious Prop Week.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: First up is Proposition 6, the effort to repeal the state’s new gas tax and vehicle fees. It has become one of the top issues for Republicans in California this year. But before we dive into it, let’s first understand how the tax and fees were passed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: Colleagues, we are back in session… if everyone would take their seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: It’s Apr. 6, 2016. The state Senate had already been in session for nearly three hours by the time they arrived at Senate Bill 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: SB 1 is a long-term solution to our transportation infrastructure problem in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KATIE ORR: I remember that night. It was super late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: KQED politics and government reporter Katie Orr was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: And they got the bare minimum number of votes they needed in each chamber to get it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>STATE LEGISLATURE: Ayes 27, nos 11. The measure passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And can you briefly just go through what was SB 1? What were they voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: SB 1 was a gas tax and vehicle fee increase. Gas, normal gas that we all use in our cars, went up by 12 cents a gallon. Diesel fuel went up by 20 cents a gallon. And then car registration fees went up between $25 and $175, depending on the value of the car. So all that money together is expected to bring in $5 billion a year over the next decade. And that money gets split between the state government and local governments to fix freeways, bridges, local roads… various infrastructure projects around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Gov. Jerry Brown was a big advocate of SB 1 and right after it passed the Legislature, he held an impromptu press conference outside his office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOV. JERRY BROWN: I really want to say, I appreciate being a Democrat and what the Democrats did tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: And all the Democrats were crowding around him. You know, everyone wants their picture with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BROWN: The Democratic Party is the party of doing things, and tonight we did something to fix the roads of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: But it wasn’t too much longer after that when we started hearing talk about recall efforts and efforts to repeal this tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS AUDIO: New at 6 o’clock. A new gas tax is set to go into effect in just a couple of months, but it may not be in place for long if one San Diegan has his way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So take me from that room where Jerry Brown is celebrating his big win, the pass of SB 1. You know, what is happening, what are the Republicans doing, sort of, from that moment through today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So we see an organizing effort by various Republicans to try and overturn this new tax. You saw Carl DeMaio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CARL DEMAIO: C-A-R-L D-E-capital M-A-I-O. Chairman, Reform California, Yes on 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: He was a former city councilman in San Diego. He launched an effort. They got enough signatures, they put it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DEMAIO: The bottom line is we’ve got the second-highest gas tax in the country prior to this increase and yet we have some of the worst roads. Why is that? Well it’s not for lack of money. It’s really for lack of accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: You can make the argument to voters that, ‘hey, you already pay the state a lot of money. They have your money. They don’t need any more to fix the roads. What they need to do is manage the money they have better.’\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nALLEN-PRICE: So we get Proposition 6 on the ballot. What are we voting on? What is in Proposition 6?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So Proposition 6 would repeal the increased gas tax that went into effect in November. So that 12 extra cents on your gallon of gas, that 20 extra cents on your gallon of diesel and those increased fees at the DMV, that would all be repealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: But that’s not all Prop. 6 would do. KQED transportation editor Dan Brekke explains what else we’re voting on with this prop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DAN BREKKE: The second big part of this is that it would amend the state constitution so that any future gasoline tax increases or increases in the vehicle fees would be subject to approval of the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: What would that mean for the future if this did pass and you did have that constitutional change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: Well, it becomes politically sort of impossible to get a gas tax increase. I mean, we’ve had all sorts of what they call ballot box budgeting, and this would just be maybe the most radical example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: So it really takes a lot of power away from the Legislature and puts it back with the voters, which some people would see as a great thing. Legislators tend to think that it would leave them a little bit hamstrung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So why has this become sort of the marquee issue for Republicans in 2018?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: There was fear, especially in the primary, that they would not have a candidate in the governor’s race. So there was concern that it would be Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa, both Democrats, in November. If that happens, Republicans don’t have a lot of reason to come out to the polls. So they were thinking, ‘well, shoot, we need something on the ballot because this is a huge year for the congressional races as well.’ There are about seven seats in California that Democrats think they have a really good shot at flipping from Republican to Democrat, and if Republican voters aren’t at the polls because they don’t have a candidate, then that makes those odds a lot better for Democrats. So fortunately for the Republicans, they did get a candidate into the November election, John Cox. He’s a businessman from San Diego, but he doesn’t seem to be getting as much traction as Gavin Newsom, and the gas tax is what they’re counting on to get their core voters out to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now, even though everyone is talking about this as the gas tax repeal, and they’re talking about what you pay at the pump, Dan says it might actually be the vehicle fee increase that people really notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: The fees are steep under SB 1. Your vehicle fee — and then there’s a new transportation fee — is based on the market value of your car. So we bought a car last year, and I get my first vehicle registration form in the mail and the fee is over $400. And over $400 at one time, you feel that. Twelve cents a gallon is sort of a slow drip. This is kind of like a big hit all at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: The kind of surprising thing is all this fighting might not even matter in a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: The interesting thing about the gas tax is we’re having this big argument about it, right? But no matter what they really do, the gas tax is going to keep declining because people are getting more fuel-efficient cars, so they need less gas. Some people are getting electric cars — they don’t need any gas. So fewer and fewer people are actually buying the gas we need them to buy to maintain the roads. So at some point, they’re going to have to come up with a new funding mechanism anyway. And I think if this gas tax is repealed, it would just kind of speed up that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Wow. If this passes, if Prop. 6 passes, what happens?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BREKKE: Those taxes and fees are repealed, period, and any future taxes and fee increases will need to be approved by the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If this doesn’t pass, what message does that send?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR: Well, I think it sends a message that California is facing a lot of issues. I mean, our roads, our cost of living, the increase in the homeless population, and at some point — and Gov. Jerry Brown says this a lot in his speeches — you’re going to have to pay to fix it. Like, sorry. That’s just the reality of the situation. You’re going to have to pay to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to KQED reporters Katie Orr and Dan Brekke for walking us through this one. If you’ve still got questions about the gas tax, I’ve got good news for you. We’re hosting a Facebook Live on Oct. 10 about the gas tax, and we’ll be answering your questions. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time, so you’ll get this handy reminder when it rolls around. Details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s one prop down and 10 more to go for Prop Week. Tomorrow, we’re talking about whether daylight saving time should be all the time, how much space animals deserve and our state’s favorite topic — water. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you live or work in San Francisco, you’re likely familiar with the siren that goes off every Tuesday at noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My entire life I’ve been hearing this siren,” says Bay Curious listener Jennifer Corbell, who grew up in the Sunset District. “Even if I get up in the morning and I know it’s Tuesday, it doesn’t really click for me until I hear that alarm going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corbell wanted to know more about the siren, so she asked Bay Curious to look into its history and how it works.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. It has a name.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While most San Franciscans probably refer to it as the Tuesday noon siren, its official name is the San Francisco Outdoor Warning System, and it currently includes 114 sirens placed strategically throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. It dates back to World War II.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first sirens were installed in 1942, and they were used to warn citizens of air raids during the war. Today, they would be used to warn people about a natural disaster, like a major earthquake or tsunami.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could announce in real time over the microphone for people to stay out of this area, or if there was an earthquake and buildings were unsafe you could tell people to evacuate certain areas,” says Joseph Molinari, who oversees the sirens for San Francisco’s Department of Technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. It’s a human-powered system.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Every week, an actual human being clicks a mouse to set off the system from inside San Francisco’s Department of Emergency Management office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers with the Auxiliary Communications Service call in reports from where they’re stationed throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can’t hear the voice, or can’t hear the siren wail in a specific area, they’ll report on that,” says Molinari. “And then I’ll go out there and see if it’s a defect in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The volunteers are all ham radio operators — and each has a license and a call sign from the FCC. There are more than 2,800 licenses issued in San Francisco, though not all of those operators report on the sirens.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. They’re all over the city.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can hear the noon siren in most parts of San Francisco, though speakers are clustered more tightly together downtown than in largely residential areas. This \u003ca href=\"https://sfdem.org/sites/default/files/FileCenter/Documents/1256-siren_map-10-25-11.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">map\u003c/a> shows where the sirens are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11696438\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11696438 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Siren.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/noonsiren-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of ham radio operators around the city call in reports after each noon siren test. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>5. You might recognize the voice.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The voice reading the message after the siren wail belongs to Dave Morey, a longtime radio host with KFOG, now retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6. It has its own Yelp page.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yup. Nineteen people have taken the time to \u003ca href=\"https://www.yelp.com/biz/san-francisco-outdoor-warning-system-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">review the siren on Yelp\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people are fans: “Thank you San Francisco Outdoor Warning System for simultaneously promising to keep us safe from future impending disasters, and alerting me to the arrival of lunchtime every Tuesday at noon. Without your help, many Tuesdays I would likely be alerted to fill my belly with food, not by a voice sounding strangely reminiscent of James Earl Jones, but by the rumblings of my own stomach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some, not so much: “With so many other siren options in the area, this one is really not worth your time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Average rating? Four stars. Not bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>7. If there’s a real emergency … you’ll know.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During a real emergency, the Outdoor Warning System will go off for five minutes and have a different voice giving either pre-recorded or live instructions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has two portable transmitters, so someone can use the system outside the Department of Emergency Management office if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The siren hasn’t ever been using during a real emergency. Fingers crossed it stays that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A version of this story was first played on \u003ca href=\"http://www.kalw.org/post/audiograph-s-sound-week-tuesday-noon-siren#stream/0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KALW’s Audiograph\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you live or work in San Francisco, you’re likely familiar with the siren that goes off every Tuesday at noon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My entire life I’ve been hearing this siren,” says Bay Curious listener Jennifer Corbell, who grew up in the Sunset District. “Even if I get up in the morning and I know it’s Tuesday, it doesn’t really click for me until I hear that alarm going off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corbell wanted to know more about the siren, so she asked Bay Curious to look into its history and how it works.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. It has a name.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While most San Franciscans probably refer to it as the Tuesday noon siren, its official name is the San Francisco Outdoor Warning System, and it currently includes 114 sirens placed strategically throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. It dates back to World War II.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first sirens were installed in 1942, and they were used to warn citizens of air raids during the war. Today, they would be used to warn people about a natural disaster, like a major earthquake or tsunami.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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