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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday, 2:10 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic candidate Gavin Newsom has been elected the 40th governor of California, defeating San Diego Republican challenger and businessman John Cox. The Associated Press has called the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=6123]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a tough two years, but tonight America’s biggest state is making the biggest statement in America,” Newsom told supporters at an election night party in Los Angeles on Tuesday. He extolled what he saw as the virtues of California in clear contrast with the federal government on issues such as diversity, the environment, women’s rights, gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s dream has always been too big to fail and too powerful to bully,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further south, Cox tried to strike a positive tone in the face of his resounding defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider myself very proud that we highlighted the incredible struggle that the people of this state have had for years under the people that are running this state,” Cox told his supporters in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox was unable to overcome the unpopularity of President Trump, said San Jose State political science professor Melinda Jackson. During the primary, Republican John Cox ran far to the right and received Trump’s endorsement. That method was successful for getting him to the general election, but Jackson said it also allowed Newsom to go after more moderate voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not talking a lot about issues like single-payer health care,” Jackson said. “He’s talking more about California values and the California Dream and things that will perhaps appeal more to those independents that are becoming more and more the target audience for politicians running in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The general election was so low-key that UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser called it a “stealth race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for any Republican to win in California, but certainly one who embraced Donald Trump and many of his positions in the primary,” Kousser said. “That set up these long odds for John Cox and freed Gavin Newsom to really concentrate on down-ballot races up and down the state, rather than running hard for governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the election was largely seen as an easy win for Newsom, some say voters lost in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697467\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697467\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox speaks in KQED's San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1200x793.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-960x634.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-520x343.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox speaks in KQED’s San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP/Pool)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A general election race between Newsom and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa would have been more exciting and substantive, said Fernando Guerra, political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, they would have had to have had actual debates. There’s no way that Newsom would have been able to avoid that,” Guerra said. “The amount of money that would have poured into both sides would have been tremendous. And then we would have had a real debate about the future of this Democratic progressive regime that exists in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is expected to take on progressive causes while in office — issues like universal preschool and Medicare-for-all. And he’ll have help from the Democratic-controlled Legislature. But the one-party rule could inflame tensions between the liberal and more moderate wings of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s also the threat of a looming economic downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now our economy is strong,” Melinda Jackson said. “Things are good. We’ve got plenty of money to try some of these new things. But I don’t think anybody predicts that that’s going to last forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will be sworn into office on Jan. 7.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"datePublished": "2018-11-06T21:07:29-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday, 2:10 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic candidate Gavin Newsom has been elected the 40th governor of California, defeating San Diego Republican challenger and businessman John Cox. The Associated Press has called the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a tough two years, but tonight America’s biggest state is making the biggest statement in America,” Newsom told supporters at an election night party in Los Angeles on Tuesday. He extolled what he saw as the virtues of California in clear contrast with the federal government on issues such as diversity, the environment, women’s rights, gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s dream has always been too big to fail and too powerful to bully,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further south, Cox tried to strike a positive tone in the face of his resounding defeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider myself very proud that we highlighted the incredible struggle that the people of this state have had for years under the people that are running this state,” Cox told his supporters in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox was unable to overcome the unpopularity of President Trump, said San Jose State political science professor Melinda Jackson. During the primary, Republican John Cox ran far to the right and received Trump’s endorsement. That method was successful for getting him to the general election, but Jackson said it also allowed Newsom to go after more moderate voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not talking a lot about issues like single-payer health care,” Jackson said. “He’s talking more about California values and the California Dream and things that will perhaps appeal more to those independents that are becoming more and more the target audience for politicians running in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The general election was so low-key that UC San Diego political science professor Thad Kousser called it a “stealth race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for any Republican to win in California, but certainly one who embraced Donald Trump and many of his positions in the primary,” Kousser said. “That set up these long odds for John Cox and freed Gavin Newsom to really concentrate on down-ballot races up and down the state, rather than running hard for governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the election was largely seen as an easy win for Newsom, some say voters lost in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697467\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697467\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox speaks in KQED's San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1020x674.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1200x793.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-960x634.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/JohnCoxDebate-520x343.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox speaks in KQED’s San Francisco studios on Oct. 8, 2018. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP/Pool)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A general election race between Newsom and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa would have been more exciting and substantive, said Fernando Guerra, political science professor at Loyola Marymount University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Number one, they would have had to have had actual debates. There’s no way that Newsom would have been able to avoid that,” Guerra said. “The amount of money that would have poured into both sides would have been tremendous. And then we would have had a real debate about the future of this Democratic progressive regime that exists in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is expected to take on progressive causes while in office — issues like universal preschool and Medicare-for-all. And he’ll have help from the Democratic-controlled Legislature. But the one-party rule could inflame tensions between the liberal and more moderate wings of the party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s also the threat of a looming economic downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now our economy is strong,” Melinda Jackson said. “Things are good. We’ve got plenty of money to try some of these new things. But I don’t think anybody predicts that that’s going to last forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will be sworn into office on Jan. 7.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "With Registration at All-Time High, California Voters Head to the Polls",
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"headTitle": "With Registration at All-Time High, California Voters Head to the Polls | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On this Election Day, voters across California are heading to the polls to decide \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/props\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 statewide propositions\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">governor’s\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/senate-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Senate\u003c/a> races, numerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/house-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">highly contested House races\u003c/a> and a slew of local races and measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter registration in California was at an \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/414676-voter-registration-in-california-reaches-all-time-high-before-midterms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">all-time high\u003c/a> leading into today’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703631/12-things-you-need-to-know-before-going-to-the-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here are 12 things to know as you head to the polls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Bay Area counties are reporting significantly high voter registration and turnout numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“We hit a new milestone on Friday,” said Jim Irizarry, San Mateo County’s chief elections officer. “For the first time in San Mateo County’s history, we hit 400,000 registered voters … so there’s a lot of voter engagement.” There are 503,000 eligible voters in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For comparison, Irizarry says the Obama (’12) and Trump (’16) elections had 385-390,000 registered voters. “Those were extremely large presidential elections. So for a midterm election, this is impressive. This is very high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/rachaelmyrow/status/1059839596744314880\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A tip sent to \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>, which is monitoring voting access across the nation in real-time, reported that voting machines were down in San Mateo City Hall at around 8:30 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Irizarry acknowledged a 10-minute delay at the City Hall location when they needed to restart the internet connection. During that time, he said, people could still vote via paper ballot. But they could not register or confirm their registration during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn Contra Costa County, over 100 people voted at one polling station before 8:00 a.m. Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a midterm election, that’s pretty unusual. That’s an indicator that the turnout is going to be pretty consistent and busy all day long,” said Scott Konopasek, assistant county registrar. “We’re looking at an overall turnout probably approaching 70 percent, which would be kind of a record for a midterm election … We’re seeing patterns reminiscent of November 2016.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SlowMoneyGreen/status/1059884875321208832\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Antioch, younger voters were energized outside of a polling place Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get young people in office,” said Will Acuavera, a 30-year-old first-time voter. “People like Dianne Feinstein. She’s done great things for California, but her views don’t match mine. So I want to get in to vote her out and get people in who are going to be more likely to battle Trump. I used to be very anti-voting until Donald Trump got into office, and seeing how racist things have gotten nationwide, I just couldn’t complain and not vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came out to vote today just because it’s our civic duty and we should vote,” said Andrew Murphy, 29, of Antioch. “I feel like every young person, old person, everyone should go out and vote … We all have the power to change what is going on in the world. We just have to go out and vote and make that change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“We’re well ahead of the June 2018 election, which was our first election as a\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voters-choice-act/about-vca/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Voter’s Choice Act county\u003c/a>,” said John Tuteur, registrar of voters. “We’re hoping to break into the 60 percent range for total voter turnout for this election.” For comparison, in November 2014, the county’s turnout was 55 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Statewide\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nSome voters in Los Angeles County are waiting up to two hours to cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the Los Angeles County Registrar says the line at its headquarters in Norwalk is wrapping around the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registrar spokesman Mike Sanchez couldn’t immediately confirm online posts by a Los Angeles Times reporter that some people were giving up and getting out of line, while others were being handed tickets so they could use the bathroom or get food without losing their place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/brittny_mejia/status/1059901123782275072\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site is the only one in the vast county that allows voters to register and cast a ballot on Election Day, a fact that some complained about on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez says he understands the frustration, and that same-day registration and voting is being expanded throughout the county and will be ready in March 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state — at least, judging by their \u003ca href=\"https://trends.google.com/trends/story/US_cu_6YymNGUBAAAqOM_en\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Google search activity over the last week\u003c/a> — voters have immigration and health care on their minds as they head to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://ssl.gstatic.com/trends_nrtr/1605_RC01/embed_loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n \u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">\n trends.embed.renderWidget(\"US_cu_6YymNGUBAAAqOM_en\", \"svg_map_33d37acd-dbae-47d9-acda-d3afc7265782\", {\"guestPath\":\"https://trends.google.com:443/trends/embed/\"});\n \u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JohnLGC\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">John Sepulvado\u003c/a> has been monitoring polling locations in Southern California, where some locations are seeing much longer lines than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JohnLGC/status/1059926470485835776\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JohnLGC/status/1059919261487968256\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JohnLGC/status/1059824477024935936\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JohnLGC/status/1059863405341724672\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/JohnLGC/status/1059881498617114625\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/sarahfavot/status/1059854803688292352\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/priskaneely/status/1059857499170304000\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/liveblogs/20181106-elections/sharecard/early-vote-signals-highest-turnout-in-a-74.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">early voting records were shattered\u003c/a> with 38 million people voting early, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.electproject.org/early_2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Elections Project\u003c/a> at the University of Florida, which tracks turnout. If early voting makes up a third of all the vote, that would amount to a turnout of 114 million people, or 48.5 percent. If those numbers hold, it would mark the highest midterm turnout rate since 1914.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electionland project\u003c/a> is monitoring voting access in real-time, including a Google Trends election map:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"’800′\" height=\"’700′\" src=\"%E2%80%99https://electionlandtrends.appspot.com/ElectionDay2018?initialWidth=439&childId=election-trends-map&parentTitle=Electionland%20%E2%80%94%20ProPublica&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.propublica.org%2Felectionland%2F%E2%80%99\" frameborder=\"’0′\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Monica Samayoa, Marissa Shieh and Angela Corral contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On this Election Day, voters across California are heading to the polls to decide \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/props\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">11 statewide propositions\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">governor’s\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/senate-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Senate\u003c/a> races, numerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/house-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">highly contested House races\u003c/a> and a slew of local races and measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter registration in California was at an \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/414676-voter-registration-in-california-reaches-all-time-high-before-midterms\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">all-time high\u003c/a> leading into today’s midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703631/12-things-you-need-to-know-before-going-to-the-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here are 12 things to know as you head to the polls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Bay Area counties are reporting significantly high voter registration and turnout numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“We hit a new milestone on Friday,” said Jim Irizarry, San Mateo County’s chief elections officer. “For the first time in San Mateo County’s history, we hit 400,000 registered voters … so there’s a lot of voter engagement.” There are 503,000 eligible voters in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For comparison, Irizarry says the Obama (’12) and Trump (’16) elections had 385-390,000 registered voters. “Those were extremely large presidential elections. So for a midterm election, this is impressive. This is very high.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A tip sent to \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ProPublica’s Electionland project\u003c/a>, which is monitoring voting access across the nation in real-time, reported that voting machines were down in San Mateo City Hall at around 8:30 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Irizarry acknowledged a 10-minute delay at the City Hall location when they needed to restart the internet connection. During that time, he said, people could still vote via paper ballot. But they could not register or confirm their registration during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn Contra Costa County, over 100 people voted at one polling station before 8:00 a.m. Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a midterm election, that’s pretty unusual. That’s an indicator that the turnout is going to be pretty consistent and busy all day long,” said Scott Konopasek, assistant county registrar. “We’re looking at an overall turnout probably approaching 70 percent, which would be kind of a record for a midterm election … We’re seeing patterns reminiscent of November 2016.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>In Antioch, younger voters were energized outside of a polling place Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to get young people in office,” said Will Acuavera, a 30-year-old first-time voter. “People like Dianne Feinstein. She’s done great things for California, but her views don’t match mine. So I want to get in to vote her out and get people in who are going to be more likely to battle Trump. I used to be very anti-voting until Donald Trump got into office, and seeing how racist things have gotten nationwide, I just couldn’t complain and not vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came out to vote today just because it’s our civic duty and we should vote,” said Andrew Murphy, 29, of Antioch. “I feel like every young person, old person, everyone should go out and vote … We all have the power to change what is going on in the world. We just have to go out and vote and make that change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Napa County\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n“We’re well ahead of the June 2018 election, which was our first election as a\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voters-choice-act/about-vca/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Voter’s Choice Act county\u003c/a>,” said John Tuteur, registrar of voters. “We’re hoping to break into the 60 percent range for total voter turnout for this election.” For comparison, in November 2014, the county’s turnout was 55 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Statewide\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nSome voters in Los Angeles County are waiting up to two hours to cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman with the Los Angeles County Registrar says the line at its headquarters in Norwalk is wrapping around the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Registrar spokesman Mike Sanchez couldn’t immediately confirm online posts by a Los Angeles Times reporter that some people were giving up and getting out of line, while others were being handed tickets so they could use the bathroom or get food without losing their place.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The site is the only one in the vast county that allows voters to register and cast a ballot on Election Day, a fact that some complained about on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanchez says he understands the frustration, and that same-day registration and voting is being expanded throughout the county and will be ready in March 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state — at least, judging by their \u003ca href=\"https://trends.google.com/trends/story/US_cu_6YymNGUBAAAqOM_en\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Google search activity over the last week\u003c/a> — voters have immigration and health care on their minds as they head to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://ssl.gstatic.com/trends_nrtr/1605_RC01/embed_loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n \u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">\n trends.embed.renderWidget(\"US_cu_6YymNGUBAAAqOM_en\", \"svg_map_33d37acd-dbae-47d9-acda-d3afc7265782\", {\"guestPath\":\"https://trends.google.com:443/trends/embed/\"});\n \u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED reporter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/JohnLGC\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">John Sepulvado\u003c/a> has been monitoring polling locations in Southern California, where some locations are seeing much longer lines than others.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/liveblogs/20181106-elections/sharecard/early-vote-signals-highest-turnout-in-a-74.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">early voting records were shattered\u003c/a> with 38 million people voting early, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.electproject.org/early_2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Elections Project\u003c/a> at the University of Florida, which tracks turnout. If early voting makes up a third of all the vote, that would amount to a turnout of 114 million people, or 48.5 percent. If those numbers hold, it would mark the highest midterm turnout rate since 1914.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ProPublica’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/electionland/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electionland project\u003c/a> is monitoring voting access in real-time, including a Google Trends election map:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"’800′\" height=\"’700′\" src=\"%E2%80%99https://electionlandtrends.appspot.com/ElectionDay2018?initialWidth=439&childId=election-trends-map&parentTitle=Electionland%20%E2%80%94%20ProPublica&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.propublica.org%2Felectionland%2F%E2%80%99\" frameborder=\"’0′\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Monica Samayoa, Marissa Shieh and Angela Corral contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post includes reporting from NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>We are working with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">ProPublica’s election land project\u003c/a> to help identify problems at polling places. If you have any, here’s how to to report them:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>SMS: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 81380 (standard text message rates apply)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>WhatsApp: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 1-850-909-8683\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Facebook Messenger: Go to m.me/electionland\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Got some last-minute questions before heading to the polls on Tuesday? Here are some of the key 411s you need to know before you go to vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Where do I vote?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nYou can look up your polling place \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.kqed.org\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>I still have questions about what propositions and races I am voting on?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nNo worries: Check out our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/1\">state proposition guide\u003c/a> or go to our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections\">election 2018 page\u003c/a> for full coverage on Bay Area propositions and races.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When do I vote?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nPolls open at 7 a.m. and close at 8 p.m. It’s the law that you’re \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/help-strengthen-our-democracy/poll-worker-info/poll-worker-training-standards/section-two/\">allowed to vote\u003c/a> if you’re in line at 8 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How long will it take to vote? \u003c/strong>California law gives people two hours of time off to vote if they don’t have enough time during non-work hours (the average amount of time Californians waited in line to vote was nearly seven minutes in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#state-CA\">MIT Election Data Science Lab).\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What if I forgot to mail my vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nYour ballot must be postmarked on or before Nov. 6. You can also drop it off at a polling place in your county or your county elections office on Election Day anytime before polls close.\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703737\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man checks in for early voting in the mid-term elections at a polling station in a public library in the Lake View Terrace neighborhood of Los Angeles, California on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>OK, well … what if I lost my vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nNo sweat. You can fill out a provisional ballot at your polling station. Your ballot will be counted once election officials confirm you are a registered voter and haven’t already voted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do I need to bring? \u003c/strong>Generally, you don’t need to show your ID when voting. But, if you’re a first-time voter that registered by mail and didn’t provide your driver license number, California identification number or the last four digits of your social security number on your registration form, there’s a chance they might ask for your \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/regulations/hava_id_regs_from_barclays_3_3_06.pdf\">ID\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\nAnd … If you need extra guidance while you vote, you are allowed to use your phone, bring notes or reference a voter guide (\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.kqed.org\">like this one\u003c/a>).\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703742\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters and mariachi performers march to a polling place to participate in early voting in California’s 25th Congressional district on November 4, 2018 in Lancaster, California. The march was part of the ‘March On The Polls’ nartionwide initiative which encourages community-based events to promote midterms voting. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Can I bring a friend … or my dog with me?\u003c/strong> Yes. Well, up to two people — as long as they are not your employer or your union. And canine friends, yes, you \u003cem>should\u003c/em> bring them.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What if I need my ballot in a language other than English? \u003c/strong>You can request a different ballot in person or fill out a \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/language/index.php\">form online\u003c/a> to receive translated materials in the future (fun fact: six new languages were added this year to the state’s language assistance requirements).\u003cbr>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703729\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703729\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-800x652.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-800x652.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-1020x831.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-1200x978.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An “I Voted” sticker in seen during early voting for the mid-term elections at a public library in the Lake View Terrace neighborhood of Los Angeles on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How do I check my voter status?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\">Looking up your status\u003c/a> online will also tell you your political party, ballot language preference and the status of your vote-by-mail or provisional ballot. If you think you’re registered, but your name isn’t on the list at your polling place, the law states they must still give you a provisional ballot.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>So … what if I didn’t register? \u003c/strong>Don’t fret just yet. You may still be able to vote. Eligible citizens can go to their county elections office to register as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/conditional-voter-reg/\">conditional voter\u003c/a> from Oct. 22 through Election Day.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>I’ve heard ballot selfies are now legit?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWant to show everyone on Instagram that you #voted? Good news, you can \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1494\">snap that selfie\u003c/a> of your ballot … just not someone else’s …\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>We are working with \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">ProPublica’s election land project\u003c/a> to help identify problems at polling places. If you have any, here’s how to to report them:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>SMS: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 81380 (standard text message rates apply)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>WhatsApp: Send the word VOTE, VOTA (for Spanish) or 投票 (for Chinese) to 1-850-909-8683\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Facebook Messenger: Go to m.me/electionland\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Got some last-minute questions before heading to the polls on Tuesday? Here are some of the key 411s you need to know before you go to vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Where do I vote?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nYou can look up your polling place \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.kqed.org\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>I still have questions about what propositions and races I am voting on?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nNo worries: Check out our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/1\">state proposition guide\u003c/a> or go to our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections\">election 2018 page\u003c/a> for full coverage on Bay Area propositions and races.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When do I vote?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nPolls open at 7 a.m. and close at 8 p.m. It’s the law that you’re \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/voting-california/help-strengthen-our-democracy/poll-worker-info/poll-worker-training-standards/section-two/\">allowed to vote\u003c/a> if you’re in line at 8 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How long will it take to vote? \u003c/strong>California law gives people two hours of time off to vote if they don’t have enough time during non-work hours (the average amount of time Californians waited in line to vote was nearly seven minutes in 2016, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#state-CA\">MIT Election Data Science Lab).\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What if I forgot to mail my vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nYour ballot must be postmarked on or before Nov. 6. You can also drop it off at a polling place in your county or your county elections office on Election Day anytime before polls close.\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703737\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/ballotdropoff-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man checks in for early voting in the mid-term elections at a polling station in a public library in the Lake View Terrace neighborhood of Los Angeles, California on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>OK, well … what if I lost my vote-by-mail ballot?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nNo sweat. You can fill out a provisional ballot at your polling station. Your ballot will be counted once election officials confirm you are a registered voter and haven’t already voted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What do I need to bring? \u003c/strong>Generally, you don’t need to show your ID when voting. But, if you’re a first-time voter that registered by mail and didn’t provide your driver license number, California identification number or the last four digits of your social security number on your registration form, there’s a chance they might ask for your \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/regulations/hava_id_regs_from_barclays_3_3_06.pdf\">ID\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\nAnd … If you need extra guidance while you vote, you are allowed to use your phone, bring notes or reference a voter guide (\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.kqed.org\">like this one\u003c/a>).\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703742\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703742\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/marchonpolls-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Voters and mariachi performers march to a polling place to participate in early voting in California’s 25th Congressional district on November 4, 2018 in Lancaster, California. The march was part of the ‘March On The Polls’ nartionwide initiative which encourages community-based events to promote midterms voting. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Can I bring a friend … or my dog with me?\u003c/strong> Yes. Well, up to two people — as long as they are not your employer or your union. And canine friends, yes, you \u003cem>should\u003c/em> bring them.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>What if I need my ballot in a language other than English? \u003c/strong>You can request a different ballot in person or fill out a \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/tools/language/index.php\">form online\u003c/a> to receive translated materials in the future (fun fact: six new languages were added this year to the state’s language assistance requirements).\u003cbr>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703729\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703729\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-800x652.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-800x652.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-1020x831.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut-1200x978.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/multilanguage_votingsticker-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An “I Voted” sticker in seen during early voting for the mid-term elections at a public library in the Lake View Terrace neighborhood of Los Angeles on Nov. 4, 2018. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>How do I check my voter status?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\">Looking up your status\u003c/a> online will also tell you your political party, ballot language preference and the status of your vote-by-mail or provisional ballot. If you think you’re registered, but your name isn’t on the list at your polling place, the law states they must still give you a provisional ballot.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>So … what if I didn’t register? \u003c/strong>Don’t fret just yet. You may still be able to vote. Eligible citizens can go to their county elections office to register as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/conditional-voter-reg/\">conditional voter\u003c/a> from Oct. 22 through Election Day.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>I’ve heard ballot selfies are now legit?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWant to show everyone on Instagram that you #voted? Good news, you can \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1494\">snap that selfie\u003c/a> of your ballot … just not someone else’s …\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Democratic Party no longer accepts donations from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-democratic-party-shuns-1479609915-htmlstory.html\">oil industry\u003c/a>, viewing that as politically unsavory for a party pushing to curb climate change. But that hasn’t stopped oil companies from spending millions to help California Democrats win on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of giving money to the party, oil companies are donating directly to Democratic candidates and pouring huge sums into outside groups that campaign for a mix of Democrats and Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petroleum industry has put $19.2 million into California politics in the 2017-18 election cycle, according to a CALmatters analysis of campaign finance data. Much of it is helping Republicans, including $2 million to the California Republican Party and a portion of the roughly $14 million the industry has put into independent committees supporting some politicians from both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the oil money helping California Democrats is significant. It includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>More than $853,000 in direct contributions to 47 Democrats running for Assembly and Senate—including powerful leaders of both houses of the Legislature—and to the campaigns of Democratic Attorney General Xavier Becerra and to Democratic candidate for lieutenant governor, state Sen. Ed Hernandez.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More than $2.8 million on an independent campaign to help Democrat Susan Rubio win a Los Angeles-area state Senate seat\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More than $343,000 on an independent campaign supporting the re-election of Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas of Bakersfield\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nearly $160,000 to a committee that campaigns for business-friendly Democrats\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Shaping the Type of Democrats\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition, oil companies and other business interests are pooling funds on campaigns supporting other Democrats running for the Legislature: Tasha Boerner-Horvath of Encinitas, Sabrina Cervantes of Riverside, James Ramos of San Bernardino, Bob Archuleta of Pico Rivera, Vanessa Delgado of Montebello, Freddie Rodriguez of Pomona and Sydney Kamlager of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Getting the party not to take the money is a step, but the end goal here is to remove their influence in Democratic politics.”\u003ccite>R.L. Miller, the California Democratic party’s environmental caucus chair\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of a broader push by business interests in recent years to shape the type of Democrats who hold power in the state Capitol. As the Republican Party has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/elephant-hunt-california-republicans-diminishing-species/\">diminished\u003c/a> in California and progressive activists nudge the Democratic Party leftward, big business has helped foster a cadre of more conservative Democrats in the\u003cbr>\nLegislature. This “mod squad” amounts to a bloc that can kill or water-down environmental legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have to make that argument anymore. It’s patently clear,” he said. “Now it’s a question of who is a mod and how much can (business) help?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For years I would have to convince the business community every election cycle that a moderate Democrat is good for them. Not as great as a Republican who would do everything they tell them to, but better than a liberal Democrat,” said David Townsend, a political consultant who runs a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">business-backed\u003c/a> political action committee that works to elect Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron, Valero and Phillips 66 are among the businesses working to elect Democrats through Townsend’s PAC and others like it. The companies are members of the Western States Petroleum Association, which doesn’t give political donations but lobbies in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re focused on bringing the conversation around energy back to the middle and away from the polarized extremes,” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd, president of the petroleum association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Environmentalists Speak Out\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But many environmentalists see this kind of centrism as anathema to Democratic party principles. The California Democratic Party’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cadem.org/our-california/platform/2018-platform-energy-and-environment\">platform\u003c/a> calls for a moratorium on fracking and a new tax on fossil fuel extraction—ideas that have failed in the Democratic-controlled Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our fear is that if oil companies are pouring money into candidates even before they’re elected, if they are elected, what will be their moral compass when there are issues with the refineries or natural gas power plants?” asked Diana Vazquez, a policy manager with the California Environmental Justice Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group \u003ca href=\"https://caleja.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/CEJA_scorecard_2018_final2.pdf\">ranks legislators\u003c/a> every year on their environmental records. One of the low-scoring Democrats this year is Rudy Salas, the Bakersfield assemblyman benefitting from big spending by the oil industry, a major employer in his oil-rich region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The environmental group gave an even lower score to Assemblywoman Blanca Rubio — the sister of Susan Rubio, who is running for state Senate with more than $2.8 million in support from petroleum. Environmentalists are supporting her Democratic opponent, Mike Eng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rubio’s spokesman touted her work on parks funding and other environmental issues as a Baldwin Park council member, and said her sister’s track record doesn’t indicate how she’ll vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said that despite campaign support from Big Oil, Democrats have passed environmental measures that oil companies opposed — including legislation to curb offshore drilling and expand renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does it influence individual members? I’m not sure,” Rendon said. “But as a body, I think we have a good record of standing up to oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/big-oil-pulls-california-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door/\">Big Oil’s influence\u003c/a> in the state Capitol is why the chair of the California Democratic Party’s environmental caucus pushed the party to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2016/11/22/1602341/-The-California-Democratic-Party-just-banned-Big-Oil-contributions-Who-s-next\">ban\u003c/a> oil company money at the end of 2016. The Democratic National Committee followed suit earlier this year but, facing blowback from labor unions that rely on oil industry jobs, quickly \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/5365422/democratic-party-fossil-fuel-contributions-labor/\">reversed course\u003c/a> and overturned the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>R.L. Miller, the party’s state environmental caucus chair, said she’s not surprised the petroleum industry has found other channels for spending on California Democrats this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always known that it would be a long road,” she said. “Getting the party not to take the money is a step, but the end goal here is to remove their influence in Democratic politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Democratic Party no longer accepts donations from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-democratic-party-shuns-1479609915-htmlstory.html\">oil industry\u003c/a>, viewing that as politically unsavory for a party pushing to curb climate change. But that hasn’t stopped oil companies from spending millions to help California Democrats win on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of giving money to the party, oil companies are donating directly to Democratic candidates and pouring huge sums into outside groups that campaign for a mix of Democrats and Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petroleum industry has put $19.2 million into California politics in the 2017-18 election cycle, according to a CALmatters analysis of campaign finance data. Much of it is helping Republicans, including $2 million to the California Republican Party and a portion of the roughly $14 million the industry has put into independent committees supporting some politicians from both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the oil money helping California Democrats is significant. It includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>More than $853,000 in direct contributions to 47 Democrats running for Assembly and Senate—including powerful leaders of both houses of the Legislature—and to the campaigns of Democratic Attorney General Xavier Becerra and to Democratic candidate for lieutenant governor, state Sen. Ed Hernandez.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More than $2.8 million on an independent campaign to help Democrat Susan Rubio win a Los Angeles-area state Senate seat\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>More than $343,000 on an independent campaign supporting the re-election of Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas of Bakersfield\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Nearly $160,000 to a committee that campaigns for business-friendly Democrats\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Shaping the Type of Democrats\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In addition, oil companies and other business interests are pooling funds on campaigns supporting other Democrats running for the Legislature: Tasha Boerner-Horvath of Encinitas, Sabrina Cervantes of Riverside, James Ramos of San Bernardino, Bob Archuleta of Pico Rivera, Vanessa Delgado of Montebello, Freddie Rodriguez of Pomona and Sydney Kamlager of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Getting the party not to take the money is a step, but the end goal here is to remove their influence in Democratic politics.”\u003ccite>R.L. Miller, the California Democratic party’s environmental caucus chair\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of a broader push by business interests in recent years to shape the type of Democrats who hold power in the state Capitol. As the Republican Party has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/elephant-hunt-california-republicans-diminishing-species/\">diminished\u003c/a> in California and progressive activists nudge the Democratic Party leftward, big business has helped foster a cadre of more conservative Democrats in the\u003cbr>\nLegislature. This “mod squad” amounts to a bloc that can kill or water-down environmental legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have to make that argument anymore. It’s patently clear,” he said. “Now it’s a question of who is a mod and how much can (business) help?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For years I would have to convince the business community every election cycle that a moderate Democrat is good for them. Not as great as a Republican who would do everything they tell them to, but better than a liberal Democrat,” said David Townsend, a political consultant who runs a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/rise-of-the-business-democrat/\">business-backed\u003c/a> political action committee that works to elect Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron, Valero and Phillips 66 are among the businesses working to elect Democrats through Townsend’s PAC and others like it. The companies are members of the Western States Petroleum Association, which doesn’t give political donations but lobbies in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re focused on bringing the conversation around energy back to the middle and away from the polarized extremes,” said Catherine Reheis-Boyd, president of the petroleum association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Environmentalists Speak Out\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But many environmentalists see this kind of centrism as anathema to Democratic party principles. The California Democratic Party’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cadem.org/our-california/platform/2018-platform-energy-and-environment\">platform\u003c/a> calls for a moratorium on fracking and a new tax on fossil fuel extraction—ideas that have failed in the Democratic-controlled Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our fear is that if oil companies are pouring money into candidates even before they’re elected, if they are elected, what will be their moral compass when there are issues with the refineries or natural gas power plants?” asked Diana Vazquez, a policy manager with the California Environmental Justice Alliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group \u003ca href=\"https://caleja.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/CEJA_scorecard_2018_final2.pdf\">ranks legislators\u003c/a> every year on their environmental records. One of the low-scoring Democrats this year is Rudy Salas, the Bakersfield assemblyman benefitting from big spending by the oil industry, a major employer in his oil-rich region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The environmental group gave an even lower score to Assemblywoman Blanca Rubio — the sister of Susan Rubio, who is running for state Senate with more than $2.8 million in support from petroleum. Environmentalists are supporting her Democratic opponent, Mike Eng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rubio’s spokesman touted her work on parks funding and other environmental issues as a Baldwin Park council member, and said her sister’s track record doesn’t indicate how she’ll vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said that despite campaign support from Big Oil, Democrats have passed environmental measures that oil companies opposed — including legislation to curb offshore drilling and expand renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Does it influence individual members? I’m not sure,” Rendon said. “But as a body, I think we have a good record of standing up to oil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/big-oil-pulls-california-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door/\">Big Oil’s influence\u003c/a> in the state Capitol is why the chair of the California Democratic Party’s environmental caucus pushed the party to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2016/11/22/1602341/-The-California-Democratic-Party-just-banned-Big-Oil-contributions-Who-s-next\">ban\u003c/a> oil company money at the end of 2016. The Democratic National Committee followed suit earlier this year but, facing blowback from labor unions that rely on oil industry jobs, quickly \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/5365422/democratic-party-fossil-fuel-contributions-labor/\">reversed course\u003c/a> and overturned the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>R.L. Miller, the party’s state environmental caucus chair, said she’s not surprised the petroleum industry has found other channels for spending on California Democrats this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always known that it would be a long road,” she said. “Getting the party not to take the money is a step, but the end goal here is to remove their influence in Democratic politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "tragic-immigrant-deaths-fuel-drive-to-flip-california-gop-congressional-district",
"title": "Tragic Immigrant Deaths Fuel Drive to 'Flip' California GOP Congressional District",
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"headTitle": "Tragic Immigrant Deaths Fuel Drive to ‘Flip’ California GOP Congressional District | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] small shrine with fresh marigolds and votive candles marks the spot where immigrants Marcelina and Santos Garcia \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659380/after-immigrant-couple-dies-fleeing-ice-farmworkers-describe-new-community-fears\">were killed on March 13.\u003c/a> The couple, of Mixtec Indian origin, had emigrated to California’s Central Valley from a rural region in Mexico where family values are strong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many other immigrants, they built a life in Delano, a city of 53,000 that’s about 140 miles north of Los Angeles. There, they worked in the world’s most productive farm industry, in its vast sea of grape vines, fruit trees and multi-seasonal crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early that March morning, as the Garcias drove through town, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents closed in on their SUV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempting to evade agents, the undocumented couple sped down a country road. The vehicle went out of control and crashed into a pole and rolled over, killing the Garcias, who never knew that ICE was looking for Santos’ brother, not for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703752\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-800x476.jpg\" alt=\"Mourning family bid goodbye to the immigrant couple who died fleeing ICE agents.\" width=\"800\" height=\"476\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2.jpg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mourning family bid goodbye to the immigrant couple who died fleeing ICE agents. \u003ccite>(The Bakersfield Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Garcias’ deaths left their six children, who are not all U.S. citizens, orphaned. And in Delano — where in 1965 the United Farm Workers first carved their place in history — anger and fear about what happened has added urgency and upped the stakes for the midterm election occurring tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been huge wake-up call for the Latino community,” said Yazmin Hernandez, 22, a graduate of Fresno State University who helps legal permanent-resident immigrants in Delano apply for citizenship. “As a child of farmworkers,” she said, “I really want to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But do others agree? Hernandez and a lot of young Latinos like her — many motivated, some less so — could be pivotal to what happens in this grape-growing region with a disappointing history of voter turnout. That history explains why get-out-the-vote campaigns hoping to energize thousands of voters have been sweeping through California’s Central Valley in recent weeks, as labor groups and immigrant rights activists aim to send a message to President Donald J. Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the eye of the storm: the district’s congressman, U.S. Rep. David Valadao, a Republican who has defied the odds by being elected three times in a district where Democrats hold a registration advantage and Hillary Clinton was victorious just two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Youth Get Involved\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There’s no escaping Delano’s dramatic past. Not far from the roadside shrine commemorating the Garcias, the United Farm Workers’ original adobe headquarters, “Forty Acres,” is now a national historic landmark — something few would have imagined in the late 1960s here in Kern County. A bronze plaque and other markers explain Delano’s place in a chapter of American history that still rankles some conservatives and divides people here even today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took a five-year strike and a national boycott campaign for the UFW to obtain its first union contract in 1970 benefiting Mexican-American and Mexican and Filipino immigrant grape laborers. As door-to-door voter turnout campaigns tick up to Election Day, Forty Acres is a reminder that change can take root slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703753\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703753\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-800x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-800x300.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-160x60.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1020x382.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1200x450.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1180x442.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-960x360.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-240x90.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-375x140.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-520x195.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3.jpg 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delano is home to Forty Acres, now a national historic landmark. It’s where Cesar Chavez and farmworkers established a headquarters in the late 1960s to fight for farm labor and civil rights. Chavez fasted in a room at Forty Acres, pictured at left, to demand rights for agricultural workers. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For frustrated Democrats, this is a crucial beachhead. Out of the 53 seats allotted to California in the House of Representatives, only 14 districts are held by Republicans in a state that’s been gradually turning deep blue for years now. Delano, 77 percent Latino, sits in one of the GOP pockets: the sprawling 21st Congressional District. The Almanac of American Politics says Valadao has won here against Democratic candidates “who have consistently under-performed initial expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stretching more than 150 miles northwest to southeast, the Valley district includes parts of Fresno, Kings, Tulare and Kern counties and a piece of the city of Bakersfield. The district is also home to a smattering of small cities, Naval Air Station Lemoore, a major fighter base, and mile after mile of crops and dairy farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interest in midterm elections is usually tepid compared to presidential races. But it’s the age of Trump, and California is a state where Latinos, mostly Mexican-American, are now the single largest demographic.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“As a child of farmworkers, I really want to vote.” \u003ccite>Yazmin Hernandez, 22 \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Against this backdrop, Democrats hope that more door-to-door contact with “low-propensity” voters and “ticket splitters” will channel that anti-Trump sentiment into victories in at least a few GOP-held districts. If that happens, GOP California could shrink more and contribute to “flipping” the Republican-held U.S. House of Representatives to Democrats. But Valadao has not been alone in bucking the tide; neighboring conservative districts are held by House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\"> rising conservative star Devin Nunes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats would dearly love to do better here. But even enthusiasts don’t expect turnout miracles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, Latinos are only 21 percent of those most likely to vote in elections generally, even though 34 percent of those eligible to vote in California are Latino, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But young people, especially, who are scared for their peers’ or their own undocumented parents, say there’s no choice but to hit the streets and persuade those eligible to cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We share a history as the children of immigrant parents. We don’t know if the next ICE pursuit will be for one our families,” said Bryan Osorio, 22, who grew up in Delano. He explained the personal stakes for so many here during a meeting at Delano’s sole Starbucks. The coffee shop wasn’t far from where workers, swaddled in scarfs to fend off dust, were gleaning the last of this area’s gargantuan crop of table grapes to ship back East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-520x347.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryan Osorio, 22, of Delano, talks to an 80-year-old Delano voter. Osorio is a University of California, Berkeley, graduate running for Delano City Council to address drinking water problems and defend immigrant families. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Garcias died, Delano police examined video and found that ICE agents had pursued the couple with lights flashing, contrary to what ICE agents told officers investigating circumstances of the chase. Police recommended Kern County prosecutors charge ICE agents for providing false information, but prosecutors disagreed that evidence supported that charge. Osorio and fellow students who were home on spring break marched with Delano high school students denouncing Trump’s aggressive deployment of ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osorio’s immigrant parents aren’t citizens and can’t vote, he said. But he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going back years, Republican politicians and agribusiness companies in California have acknowledged that they depend on immigrant workers, many of whom likely don’t have authentic work documents. As producers of more than half the fruits, vegetables and nuts in the country — and as the biggest dairy producers — California agribusiness interests lobbied Washington for years to legalize the labor force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That didn’t happen, and then Trump was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because he’d like a leadership role in vigorously challenging Trump policies, Osorio is now running for Delano City Council. He’s also vowing to address Delano’s poor water quality and stop water rate hikes burdening low-income families here. Armed with research to help him home in on infrequent voters, the recent University of California at Berkeley graduate has been knocking on doors on the West side of Delano, the Latino barrio back when Latinos were a minority and some white-owned establishments barred Mexicans from entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\">The Nation’s Most Expensive Congressional Race Is in the Central Valley\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1000649560-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Other college students are backing Osorio, and they split up homes chosen as targets. When he’s not campaigning, Osorio’s working as a fellow at the American Civil Liberties Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve gotten a lot of vulgar comments from older men,” Osorio said of reactions to his campaign. “They said, ‘When I was your age I was chasing girls and partying. But my respect to you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his canvassing rounds, Osorio secured a verbal pledge of support from an 80-year-old citizen relaxing in his rose garden. A younger man in dusty work clothes shook Osorio’s hand and assured him in a mix of Spanish and English that he’d already voted “all Democrats” and for Osorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe he did,” Osorio said, as his team discussed follow up visits. Not all voters appreciated the students’ visits. As one of Osorio’s friends approached a house, he was met with: “I don’t vote. Go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Split Ticket Voters\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s easy to see why it’s frustrating to Delano immigrant activists and Democrats that the 21st congressional district remains Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunbaked valley has some of the worst air pollution in the country and high rates of health problems like diabetes and asthma. Obamacare was a boon to many low-income residents here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district chose Democrat Hillary Clinton over Trump by more than 15 points in 2016, making it one of seven GOP-held Congressional districts where the Democrat prevailed. But even though Democrats in the 21st had an estimated 16-point registration advantage over Republicans, voters returned Valadao to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“We share a history as the children of immigrant parents. We don’t know if the next ICE pursuit will be for one our families.” \u003ccite>Bryan Osorio, 22 who grew up in Delano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Like the more nationally recognizable Nunes, Valadao, 41, comes from dairy-farming roots. A bank seized Valadao’s family farm in June due to $8 million in unpaid loans, a crisis Valadao said exemplifies the travails of farmers he serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mild-mannered man, he recently posed in Arizona with President Trump, along with Nunes and McCarthy of Bakersfield, who hopes to vault from GOP majority leader to Speaker of the House if the GOP retains control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The photo op on Oct. 19 was all about irrigation water — a massive issue here. It showcased Trump signing a memo accelerating biological reviews of water systems that Central Valley farmers — and workers — hope will divert more water from California rivers bearing endangered species. Trump’s move was met here with strong approval, and there was Valadao by his side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its tight bond with agribusiness, the valley is also one of California’s most culturally conservative regions. Evangelical churches are prominent, along with conservative talk radio in English and Spanish. Some local Latino activists suggest that Valadao has benefited at the polls because some voters think he is of Mexican heritage. In reality, Valadao is of Portuguese descent, as is Nunes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what gives Democrats hope for this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s lacerating rhetoric about Mexican immigrants has upset a lot of people, so even if they regard Valadao as moderate, Trump has further tarnished the Republican brand in California. About 62 percent of the 21st district’s residents who are eligible to register to vote are Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These immigrants risk their lives to work here,” said Mexican-American Erica Cruz, 48, a self-employed hairdresser whose husband used to be undocumented. “Latinos are getting picked on. This town thrives on Latinos…Trump is putting us in a terrible position and we’re scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s irksome to Cruz because it’s plain to her that the region’s agribusiness industry — America’s farm powerhouse — has benefited from people who shoulder all the risks that come with undocumented immigration. Workers have assumed the burden of paying smugglers thousands of dollars to get them over the border, so they can take back-breaking jobs they obtain by showing fake documents that employers have no obligation to authenticate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s common for there to be no bright line between documented and undocumented in towns like Delano because there are many “mixed status” families, with some members citizens, others legal residents and still others who are undocumented, “sin papales,” without papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703757\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703757\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant workers are the backbone of agribusiness in California’s 21st Congressional District and other GOP-held districts in the Central Valley. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Valadao, whose campaign did not respond to interview requests, has succeeded in part because he’s sensitive to the composition of his district, and he’s tried to walk a difficult line on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his Spanish-language website, he calls himself as an “hijo de inmigrantes,” a son of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s website also says he supports a path to legal status for undocumented people: “This will allow millions of immigrants to come out of the shadows…and raise their families without the constant fear of deportation.” But none of Valadao’s positions have gone anywhere under GOP leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on immigration, Valadao has pointed out that he signed a petition this year designed to force GOP House leaders to allow lawmakers to vote on a series of complex immigration proposals, among them a path to legal status for Dreamers, undocumented people brought to the United States as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petition failed to lead to any reforms passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, voters seemed either unaware of the byzantine petition process or dismissed it as window dressing to aid GOP legislators looking for Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TJ Cox, Valadao’s Democratic rival, told Valadao during a recent debate: “The fact is your party has control of every branch of government … and you can’t pass … an immigration bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox, 55, is a Fresno engineer and businessman who’s developed dams — he can talk water — and who’s also founded two nut-processing businesses and a series of health centers in lower-income areas. He’s part Chinese and Filipino, which he’s highlighted in this multicultural region.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703637/immigrant-candidates-versus-trump-anti-immigrant-rhetoric\">Immigrant Candidates Versus Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703637/immigrant-candidates-versus-trump-anti-immigrant-rhetoric\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/valencia_crowd-qut-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But Valadao has attacked Cox for living a few miles outside the 21st district — which is allowed — and for what Cox says was an “honest mistake” in claiming his Fresno home and an East Coast home as his primary address while his wife was studying in Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential Cook Political Report predicts a win for Valadao. It’s moved the 21st district race to “likely Republican,” rather than the more equivocal “lean” or “toss up” designations given to some of California’s other contested districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox’s campaign, though, sees hope in fresh numbers pollsters might not be capturing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January 2017, campaign workers point out, more than 30,000 additional people have registered to vote in the 21st district, more than 20,000 of them Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos know there’s some guy there in the administration that has no respect for them,” Cox told the Center for Public Integrity after his wife, Kathleen Murphy, a pediatric intensive care physician, passed her cell phone over for a chat. On a recent weekend, she was in a Delano park with supporters who fanned out through town as part of a Democratic “blue wave” door-to-door strategy to try to coax voters to come out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joining Murphy was Cruz, the Delano hairdresser, who said that rather than just casting a ballot this year, she felt compelled to hold home meetings and to canvass along with other bilingual volunteers. She’s hoping Republican hostility to the Affordable Care Act — and Valadao’s votes to oppose and then repeal it — will also animate voters to choose Cox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she conceded, many people aren’t aware of Valadao’s votes and she’s left explaining them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must fight back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Lopez, 36, a medical technician, is just the type of voter Cruz wants to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Starbucks, where she was scrolling through her phone, Lopez said that she had voted for Hillary Clinton. She has health insurance through her job. What’s weighing on her mind these days is college affordability, which has stymied her son’s plans for a four-year college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She does care about immigration to the extent that she doesn’t want to see families “torn apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like people deported for no good reason,” she said. Farms have been losing workers because of ICE enforcement and they need workers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for Trump, she said with a shake of her head, “I’ve never seen a president who talks so badly about people.” Will she vote? She thinks so but wasn’t certain. She didn’t seem that excited about the kinds of races on the ballot this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political scientist Mark Martinez at California State University at Bakersfield, also in Kern County, said he thinks if TJ Cox were running in a presidential election year, his odds of defeating Valadao would be far greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Latinos know there’s some guy there in the administration that has no respect for them.” — TJ Cox, David Valadao’s Democratic rival\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A longtime observer of elections here, Martinez said it’s “Poli Sci 101” why more Central Valley voters don’t come out more at midterms: Just as in other parts of the country, he said, the least advantaged people are the least likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">to believe their vote matters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have some of the poorest congressional districts,” he said. Valadao, he added, doesn’t make “any stupid mistakes” in regard to the hot-button issue of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sowing Voter Seeds\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another Delano resident, Valerie Gorospe, 40, is a community organizer at Delano’s Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment. She collaborated with a bipartisan voter-registration education campaign this past year called Central Valley Freedom Summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign sent college students from the University of California’s Santa Cruz and Merced campuses back to their Valley hometowns to talk to kids about voting, and register 18-year-olds along with kids 16 and older, who can pre-register in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorospe grew up in an Earlimart, right across from a giant vineyard in the 21st Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorospe said she can’t understand how agribusiness can continue to vote for politicians who support Trump, who’s portrayed undocumented people as criminals and has pushed for blanket deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like cutting your arms off,” Gorospe said of Trump-supporting politicians whose districts have so eagerly used immigrant laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703758\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703758\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valerie Gorospe, 40, a Delano community organizer, said more young voters are connecting federal policy under Trump with their families’ lives. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Kern County Farm Bureau didn’t respond to a request to talk about Trump, ICE enforcement and the election. The group’s Facebook page has multiple posts about labor shortage concerns and educational sessions on how to respond to audits of employment records ICE carries out to identify potential undocumented employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local chambers of commerce and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce have endorsed Valadao, because of his connections to “ag, energy and water,” as a press release said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Golespe said she thinks Trump and GOP positions on immigration are going to bring more younger voters to the polls next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never seen curiosity about voting in this age group like I’ve seen this year,” she said. “They’ve really connected federal policies with what’s happening here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are trying to share that optimism. Veronica Terriquez, who is a UC Santa Cruz associate professor of sociology, organized the Freedom Summer project. Research, she said, shows that kids are often “socialized” to vote and learn about candidates and issues within their family. The project is trying to address the absence of that socialization in Central Valley homes because so many kids’ parents aren’t citizens and either can’t vote or vote infrequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools, too, Terriquez said, don’t devote a lot of time encouraging voting. She said some Central Valley school administrators, worried about controversy, were initially hesitant to allow returning college students to talk with younger kids and conduct registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the high school students asked if there were concerns if she, a citizen, registered, and her parents were undocumented,” Terriquez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">Why Is It So Hard to Engage Latino Voters? They’re Young – and Historically Neglected\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/MenaCanvassing-1180x752.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>During the 2014 midterms, turnout among all Californians eligible to vote was a record low of about 31 percent. But for eligible 18- to 24-year-olds, turnout was even worse at about 8 percent. Turnout for the young demographic in the Central Valley was even lower at less than 7 percent, according to research by the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California’s Sacramento office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project, said that beyond registration, cultivating turnout “takes deep, multiple contacts,” along with strategies that include “peer to peer” outreach and time spent in communities off the election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what one nonpartisan group, Faith in the Valley, has been trying to do in five counties, including Kern, where Delano is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re shooting to speak to between 12,000 and 15,000 voters,” said Carmen Medrano, a regional organizer for the Valley group. “We’re not from a political party, we say. We’re here about issues, like affordable housing, fair rents, making sure immigrant families are protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Farm Workers are also active in the district, though they’re focused more on a state Assembly race. On their rounds, canvassers explain the union’s slate choices, which include Valadao’s opponent, TJ Cox. UFW member Nancy Oropeza, who’s working on the effort, said that canvassers have also left potted flowers with voters to remind them — when you water the flower, think about voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“I don’t like people deported for no good reason.” — Veronica Lopez, 36, a medical technician\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The UFW assignment was to reach a universe in multiple towns of 16,000, face-to-face, who are Latino and infrequent voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing we’ve been hearing from people we contact is: Trump, Trump. He attacks us,” Oropeza said. “Once they say, yes, they want to vote, you go back to ensure they’ve received their ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over at Delano’s Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, another influential institution in town — which has collaborated with the UFW to aid the orphaned Garcia children — Father Miguel Campos said the church doesn’t favor candidates in elections. But the church does believe that elections matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tell people,” he said, “that it’s a civic and Christian duty to vote.” Tomorrow he’ll find out whether they’re listening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was published in partnership with HuffPost.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Tragic Immigrant Deaths Fuel Drive to 'Flip' California GOP Congressional District | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> small shrine with fresh marigolds and votive candles marks the spot where immigrants Marcelina and Santos Garcia \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11659380/after-immigrant-couple-dies-fleeing-ice-farmworkers-describe-new-community-fears\">were killed on March 13.\u003c/a> The couple, of Mixtec Indian origin, had emigrated to California’s Central Valley from a rural region in Mexico where family values are strong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many other immigrants, they built a life in Delano, a city of 53,000 that’s about 140 miles north of Los Angeles. There, they worked in the world’s most productive farm industry, in its vast sea of grape vines, fruit trees and multi-seasonal crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early that March morning, as the Garcias drove through town, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents closed in on their SUV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempting to evade agents, the undocumented couple sped down a country road. The vehicle went out of control and crashed into a pole and rolled over, killing the Garcias, who never knew that ICE was looking for Santos’ brother, not for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703752\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-800x476.jpg\" alt=\"Mourning family bid goodbye to the immigrant couple who died fleeing ICE agents.\" width=\"800\" height=\"476\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump2.jpg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mourning family bid goodbye to the immigrant couple who died fleeing ICE agents. \u003ccite>(The Bakersfield Californian)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Garcias’ deaths left their six children, who are not all U.S. citizens, orphaned. And in Delano — where in 1965 the United Farm Workers first carved their place in history — anger and fear about what happened has added urgency and upped the stakes for the midterm election occurring tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been huge wake-up call for the Latino community,” said Yazmin Hernandez, 22, a graduate of Fresno State University who helps legal permanent-resident immigrants in Delano apply for citizenship. “As a child of farmworkers,” she said, “I really want to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But do others agree? Hernandez and a lot of young Latinos like her — many motivated, some less so — could be pivotal to what happens in this grape-growing region with a disappointing history of voter turnout. That history explains why get-out-the-vote campaigns hoping to energize thousands of voters have been sweeping through California’s Central Valley in recent weeks, as labor groups and immigrant rights activists aim to send a message to President Donald J. Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the eye of the storm: the district’s congressman, U.S. Rep. David Valadao, a Republican who has defied the odds by being elected three times in a district where Democrats hold a registration advantage and Hillary Clinton was victorious just two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Youth Get Involved\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There’s no escaping Delano’s dramatic past. Not far from the roadside shrine commemorating the Garcias, the United Farm Workers’ original adobe headquarters, “Forty Acres,” is now a national historic landmark — something few would have imagined in the late 1960s here in Kern County. A bronze plaque and other markers explain Delano’s place in a chapter of American history that still rankles some conservatives and divides people here even today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took a five-year strike and a national boycott campaign for the UFW to obtain its first union contract in 1970 benefiting Mexican-American and Mexican and Filipino immigrant grape laborers. As door-to-door voter turnout campaigns tick up to Election Day, Forty Acres is a reminder that change can take root slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703753\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703753\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-800x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-800x300.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-160x60.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1020x382.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1200x450.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-1180x442.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-960x360.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-240x90.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-375x140.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3-520x195.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump3.jpg 1260w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delano is home to Forty Acres, now a national historic landmark. It’s where Cesar Chavez and farmworkers established a headquarters in the late 1960s to fight for farm labor and civil rights. Chavez fasted in a room at Forty Acres, pictured at left, to demand rights for agricultural workers. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For frustrated Democrats, this is a crucial beachhead. Out of the 53 seats allotted to California in the House of Representatives, only 14 districts are held by Republicans in a state that’s been gradually turning deep blue for years now. Delano, 77 percent Latino, sits in one of the GOP pockets: the sprawling 21st Congressional District. The Almanac of American Politics says Valadao has won here against Democratic candidates “who have consistently under-performed initial expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stretching more than 150 miles northwest to southeast, the Valley district includes parts of Fresno, Kings, Tulare and Kern counties and a piece of the city of Bakersfield. The district is also home to a smattering of small cities, Naval Air Station Lemoore, a major fighter base, and mile after mile of crops and dairy farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interest in midterm elections is usually tepid compared to presidential races. But it’s the age of Trump, and California is a state where Latinos, mostly Mexican-American, are now the single largest demographic.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“As a child of farmworkers, I really want to vote.” \u003ccite>Yazmin Hernandez, 22 \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Against this backdrop, Democrats hope that more door-to-door contact with “low-propensity” voters and “ticket splitters” will channel that anti-Trump sentiment into victories in at least a few GOP-held districts. If that happens, GOP California could shrink more and contribute to “flipping” the Republican-held U.S. House of Representatives to Democrats. But Valadao has not been alone in bucking the tide; neighboring conservative districts are held by House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\"> rising conservative star Devin Nunes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats would dearly love to do better here. But even enthusiasts don’t expect turnout miracles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, Latinos are only 21 percent of those most likely to vote in elections generally, even though 34 percent of those eligible to vote in California are Latino, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But young people, especially, who are scared for their peers’ or their own undocumented parents, say there’s no choice but to hit the streets and persuade those eligible to cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We share a history as the children of immigrant parents. We don’t know if the next ICE pursuit will be for one our families,” said Bryan Osorio, 22, who grew up in Delano. He explained the personal stakes for so many here during a meeting at Delano’s sole Starbucks. The coffee shop wasn’t far from where workers, swaddled in scarfs to fend off dust, were gleaning the last of this area’s gargantuan crop of table grapes to ship back East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4-520x347.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump4.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bryan Osorio, 22, of Delano, talks to an 80-year-old Delano voter. Osorio is a University of California, Berkeley, graduate running for Delano City Council to address drinking water problems and defend immigrant families. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the Garcias died, Delano police examined video and found that ICE agents had pursued the couple with lights flashing, contrary to what ICE agents told officers investigating circumstances of the chase. Police recommended Kern County prosecutors charge ICE agents for providing false information, but prosecutors disagreed that evidence supported that charge. Osorio and fellow students who were home on spring break marched with Delano high school students denouncing Trump’s aggressive deployment of ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Osorio’s immigrant parents aren’t citizens and can’t vote, he said. But he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going back years, Republican politicians and agribusiness companies in California have acknowledged that they depend on immigrant workers, many of whom likely don’t have authentic work documents. As producers of more than half the fruits, vegetables and nuts in the country — and as the biggest dairy producers — California agribusiness interests lobbied Washington for years to legalize the labor force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That didn’t happen, and then Trump was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because he’d like a leadership role in vigorously challenging Trump policies, Osorio is now running for Delano City Council. He’s also vowing to address Delano’s poor water quality and stop water rate hikes burdening low-income families here. Armed with research to help him home in on infrequent voters, the recent University of California at Berkeley graduate has been knocking on doors on the West side of Delano, the Latino barrio back when Latinos were a minority and some white-owned establishments barred Mexicans from entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\">The Nation’s Most Expensive Congressional Race Is in the Central Valley\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702053/the-nations-most-expensive-congressional-race-is-in-the-central-valley\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/GettyImages-1000649560-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Other college students are backing Osorio, and they split up homes chosen as targets. When he’s not campaigning, Osorio’s working as a fellow at the American Civil Liberties Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve gotten a lot of vulgar comments from older men,” Osorio said of reactions to his campaign. “They said, ‘When I was your age I was chasing girls and partying. But my respect to you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his canvassing rounds, Osorio secured a verbal pledge of support from an 80-year-old citizen relaxing in his rose garden. A younger man in dusty work clothes shook Osorio’s hand and assured him in a mix of Spanish and English that he’d already voted “all Democrats” and for Osorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe he did,” Osorio said, as his team discussed follow up visits. Not all voters appreciated the students’ visits. As one of Osorio’s friends approached a house, he was met with: “I don’t vote. Go away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Split Ticket Voters\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s easy to see why it’s frustrating to Delano immigrant activists and Democrats that the 21st congressional district remains Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sunbaked valley has some of the worst air pollution in the country and high rates of health problems like diabetes and asthma. Obamacare was a boon to many low-income residents here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district chose Democrat Hillary Clinton over Trump by more than 15 points in 2016, making it one of seven GOP-held Congressional districts where the Democrat prevailed. But even though Democrats in the 21st had an estimated 16-point registration advantage over Republicans, voters returned Valadao to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“We share a history as the children of immigrant parents. We don’t know if the next ICE pursuit will be for one our families.” \u003ccite>Bryan Osorio, 22 who grew up in Delano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Like the more nationally recognizable Nunes, Valadao, 41, comes from dairy-farming roots. A bank seized Valadao’s family farm in June due to $8 million in unpaid loans, a crisis Valadao said exemplifies the travails of farmers he serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A mild-mannered man, he recently posed in Arizona with President Trump, along with Nunes and McCarthy of Bakersfield, who hopes to vault from GOP majority leader to Speaker of the House if the GOP retains control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The photo op on Oct. 19 was all about irrigation water — a massive issue here. It showcased Trump signing a memo accelerating biological reviews of water systems that Central Valley farmers — and workers — hope will divert more water from California rivers bearing endangered species. Trump’s move was met here with strong approval, and there was Valadao by his side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its tight bond with agribusiness, the valley is also one of California’s most culturally conservative regions. Evangelical churches are prominent, along with conservative talk radio in English and Spanish. Some local Latino activists suggest that Valadao has benefited at the polls because some voters think he is of Mexican heritage. In reality, Valadao is of Portuguese descent, as is Nunes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what gives Democrats hope for this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president’s lacerating rhetoric about Mexican immigrants has upset a lot of people, so even if they regard Valadao as moderate, Trump has further tarnished the Republican brand in California. About 62 percent of the 21st district’s residents who are eligible to register to vote are Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These immigrants risk their lives to work here,” said Mexican-American Erica Cruz, 48, a self-employed hairdresser whose husband used to be undocumented. “Latinos are getting picked on. This town thrives on Latinos…Trump is putting us in a terrible position and we’re scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s irksome to Cruz because it’s plain to her that the region’s agribusiness industry — America’s farm powerhouse — has benefited from people who shoulder all the risks that come with undocumented immigration. Workers have assumed the burden of paying smugglers thousands of dollars to get them over the border, so they can take back-breaking jobs they obtain by showing fake documents that employers have no obligation to authenticate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, it’s common for there to be no bright line between documented and undocumented in towns like Delano because there are many “mixed status” families, with some members citizens, others legal residents and still others who are undocumented, “sin papales,” without papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703757\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703757\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump5.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant workers are the backbone of agribusiness in California’s 21st Congressional District and other GOP-held districts in the Central Valley. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Valadao, whose campaign did not respond to interview requests, has succeeded in part because he’s sensitive to the composition of his district, and he’s tried to walk a difficult line on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his Spanish-language website, he calls himself as an “hijo de inmigrantes,” a son of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s website also says he supports a path to legal status for undocumented people: “This will allow millions of immigrants to come out of the shadows…and raise their families without the constant fear of deportation.” But none of Valadao’s positions have gone anywhere under GOP leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on immigration, Valadao has pointed out that he signed a petition this year designed to force GOP House leaders to allow lawmakers to vote on a series of complex immigration proposals, among them a path to legal status for Dreamers, undocumented people brought to the United States as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The petition failed to lead to any reforms passing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Delano, voters seemed either unaware of the byzantine petition process or dismissed it as window dressing to aid GOP legislators looking for Latino votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TJ Cox, Valadao’s Democratic rival, told Valadao during a recent debate: “The fact is your party has control of every branch of government … and you can’t pass … an immigration bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox, 55, is a Fresno engineer and businessman who’s developed dams — he can talk water — and who’s also founded two nut-processing businesses and a series of health centers in lower-income areas. He’s part Chinese and Filipino, which he’s highlighted in this multicultural region.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703637/immigrant-candidates-versus-trump-anti-immigrant-rhetoric\">Immigrant Candidates Versus Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11703637/immigrant-candidates-versus-trump-anti-immigrant-rhetoric\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/valencia_crowd-qut-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But Valadao has attacked Cox for living a few miles outside the 21st district — which is allowed — and for what Cox says was an “honest mistake” in claiming his Fresno home and an East Coast home as his primary address while his wife was studying in Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential Cook Political Report predicts a win for Valadao. It’s moved the 21st district race to “likely Republican,” rather than the more equivocal “lean” or “toss up” designations given to some of California’s other contested districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox’s campaign, though, sees hope in fresh numbers pollsters might not be capturing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January 2017, campaign workers point out, more than 30,000 additional people have registered to vote in the 21st district, more than 20,000 of them Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos know there’s some guy there in the administration that has no respect for them,” Cox told the Center for Public Integrity after his wife, Kathleen Murphy, a pediatric intensive care physician, passed her cell phone over for a chat. On a recent weekend, she was in a Delano park with supporters who fanned out through town as part of a Democratic “blue wave” door-to-door strategy to try to coax voters to come out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joining Murphy was Cruz, the Delano hairdresser, who said that rather than just casting a ballot this year, she felt compelled to hold home meetings and to canvass along with other bilingual volunteers. She’s hoping Republican hostility to the Affordable Care Act — and Valadao’s votes to oppose and then repeal it — will also animate voters to choose Cox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she conceded, many people aren’t aware of Valadao’s votes and she’s left explaining them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must fight back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Veronica Lopez, 36, a medical technician, is just the type of voter Cruz wants to reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview at Starbucks, where she was scrolling through her phone, Lopez said that she had voted for Hillary Clinton. She has health insurance through her job. What’s weighing on her mind these days is college affordability, which has stymied her son’s plans for a four-year college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She does care about immigration to the extent that she doesn’t want to see families “torn apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like people deported for no good reason,” she said. Farms have been losing workers because of ICE enforcement and they need workers, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as for Trump, she said with a shake of her head, “I’ve never seen a president who talks so badly about people.” Will she vote? She thinks so but wasn’t certain. She didn’t seem that excited about the kinds of races on the ballot this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political scientist Mark Martinez at California State University at Bakersfield, also in Kern County, said he thinks if TJ Cox were running in a presidential election year, his odds of defeating Valadao would be far greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Latinos know there’s some guy there in the administration that has no respect for them.” — TJ Cox, David Valadao’s Democratic rival\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A longtime observer of elections here, Martinez said it’s “Poli Sci 101” why more Central Valley voters don’t come out more at midterms: Just as in other parts of the country, he said, the least advantaged people are the least likely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">to believe their vote matters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have some of the poorest congressional districts,” he said. Valadao, he added, doesn’t make “any stupid mistakes” in regard to the hot-button issue of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Sowing Voter Seeds\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another Delano resident, Valerie Gorospe, 40, is a community organizer at Delano’s Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment. She collaborated with a bipartisan voter-registration education campaign this past year called Central Valley Freedom Summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign sent college students from the University of California’s Santa Cruz and Merced campuses back to their Valley hometowns to talk to kids about voting, and register 18-year-olds along with kids 16 and older, who can pre-register in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorospe grew up in an Earlimart, right across from a giant vineyard in the 21st Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorospe said she can’t understand how agribusiness can continue to vote for politicians who support Trump, who’s portrayed undocumented people as criminals and has pushed for blanket deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like cutting your arms off,” Gorospe said of Trump-supporting politicians whose districts have so eagerly used immigrant laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703758\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703758\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-800x534.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/trump6.jpeg 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valerie Gorospe, 40, a Delano community organizer, said more young voters are connecting federal policy under Trump with their families’ lives. (Susan Ferriss / Center for Public Integrity).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Kern County Farm Bureau didn’t respond to a request to talk about Trump, ICE enforcement and the election. The group’s Facebook page has multiple posts about labor shortage concerns and educational sessions on how to respond to audits of employment records ICE carries out to identify potential undocumented employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local chambers of commerce and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce have endorsed Valadao, because of his connections to “ag, energy and water,” as a press release said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Golespe said she thinks Trump and GOP positions on immigration are going to bring more younger voters to the polls next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never seen curiosity about voting in this age group like I’ve seen this year,” she said. “They’ve really connected federal policies with what’s happening here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are trying to share that optimism. Veronica Terriquez, who is a UC Santa Cruz associate professor of sociology, organized the Freedom Summer project. Research, she said, shows that kids are often “socialized” to vote and learn about candidates and issues within their family. The project is trying to address the absence of that socialization in Central Valley homes because so many kids’ parents aren’t citizens and either can’t vote or vote infrequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools, too, Terriquez said, don’t devote a lot of time encouraging voting. She said some Central Valley school administrators, worried about controversy, were initially hesitant to allow returning college students to talk with younger kids and conduct registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the high school students asked if there were concerns if she, a citizen, registered, and her parents were undocumented,” Terriquez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">Why Is It So Hard to Engage Latino Voters? They’re Young – and Historically Neglected\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11697624/why-is-it-so-hard-to-engage-latino-voters-theyre-young-and-historically-neglected\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/MenaCanvassing-1180x752.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>During the 2014 midterms, turnout among all Californians eligible to vote was a record low of about 31 percent. But for eligible 18- to 24-year-olds, turnout was even worse at about 8 percent. Turnout for the young demographic in the Central Valley was even lower at less than 7 percent, according to research by the California Civic Engagement Project at the University of Southern California’s Sacramento office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mindy Romero, director of the California Civic Engagement Project, said that beyond registration, cultivating turnout “takes deep, multiple contacts,” along with strategies that include “peer to peer” outreach and time spent in communities off the election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what one nonpartisan group, Faith in the Valley, has been trying to do in five counties, including Kern, where Delano is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re shooting to speak to between 12,000 and 15,000 voters,” said Carmen Medrano, a regional organizer for the Valley group. “We’re not from a political party, we say. We’re here about issues, like affordable housing, fair rents, making sure immigrant families are protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Farm Workers are also active in the district, though they’re focused more on a state Assembly race. On their rounds, canvassers explain the union’s slate choices, which include Valadao’s opponent, TJ Cox. UFW member Nancy Oropeza, who’s working on the effort, said that canvassers have also left potted flowers with voters to remind them — when you water the flower, think about voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“I don’t like people deported for no good reason.” — Veronica Lopez, 36, a medical technician\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The UFW assignment was to reach a universe in multiple towns of 16,000, face-to-face, who are Latino and infrequent voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing we’ve been hearing from people we contact is: Trump, Trump. He attacks us,” Oropeza said. “Once they say, yes, they want to vote, you go back to ensure they’ve received their ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over at Delano’s Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, another influential institution in town — which has collaborated with the UFW to aid the orphaned Garcia children — Father Miguel Campos said the church doesn’t favor candidates in elections. But the church does believe that elections matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tell people,” he said, “that it’s a civic and Christian duty to vote.” Tomorrow he’ll find out whether they’re listening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was published in partnership with HuffPost.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-e-seeks-to-restore-s-f-s-arts-and-culture-funding-clout",
"title": "Proposition E Seeks to Restore S.F.'s Arts and Culture Funding Clout",
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"content": "\u003cp>A measure on the November ballot aims to restore San Francisco’s dwindling reputation as a powerhouse arts and culture funder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Voting/2018/N18_VIP_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition E\u003c/a> seeks to dedicate 1.5 percent of the base hotel tax — a 14 percent tax levied on hotel stays in the city — to support arts and culture programs. The city estimates this could add more than $15 million in funding over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684107/sf-board-of-supervisors-votes-to-put-hotel-tax-arts-measure-on-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unanimously voted\u003c/a> to put Proposition E on the ballot earlier this year. Proposition E even attracted the support of supervisors who normally disapprove of budget set asides, like Aaron Peskin and Katy Tang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got involved with Proposition E because I believe that our city needs to invest more in arts and cultural services,” said Tang. “And I wanted to figure out how we could achieve this goal without impacting our city’s existing services, and doing it in a fiscally responsible way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes on Nov. 6 with the necessary two-thirds majority, Proposition E would restore an allocation that was originally created in 1961 to support the city’s cultural industries. The move turned San Francisco into an arts and culture funding trailblazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was invited to France to tell the French Ministry of Culture how we did this in San Francisco,” said Kary Schulman, the longtime director of \u003ca href=\"http://sfgfta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grants for the Arts\u003c/a>, the main city body that distributes hotel tax funds to cultural groups. “It was a widely admired national model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the city reduced the allocations for the arts owing to financial issues, reducing funding gradually and ultimately repealing specific allocations altogether in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That investment being stopped, combined with displacement and the cost of living here, has really caused our arts community to be hanging on with their fingernails,” Schulman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s creative community has been fighting to bring that pot of dedicated funding back for the past few years — so far without much success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, arts organizations teamed up with homeless service organizations on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11622460/sf-arts-and-homeless-organizations-join-forces-to-secure-more-city-funding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition S\u003c/a>, a joint bid to secure monies from the hotel tax to benefit cultural organizations and families living on the streets. But the measure didn’t pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monies from the fund will be used in a variety of ways, from supplying grants to keep arts organizations going, to providing funding for the first time to the city’s “cultural districts” — like the Japantown Cultural Heritage District and the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in SOMA. The districts have largely been symbolic designations until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/IMG-1651-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702741\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Proposition E is going to support some of the things that give our neighborhoods in the city unique characteristics,” said Valerie Weak, a local actor and volunteer canvasser for the Yes on Prop E campaign. “It will keep things from turning into entirely homogeneous places, where every neighborhood looks just like the other neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weak also says Proposition E will provide funding for arts education, as well as grants to individual artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to create more opportunities for artists to get paid for their work,” Weak said. “It’s important for artists to get paid a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to galvanizing broad support from cultural organizations of all types and sizes across the city, the Proposition E campaign has been getting support at the highest levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed turned out to help with phone banking during the final week of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local arts luminaries like \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsymphony.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Symphony\u003c/a> music director Michael Tilson Thomas have made videos urging people to vote yes on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting voter approval still won’t be easy. Although the measure doesn’t raise taxes, critics say it could divert funding away from other services, like public transit and education, which might increase taxes down the line.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A measure on the November ballot aims to restore San Francisco’s dwindling reputation as a powerhouse arts and culture funder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Voting/2018/N18_VIP_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition E\u003c/a> seeks to dedicate 1.5 percent of the base hotel tax — a 14 percent tax levied on hotel stays in the city — to support arts and culture programs. The city estimates this could add more than $15 million in funding over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684107/sf-board-of-supervisors-votes-to-put-hotel-tax-arts-measure-on-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unanimously voted\u003c/a> to put Proposition E on the ballot earlier this year. Proposition E even attracted the support of supervisors who normally disapprove of budget set asides, like Aaron Peskin and Katy Tang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got involved with Proposition E because I believe that our city needs to invest more in arts and cultural services,” said Tang. “And I wanted to figure out how we could achieve this goal without impacting our city’s existing services, and doing it in a fiscally responsible way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes on Nov. 6 with the necessary two-thirds majority, Proposition E would restore an allocation that was originally created in 1961 to support the city’s cultural industries. The move turned San Francisco into an arts and culture funding trailblazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was invited to France to tell the French Ministry of Culture how we did this in San Francisco,” said Kary Schulman, the longtime director of \u003ca href=\"http://sfgfta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Grants for the Arts\u003c/a>, the main city body that distributes hotel tax funds to cultural groups. “It was a widely admired national model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, the city reduced the allocations for the arts owing to financial issues, reducing funding gradually and ultimately repealing specific allocations altogether in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That investment being stopped, combined with displacement and the cost of living here, has really caused our arts community to be hanging on with their fingernails,” Schulman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s creative community has been fighting to bring that pot of dedicated funding back for the past few years — so far without much success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, arts organizations teamed up with homeless service organizations on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11622460/sf-arts-and-homeless-organizations-join-forces-to-secure-more-city-funding\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition S\u003c/a>, a joint bid to secure monies from the hotel tax to benefit cultural organizations and families living on the streets. But the measure didn’t pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monies from the fund will be used in a variety of ways, from supplying grants to keep arts organizations going, to providing funding for the first time to the city’s “cultural districts” — like the Japantown Cultural Heritage District and the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in SOMA. The districts have largely been symbolic designations until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/IMG-1651-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702741\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yes on E campaign volunteer Valerie Weak works the phones in the run-up to the Nov. 6 election. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Proposition E is going to support some of the things that give our neighborhoods in the city unique characteristics,” said Valerie Weak, a local actor and volunteer canvasser for the Yes on Prop E campaign. “It will keep things from turning into entirely homogeneous places, where every neighborhood looks just like the other neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weak also says Proposition E will provide funding for arts education, as well as grants to individual artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to create more opportunities for artists to get paid for their work,” Weak said. “It’s important for artists to get paid a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to galvanizing broad support from cultural organizations of all types and sizes across the city, the Proposition E campaign has been getting support at the highest levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed turned out to help with phone banking during the final week of the campaign. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local arts luminaries like \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsymphony.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Symphony\u003c/a> music director Michael Tilson Thomas have made videos urging people to vote yes on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting voter approval still won’t be easy. Although the measure doesn’t raise taxes, critics say it could divert funding away from other services, like public transit and education, which might increase taxes down the line.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "Oakland Mayoral Contenders Fight for Title of Most Progressive Leader | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Screen-Shot-2018-11-05-at-1.29.06-PM-800x374.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"374\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamela Price (L), Libby Schaaf (C) and Cat Brooks (R) vie for mayor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]f you want a lesson in the history of Oakland’s progressive politics, Bobby Seale is a pretty good place to start. The 82-year-old Seale is best known for co-founding the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’70s, as the party shook and shrunk under the weight of internal strife, increasing drug use by co-founder Huey Newton and a deliberate sabotage campaign waged by the FBI’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/hueypnewton/actions/actions_cointelpro.html\">COINTELPRO\u003c/a>, Seale returned to Oakland. He had just faced a murder charge for the killing of a Black Panther informant in Connecticut, but the jury hung. He was thinking about running for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703382\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-375x325.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-520x451.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, at Binghamton University in 2006. (Peizes/flickr)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My goal and objective is we got to take over more political seats, and you got to take over a lot of them,” he said. “Oakland became the point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Seale ran for Oakland mayor against Republican incumbent John Reading. Seale \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1973/05/17/archives/reading-defeats-seale-easily-for-oakland-mayor.html\">ended up losing\u003c/a> by a significant margin, but he forced Mayor Reading into a runoff, making it a real race by bringing about 20,000 black Oaklanders into the electoral process. In a single day he handed out more than \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/190199\">6,000 bags of groceries\u003c/a> to residents in exchange for their registering to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a moment in history that echoes the tensions of the present: racial strife and deep political divisions. Back then the idea of a radical anti-police activist winning the mayor’s seat in a major California city seemed unfathomable. Maybe it still seems unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was also half a century before President Trump, and the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2018/02/11/democratic-primaries-2018-progressives-402096\">deep-blue wave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year young, progressive, first-time candidates, many of them women of color like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York and Ayanna Pressley in Boston, won races against incumbent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Brooks Has Backing of Bobby Seale\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Could something like that happen in the mayoral race in Oakland, one of the most progressive places in the country? A popular Democratic incumbent mayor, Libby Schaaf, known nationally as part of the resistance for taking on President Trump by announcing immigration raids before they happened, is being challenged by activists who have protested against her for being too conservative, too friendly to developers, too lenient on the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703387\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Cat Brooks speaks at a town hall event at Castlemont High School on Oct. 20, 2018. (Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As Seale sits on a park bench outside Oakland City Hall, he spots one of the most omnipresent of those activists, Cat Brooks, striding across Frank Ogawa Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks, like Bobby Seale, knows something about self-reinvention and a lot about battling Oakland police. Now, almost half a century after Seale, she is running for mayor of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about whenever there is a protest in Oakland, Brooks is there, leading the charge, criticizing the people in power. She was a vocal part of Occupy Oakland, is a part of Black Lives Matter, and with her group, the Anti Police-Terror Project, she is at the forefront almost every time someone is killed by Oakland police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703718 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/pamelareplace-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorneys Pamela Price and Charles Bonner held a press conference on Sept. 15, 2016, to discuss the return of Jasmine Abuslin, the teen at the center of a law enforcement sexual exploitation scandal in Oakland. (Nicole Reinert/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brooks is not Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf’s only competition in the race. Brooks and civil rights attorney Pamela Price, who recently challenged Alameda District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, are both polling at 17 percent. (All the other candidates received 1 percent or less).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/SevenDays/archives/2018/10/19/schaaf-has-20-point-lead-in-new-poll-but-is-still-well-short-of-a-majority\">a poll from the Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>, Schaaf is leading the pack of 10 candidates with 37 percent of the vote. That is below the majority she needs to win outright in ranked-choice voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks, Oakland mayoral candidate \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brooks and Price could constitute a challenge to the mayor, if those who vote for Price write down Brooks as their second choice, or vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, articles in \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2018/10/cat-brooks-oakland-mayor-black-activist/\">Mother Jones\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/meet-cat-brooks-the-anti-police-brutality-activist-running-for-oakland-mayor/amp?fbclid=IwAR0KxdUpzUQU0GAWDbuk8Dlsmyxx5zOJUhRgRObaSusACrHl7CPWHhr89fo\">Teen Vogue\u003c/a> have spotlighted Brooks, painting her as a progressive activist and Black Lives Matter candidate, taking on Schaaf, an established Democrat with substantially more money and party-line endorsements from traditional California Democrats such as outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown and his heir apparent, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now,” Brooks said, nodding to progressives wins. “When I looked at the conditions, I was like, we could actually win this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks was raised on the front lines of protests in Las Vegas by her activist mother. She got involved in grass-roots organizing for education reform across California. But it was in Oakland that she said she found her calling as an activist against police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Oscar Grant’s killing on New Year’s Day 2009 that did it. “Something shifted in me, in a way that I can’t put words to,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Seale and Brooks talk, it’s hard not to feel as if he is passing on his torch. “You are the activist of activists now, running for mayor. And I support all of that. Every bit of it,” he tells her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schaaf Touts Her Experience\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Schaaf’s first term was roiled by scandals beyond her administration’s control. The Ghost Ship fire, which took the lives of 36 people on Dec. 2, 2016, was seen, in part, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/07/16/huge-failure-80-percent-of-oakland-firefighter-warnings-of-unsafe-buildings-go-unchecked/\">a failure to follow up on safety concerns at problem properties. \u003c/a>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/22/483046581/mired-in-scandals-oakland-mayor-calls-for-police-department-oversight\">sexual assault scandal within the ranks of Oakland police\u003c/a> and other local law enforcement agencies saw the Police Department cycle through three police chiefs in just a little over a week. The chaos was in part, critics suggest, a product of a department desperate to get out of federal court oversight weighing on it since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703394\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703394\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf at a Ghost Ship vigil at Lake Merritt Pergola in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2016. (Sheraz Sadiq /KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a first-term mayor, Schaaf inherited both the fire and police departments. She also inherited, by dint of geography, a city on the verge of a great financial boom, a ripple from the tech takeover of the Bay Area. But this financial renaissance has also led to increasing inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big passion is access to opportunity,” Schaaf said. “Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And,” she added, “it is blocking people, most of the people in this city, from taking advantage of all of the opportunities that are around us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaff touts \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/27/oakland-initiative-has-hundreds-of-students-college-bound/\">Oakland Promise\u003c/a>, a program that helps Oakland students go to, and pay for, college, as one of her success stories. That program, like many of the youth it promises to serve, is still in its infancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall Schaaf announced another program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-to-pay-rent-for-low-income-residents-at-13309308.php\">Keep Oakland Housed,\u003c/a> which puts $9 million toward keeping those on the verge of homelessness from falling off the cliff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.” \u003ccite>Libby Schaaf, Oakland Mayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said the forces fueling gentrification and surging displacement are not coming from within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have spent four years,” Schaaf said, “building relationships, building a knowledge base, so now that I can make an impact outside of Oakland for Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said her experience in government is her strength, along with her passion for her hometown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born here, I was raised here,” said Schaaf. “I have been passionately in love with this city and I am fighting every day. What’s different about a second term is now I’ve got the tools and the relationships to get things done at the state level, at the regional level, even possibly at the national level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf knows that the changes in Oakland have created anxiety and trauma, but she sees the city’s unique personality as the glue. “You can belong, whether you’re an old-school native like me or, as we say, OG, or whether you are a newcomer,” she said. “It has to do with whether you connect with our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does ‘Progressive’ Really Mean?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To win elections in Oakland these days, you probably have to be a Democrat, and it helps to call yourself progressive. But the question is: What does it really mean to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/659665970/as-more-democrats-embrace-progressive-label-it-may-not-mean-what-it-used-to\">“progressive” politician? \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Schaaf has been branded by the far right as a resistance mayor for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/03/01/589948064/oakland-mayor-stands-by-fair-warning-of-impending-ice-operation\">her public warnings\u003c/a> about an imminent immigration raid in February, letting people know that ICE was coming to the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the narrative of progressive candidates running against Schaaf as an establishment Democrat, she was quick to answer. “If you watch Fox News, you’d think that I am the most dangerous radical in America,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland is far from the Fox News base. Schaaf’s most prominent opponents, Cat Brooks and Pamela Price, are running against Schaaf from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks criticizes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/oakland-police-chief-made-false-statements-about-ice-raid/Content?oid=9793923\">Oakland Police Department’s collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in a 2017 operation in West Oakland, and she accuses Schaaf of playing politics when she warned the public about immigration raids earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said Schaaf’s programs, by depending so heavily on philanthropic dollars, are no better than a neo-liberal Band-Aid on inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf points to her \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/our-november-2018-endorsement-guide/Content?oid=21443046\">endorsement by the alt-weekly East Bay Express\u003c/a> as “the progressive candidate.” (The paper’s endorsement did not actually use the term “progressive.”) Her campaign slogan is “Oakland Tough” and her campaign flyers laud the fact that she has taken on the president directly. In the Chamber of Commerce poll, Schaaf is leading among all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Promise of Police Reform\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At a recent house party for Cat Brooks’ campaign, the young, mostly white, prospective voters sat on pillows and couches to hear Brooks speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an activist, Brooks has been a police abolitionist, arguing that the system of policing is fundamentally broken. Someone asked her, “So, what does Cat Brooks as the boss of the Oakland PD look like?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks laughed a little. “I’ve seen people that I love dearly put on Facebook, ‘I can’t wait ’til Cat Brooks is mayor, and she abolishes the police.’ That’s not going to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have disavowed what they say is Brooks’ militant activism. “Look at my track record,” she said, inviting people to Google her. “You may not like everything you find,” she acknowledged. “You may not like the fact that I’ve chained myself to things. You may not like the fact that I’ve used harsh language when I’ve been engaging with law enforcement. But what you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population and being absolutely unapologetic about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks said she is also pragmatic, and she understands the role of an activist and the role of a mayor are not the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if — and it is a big if — Brooks wins, how would she deal with police? Oakland spends more money \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/niallmccarthy/2017/08/07/how-much-do-u-s-cities-spend-every-year-on-policing-infographic/#c725b9fe7b7d\">per capita on police\u003c/a> than any other city in in the country, and Brooks said 41 percent of the city’s budget is too much. She said if she’s elected mayor, she’ll institute other policing reforms as well. “You actually will not ask every brown or black person you pull over whether they are on probation or parole, effective immediately,” Brooks said. “There will actually be a zero tolerance policy for excessive uses of force and of sexual misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Policing and crime, once the most hot-button topics in Oakland, are no longer the number one concern of residents. Now it is homelessness, housing and displacement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what matters to William Lowe. He came to the house party for Brooks’ campaign to meet her for the first time. Just down the street, clusters of tents make up homeless encampments that stretch on for blocks. West Oakland has been ground zero for displacement. In a recent survey, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/06/02/survey-confirms-oakland-homeless-crisis-growing-worse/\">80 percent of the unhoused population\u003c/a> had been formerly living in a home in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Watching people who work harder than anyone I know, not being able to stay in a neighborhood that they’ve called home for 20-plus years,” is heartbreaking, Lowe said. “I’m barely holding on, and I have so much more privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Different Visions for Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Brooks, Price and Schaaf all agree that what happens in the next four years is pivotal to the future of Oakland. Because in that time Oakland could be irreversibly gentrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they vastly differ on what — and who — is needed to stop that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf makes the case that she has the political experience to tackle the complex issues facing the city. Her two main opponents are relative political newcomers who’ve never been elected to a local government office. Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Party, representing the 18th Assembly District, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Schaaf said she welcomes and loves Oakland’s activist edge. “\u003c/span>We are a feisty city. We don’t like authority or power. We challenge status quo thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks accuses Schaaf of being that status quo, and she said\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the last four years of displacement and the homeless crisis happened under Schaaf’s watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are either going to keep on the road that we are already on, to increase gentrification and homelessness,” Brooks said. “Or we are going to take a hard turn to the left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks is banking on her argument that a political left turn is the only thing that can save what she calls “the soul of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Losing the soul of Oakland isn’t just bad for Oakland, it’s bad for the country, particularly right now. We’re supposed to be the most progressive city in the nation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is up to voters to define what kind of progressive city they want, and which leader they think is best equipped to get them there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was amended to add that Pamela Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee. A previous version of this article said Price has never held an elected office. While Price has never been elected to a seat in local government, she was elected to her position by Democratic Party members.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Oakland Mayoral Contenders Fight for Title of Most Progressive Leader | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703805\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Screen-Shot-2018-11-05-at-1.29.06-PM-800x374.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"374\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamela Price (L), Libby Schaaf (C) and Cat Brooks (R) vie for mayor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>f you want a lesson in the history of Oakland’s progressive politics, Bobby Seale is a pretty good place to start. The 82-year-old Seale is best known for co-founding the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’70s, as the party shook and shrunk under the weight of internal strife, increasing drug use by co-founder Huey Newton and a deliberate sabotage campaign waged by the FBI’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/hueypnewton/actions/actions_cointelpro.html\">COINTELPRO\u003c/a>, Seale returned to Oakland. He had just faced a murder charge for the killing of a Black Panther informant in Connecticut, but the jury hung. He was thinking about running for political office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703382\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-375x325.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/Bobby_Seale-520x451.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, at Binghamton University in 2006. (Peizes/flickr)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My goal and objective is we got to take over more political seats, and you got to take over a lot of them,” he said. “Oakland became the point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Seale ran for Oakland mayor against Republican incumbent John Reading. Seale \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1973/05/17/archives/reading-defeats-seale-easily-for-oakland-mayor.html\">ended up losing\u003c/a> by a significant margin, but he forced Mayor Reading into a runoff, making it a real race by bringing about 20,000 black Oaklanders into the electoral process. In a single day he handed out more than \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/190199\">6,000 bags of groceries\u003c/a> to residents in exchange for their registering to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a moment in history that echoes the tensions of the present: racial strife and deep political divisions. Back then the idea of a radical anti-police activist winning the mayor’s seat in a major California city seemed unfathomable. Maybe it still seems unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was also half a century before President Trump, and the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/story/2018/02/11/democratic-primaries-2018-progressives-402096\">deep-blue wave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year young, progressive, first-time candidates, many of them women of color like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York and Ayanna Pressley in Boston, won races against incumbent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Brooks Has Backing of Bobby Seale\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Could something like that happen in the mayoral race in Oakland, one of the most progressive places in the country? A popular Democratic incumbent mayor, Libby Schaaf, known nationally as part of the resistance for taking on President Trump by announcing immigration raids before they happened, is being challenged by activists who have protested against her for being too conservative, too friendly to developers, too lenient on the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703387\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703387\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/catbrooks-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland mayoral candidate Cat Brooks speaks at a town hall event at Castlemont High School on Oct. 20, 2018. (Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As Seale sits on a park bench outside Oakland City Hall, he spots one of the most omnipresent of those activists, Cat Brooks, striding across Frank Ogawa Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks, like Bobby Seale, knows something about self-reinvention and a lot about battling Oakland police. Now, almost half a century after Seale, she is running for mayor of Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about whenever there is a protest in Oakland, Brooks is there, leading the charge, criticizing the people in power. She was a vocal part of Occupy Oakland, is a part of Black Lives Matter, and with her group, the Anti Police-Terror Project, she is at the forefront almost every time someone is killed by Oakland police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703718 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/pamelareplace-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorneys Pamela Price and Charles Bonner held a press conference on Sept. 15, 2016, to discuss the return of Jasmine Abuslin, the teen at the center of a law enforcement sexual exploitation scandal in Oakland. (Nicole Reinert/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brooks is not Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf’s only competition in the race. Brooks and civil rights attorney Pamela Price, who recently challenged Alameda District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, are both polling at 17 percent. (All the other candidates received 1 percent or less).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/SevenDays/archives/2018/10/19/schaaf-has-20-point-lead-in-new-poll-but-is-still-well-short-of-a-majority\">a poll from the Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a>, Schaaf is leading the pack of 10 candidates with 37 percent of the vote. That is below the majority she needs to win outright in ranked-choice voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks, Oakland mayoral candidate \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brooks and Price could constitute a challenge to the mayor, if those who vote for Price write down Brooks as their second choice, or vice versa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, articles in \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2018/10/cat-brooks-oakland-mayor-black-activist/\">Mother Jones\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.teenvogue.com/story/meet-cat-brooks-the-anti-police-brutality-activist-running-for-oakland-mayor/amp?fbclid=IwAR0KxdUpzUQU0GAWDbuk8Dlsmyxx5zOJUhRgRObaSusACrHl7CPWHhr89fo\">Teen Vogue\u003c/a> have spotlighted Brooks, painting her as a progressive activist and Black Lives Matter candidate, taking on Schaaf, an established Democrat with substantially more money and party-line endorsements from traditional California Democrats such as outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown and his heir apparent, Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks like me, who may have been too left for people before, are just left enough now,” Brooks said, nodding to progressives wins. “When I looked at the conditions, I was like, we could actually win this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks was raised on the front lines of protests in Las Vegas by her activist mother. She got involved in grass-roots organizing for education reform across California. But it was in Oakland that she said she found her calling as an activist against police brutality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was Oscar Grant’s killing on New Year’s Day 2009 that did it. “Something shifted in me, in a way that I can’t put words to,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Seale and Brooks talk, it’s hard not to feel as if he is passing on his torch. “You are the activist of activists now, running for mayor. And I support all of that. Every bit of it,” he tells her.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Schaaf Touts Her Experience\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Schaaf’s first term was roiled by scandals beyond her administration’s control. The Ghost Ship fire, which took the lives of 36 people on Dec. 2, 2016, was seen, in part, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2017/07/16/huge-failure-80-percent-of-oakland-firefighter-warnings-of-unsafe-buildings-go-unchecked/\">a failure to follow up on safety concerns at problem properties. \u003c/a>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/06/22/483046581/mired-in-scandals-oakland-mayor-calls-for-police-department-oversight\">sexual assault scandal within the ranks of Oakland police\u003c/a> and other local law enforcement agencies saw the Police Department cycle through three police chiefs in just a little over a week. The chaos was in part, critics suggest, a product of a department desperate to get out of federal court oversight weighing on it since 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703394\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703394\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/shaaf_ghostship-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf at a Ghost Ship vigil at Lake Merritt Pergola in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2016. (Sheraz Sadiq /KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a first-term mayor, Schaaf inherited both the fire and police departments. She also inherited, by dint of geography, a city on the verge of a great financial boom, a ripple from the tech takeover of the Bay Area. But this financial renaissance has also led to increasing inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My big passion is access to opportunity,” Schaaf said. “Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And,” she added, “it is blocking people, most of the people in this city, from taking advantage of all of the opportunities that are around us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaff touts \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/27/oakland-initiative-has-hundreds-of-students-college-bound/\">Oakland Promise\u003c/a>, a program that helps Oakland students go to, and pay for, college, as one of her success stories. That program, like many of the youth it promises to serve, is still in its infancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fall Schaaf announced another program, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Oakland-to-pay-rent-for-low-income-residents-at-13309308.php\">Keep Oakland Housed,\u003c/a> which puts $9 million toward keeping those on the verge of homelessness from falling off the cliff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“Even in a beautiful progressive city like Oakland, institutionalized racism is alive and well.” \u003ccite>Libby Schaaf, Oakland Mayor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said the forces fueling gentrification and surging displacement are not coming from within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have spent four years,” Schaaf said, “building relationships, building a knowledge base, so now that I can make an impact outside of Oakland for Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf said her experience in government is her strength, along with her passion for her hometown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was born here, I was raised here,” said Schaaf. “I have been passionately in love with this city and I am fighting every day. What’s different about a second term is now I’ve got the tools and the relationships to get things done at the state level, at the regional level, even possibly at the national level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf knows that the changes in Oakland have created anxiety and trauma, but she sees the city’s unique personality as the glue. “You can belong, whether you’re an old-school native like me or, as we say, OG, or whether you are a newcomer,” she said. “It has to do with whether you connect with our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>What Does ‘Progressive’ Really Mean?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>To win elections in Oakland these days, you probably have to be a Democrat, and it helps to call yourself progressive. But the question is: What does it really mean to be a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/29/659665970/as-more-democrats-embrace-progressive-label-it-may-not-mean-what-it-used-to\">“progressive” politician? \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Schaaf has been branded by the far right as a resistance mayor for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/03/01/589948064/oakland-mayor-stands-by-fair-warning-of-impending-ice-operation\">her public warnings\u003c/a> about an imminent immigration raid in February, letting people know that ICE was coming to the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the narrative of progressive candidates running against Schaaf as an establishment Democrat, she was quick to answer. “If you watch Fox News, you’d think that I am the most dangerous radical in America,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland is far from the Fox News base. Schaaf’s most prominent opponents, Cat Brooks and Pamela Price, are running against Schaaf from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks criticizes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/oakland-police-chief-made-false-statements-about-ice-raid/Content?oid=9793923\">Oakland Police Department’s collaboration with ICE\u003c/a> in a 2017 operation in West Oakland, and she accuses Schaaf of playing politics when she warned the public about immigration raids earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said Schaaf’s programs, by depending so heavily on philanthropic dollars, are no better than a neo-liberal Band-Aid on inequity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Schaaf points to her \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/our-november-2018-endorsement-guide/Content?oid=21443046\">endorsement by the alt-weekly East Bay Express\u003c/a> as “the progressive candidate.” (The paper’s endorsement did not actually use the term “progressive.”) Her campaign slogan is “Oakland Tough” and her campaign flyers laud the fact that she has taken on the president directly. In the Chamber of Commerce poll, Schaaf is leading among all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Promise of Police Reform\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At a recent house party for Cat Brooks’ campaign, the young, mostly white, prospective voters sat on pillows and couches to hear Brooks speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an activist, Brooks has been a police abolitionist, arguing that the system of policing is fundamentally broken. Someone asked her, “So, what does Cat Brooks as the boss of the Oakland PD look like?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks laughed a little. “I’ve seen people that I love dearly put on Facebook, ‘I can’t wait ’til Cat Brooks is mayor, and she abolishes the police.’ That’s not going to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics have disavowed what they say is Brooks’ militant activism. “Look at my track record,” she said, inviting people to Google her. “You may not like everything you find,” she acknowledged. “You may not like the fact that I’ve chained myself to things. You may not like the fact that I’ve used harsh language when I’ve been engaging with law enforcement. But what you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population and being absolutely unapologetic about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks said she is also pragmatic, and she understands the role of an activist and the role of a mayor are not the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if — and it is a big if — Brooks wins, how would she deal with police? Oakland spends more money \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/niallmccarthy/2017/08/07/how-much-do-u-s-cities-spend-every-year-on-policing-infographic/#c725b9fe7b7d\">per capita on police\u003c/a> than any other city in in the country, and Brooks said 41 percent of the city’s budget is too much. She said if she’s elected mayor, she’ll institute other policing reforms as well. “You actually will not ask every brown or black person you pull over whether they are on probation or parole, effective immediately,” Brooks said. “There will actually be a zero tolerance policy for excessive uses of force and of sexual misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Policing and crime, once the most hot-button topics in Oakland, are no longer the number one concern of residents. Now it is homelessness, housing and displacement.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you will see is me being consistent and true and fighting like hell for our most marginalized, vulnerable, oppressed population.” \u003ccite>Cat Brooks\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s what matters to William Lowe. He came to the house party for Brooks’ campaign to meet her for the first time. Just down the street, clusters of tents make up homeless encampments that stretch on for blocks. West Oakland has been ground zero for displacement. In a recent survey, over \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/06/02/survey-confirms-oakland-homeless-crisis-growing-worse/\">80 percent of the unhoused population\u003c/a> had been formerly living in a home in Alameda County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Watching people who work harder than anyone I know, not being able to stay in a neighborhood that they’ve called home for 20-plus years,” is heartbreaking, Lowe said. “I’m barely holding on, and I have so much more privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Different Visions for Oakland\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Brooks, Price and Schaaf all agree that what happens in the next four years is pivotal to the future of Oakland. Because in that time Oakland could be irreversibly gentrified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they vastly differ on what — and who — is needed to stop that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf makes the case that she has the political experience to tackle the complex issues facing the city. Her two main opponents are relative political newcomers who’ve never been elected to a local government office. Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Party, representing the 18th Assembly District, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Schaaf said she welcomes and loves Oakland’s activist edge. “\u003c/span>We are a feisty city. We don’t like authority or power. We challenge status quo thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brooks accuses Schaaf of being that status quo, and she said\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the last four years of displacement and the homeless crisis happened under Schaaf’s watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are either going to keep on the road that we are already on, to increase gentrification and homelessness,” Brooks said. “Or we are going to take a hard turn to the left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks is banking on her argument that a political left turn is the only thing that can save what she calls “the soul of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“\u003c/span>Losing the soul of Oakland isn’t just bad for Oakland, it’s bad for the country, particularly right now. We’re supposed to be the most progressive city in the nation,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is up to voters to define what kind of progressive city they want, and which leader they think is best equipped to get them there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was amended to add that Pamela Price was elected to the Alameda County Democratic Central Committee. A previous version of this article said Price has never held an elected office. While Price has never been elected to a seat in local government, she was elected to her position by Democratic Party members.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Most Young People Don't Vote. Could This Year Be Different?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random-samplings/2017/05/voting_in_america.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Less than half\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds went to the polls last presidential election. But this isn’t a typical year. This year a school shooting sparked a political awakening for youth around the country, and Bay Area students have tried to translate that energy to the voting booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before the election, a group of high school students came together on the steps of San Francisco City Hall. Lick-Wilmerding High School student Harry yelled out to the crowd, “Everyone excited to vote today?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702661\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some Bay Area students have been working for months to register voters and pre-register those who are not yet old enough to vote. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He helped organize the event, hoping to turn voting into a group event that would get other young people excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people know what is at stake here,” he told the crowd. “We know that at the local level, at the state level and at the national level there are issues that we can make a difference on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the rally the group went into the voting center to cast their ballots early. Harry and his classmates spent the last few months doing voter registration drives to get young people to the poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702665\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702665\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs outside the Berkeley High School auditorium \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually what I say is ‘Do you really want your grandparents choosing who your representatives are,’” Harry said. “Because we as young people have the biggest investment in the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout is historically lowest among young voters compared to other age groups, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ewa.org/webinar/survey-teen-voters-whats-their-minds-election-nears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new national survey\u003c/a> from the Education Writers Association found young voters are unusually engaged this year: 63 percent of 18 and 19-year-olds said they plan to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry is voting for the first time this year and he’s all in. He even signed up to work the polls. “I’m so excited,” he said. “I’ve been waiting for this moment for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey found young people who plan to vote are more likely to identify as liberal, and one of the top reasons they gave for casting their ballots this year is to weigh-in on the direction of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest \u003ca href=\"http://iop.harvard.edu/spring-2018-national-youth-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvard Institute of Politics Youth Poll\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds found heightened interest among young Democrats, with young Republicans becoming more engaged in the weeks leading up to the election. Looking ahead to 2020, it found 59 percent of young voters say they will never vote to reelect President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702666\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arriving at the voter forum put on by Bay Area Student Activists a few weeks before the election. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The school shooting in Parkland Florida is still helping to energize students around the election, including Harry’s classmate Liv Jenks. “You’ve seen a lot of students claiming their political power,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty percent of young people surveyed said their political engagement had increased over the past two years. “It’s been really empowering for me to hear my fellow students getting politically engaged and being the ones that are educating me,” Jenks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Parkland shooting was the top reason they gave for becoming active, and school shootings were the biggest concern youth voters listed, followed by gun control and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school and so I had all these emotions and I didn’t know how to deal with them,” Berkeley High School student Kira Galbraith said of the weeks after the Florida shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she turned to political organizing as a way to cope with those emotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbraith and other students have been working together across the Bay Area this year. They held school walkouts to demand stricter gun laws and planned a lobbying trip to Sacramento. Most of them can’t vote yet, but that hasn’t stopped them from finding ways to participate in the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702663\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"519\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1200x779.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1920x1247.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1180x766.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-960x623.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students collected questions for candidates at the Bay Area Student Activists voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The frustration that I feel that I can’t really have my voice heard in the government right now, that drives me more to get other people as a way to have my voice heard,” said French American International High School senior Zoe Benjamin, who helped found the group Bay Area Student Activists to advocate for gun reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has grown to include students from more than 30 schools in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month they put on a voter forum at Berkeley High School with candidates for local and state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702664\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berkeley High School auditorium before the voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High schoolers Alden O’Rafferty and Kate Sippey, both 17, are pre-registered to vote. They showed up at the forum to press the candidates for specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of big, grand change the world statements, like buzzwords,” Sippey said, “but not actually like this is what I’m endorsing to do this, and this is how we’re going to fix the housing crisis and stuff like that.” O’Rafferty nodded along. “I just want to know how,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/report-registration/15-day-gen-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> latest report\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State’s office shows more than 260,000 16 and 17-year-olds have pre-registered to vote since September 2016. At least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2018-news-releases-and-advisories/secretary-padilla-announces-200000-california-16-and-17-year-olds-have-pre-registered-vote/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">100,000 of them\u003c/a> have turned 18 and are eligible to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of September, close to 10,000 young people had pre-registered in Alameda County, nearly 3,000 in San Francisco County and over 6,000 in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their recent voter forum, Zoe and the other organizers hoped to help people headed to the ballot box make informed decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702660\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 15 candidate Buffy Wicks and a representative from Jovanka Beckles campaign speaking at the forum. But only a few dozen voters showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my friends and stuff, some of them are like I don’t really want to vote because it feels like a lot of work,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make things easier for them she put together a crash course on everything there is to vote on in San Francisco County. She presented it to all the 18-year-olds at her school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy these Bay Area students have put into the election remains atypical. The student survey found nationwide almost half of young people couldn’t name a single candidate running for office.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "Most Young People Don't Vote. Could This Year Be Different?",
"datePublished": "2018-11-05T11:23:06-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random-samplings/2017/05/voting_in_america.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Less than half\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds went to the polls last presidential election. But this isn’t a typical year. This year a school shooting sparked a political awakening for youth around the country, and Bay Area students have tried to translate that energy to the voting booth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before the election, a group of high school students came together on the steps of San Francisco City Hall. Lick-Wilmerding High School student Harry yelled out to the crowd, “Everyone excited to vote today?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702661\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702661\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-4-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some Bay Area students have been working for months to register voters and pre-register those who are not yet old enough to vote. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He helped organize the event, hoping to turn voting into a group event that would get other young people excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people know what is at stake here,” he told the crowd. “We know that at the local level, at the state level and at the national level there are issues that we can make a difference on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the rally the group went into the voting center to cast their ballots early. Harry and his classmates spent the last few months doing voter registration drives to get young people to the poles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702665\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702665\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-8-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs outside the Berkeley High School auditorium \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually what I say is ‘Do you really want your grandparents choosing who your representatives are,’” Harry said. “Because we as young people have the biggest investment in the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Turnout is historically lowest among young voters compared to other age groups, but a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ewa.org/webinar/survey-teen-voters-whats-their-minds-election-nears\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new national survey\u003c/a> from the Education Writers Association found young voters are unusually engaged this year: 63 percent of 18 and 19-year-olds said they plan to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry is voting for the first time this year and he’s all in. He even signed up to work the polls. “I’m so excited,” he said. “I’ve been waiting for this moment for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey found young people who plan to vote are more likely to identify as liberal, and one of the top reasons they gave for casting their ballots this year is to weigh-in on the direction of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest \u003ca href=\"http://iop.harvard.edu/spring-2018-national-youth-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvard Institute of Politics Youth Poll\u003c/a> of 18 to 29-year-olds found heightened interest among young Democrats, with young Republicans becoming more engaged in the weeks leading up to the election. Looking ahead to 2020, it found 59 percent of young voters say they will never vote to reelect President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702666\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students arriving at the voter forum put on by Bay Area Student Activists a few weeks before the election. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The school shooting in Parkland Florida is still helping to energize students around the election, including Harry’s classmate Liv Jenks. “You’ve seen a lot of students claiming their political power,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forty percent of young people surveyed said their political engagement had increased over the past two years. “It’s been really empowering for me to hear my fellow students getting politically engaged and being the ones that are educating me,” Jenks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Parkland shooting was the top reason they gave for becoming active, and school shootings were the biggest concern youth voters listed, followed by gun control and racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school and so I had all these emotions and I didn’t know how to deal with them,” Berkeley High School student Kira Galbraith said of the weeks after the Florida shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she turned to political organizing as a way to cope with those emotions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galbraith and other students have been working together across the Bay Area this year. They held school walkouts to demand stricter gun laws and planned a lobbying trip to Sacramento. Most of them can’t vote yet, but that hasn’t stopped them from finding ways to participate in the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702663\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"519\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-800x519.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1020x662.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1200x779.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1920x1247.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-1180x766.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-960x623.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-6-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students collected questions for candidates at the Bay Area Student Activists voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The frustration that I feel that I can’t really have my voice heard in the government right now, that drives me more to get other people as a way to have my voice heard,” said French American International High School senior Zoe Benjamin, who helped found the group Bay Area Student Activists to advocate for gun reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group has grown to include students from more than 30 schools in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month they put on a voter forum at Berkeley High School with candidates for local and state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702664\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-7-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berkeley High School auditorium before the voter forum. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High schoolers Alden O’Rafferty and Kate Sippey, both 17, are pre-registered to vote. They showed up at the forum to press the candidates for specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of big, grand change the world statements, like buzzwords,” Sippey said, “but not actually like this is what I’m endorsing to do this, and this is how we’re going to fix the housing crisis and stuff like that.” O’Rafferty nodded along. “I just want to know how,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/report-registration/15-day-gen-2018/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> latest report\u003c/a> from the California Secretary of State’s office shows more than 260,000 16 and 17-year-olds have pre-registered to vote since September 2016. At least \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/administration/news-releases-and-advisories/2018-news-releases-and-advisories/secretary-padilla-announces-200000-california-16-and-17-year-olds-have-pre-registered-vote/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">100,000 of them\u003c/a> have turned 18 and are eligible to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of September, close to 10,000 young people had pre-registered in Alameda County, nearly 3,000 in San Francisco County and over 6,000 in Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their recent voter forum, Zoe and the other organizers hoped to help people headed to the ballot box make informed decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702660\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/BAStA-Voter-Forum-3-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly District 15 candidate Buffy Wicks and a representative from Jovanka Beckles campaign speaking at the forum. But only a few dozen voters showed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I talk to my friends and stuff, some of them are like I don’t really want to vote because it feels like a lot of work,” Benjamin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make things easier for them she put together a crash course on everything there is to vote on in San Francisco County. She presented it to all the 18-year-olds at her school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy these Bay Area students have put into the election remains atypical. The student survey found nationwide almost half of young people couldn’t name a single candidate running for office.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "record-spending-as-huge-money-flows-into-industry-fights-on-the-california-ballot",
"title": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot",
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"headTitle": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.",
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"title": "Record Spending as Huge Money Flows Into Industry Fights on the California Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It wouldn’t be election season without a bunch of big-money interests trying to tell you how to vote. This year, with hundreds of millions of dollars rolling into initiative campaigns over housing and health care, California has hit a new record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $111 million campaign against Proposition 8 on kidney dialysis clinics amounts to the most money poured into a single side of a ballot measure in the United States—at least since electronic record-keeping began in 2002, and possibly ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three industries spending huge sums to influence your vote:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Landlords and real estate agents outraising rent-control advocates 3-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords are largely bankrolling the campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-10-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, which would allow local governments to expand rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want to see their property values decline, it’s that simple,” said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No on Prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $74.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10 would repeal a 1995 state law that forbids cities from applying rent control to single-family houses, or any type of home built after 1995, and allows landlords to raise apartment rent any time a tenant moves out. Instead the ballot measure would give cities the option to expand rent control to cover more homes—making it harder for landlords to turn a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about their future, their bottom line. That’s why they’re spending so much,” said Charly Norton, spokeswoman for the Yes on prop. 10 campaign, which has raised $25.9 million, mostly from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Prop. 10 is necessary because homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on the rise\u003c/a> and a growing share of Californians spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-rising-rents-affordable-housing-20171203-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than half\u003c/a> their income on rent. Opponents say it will worsen the state’s housing shortage by discouraging developers from building more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donors against Prop. 10 include corporate property owners like Blackstone, Essex and Equity Residential, as well as many individual landlords. The biggest donor is the California Association of Realtors, which has given $8 million to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703583\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-10-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Realtors association also has poured $13.2 million into the campaign for \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-5-portable-real-estate-tax-break/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, making it the sole funder of that push to change California’s property tax law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians now generally pay much higher property taxes if they buy a new home after selling a house they’ve owned for many years. That’s because property taxes are based on the sales price of a house, not how much it’s worth as it appreciates over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initiative would allow three categories of homeowners—those over 55, disabled or who lost their homes in natural disasters—would keep the property tax levels of the home they sold if they buy a new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agents say it would encourage older Californians to sell their homes, making more houses available in our tight market. (Experts \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-proposition-5-market-20181024-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">disagree\u003c/a>.) Of course, it also would boost their commissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will give a huge windfall to the real estate industry,” said Mike Roth, spokesman for the campaign against Prop. 5, which has raised about $3.2 million, largely from public employee unions that could see cuts if the government loses tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve White, president of the California Association of Realtors, insisted it’s about “meeting a need. The unaffordability of housing in California…is largely dictated by lack of availability,” he said. “We have tens of thousands of homes that could be waiting for all those tens of thousands of younger families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703582\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-5-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch1>Dialysis clinics outraising labor opponents 5-to-1\u003c/h1>\n\u003cp>The most expensive fight on the California ballot this year is over \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-8-dialysis-clinic-profit-pruning/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 8\u003c/a>, which would limit profits for dialysis companies. The businesses are fighting back, pouring $111 million into the campaign against Prop. 8—most of it from two dialysis companies, DaVita and Fresenius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 8 was designed to have a negative impact on dialysis clinics in California, and that’s why the groups that are opposed are fighting it so heavily,” said Kathy Fairbanks, spokeswoman for the No Prop. 8 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the measure wouldn’t allow dialysis clinics to be reimbursed by insurance companies for many routine business expenses. Ultimately, that would cause companies to close clinics, Fairbanks said, giving patients fewer places to seek treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at dialysis clinics are not unionized. A labor group that represents other health care workers has had its sights on organizing dialysis workers, and put Prop. 8 on the ballot as part of a much \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-8-dialysis-industry-20181029-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">larger feud\u003c/a> within the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This record amount of (campaign) spending speaks to the priorities of the dialysis corporations which is to protect their profits,” said Sean Wherley, spokesman Service Employees International Union –United Healthcare Workers, the sponsor of Prop. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 8 campaign has raised $20.3 million, most of it from SEIU United Healthcare Workers. The union argues that dialysis clinic companies are netting huge profits while allowing shoddy health and safety conditions at some clinics. Limiting the companies’ profits to 15 percent, as Prop. 8 calls for, would encourage the clinics to put more money into improving patient care, the union argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703581\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-8-dollars-520x315.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ambulance companies outraising labor opponents more than 600-to-1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Colorado-based company American Medical Response put \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/california-ballot-measures/proposition-11-paramedic-break-time/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 11\u003c/a> on the ballot and contributed most of the $29.9 million raised to support it. The measure would allow private ambulance companies to require workers to remain on-call during breaks, so they can respond to an emergency even if it comes while they’re eating lunch. That’s already the common practice, but this measure comes in response to a court ruling that security guards cannot be required to stay on-call while they’re on breaks. Ambulance companies don’t want to be held to the same standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If applied to the ambulance industry, it would have a significant public safety risk,” said Marie Brichetto, spokeswoman for the Yes on Prop. 11 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, the emergency responders who work on ambulances, aren’t raising much money—the American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees union \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1254555&view=contributions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contributed\u003c/a> just $47,000 to oppose Prop. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a classic ‘big corporation against its own employees,’” said Jason Brollini, president of the United EMS Workers union that is affiliated with AFSCME.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends the ambulance companies’ real motive with Prop. 11 is to eliminate any liability they could face from employees who sue over not getting the extra pay they’re supposed to receive when their breaks are interrupted by an emergency call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11703584\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars.jpg 550w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-240x156.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/prop-11-dollars-520x338.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 550px) 100vw, 550px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-californias-rent-control-initiative-tanking-so-badly",
"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"headTitle": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
"description": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"headline": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
"datePublished": "2018-11-04T11:31:40-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In one respect, this is a typical midterm election — a race shaped as a referendum on the president and the party in power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are so many ways in which this election is anything but typical. We’ve seen a surge in first-time candidates, especially women and minorities. In the past several midterms, the party in power was relatively complacent compared with the party hoping to be in power. Heading into Election Day, Democrats have an enthusiasm edge, but Republicans have been getting steadily amped up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, President Trump has embraced the referendum on himself in a way other presidents have not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sign of tribal divisions that are driving much of what has happened in the 2018 campaign, and voters will resolve what remains to be seen — the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five questions that could be answered on election night. They will determine not just who controls Congress, but how American politics changes after these consequential midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. It’s probably a blue wave, but how big and wide?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every indicator says that Democrats have the advantage going into Election Day in the fight for the House. What’s unclear is whether the blue wave will be big enough to get Democrats the 23-seat net pickup they need to take back the House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gender gap is huge and working in their favor. Independent voters have broken strongly for the Democrats, and Democrats are raising tremendous amounts of money — in both small contributions to individual candidates and from big outside donors, like billionaire Michael Bloomberg. The size of this “green wave” of cash has surprised and worried Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in order to make changes moving forward, Democrats must do more than just take back the House, they must do well in gubernatorial races and in the battle for state legislatures across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is key because 2020 is a census year, and redistricting is right around the corner. So Democrats want to be able to exercise some control over the state-based process of drawing congressional and state legislative district boundaries — a process they’ve been effectively shut out of in many crucial states since their big losses in 2010. That has provided a big structural advantage to the GOP ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Can Democrats effectively navigate the \u003c/strong>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>very \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cstrong>different House and Senate landscapes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In midterm elections, the House and Senate races tend to move in tandem, but this year, they’re heading in two very different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate battleground couldn’t be worse for Democrats — it’s a group of red states like Montana, North Dakota, Missouri, Indiana and West Virginia, where Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president has been campaigning plenty in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those states, where incumbent Democratic senators are fighting for their political lives, the key voter is a blue-collar white man. In the battlegrounds for the House — which are in mostly affluent, highly-educated suburbs — the key voter is an angry, college-educated white woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the cycle started, Republicans hoped they would pick up as many as five Senate seats, but most of these races are still very close. In only one, North Dakota, do polls show the Democrat, Heidi Heitkamp, consistently trailing by a significant margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats have also struggled to pull ahead in states where they had hoped to pick up seats — Nevada, the only state that Hillary Clinton won in 2016 that has an incumbent Republican senator up for re-election, is still within the margin of error, as is the open seat in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tennessee, Democrats had been hopeful about Phil Bredesen, a moderate, pro-business former governor. But Bredesen has fallen behind his Republican opponent, Rep. Marsha Blackburn, in the most recent polls. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz also remains the favorite for re-election, despite the energetic and well-funded campaign of Democratic Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democrats’ goal is to hold their own if they can, limiting their losses, so they’re not out of striking distance in the next two cycles, when more Republican senators are up for re-election in more purple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Can Republicans hold in the Midwest, and will young people and Latinos turn out for Democrats?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 2016, it looked as if Trump was going to turn the battleground states of Iowa and Ohio red. But Republicans are now worrying about the Midwest — once a source of Trump’s greatest strength. GOP candidates are struggling in races up and down the ballot in those two states. And in the states that vaulted Trump to the White House — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — they’re not doing much better and often worse. For now, Republicans’ hopes of turning Minnesota red have been put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats also have plenty to worry about. Polls show a decided lack of enthusiasm among Hispanics. That’s not a problem everywhere, but it really matters in places like Arizona, Nevada, Florida and Texas. If Democrats can’t fire up Latino voters with a nativist president in the White House doubling down on immigration, they really have some work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also concerned that young people, who polls show disapprove of Trump and his party by huge margins, may stay home (as they usually do in midterm elections) despite the surge of activism among young people after the Parkland, Fla., school shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Can Trump transfer his popularity with his base to his party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every midterm is a referendum on the president and his party, and Trump has embraced that dynamic more enthusiastically than any previous president. He tells his supporters that even though he’s not on the ballot, they should vote as though he is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, presidents have had trouble transferring their popularity in midterm elections — it’s usually a president’s \u003cem>unpopularity\u003c/em> that motivates the other side’s voters. Trump had no problem boosting the fortunes of the Republican candidates whom he endorsed in GOP primaries, but it remains to be seen whether he can heave any Republican general election candidate over the finish line his fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. What about Florida, Florida, Florida? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single most important race this fall is … the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659634372/governor-race-in-florida-nation-s-largest-swing-state-may-be-a-test-of-the-presi\">Florida governor’s race\u003c/a>. Florida is the mother of all swing states, and Trump realistically can’t be re-elected without it. He needs to get GOP Rep. Ron DeSantis elected governor so that all the political power that comes with that office can be used on Trump’s behalf in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Andrew Gillum has had a small, but consistent lead in that race — and Gillum may even be helping incumbent Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson in his Senate race against Rick Scott, the current GOP governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once again, it’s the state to watch on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Key+Questions+The+2018+Election+Will+Answer&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In one respect, this is a typical midterm election — a race shaped as a referendum on the president and the party in power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are so many ways in which this election is anything but typical. We’ve seen a surge in first-time candidates, especially women and minorities. In the past several midterms, the party in power was relatively complacent compared with the party hoping to be in power. Heading into Election Day, Democrats have an enthusiasm edge, but Republicans have been getting steadily amped up, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, President Trump has embraced the referendum on himself in a way other presidents have not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sign of tribal divisions that are driving much of what has happened in the 2018 campaign, and voters will resolve what remains to be seen — the outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five questions that could be answered on election night. They will determine not just who controls Congress, but how American politics changes after these consequential midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. It’s probably a blue wave, but how big and wide?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every indicator says that Democrats have the advantage going into Election Day in the fight for the House. What’s unclear is whether the blue wave will be big enough to get Democrats the 23-seat net pickup they need to take back the House majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gender gap is huge and working in their favor. Independent voters have broken strongly for the Democrats, and Democrats are raising tremendous amounts of money — in both small contributions to individual candidates and from big outside donors, like billionaire Michael Bloomberg. The size of this “green wave” of cash has surprised and worried Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in order to make changes moving forward, Democrats must do more than just take back the House, they must do well in gubernatorial races and in the battle for state legislatures across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is key because 2020 is a census year, and redistricting is right around the corner. So Democrats want to be able to exercise some control over the state-based process of drawing congressional and state legislative district boundaries — a process they’ve been effectively shut out of in many crucial states since their big losses in 2010. That has provided a big structural advantage to the GOP ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. Can Democrats effectively navigate the \u003c/strong>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>very \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003cstrong>different House and Senate landscapes?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In midterm elections, the House and Senate races tend to move in tandem, but this year, they’re heading in two very different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate battleground couldn’t be worse for Democrats — it’s a group of red states like Montana, North Dakota, Missouri, Indiana and West Virginia, where Trump won by double digits in 2016. The president has been campaigning plenty in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those states, where incumbent Democratic senators are fighting for their political lives, the key voter is a blue-collar white man. In the battlegrounds for the House — which are in mostly affluent, highly-educated suburbs — the key voter is an angry, college-educated white woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the cycle started, Republicans hoped they would pick up as many as five Senate seats, but most of these races are still very close. In only one, North Dakota, do polls show the Democrat, Heidi Heitkamp, consistently trailing by a significant margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democrats have also struggled to pull ahead in states where they had hoped to pick up seats — Nevada, the only state that Hillary Clinton won in 2016 that has an incumbent Republican senator up for re-election, is still within the margin of error, as is the open seat in Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tennessee, Democrats had been hopeful about Phil Bredesen, a moderate, pro-business former governor. But Bredesen has fallen behind his Republican opponent, Rep. Marsha Blackburn, in the most recent polls. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz also remains the favorite for re-election, despite the energetic and well-funded campaign of Democratic Rep. Beto O’Rourke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democrats’ goal is to hold their own if they can, limiting their losses, so they’re not out of striking distance in the next two cycles, when more Republican senators are up for re-election in more purple states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. Can Republicans hold in the Midwest, and will young people and Latinos turn out for Democrats?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 2016, it looked as if Trump was going to turn the battleground states of Iowa and Ohio red. But Republicans are now worrying about the Midwest — once a source of Trump’s greatest strength. GOP candidates are struggling in races up and down the ballot in those two states. And in the states that vaulted Trump to the White House — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania — they’re not doing much better and often worse. For now, Republicans’ hopes of turning Minnesota red have been put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats also have plenty to worry about. Polls show a decided lack of enthusiasm among Hispanics. That’s not a problem everywhere, but it really matters in places like Arizona, Nevada, Florida and Texas. If Democrats can’t fire up Latino voters with a nativist president in the White House doubling down on immigration, they really have some work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are also concerned that young people, who polls show disapprove of Trump and his party by huge margins, may stay home (as they usually do in midterm elections) despite the surge of activism among young people after the Parkland, Fla., school shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Can Trump transfer his popularity with his base to his party?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every midterm is a referendum on the president and his party, and Trump has embraced that dynamic more enthusiastically than any previous president. He tells his supporters that even though he’s not on the ballot, they should vote as though he is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, presidents have had trouble transferring their popularity in midterm elections — it’s usually a president’s \u003cem>unpopularity\u003c/em> that motivates the other side’s voters. Trump had no problem boosting the fortunes of the Republican candidates whom he endorsed in GOP primaries, but it remains to be seen whether he can heave any Republican general election candidate over the finish line his fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. What about Florida, Florida, Florida? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single most important race this fall is … the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659634372/governor-race-in-florida-nation-s-largest-swing-state-may-be-a-test-of-the-presi\">Florida governor’s race\u003c/a>. Florida is the mother of all swing states, and Trump realistically can’t be re-elected without it. He needs to get GOP Rep. Ron DeSantis elected governor so that all the political power that comes with that office can be used on Trump’s behalf in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Andrew Gillum has had a small, but consistent lead in that race — and Gillum may even be helping incumbent Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson in his Senate race against Rick Scott, the current GOP governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once again, it’s the state to watch on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Key+Questions+The+2018+Election+Will+Answer&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With days to go before the midterm elections, President Trump continues to ratchet up his rhetoric on immigration. The president’s latest target is asylum-seekers, whom he accuses of exploiting “loopholes” in U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a televised speech from the White House on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663012881/in-broad-attack-on-asylum-seekers-trump-takes-campaign-message-to-white-house\">Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers\u003c/a> — including the latest group of Central American migrants making their way through Mexico — unless they present themselves at official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But refugee and asylum experts say his plan would violate \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-1687.html#0-0-0-192\">U.S. law\u003c/a>. They say the president’s remarks about asylum were riddled with inaccuracies and misleading statements intended to stoke fear of immigrants and drive the president’s supporters to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll focus here on five statements President Trump made Thursday in the Roosevelt Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. An overwhelming influx\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The current influx, if not halted, threatens to overwhelm our immigration system and our communities, and poses unacceptable dangers to the entire nation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The total number of migrants apprehended at the Southwest border was actually down slightly last year, to about 521,000, and remains far below the kind of apprehension numbers that were routine in the 1990s and 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that the current “crisis” is the result of a major shift in who is showing up at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A generation ago, migrants apprehended at the border were largely single adults, mostly from Mexico, who could be deported relatively quickly after they were caught. Today migrants are much more likely to be coming from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/660010173/u-s-apprehended-record-number-of-migrant-families-at-southwest-border\">a record number of apprehended migrants were part of family units\u003c/a>. That means they have greater protections under U.S. law. In practice, many of these asylum-seekers are released into the U.S. to await their day in court, which can take months or years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. No more “catch and release”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“These policies lead to the release of illegal aliens into our communities after they’ve been apprehended. But we’re not releasing anymore. Big change, as of a couple of days ago. We’re going to no longer release. We’re going to catch; we’re not going to release. They’re going to stay with us until the deportation hearing or the asylum hearing takes place. So we’re not releasing them into the community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In fact, under U.S. law, migrant families who have requested asylum are not considered illegal immigrants. And they are being released in large numbers up and down the border. In El Paso, Texas, Ruben Garcia, director of a local shelter called Annunciation House, told reporter Mallory Falk of member station KRWG the shelter had received 332 people Thursday released from immigration custody and are expecting 225 more Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Arizona, Matthew Casey of member station KJZZ spoke with an official at Capellania Cristiana Llamados Para Servir, an organization working with churches in metropolitan Phoenix. The official confirmed the organization expects 90 families at two different churches on Friday and 400 more migrants from Yuma to start arriving in Phoenix late this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These migrant families are generally released to join relatives in other parts of the country and will be issued a Notice to Appear in immigration court for their asylum hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. They never show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Then they never show up, almost. It’s like a level of 3 percent. They never show up for the trial. So by the time their trial comes, they’re gone. Nobody knows where they are.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Actually, the majority of asylum-seekers do show up to court. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/fysb16/download\">Department of Justice statistics for the 2016 fiscal year\u003c/a>, only about 2 in 5 cases were decided in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant-rights advocates say the number of asylum-seekers who do show up would be even higher if they had attorneys and more support from court staff to let them know when and where to show up. They point to a pilot program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/18/629496174/alternatives-to-detention-are-cheaper-than-jails-but-cases-take-far-longer\">highly successful at getting immigrants to show up in court\u003c/a> before it was canceled by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Abusing asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This endemic abuse of the asylum system makes a mockery of our immigration system, displacing legitimate asylum-seekers — and there are legitimate asylum-seekers — while rewarding those who abuse or defraud our system, which is almost everybody. Everybody is abusing it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is a wild exaggeration. It’s true that only a fraction of all asylum claims are actually successful. Last year, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\">immigration courts rejected more than 60 percent of asylum claims\u003c/a>, a number that has been steadily rising since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration argues that rejection rate is itself evidence of fraud. But immigrants-rights advocates dispute that. They say immigration courts are supposed to decide each asylum case on its own merits and that the low acceptance rate is simply evidence that the system is working — and that asylum cases are not easy to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. It’s an invasion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Some people call it an invasion. It’s like an invasion. … These are tough people, in many cases. A lot of young men, strong men.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The president has claimed repeatedly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659917659/fact-check-president-trumps-false-claims-on-migrant-caravan-tax-cuts\">without evidence\u003c/a>, that the migrants include dangerous criminals and “unknown Middle Easterners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reporters on the ground say the migrants comprise mainly women and children who are fleeing from violence and extreme poverty in Central America. Refugee and asylum experts accuse the president of fearmongering to rally his political base for the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a “tragic irony” in portraying the asylum-seekers as a marauding army, said Karen Musalo, director of the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at U.C. Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individuals have come together to walk north in a caravan because the journey north for asylum-seekers has been so dangerous,” Musalo said in an interview. “These are very vulnerable individuals, desperately fleeing violence, who have come together as a group to have the protection and solidarity of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=FACT+CHECK%3A+Migrants+Are+Not+Overwhelming+The+Southwest+Border+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Days before the midterm elections, President Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers. Immigration experts say his remarks were filled with false and misleading statements.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With days to go before the midterm elections, President Trump continues to ratchet up his rhetoric on immigration. The president’s latest target is asylum-seekers, whom he accuses of exploiting “loopholes” in U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a televised speech from the White House on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/01/663012881/in-broad-attack-on-asylum-seekers-trump-takes-campaign-message-to-white-house\">Trump threatened to close the Southwest border to asylum-seekers\u003c/a> — including the latest group of Central American migrants making their way through Mexico — unless they present themselves at official ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But refugee and asylum experts say his plan would violate \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/ilink/docView/SLB/HTML/SLB/0-0-0-1/0-0-0-29/0-0-0-1687.html#0-0-0-192\">U.S. law\u003c/a>. They say the president’s remarks about asylum were riddled with inaccuracies and misleading statements intended to stoke fear of immigrants and drive the president’s supporters to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll focus here on five statements President Trump made Thursday in the Roosevelt Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>1. An overwhelming influx\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“The current influx, if not halted, threatens to overwhelm our immigration system and our communities, and poses unacceptable dangers to the entire nation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The total number of migrants apprehended at the Southwest border was actually down slightly last year, to about 521,000, and remains far below the kind of apprehension numbers that were routine in the 1990s and 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration argues that the current “crisis” is the result of a major shift in who is showing up at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A generation ago, migrants apprehended at the border were largely single adults, mostly from Mexico, who could be deported relatively quickly after they were caught. Today migrants are much more likely to be coming from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/660010173/u-s-apprehended-record-number-of-migrant-families-at-southwest-border\">a record number of apprehended migrants were part of family units\u003c/a>. That means they have greater protections under U.S. law. In practice, many of these asylum-seekers are released into the U.S. to await their day in court, which can take months or years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2. No more “catch and release”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“These policies lead to the release of illegal aliens into our communities after they’ve been apprehended. But we’re not releasing anymore. Big change, as of a couple of days ago. We’re going to no longer release. We’re going to catch; we’re not going to release. They’re going to stay with us until the deportation hearing or the asylum hearing takes place. So we’re not releasing them into the community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In fact, under U.S. law, migrant families who have requested asylum are not considered illegal immigrants. And they are being released in large numbers up and down the border. In El Paso, Texas, Ruben Garcia, director of a local shelter called Annunciation House, told reporter Mallory Falk of member station KRWG the shelter had received 332 people Thursday released from immigration custody and are expecting 225 more Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Arizona, Matthew Casey of member station KJZZ spoke with an official at Capellania Cristiana Llamados Para Servir, an organization working with churches in metropolitan Phoenix. The official confirmed the organization expects 90 families at two different churches on Friday and 400 more migrants from Yuma to start arriving in Phoenix late this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These migrant families are generally released to join relatives in other parts of the country and will be issued a Notice to Appear in immigration court for their asylum hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>3. They never show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Then they never show up, almost. It’s like a level of 3 percent. They never show up for the trial. So by the time their trial comes, they’re gone. Nobody knows where they are.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Actually, the majority of asylum-seekers do show up to court. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/fysb16/download\">Department of Justice statistics for the 2016 fiscal year\u003c/a>, only about 2 in 5 cases were decided in absentia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant-rights advocates say the number of asylum-seekers who do show up would be even higher if they had attorneys and more support from court staff to let them know when and where to show up. They point to a pilot program that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/18/629496174/alternatives-to-detention-are-cheaper-than-jails-but-cases-take-far-longer\">highly successful at getting immigrants to show up in court\u003c/a> before it was canceled by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>4. Abusing asylum\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This endemic abuse of the asylum system makes a mockery of our immigration system, displacing legitimate asylum-seekers — and there are legitimate asylum-seekers — while rewarding those who abuse or defraud our system, which is almost everybody. Everybody is abusing it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Immigration lawyers say this is a wild exaggeration. It’s true that only a fraction of all asylum claims are actually successful. Last year, \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/491/\">immigration courts rejected more than 60 percent of asylum claims\u003c/a>, a number that has been steadily rising since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration argues that rejection rate is itself evidence of fraud. But immigrants-rights advocates dispute that. They say immigration courts are supposed to decide each asylum case on its own merits and that the low acceptance rate is simply evidence that the system is working — and that asylum cases are not easy to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>5. It’s an invasion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Some people call it an invasion. It’s like an invasion. … These are tough people, in many cases. A lot of young men, strong men.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The president has claimed repeatedly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/10/23/659917659/fact-check-president-trumps-false-claims-on-migrant-caravan-tax-cuts\">without evidence\u003c/a>, that the migrants include dangerous criminals and “unknown Middle Easterners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reporters on the ground say the migrants comprise mainly women and children who are fleeing from violence and extreme poverty in Central America. Refugee and asylum experts accuse the president of fearmongering to rally his political base for the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a “tragic irony” in portraying the asylum-seekers as a marauding army, said Karen Musalo, director of the Center for Gender and Refugee Studies at U.C. Hastings College of the Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Individuals have come together to walk north in a caravan because the journey north for asylum-seekers has been so dangerous,” Musalo said in an interview. “These are very vulnerable individuals, desperately fleeing violence, who have come together as a group to have the protection and solidarity of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\">http://www.npr.org/\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=FACT+CHECK%3A+Migrants+Are+Not+Overwhelming+The+Southwest+Border+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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},
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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