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"content": "\u003cp>On a cold day in November 2016, a man with long, blond locks and grungy blue overalls stumbled out of the woods. He had been living up in the mountains above Laytonville, in Mendocino County, and had walked eight hours into town in search of the police. He had found the body of a man he knew, Jeff Settler. And it looked like murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11791257,forum_2010101890551\"]On the other side of the country, in New Jersey, Sam Anderson had just moved back home to live with his parents. The people he grew up with were all buzzing about the lead suspect in a murder thousands of miles away: a kid they’d gone to high school with, Zachary Wuester. Wuester went out to California to make some money working on pot farms. Now it seemed he’d gotten caught up in something his friends back home couldn’t fathom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of [Wuester] being accused of murder was just absolutely insane,” Anderson told California Report host Sasha Khokha. “And I knew that finding out his involvement would be a window into this world: the Emerald Triangle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938058\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11938058\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"a logo for a podcast titled 'The Emerald Triangle'\" width=\"411\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-2048x2048.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1920x1920.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crooked City: The Emerald Triangle premiered in November.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Three Northern California counties — Humboldt, Mendocino and Trinity — make up what is known as the Emerald Triangle. In these mountainous regions, illegal pot farms have flourished. People come from all over to make quick money cultivating and trimming the marijuana. California legalized marijuana in 2016, but black market grows still operate, shipping their product to states where weed is still illegal and the profits are higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he read more about the arrest, Anderson became fascinated with the Emerald Triangle and its outlaw culture. He packed up his car and drove out to Mendocino to try to uncover what really happened in the murder case. He showed up in Laytonville, known to be hostile to outsiders, asking questions about the illegal pot growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over five years, Anderson would befriend local characters, get caught up in some scary situations and learn how to be an investigative journalist. He had to earn the trust of people close to the victim and the accused, all while living and working out of a tent, which became his “office” as he reported. Ultimately, he stumbled upon recordings of the police investigation, which helped crack open the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11938055 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-800x499.jpg\" alt=\"a young white man wearing headphones and a blue t-shirt and jeans smiles as he holds an audio recorder up to a cannabis plant on a farm with blue sky in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"499\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-800x499.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1020x636.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1536x958.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-2048x1278.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1920x1198.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Anderson recording at a legal cannabis farm in Laytonville. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mickey Capper)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Listen to Sasha’s interview with Anderson about the reporting process and what it was like to try to break into an insular community, all the while with a microphone in hand. Anderson did ultimately uncover some satisfying answers about Jeff Settler’s murder. Along the way he learned a lot about the conditions for workers in California’s black market weed industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out Anderson’s 10-part podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sonymusic.com/sonymusic/the-emerald-triangle-second-season-of-crooked-city-premiere/\">Crooked City: The Emerald Triangle\u003c/a>, to find out whether his friend Zach Wuester really was involved in the murder, and catch a glimpse of life among the outlaws in one of California’s most remote, mysterious regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On the other side of the country, in New Jersey, Sam Anderson had just moved back home to live with his parents. The people he grew up with were all buzzing about the lead suspect in a murder thousands of miles away: a kid they’d gone to high school with, Zachary Wuester. Wuester went out to California to make some money working on pot farms. Now it seemed he’d gotten caught up in something his friends back home couldn’t fathom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of [Wuester] being accused of murder was just absolutely insane,” Anderson told California Report host Sasha Khokha. “And I knew that finding out his involvement would be a window into this world: the Emerald Triangle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938058\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 411px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11938058\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"a logo for a podcast titled 'The Emerald Triangle'\" width=\"411\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1536x1536.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-2048x2048.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/EmeraldTriangle_TileArt-FINAL-1920x1920.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Crooked City: The Emerald Triangle premiered in November.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Three Northern California counties — Humboldt, Mendocino and Trinity — make up what is known as the Emerald Triangle. In these mountainous regions, illegal pot farms have flourished. People come from all over to make quick money cultivating and trimming the marijuana. California legalized marijuana in 2016, but black market grows still operate, shipping their product to states where weed is still illegal and the profits are higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he read more about the arrest, Anderson became fascinated with the Emerald Triangle and its outlaw culture. He packed up his car and drove out to Mendocino to try to uncover what really happened in the murder case. He showed up in Laytonville, known to be hostile to outsiders, asking questions about the illegal pot growing industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over five years, Anderson would befriend local characters, get caught up in some scary situations and learn how to be an investigative journalist. He had to earn the trust of people close to the victim and the accused, all while living and working out of a tent, which became his “office” as he reported. Ultimately, he stumbled upon recordings of the police investigation, which helped crack open the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11938055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11938055 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-800x499.jpg\" alt=\"a young white man wearing headphones and a blue t-shirt and jeans smiles as he holds an audio recorder up to a cannabis plant on a farm with blue sky in the background\" width=\"800\" height=\"499\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-800x499.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1020x636.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1536x958.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-2048x1278.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/weed-plant-w-recorder-1920x1198.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sam Anderson recording at a legal cannabis farm in Laytonville. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Mickey Capper)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Listen to Sasha’s interview with Anderson about the reporting process and what it was like to try to break into an insular community, all the while with a microphone in hand. Anderson did ultimately uncover some satisfying answers about Jeff Settler’s murder. Along the way he learned a lot about the conditions for workers in California’s black market weed industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out Anderson’s 10-part podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sonymusic.com/sonymusic/the-emerald-triangle-second-season-of-crooked-city-premiere/\">Crooked City: The Emerald Triangle\u003c/a>, to find out whether his friend Zach Wuester really was involved in the murder, and catch a glimpse of life among the outlaws in one of California’s most remote, mysterious regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California on Thursday announced it will sue the companies that make and promote most of the nation’s insulin, accusing them of scheming to illegally increase the price of the drug and demanding they return millions of dollars to some diabetics whom state officials say were overcharged for the medicine they must have to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/2023.01.12%20-%20Eli%20Lilly%20Complaint.pdf\">The lawsuit (PDF)\u003c/a>, to be filed in Los Angeles County Superior Court by Attorney General Rob Bonta, is the latest in a parade of legal actions against these companies from states across the political spectrum — all who have accused the corporate giants of abusing their power to quash competition and boost their profits by keeping the price of insulin high.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘It is not a partisan issue, all say the same thing: That the status quo is unacceptable and problematic and awful.’[/pullquote]A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/blog/rand-review/2021/01/the-astronomical-price-of-insulin-hurts-american-families.html\">2021 study\u003c/a> by the RAND Corporation comparing the insulin prices of nearly three dozen countries found prices in the United States were about 10 times higher than everywhere else. The average price of a vial of insulin in the United States was $98, while in nearby Canada it was $12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys general in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbs19news.com/story/47854094/ag-derek-schmidt-files-lawsuit-alleging-illegal-practices-have-inflated-insulin-prices-in-kansas\">Kansas\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-lawsuits-arkansas-diabetes-083486b27c73d1828cb49578a53165e4\">Arkansas, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ago.state.ms.us/2021/06/08/ag-lynn-fitch-files-lawsuit-against-insulin-manufacturers-and-pbms-over-insulin-pricing-scheme/\">Mississippi, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ffabe9fc174d4f2a9b3d952c24d67c95\">Minnesota\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/4c77f57063904e47806bc2000238c140\">Kentucky\u003c/a> have all filed similar lawsuits in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not a partisan issue,” said Bonta, a Democrat who was elected to his first full term in November. Bonta said state attorneys general from both major political parties “all say the same thing: That the status quo is unacceptable and problematic and awful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta sued three companies who make insulin — Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk and Sanofi — and three companies who manage prescription drug programs that provide insulin — CVS Caremark, Express Scripts and Optum Rx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the manufacturers raise the price of insulin “in lockstep with each other.” The prescription drug managers then negotiate with the manufacturers to get a percentage of that price in exchange for prominently promoting their high-price insulin over cheaper alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are losing their lives because they can’t afford the drug,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insulin manufacturers and prescription drug managers often blame each other for these higher prices. Mike DeAngelis, executive director of corporate communications for CVS Health, said the manufacturers alone set the list price for their products.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11920898,perspectives_201601142493\"]“Nothing in our agreements prevents drug manufacturers from lowering the prices of their insulin products and we would welcome such action,” he said. “Allegations that we play any role in determining the prices charged by manufacturers are false. We plan to vigorously defend against this complaint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statement from Optum Rx said the company “welcomes the opportunity to show the California Office of the Attorney General, just as it has with other States Attorneys General, how we work every day to provide people with access to affordable drugs, including insulin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Eli Lilly and Sanofi did not respond to a request for comment. A representative for Novo Nordisk declined to comment on the lawsuit. But the company provided some “background information” saying the net prices for its insulin products — the list price minus rebates and discounts — have fallen in each of the past five years “in large part to the significant rebates and discounts manufacturers pay to ensure access for patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insulin is made by the pancreas and is used by the human body to convert the food we eat into energy. People who have diabetes don’t produce enough insulin. People with Type 1 diabetes must take insulin every day to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Canadian scientists discovered insulin a century ago. They sold the patent to the University of Toronto for just $1 hoping to avoid a monopoly that could cause high prices. But eventually, the market came to be dominated by just three companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Wren, an activist associated with the California chapter of #Insulin4All, said he must take insulin every day to survive. Around 2009, Wren said he was working two jobs and did not have health insurance. He had to ration his insulin, taking less than the recommended dosage to make it last longer — a dangerous practice that he said ended up putting him in the hospital with ketoacidosis, a serious complication of diabetes.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘California can drive markets. Change emanates and starts here.’[/pullquote]Today, Wren says he has good health insurance and doesn’t have to ration his supply of insulin. He said he skirts the law each month by providing people insulin from someone else’s prescription “all so that they don’t have to ration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big insulin manufacturing companies have assistance programs to help people purchase insulin. Novo Nordisk said in 2021, more than a million people used some form of the company’s assistance when purchasing its insulin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state government is considering \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/health-california-diabetes-government-and-politics-f846c58d4cb327578d1c7b3a9495d496\">making its own insulin\u003c/a> and selling it at a much cheaper price. Last year, the state Legislature approved $100 million for the project, with $50 million set aside for developing three types of insulin and the rest going to a potential manufacturing facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials hope a California brand of generic insulin could disrupt the market and bring all insulin prices down. Bonta says he hopes his lawsuit does the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California can drive markets,” Bonta said, citing the state’s size and economic power. “Change emanates and starts here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Nothing in our agreements prevents drug manufacturers from lowering the prices of their insulin products and we would welcome such action,” he said. “Allegations that we play any role in determining the prices charged by manufacturers are false. We plan to vigorously defend against this complaint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statement from Optum Rx said the company “welcomes the opportunity to show the California Office of the Attorney General, just as it has with other States Attorneys General, how we work every day to provide people with access to affordable drugs, including insulin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for Eli Lilly and Sanofi did not respond to a request for comment. A representative for Novo Nordisk declined to comment on the lawsuit. But the company provided some “background information” saying the net prices for its insulin products — the list price minus rebates and discounts — have fallen in each of the past five years “in large part to the significant rebates and discounts manufacturers pay to ensure access for patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insulin is made by the pancreas and is used by the human body to convert the food we eat into energy. People who have diabetes don’t produce enough insulin. People with Type 1 diabetes must take insulin every day to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Canadian scientists discovered insulin a century ago. They sold the patent to the University of Toronto for just $1 hoping to avoid a monopoly that could cause high prices. But eventually, the market came to be dominated by just three companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Wren, an activist associated with the California chapter of #Insulin4All, said he must take insulin every day to survive. Around 2009, Wren said he was working two jobs and did not have health insurance. He had to ration his insulin, taking less than the recommended dosage to make it last longer — a dangerous practice that he said ended up putting him in the hospital with ketoacidosis, a serious complication of diabetes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly 100 years ago, a local government in Southern California took Bruce’s Beach away from its Black owners because of the color of their skin. The owners’ descendants won a long effort to regain the land — and now they intend to sell it to Los Angeles County for nearly $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The return of Bruce’s Beach to the descendants of Willa and Charles Bruce \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/30/1041837156/bruces-beach-manhattan-newsom-los-angeles\">last summer\u003c/a> was hailed as a step toward righting the wrongs inflicted by systemic racism. County officials say the pending sale will go some way toward restoring the wealth that was stripped from the Bruce family in 1924.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bruce’s Beach will open a new chapter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“This fight has always been about what is best for the family, and they feel what is best for them is selling this property back to the County for nearly $20 million,” said Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors Chair Janice Hahn, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/supjanicehahn/posts/pfbid02mF5UDR9SWU92QQYYoHRSmYg96ZG6Cu4QHanNPQ4TW94F2wNkFCLgAscvdXNmKZcHl\">the plan was revealed on Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sale, Hahn said, will help the Bruce family in “finally rebuilding the generational wealth they were denied for nearly a century.”[aside postID=news_11891836]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Manhattan Beach moved to condemn Bruce’s Beach in 1924, shutting down what had quickly become a thriving resort for Black families — and one of the few spots where they were assured access to a beach, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/10/1035877068/a-beachfront-property-taken-from-a-black-family-a-century-ago-may-soon-be-return\">NPR’s Joe Hernandez reported last year\u003c/a>. Years later, the land was transferred to the state, and then to LA County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/30/moving-to-right-historical-wrong-governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-return-bruces-beach-to-black-descendants/\">signed\u003c/a> a bill clearing the way for the beach to be transferred back to the descendants of Willa and Charles Bruce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to apologize to the Bruce family for the injustice that was done to them,” Newsom said at the time, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/governor-gavin-newsom-bruces-beach-bill-manhattan-beach-willa-charles-bruce-black-descendants-resort/2703972/\">NBC Los Angeles\u003c/a>. “We haven’t always had a proud past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process that returned the beach to the Bruces included a plan for LA County to lease the land for $413,000 annually. It also included an option to buy the land for as much as $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear what happens next to the beach property. Under a previous California law, the county had been barred from transferring the land and was able to use the beach area for recreation purposes only. But the law that cleared the path for the Bruce family to regain control of the property does not have the same provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Black resort’s success riled white neighbors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As calls for the return of Bruce’s Beach grew in recent years, examinations of Jim Crow-era records showed that the use of eminent domain to seize the beachfront property and shut down the resort was motivated by the color of Willa and Charles Bruce’s skin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Called the Bruce Beach Front when it opened in the summer of 1912, the resort’s success was driven by Willa Bruce, whose husband worked as a chef on a train line running between California and Utah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever we have tried to buy land for a beach resort we have been refused, but I own this land and I am going to keep it,” Willa Bruce was quoted saying at the time, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.manhattanbeach.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/46327/637539367135870000\">2021 report from a task force\u003c/a> assembled by the city of Manhattan Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearby white landowners feared an “invasion” by Black people because of the Bruce’s business, according to records cited by the task force, which says the neighbors also “resented the resort’s growing popularity and prosperity.”[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]Their efforts to undermine the resort eventually succeeded: As the city later stated on a historic plaque at the site, “This two-block neighborhood was home to several minority families and was condemned through eminent domain proceedings commenced in 1924.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the resort was seized, the city demolished its buildings, but it never followed through on the purported plan to build a park on the site. To prevent the Bruces from relocating their operation, the city council also voted to block any new resorts from opening, as the text of the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB796\">state’s 2021 law\u003c/a> notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commenting on the pending sale, Los Angeles County Board Supervisor Holly J. Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://mitchell.lacounty.gov/statement-on-sale-bruces-beach/\">issued a statement\u003c/a> saying that the land’s return “will continue to serve as an example of what is possible across the globe when you have the political will and leadership to correct the injustices of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2023 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Black+family+who+won+the+return+of+Bruce%27s+Beach+will+sell+it+back+to+LA+County&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly 100 years ago, a local government in Southern California took Bruce’s Beach away from its Black owners because of the color of their skin. The owners’ descendants won a long effort to regain the land — and now they intend to sell it to Los Angeles County for nearly $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The return of Bruce’s Beach to the descendants of Willa and Charles Bruce \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/30/1041837156/bruces-beach-manhattan-newsom-los-angeles\">last summer\u003c/a> was hailed as a step toward righting the wrongs inflicted by systemic racism. County officials say the pending sale will go some way toward restoring the wealth that was stripped from the Bruce family in 1924.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bruce’s Beach will open a new chapter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“This fight has always been about what is best for the family, and they feel what is best for them is selling this property back to the County for nearly $20 million,” said Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors Chair Janice Hahn, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/supjanicehahn/posts/pfbid02mF5UDR9SWU92QQYYoHRSmYg96ZG6Cu4QHanNPQ4TW94F2wNkFCLgAscvdXNmKZcHl\">the plan was revealed on Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sale, Hahn said, will help the Bruce family in “finally rebuilding the generational wealth they were denied for nearly a century.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Manhattan Beach moved to condemn Bruce’s Beach in 1924, shutting down what had quickly become a thriving resort for Black families — and one of the few spots where they were assured access to a beach, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/09/10/1035877068/a-beachfront-property-taken-from-a-black-family-a-century-ago-may-soon-be-return\">NPR’s Joe Hernandez reported last year\u003c/a>. Years later, the land was transferred to the state, and then to LA County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/30/moving-to-right-historical-wrong-governor-newsom-signs-legislation-to-return-bruces-beach-to-black-descendants/\">signed\u003c/a> a bill clearing the way for the beach to be transferred back to the descendants of Willa and Charles Bruce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to apologize to the Bruce family for the injustice that was done to them,” Newsom said at the time, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/governor-gavin-newsom-bruces-beach-bill-manhattan-beach-willa-charles-bruce-black-descendants-resort/2703972/\">NBC Los Angeles\u003c/a>. “We haven’t always had a proud past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process that returned the beach to the Bruces included a plan for LA County to lease the land for $413,000 annually. It also included an option to buy the land for as much as $20 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear what happens next to the beach property. Under a previous California law, the county had been barred from transferring the land and was able to use the beach area for recreation purposes only. But the law that cleared the path for the Bruce family to regain control of the property does not have the same provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Black resort’s success riled white neighbors\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As calls for the return of Bruce’s Beach grew in recent years, examinations of Jim Crow-era records showed that the use of eminent domain to seize the beachfront property and shut down the resort was motivated by the color of Willa and Charles Bruce’s skin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Called the Bruce Beach Front when it opened in the summer of 1912, the resort’s success was driven by Willa Bruce, whose husband worked as a chef on a train line running between California and Utah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever we have tried to buy land for a beach resort we have been refused, but I own this land and I am going to keep it,” Willa Bruce was quoted saying at the time, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.manhattanbeach.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/46327/637539367135870000\">2021 report from a task force\u003c/a> assembled by the city of Manhattan Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearby white landowners feared an “invasion” by Black people because of the Bruce’s business, according to records cited by the task force, which says the neighbors also “resented the resort’s growing popularity and prosperity.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Their efforts to undermine the resort eventually succeeded: As the city later stated on a historic plaque at the site, “This two-block neighborhood was home to several minority families and was condemned through eminent domain proceedings commenced in 1924.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the resort was seized, the city demolished its buildings, but it never followed through on the purported plan to build a park on the site. To prevent the Bruces from relocating their operation, the city council also voted to block any new resorts from opening, as the text of the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB796\">state’s 2021 law\u003c/a> notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commenting on the pending sale, Los Angeles County Board Supervisor Holly J. Mitchell \u003ca href=\"https://mitchell.lacounty.gov/statement-on-sale-bruces-beach/\">issued a statement\u003c/a> saying that the land’s return “will continue to serve as an example of what is possible across the globe when you have the political will and leadership to correct the injustices of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2023 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=The+Black+family+who+won+the+return+of+Bruce%27s+Beach+will+sell+it+back+to+LA+County&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How New Title IX Rules Could Affect California's Transgender and Nonbinary Students",
"headTitle": "CALmatters | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It took Xander nearly a decade to try community college again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incoming American River College student first attempted higher education in North Carolina in 2013. But navigating campus as a man who is transgender was a nightmare, said Xander, who’s now 30 and asked to use his first name only because he did not want to publicly reveal that he is trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the classroom, he said, people refused to call him Xander. Classmates misgendered him, deadnamed him — using his former name from before he transitioned — and told him he was in the wrong bathroom. He never knew when a confrontation might escalate to violence. Eventually, he said, he began living a double life, taking on different personas inside and outside the school walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out to my friends, but at school I gave up with letting people deadname me and misgender me, like it wasn’t worth the fight anymore,” Xander said. “And it wasn’t worth the risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xander’s experiences mirror those of other transgender students in the U.S.; according to an April survey by The Williams Institute, a think tank at the UCLA School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/transgender-higher-ed/\">more than a third of transgender people report experiencing bullying or harassment in college\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration aims to protect students who identify as transgender and nonbinary from discrimination under new rules proposed in June and now making their way through the Education Department’s lengthy rulemaking process. If finalized, the changes to Title IX, the 50-year-old civil rights law, would clarify that its ban on discrimination on the basis of sex extends to sexual orientation and gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what impact will the expanded protections have on college campuses in California, a state that has already passed laws barring discrimination based on gender identity and gender expression?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legally, not so much, say civil rights lawyers. But the proposed guidelines will remove ambiguity about what Title IX covers and put more responsibility on schools to address discrimination, they say. Students and college employees who advocate for LGBTQ rights told the CalMatters College Journalism Network that while they applaud the change in federal policy, campuses must go beyond the letter of the law to ensure that they are safe and welcoming places for transgender and nonbinary people to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we see is that queer and trans students generally feel less welcome on their college campuses and more concerned about their physical safety, but also their emotional safety,” said Emilie Mitchell, dean of social and behavioral sciences at Cosumnes River College and co-organizer of an annual LGBTQ+ summit for the state’s community colleges. “Are they going to be mistreated in a classroom? Is their identity going to be a class topic for debate?” The new rules are reassuring, she said, because they give “a lot less wiggle room to people who might want to behave in really destructive ways towards the queer and trans community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, the guidelines require colleges to monitor their campuses for gender discrimination and “take prompt and effective action” to fix it — stronger language than the previous requirement to be “not deliberately indifferent.” And by explicitly writing in protections, they ensure that anti-LGBTQ discrimination can be handled under Title IX instead of being rerouted to other disciplinary processes, said Kel O’Hara, a staff attorney at Equal Rights Advocates, a legal and advocacy organization specializing in gender issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules also could lead the federal Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights to investigate more gender discrimination complaints against schools, said Carly Mee, a civil rights attorney at Trister, Ross, Schadler & Gold, PLLC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to have an external mechanism where you can go and file that complaint and say, ‘My school is not protecting my rights,’” she added. “That will be a big deal for trans and nonbinary students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Education Department has already issued informal guidance saying that Title IX protections apply to gender and sexual orientation, but \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2022/07/title-ix-lgbtq-trans-sports-biden/\">a federal judge in July temporarily blocked the department from enforcing that interpretation in 20 states that sued\u003c/a>, saying the advice conflicted with anti-trans laws they’d already passed. Controversy has erupted in a number of states over whether transgender students should be allowed to participate on sports teams that correspond with their gender identity; the Biden administration has said it will issue a separate Title IX rule specifically addressing athletics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys with the conservative Pacific Legal Foundation argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://pacificlegal.org/the-hill-biden-administration-threatens-free-speech-with-title-ix-gender-identity-rule/\">September op-ed in The Hill\u003c/a> that the new rules would “pose a severe threat to free speech” by censoring viewpoints such as that of a professor who “declines to use a student’s preferred pronoun because of her religious beliefs.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Eli Erlick, co-founder of Trans Student Educational Resources\"]'While on paper, trans students are certainly protected in our schools, we don't always experience that.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/12/transgender-students-california-deadnaming/\">new law took effect\u003c/a> this year requiring public colleges to update records for students who have legally changed their names, including as a result of a gender transition, and allowing graduates to request an updated copy of their diploma for free. Starting with the next academic year, colleges must allow students to self-identify their names on diplomas even without documentation of a legal name change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s public university systems say they are reviewing the impact the Title IX changes could have for their respective campuses, with University of California spokesperson Stett Holbrook saying they “represent a great improvement over the regulations issued by the previous administration in 2020, many of which UC opposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC campuses are also \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/2020/11/president-drake-announces-new-presidential-policy-on-gender-recognition-and-lived-name.html\">rolling out a gender recognition policy\u003c/a> that goes beyond the state law to ensure people are identified by their accurate gender identity and name in all their interactions with the university. Another state law will require the community colleges to do the same, starting next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transgender and nonbinary students say policies alone aren’t enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While on paper, trans students are certainly protected in our schools, we don’t always experience that,” said Eli Erlick, a doctoral student at UC Santa Cruz who co-founded Trans Student Educational Resources, a national organization led by trans youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erlick said it’s crucial to have campus support networks built by and for trans people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she co-founded the organization, she said, “this was the idea: to help people understand their rights, know their choices and opportunities and know what they can do to protect themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Santa Cruz, Fénix López, a fourth-year undergraduate, has built their own community on campus. Lopez, who identifies as queer and nonbinary, helps run the Lavender Club, a queer undergraduate group, and is a resident assistant for the LGBTQ-themed floor in their college residence hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a queer person, I feel like I have to make my own spaces,” they said. This year, those spaces include a “Queersgiving” event that the club hosted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point was to kind of celebrate not Thanksgiving but gathering with your friends, having a meal with your found family, because I know that the holidays can be rough for a lot of queer individuals,” López said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Universities need to pay more attention to meeting transgender and nonbinary students’ basic needs, López said, which include not just housing and food but “making sure you have a community, that you feel that you have that sense of belonging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the protections California transgender and nonbinary students have, campus staff who work with those students say they still regularly hear reports of misgendering and other negative experiences on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>delfín bautista, director of the Lionel Cantú Queer Resource Center at UC Santa Cruz, said that while California was more welcoming to transgender and nonbinary students than Florida and Ohio, where they previously lived, “students do feel invisible, and they don’t feel necessarily embraced and affirmed.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Emilie Mitchell, dean of social and behavioral sciences at Cosumnes River College\"]'What we see is that queer and trans students generally feel less welcome on their college campuses and more concerned about their physical safety, but also their emotional safety.'[/pullquote]Per California law, all single-stall restrooms on the UC Santa Cruz campus are gender neutral – but they are in short supply, said bautista, who lower-cases their first and last name. And while UC Santa Cruz policy says that athletes can use whatever locker room they identify with, that doesn’t mean they always feel safe doing so, bautista said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, graduate students often tell Em Huang, the campus’s director of LGBTQ+ Advancement and Equity, that the professors they work with misgender them or call them by an incorrect name. It can be easier for that to happen in small labs, Huang said, where there are fewer people around to speak up and the student feels isolated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara, the Equal Rights Advocates attorney, said that when representing students in Title IX proceedings, they have been misgendered by Title IX coordinators and so have their clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re trying to seek safety and protection and resolution on campus, but the people you’re interacting with barely understand you, that doesn’t feel safe, that doesn’t feel OK,” O’Hara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At American River College, where Mitchell used to work, a 2019 survey found that nearly one-third of about 1200 students felt it was necessary to hide their gender identity from fellow students, with an equal number saying they hid it from their professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college has a Pride Center, Mitchell estimated that fewer than a dozen of the state’s 115 community college campuses have such a center with at least one paid staff person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of campuses that rely on unpaid volunteer staff or advocates,” Mitchell said. “When you’re talking about institutional support, right, an institution saying, ‘We’re really interested in providing high-level services to our queer and trans students,’ I don’t know how you do that when you rest all those efforts on the shoulders of the committed but unpaid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature allocated $10 million last year to California community colleges to support LGBTQ students; Melissa Villarin, a spokesperson for the Chancellor’s Office, said colleges are using the funds for LGBTQ-focused centers and curriculum, professional development and mental health care, among other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus advocates say students often are confused about Title IX and what their rights are under the law. Some said universities should create and publicly post an LGBTQ bill of rights, and that the Department of Education should give schools specific examples of prohibited types of conduct unique to transgender and nonbinary students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Title IX rules, said O’Hara, could also make a difference in cases like California State University’s Maritime Academy, where the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-12-13/csu-maritime-academy-women-trans-nonbinary-harassment\">Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> reported that “claims of widespread sexual misconduct, homophobia, transphobia and racism” have roiled the campus. One cadet filed a Title IX report over messages in a group text chat where cadet leaders mocked LGBTQ classmates, according to the Times, but both the campus and the Cal State chancellor’s office found that the chat, which did not name any person, was protected speech under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara, who is not involved in the case, said that their first question as a Title IX attorney would be, “OK, what else is going on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if that’s how your classmates are talking about you in their private messages, chances are they’re doing other things to make you feel uncomfortable in your identity,” O’Hara said. The new rules’ affirmative monitoring requirement would put the responsibility on the school to gather that evidence, O’Hara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the challenges, transgender students also told the CalMatters College Journalism Network about times they felt supported on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erlick, who received her bachelor’s degree from Pitzer College, said there were a lot more resources there, and later at UC Santa Cruz, than in her hometown of Mendocino County. She found student groups that helped her thrive and learn in an academic environment that also incorporated queer and trans people, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Xander navigates the enrollment process at American River College, he said staff never mention his former name out loud if it appears in legal documents. Instead, to avoid outing him, they’ll show him the name on a computer screen or say the first initial, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working to have his name changed in the college’s system, he connected with a staff member who told him, “Oh, I understand. I’m nonbinary. I went through a name change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, wow, that’s super cool. Like knowing that there’s a trans person on staff,” Xander said. “And so that made me feel safer. It made me feel a lot better actually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shaikh is a former fellow with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calmatters.org/projects/college-journalism-network\">\u003cem>CalMatters College Journalism Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. Network fellow Oden Taylor contributed reporting. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "New Title IX rules barring gender discrimination could put more responsibility on colleges to protect transgender and nonbinary students. But those students say creating welcoming campuses will require more than just policy.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It took Xander nearly a decade to try community college again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incoming American River College student first attempted higher education in North Carolina in 2013. But navigating campus as a man who is transgender was a nightmare, said Xander, who’s now 30 and asked to use his first name only because he did not want to publicly reveal that he is trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the classroom, he said, people refused to call him Xander. Classmates misgendered him, deadnamed him — using his former name from before he transitioned — and told him he was in the wrong bathroom. He never knew when a confrontation might escalate to violence. Eventually, he said, he began living a double life, taking on different personas inside and outside the school walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was out to my friends, but at school I gave up with letting people deadname me and misgender me, like it wasn’t worth the fight anymore,” Xander said. “And it wasn’t worth the risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Xander’s experiences mirror those of other transgender students in the U.S.; according to an April survey by The Williams Institute, a think tank at the UCLA School of Law, \u003ca href=\"https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/transgender-higher-ed/\">more than a third of transgender people report experiencing bullying or harassment in college\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Joe Biden’s administration aims to protect students who identify as transgender and nonbinary from discrimination under new rules proposed in June and now making their way through the Education Department’s lengthy rulemaking process. If finalized, the changes to Title IX, the 50-year-old civil rights law, would clarify that its ban on discrimination on the basis of sex extends to sexual orientation and gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what impact will the expanded protections have on college campuses in California, a state that has already passed laws barring discrimination based on gender identity and gender expression?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legally, not so much, say civil rights lawyers. But the proposed guidelines will remove ambiguity about what Title IX covers and put more responsibility on schools to address discrimination, they say. Students and college employees who advocate for LGBTQ rights told the CalMatters College Journalism Network that while they applaud the change in federal policy, campuses must go beyond the letter of the law to ensure that they are safe and welcoming places for transgender and nonbinary people to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we see is that queer and trans students generally feel less welcome on their college campuses and more concerned about their physical safety, but also their emotional safety,” said Emilie Mitchell, dean of social and behavioral sciences at Cosumnes River College and co-organizer of an annual LGBTQ+ summit for the state’s community colleges. “Are they going to be mistreated in a classroom? Is their identity going to be a class topic for debate?” The new rules are reassuring, she said, because they give “a lot less wiggle room to people who might want to behave in really destructive ways towards the queer and trans community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other changes, the guidelines require colleges to monitor their campuses for gender discrimination and “take prompt and effective action” to fix it — stronger language than the previous requirement to be “not deliberately indifferent.” And by explicitly writing in protections, they ensure that anti-LGBTQ discrimination can be handled under Title IX instead of being rerouted to other disciplinary processes, said Kel O’Hara, a staff attorney at Equal Rights Advocates, a legal and advocacy organization specializing in gender issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules also could lead the federal Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights to investigate more gender discrimination complaints against schools, said Carly Mee, a civil rights attorney at Trister, Ross, Schadler & Gold, PLLC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to have an external mechanism where you can go and file that complaint and say, ‘My school is not protecting my rights,’” she added. “That will be a big deal for trans and nonbinary students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Education Department has already issued informal guidance saying that Title IX protections apply to gender and sexual orientation, but \u003ca href=\"https://19thnews.org/2022/07/title-ix-lgbtq-trans-sports-biden/\">a federal judge in July temporarily blocked the department from enforcing that interpretation in 20 states that sued\u003c/a>, saying the advice conflicted with anti-trans laws they’d already passed. Controversy has erupted in a number of states over whether transgender students should be allowed to participate on sports teams that correspond with their gender identity; the Biden administration has said it will issue a separate Title IX rule specifically addressing athletics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys with the conservative Pacific Legal Foundation argued in a \u003ca href=\"https://pacificlegal.org/the-hill-biden-administration-threatens-free-speech-with-title-ix-gender-identity-rule/\">September op-ed in The Hill\u003c/a> that the new rules would “pose a severe threat to free speech” by censoring viewpoints such as that of a professor who “declines to use a student’s preferred pronoun because of her religious beliefs.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/12/transgender-students-california-deadnaming/\">new law took effect\u003c/a> this year requiring public colleges to update records for students who have legally changed their names, including as a result of a gender transition, and allowing graduates to request an updated copy of their diploma for free. Starting with the next academic year, colleges must allow students to self-identify their names on diplomas even without documentation of a legal name change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s public university systems say they are reviewing the impact the Title IX changes could have for their respective campuses, with University of California spokesperson Stett Holbrook saying they “represent a great improvement over the regulations issued by the previous administration in 2020, many of which UC opposed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC campuses are also \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/2020/11/president-drake-announces-new-presidential-policy-on-gender-recognition-and-lived-name.html\">rolling out a gender recognition policy\u003c/a> that goes beyond the state law to ensure people are identified by their accurate gender identity and name in all their interactions with the university. Another state law will require the community colleges to do the same, starting next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transgender and nonbinary students say policies alone aren’t enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While on paper, trans students are certainly protected in our schools, we don’t always experience that,” said Eli Erlick, a doctoral student at UC Santa Cruz who co-founded Trans Student Educational Resources, a national organization led by trans youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erlick said it’s crucial to have campus support networks built by and for trans people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she co-founded the organization, she said, “this was the idea: to help people understand their rights, know their choices and opportunities and know what they can do to protect themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Santa Cruz, Fénix López, a fourth-year undergraduate, has built their own community on campus. Lopez, who identifies as queer and nonbinary, helps run the Lavender Club, a queer undergraduate group, and is a resident assistant for the LGBTQ-themed floor in their college residence hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a queer person, I feel like I have to make my own spaces,” they said. This year, those spaces include a “Queersgiving” event that the club hosted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point was to kind of celebrate not Thanksgiving but gathering with your friends, having a meal with your found family, because I know that the holidays can be rough for a lot of queer individuals,” López said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Universities need to pay more attention to meeting transgender and nonbinary students’ basic needs, López said, which include not just housing and food but “making sure you have a community, that you feel that you have that sense of belonging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the protections California transgender and nonbinary students have, campus staff who work with those students say they still regularly hear reports of misgendering and other negative experiences on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>delfín bautista, director of the Lionel Cantú Queer Resource Center at UC Santa Cruz, said that while California was more welcoming to transgender and nonbinary students than Florida and Ohio, where they previously lived, “students do feel invisible, and they don’t feel necessarily embraced and affirmed.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Per California law, all single-stall restrooms on the UC Santa Cruz campus are gender neutral – but they are in short supply, said bautista, who lower-cases their first and last name. And while UC Santa Cruz policy says that athletes can use whatever locker room they identify with, that doesn’t mean they always feel safe doing so, bautista said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, graduate students often tell Em Huang, the campus’s director of LGBTQ+ Advancement and Equity, that the professors they work with misgender them or call them by an incorrect name. It can be easier for that to happen in small labs, Huang said, where there are fewer people around to speak up and the student feels isolated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara, the Equal Rights Advocates attorney, said that when representing students in Title IX proceedings, they have been misgendered by Title IX coordinators and so have their clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re trying to seek safety and protection and resolution on campus, but the people you’re interacting with barely understand you, that doesn’t feel safe, that doesn’t feel OK,” O’Hara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At American River College, where Mitchell used to work, a 2019 survey found that nearly one-third of about 1200 students felt it was necessary to hide their gender identity from fellow students, with an equal number saying they hid it from their professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college has a Pride Center, Mitchell estimated that fewer than a dozen of the state’s 115 community college campuses have such a center with at least one paid staff person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of campuses that rely on unpaid volunteer staff or advocates,” Mitchell said. “When you’re talking about institutional support, right, an institution saying, ‘We’re really interested in providing high-level services to our queer and trans students,’ I don’t know how you do that when you rest all those efforts on the shoulders of the committed but unpaid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature allocated $10 million last year to California community colleges to support LGBTQ students; Melissa Villarin, a spokesperson for the Chancellor’s Office, said colleges are using the funds for LGBTQ-focused centers and curriculum, professional development and mental health care, among other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus advocates say students often are confused about Title IX and what their rights are under the law. Some said universities should create and publicly post an LGBTQ bill of rights, and that the Department of Education should give schools specific examples of prohibited types of conduct unique to transgender and nonbinary students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Title IX rules, said O’Hara, could also make a difference in cases like California State University’s Maritime Academy, where the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-12-13/csu-maritime-academy-women-trans-nonbinary-harassment\">Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> reported that “claims of widespread sexual misconduct, homophobia, transphobia and racism” have roiled the campus. One cadet filed a Title IX report over messages in a group text chat where cadet leaders mocked LGBTQ classmates, according to the Times, but both the campus and the Cal State chancellor’s office found that the chat, which did not name any person, was protected speech under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O’Hara, who is not involved in the case, said that their first question as a Title IX attorney would be, “OK, what else is going on?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if that’s how your classmates are talking about you in their private messages, chances are they’re doing other things to make you feel uncomfortable in your identity,” O’Hara said. The new rules’ affirmative monitoring requirement would put the responsibility on the school to gather that evidence, O’Hara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the challenges, transgender students also told the CalMatters College Journalism Network about times they felt supported on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erlick, who received her bachelor’s degree from Pitzer College, said there were a lot more resources there, and later at UC Santa Cruz, than in her hometown of Mendocino County. She found student groups that helped her thrive and learn in an academic environment that also incorporated queer and trans people, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Xander navigates the enrollment process at American River College, he said staff never mention his former name out loud if it appears in legal documents. Instead, to avoid outing him, they’ll show him the name on a computer screen or say the first initial, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working to have his name changed in the college’s system, he connected with a staff member who told him, “Oh, I understand. I’m nonbinary. I went through a name change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, wow, that’s super cool. Like knowing that there’s a trans person on staff,” Xander said. “And so that made me feel safer. It made me feel a lot better actually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shaikh is a former fellow with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.calmatters.org/projects/college-journalism-network\">\u003cem>CalMatters College Journalism Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. Network fellow Oden Taylor contributed reporting. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Cheaper abortions, raises for some workers and grace for jaywalkers and loiterers are some of the hundreds of new laws that take effect in California next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed 997 new laws in 2022 and many of them take effect on January 1 while some go into effect later in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cheaper abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Private insurance companies \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB245\">can’t charge\u003c/a> people co-pays or deductibles for abortions anymore. That \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-business-health-california-d4b58d86434c9c790b8bbfcb7240f2af\">will save\u003c/a> an average of $543 for a medication abortion and $887 for a procedural abortion, according to an analysis by the California Health Benefits Review Program. Lawmakers also did the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-health-california-gavin-newsom-84b7bf414b16f55454ce3e81544f5a10\">same thing for vasectomies\u003c/a>, but \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB523\">that law\u003c/a> won’t take effect until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Higher pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s minimum wage will jump to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-inflation-686b6c1ddc9240f76e8e61613717edd8\">$15.50 per hour\u003c/a>. That will mean raises for about 3 million workers who earn minimum wage. The increase was triggered by inflation, as required by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB3\">a law\u003c/a> passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grace for pedestrians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jaywalking and loitering will be enforced differently in 2023. Police officers \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2147\">won’t be able to ticket\u003c/a> people for crossing the street outside of an intersection — unless they are in immediate danger of getting hit by a car. Likewise, police won’t be able to ticket people for \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB357\">loitering for the purpose of prostitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Haven for transgender kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB107\">new law\u003c/a> will try to stop other states from punishing children who come to California for transgender surgeries and other \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gender-identity-sacramento-gavin-newsom-1bef273ba60e61a17960eaf8107f37f6\">gender-affirming care\u003c/a>. The law will block out-of-state subpoenas and stop health providers from sharing information with out-of-state entities related to gender-affirming care, defined as “medically necessary health care that respects the gender identity of the patient, as experienced and defined by the patient.” That includes hormone therapy to suppress secondary sex characteristics.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cyber flashing lawsuits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beginning in January, you can \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB53\">sue someone\u003c/a> for sending you “obscene material” against your will. Known as “cyber flashing,” this includes nude photos or videos or other material depicting sex acts. A court could award economic and noneconomic damages, plus penalties of between $1,500 and $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shuttered stores could soon become affordable housing. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-420473872ae2c94a4a357789a397caaf\">Two new laws\u003c/a> will open up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development while mostly preventing local governments from blocking the projects. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build market-rate housing on some commercial land, but the projects will still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Early release for critically ill incarcerated people\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-treatment-of-prisoners-695248f5abb7cbf0b02ccdde15b18c7a\">will release\u003c/a> more ill and dying incarcerated people in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB960\">new law\u003c/a> eases the current standard for compassionate release, which critics said was too restrictive. Of the 304 incarcerated people who sought compassionate release between January 2015 and April 2021, just 53 were released by the courts, according to the nonprofit advocacy group Families Against Mandatory Minimums.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Disruptive meetings\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Public meetings have always been a place for people to voice their frustrations with government. But the pandemic restrictions have only made those meetings more intense. In 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1100\">new law\u003c/a> sets rules for when local officials can remove people from public meetings for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/education-california-united-states-sacramento-gavin-newsom-88ea4f3c2164dc0f345799dbc0d2edae\">being too disruptive\u003c/a>. The law says the presiding officer can remove someone only after warning them first.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protected rap lyrics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In criminal trials, prosecutors often use the defendants’ words against them. That includes things like rap lyrics, which prosecutors sometimes use to attack someone’s character or connect the crime to gang violence. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2799\">new law\u003c/a> aims to restrict the use of “creative content” in courts, requiring a judge to first hold a hearing about whether the content is admissible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No more ‘pink tax’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Women often pay a lot more for shampoo and deodorant than men do. That’s because retailers often charge more for products that are marketed toward women, a practice known as the “pink tax.” A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1287\">new law\u003c/a> says that retailers must charge the same prices for products that are “substantially similar” regardless of their marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New state holidays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California will have three new state holidays in 2023: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1655&search_keywords=juneteenth\">Juneteenth\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2596&search_keywords=lunar%23%23%23new%23%23%23year\">Lunar New Year\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1801&search_keywords=Armenian%23%23%23Genocide%23%23%23Remembrance\">Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day\u003c/a>. Juneteenth will be June 19th and celebrates the abolishment of slavery in the United States. Lunar New Year is celebrated in Asian countries and coincides with the first new moon between the end of January and the first 15 days of the first month of the lunar calendar. Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day would be April 24 and would recognize the killing of millions of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More time to grieve\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most workers will be guaranteed at least five days off when a loved one dies. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1949\">The law\u003c/a> applies to government agencies and private companies with at least five employees. “Family member” means spouse, child, parent, sibling, grandparent, grandchild, domestic partner or parent-in-law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salary disclosure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Considering applying for a job but frustrated because you don’t know what the salary might be? A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1162\">new law\u003c/a> in California aims to fix that. Starting in January, companies with at least 15 employees must include the pay scale in all job postings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oil drilling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A law to ban new oil drilling within 3,200 feet of homes, schools and other community sites is set to take effect January 1, but it may soon be put on hold by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-business-california-gavin-newsom-climate-and-environment-27ebf1d22b0bab5b6e11756e1b3c3df6\">a referendum\u003c/a>. A campaign organized by oil and gas groups have organized the ballot drive, hoping that voters will overturn the law in 2024. Signatures are currently being verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Hundreds of new laws will go into effect in California in the new year, including new laws concerning minimum wage, jaywalking, abortions, affordable housing and new public holidays. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cheaper abortions, raises for some workers and grace for jaywalkers and loiterers are some of the hundreds of new laws that take effect in California next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed 997 new laws in 2022 and many of them take effect on January 1 while some go into effect later in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a look at some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cheaper abortions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Private insurance companies \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB245\">can’t charge\u003c/a> people co-pays or deductibles for abortions anymore. That \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-business-health-california-d4b58d86434c9c790b8bbfcb7240f2af\">will save\u003c/a> an average of $543 for a medication abortion and $887 for a procedural abortion, according to an analysis by the California Health Benefits Review Program. Lawmakers also did the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-health-california-gavin-newsom-84b7bf414b16f55454ce3e81544f5a10\">same thing for vasectomies\u003c/a>, but \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB523\">that law\u003c/a> won’t take effect until 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Higher pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s minimum wage will jump to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-inflation-686b6c1ddc9240f76e8e61613717edd8\">$15.50 per hour\u003c/a>. That will mean raises for about 3 million workers who earn minimum wage. The increase was triggered by inflation, as required by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB3\">a law\u003c/a> passed in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Grace for pedestrians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jaywalking and loitering will be enforced differently in 2023. Police officers \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2147\">won’t be able to ticket\u003c/a> people for crossing the street outside of an intersection — unless they are in immediate danger of getting hit by a car. Likewise, police won’t be able to ticket people for \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB357\">loitering for the purpose of prostitution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Haven for transgender kids\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB107\">new law\u003c/a> will try to stop other states from punishing children who come to California for transgender surgeries and other \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gender-identity-sacramento-gavin-newsom-1bef273ba60e61a17960eaf8107f37f6\">gender-affirming care\u003c/a>. The law will block out-of-state subpoenas and stop health providers from sharing information with out-of-state entities related to gender-affirming care, defined as “medically necessary health care that respects the gender identity of the patient, as experienced and defined by the patient.” That includes hormone therapy to suppress secondary sex characteristics.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cyber flashing lawsuits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beginning in January, you can \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB53\">sue someone\u003c/a> for sending you “obscene material” against your will. Known as “cyber flashing,” this includes nude photos or videos or other material depicting sex acts. A court could award economic and noneconomic damages, plus penalties of between $1,500 and $30,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shuttered stores could soon become affordable housing. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-420473872ae2c94a4a357789a397caaf\">Two new laws\u003c/a> will open up much of the state’s commercial land for residential development while mostly preventing local governments from blocking the projects. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2011\">One law\u003c/a> will let developers build housing on some commercial land as long as a certain percentage of the housing is affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB6\">Another law\u003c/a> will let developers build market-rate housing on some commercial land, but the projects will still have to go through an environmental review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Early release for critically ill incarcerated people\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-treatment-of-prisoners-695248f5abb7cbf0b02ccdde15b18c7a\">will release\u003c/a> more ill and dying incarcerated people in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB960\">new law\u003c/a> eases the current standard for compassionate release, which critics said was too restrictive. Of the 304 incarcerated people who sought compassionate release between January 2015 and April 2021, just 53 were released by the courts, according to the nonprofit advocacy group Families Against Mandatory Minimums.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Disruptive meetings\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Public meetings have always been a place for people to voice their frustrations with government. But the pandemic restrictions have only made those meetings more intense. In 2023, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1100\">new law\u003c/a> sets rules for when local officials can remove people from public meetings for \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/education-california-united-states-sacramento-gavin-newsom-88ea4f3c2164dc0f345799dbc0d2edae\">being too disruptive\u003c/a>. The law says the presiding officer can remove someone only after warning them first.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protected rap lyrics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In criminal trials, prosecutors often use the defendants’ words against them. That includes things like rap lyrics, which prosecutors sometimes use to attack someone’s character or connect the crime to gang violence. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2799\">new law\u003c/a> aims to restrict the use of “creative content” in courts, requiring a judge to first hold a hearing about whether the content is admissible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No more ‘pink tax’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Women often pay a lot more for shampoo and deodorant than men do. That’s because retailers often charge more for products that are marketed toward women, a practice known as the “pink tax.” A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1287\">new law\u003c/a> says that retailers must charge the same prices for products that are “substantially similar” regardless of their marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New state holidays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California will have three new state holidays in 2023: \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1655&search_keywords=juneteenth\">Juneteenth\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB2596&search_keywords=lunar%23%23%23new%23%23%23year\">Lunar New Year\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1801&search_keywords=Armenian%23%23%23Genocide%23%23%23Remembrance\">Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day\u003c/a>. Juneteenth will be June 19th and celebrates the abolishment of slavery in the United States. Lunar New Year is celebrated in Asian countries and coincides with the first new moon between the end of January and the first 15 days of the first month of the lunar calendar. Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day would be April 24 and would recognize the killing of millions of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More time to grieve\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most workers will be guaranteed at least five days off when a loved one dies. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1949\">The law\u003c/a> applies to government agencies and private companies with at least five employees. “Family member” means spouse, child, parent, sibling, grandparent, grandchild, domestic partner or parent-in-law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salary disclosure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Considering applying for a job but frustrated because you don’t know what the salary might be? A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1162\">new law\u003c/a> in California aims to fix that. Starting in January, companies with at least 15 employees must include the pay scale in all job postings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oil drilling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A law to ban new oil drilling within 3,200 feet of homes, schools and other community sites is set to take effect January 1, but it may soon be put on hold by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-business-california-gavin-newsom-climate-and-environment-27ebf1d22b0bab5b6e11756e1b3c3df6\">a referendum\u003c/a>. A campaign organized by oil and gas groups have organized the ballot drive, hoping that voters will overturn the law in 2024. Signatures are currently being verified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "law-to-increase-fast-food-worker-wages-halted-by-judge-pitting-industry-groups-against-unions-and-state",
"title": "Law to Increase Fast-Food Worker Wages Halted by Judge, Pitting Industry Groups Against Unions and State",
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"headTitle": "Law to Increase Fast-Food Worker Wages Halted by Judge, Pitting Industry Groups Against Unions and State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A judge on Friday temporarily blocked the state of California from implementing \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-4bba6a5ea994acf06b950726a3b72262\">a landmark new law\u003c/a> aimed at raising wages and improving working conditions for fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Shelleyanne Chang’s order came in response to a lawsuit by restaurant industry groups under the Save Local Restaurants coalition, which is seeking a referendum on the November 2024 ballot in a bid to overturn the law. The coalition unites major fast-food chains like McDonald’s, Starbucks and Chipotle as \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/fast-food-chains-raise-millions-to-oppose-california-wage-law-11664582402?mod=article_inline\">corporate brands and franchisees together raised $12.7 million\u003c/a> in 2022 to fight AB257, aka the FAST Recovery Act.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tia Orr, executive director, SEIU California\"]‘This cowardly tactic comes right out of the corporate playbook Californians have, unfortunately, come to know too well.’[/pullquote]“Above all, today’s decision by the Sacramento Superior Court protects the voices of over one million California voters who exercised their democratic right in asking to vote on a piece of legislation before bearing its burden,” said the coalition \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/sacramento-superior-court-puts-ab-257-on-hold-for-review-after-save-local-restaurants-lawsuit/\">in a statement Friday\u003c/a>. “While this pause is temporary, the impact is beyond just one piece of legislation and keeps intact for the time being California’s century-old referendum process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law establishes a 10-member council empowered to set minimum wages as well as standards for hours and working conditions for California’s fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and county elections officials are still verifying whether the referendum proposal received enough signatures to qualify for the ballot, a determination expected by the end of January. If that happens, the law would be halted from taking effect until voters weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the state Department of Industrial Relations said it plans to begin implementing the law on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If and when the referendum challenging AB 257 qualifies for the ballot, the law will be put on hold,” said Katrina Hagen, director of the DIR, in a \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/AB-257-Ltr-12.27.2022-.pdf\">declaration (PDF)\u003c/a> on December 27. “But in the absence of clear authority providing that AB 257 is suspended merely upon submission of unverified signatures, DIR has an obligation to proceed with implementing the duly enacted statute.”[aside postID=news_11924687 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58349_GettyImages-1242148591-qut-1020x652.jpg']Implementation could include clearing the way for appointments to the Fast Food Council. But any wage increases or other changes couldn’t take effect until at least October, meaning the law would have no immediate impact on worker pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The International Franchise Association and the National Restaurant Association said state law requires the state to sit tight until the status of the referendum is determined. The industry groups submitted more than 1 million signatures from voters in support of the referendum, well above the roughly 620,000 required by state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California bureaucrats, at the behest of special interests, are taking an unprecedented step to violate their Constitution and the will of more than one million voters who asked for the Fast Food Council to be stopped via the referendum process,” Matt Haller, chief executive officer and president of the International Franchise Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, which drove support for the creation of the council, blasted the lawsuit and several companies by name, including McDonald’s, Chipotle and Starbucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This cowardly tactic comes right out of the corporate playbook Californians have, unfortunately, come to know too well,” said Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, in a statement.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Save Local Restaurants coalition\"]‘While this pause is temporary, the impact is beyond just one piece of legislation and keeps intact for the time being California’s century-old referendum process.’[/pullquote]“When corporations fail to halt progressive legislation in the legislature, they pivot to bankrolling ballot measures in an attempt to circumvent democracy and the will of the people,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/NorCalFF15/status/1608900657737760774\">Twitter on Friday\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://fightfor15.org/\">Fight for $15\u003c/a> coalition said: “Cowardice, greed, and not just rejecting the needs of our families, but punishing us for trying to get ahead, is exactly why we fought and won a Fast Food Council in California. Now the fast food industry is willing to spend millions of dollars to take away our victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the signature drive doesn’t qualify for a referendum and the law moves forward, fast-food wages could be raised as high as $22 an hour by the end of 2023. California’s minimum wage for all workers is set to rise to $15.50 an hour starting Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang, the judge, scheduled a hearing on the matter for January 13. She also wrote that restaurant groups have failed to prove they properly served the state with the lawsuit, and she ordered them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A judge on Friday temporarily blocked the state of California from implementing \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gavin-newsom-government-and-politics-4bba6a5ea994acf06b950726a3b72262\">a landmark new law\u003c/a> aimed at raising wages and improving working conditions for fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Shelleyanne Chang’s order came in response to a lawsuit by restaurant industry groups under the Save Local Restaurants coalition, which is seeking a referendum on the November 2024 ballot in a bid to overturn the law. The coalition unites major fast-food chains like McDonald’s, Starbucks and Chipotle as \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/fast-food-chains-raise-millions-to-oppose-california-wage-law-11664582402?mod=article_inline\">corporate brands and franchisees together raised $12.7 million\u003c/a> in 2022 to fight AB257, aka the FAST Recovery Act.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Above all, today’s decision by the Sacramento Superior Court protects the voices of over one million California voters who exercised their democratic right in asking to vote on a piece of legislation before bearing its burden,” said the coalition \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/sacramento-superior-court-puts-ab-257-on-hold-for-review-after-save-local-restaurants-lawsuit/\">in a statement Friday\u003c/a>. “While this pause is temporary, the impact is beyond just one piece of legislation and keeps intact for the time being California’s century-old referendum process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law establishes a 10-member council empowered to set minimum wages as well as standards for hours and working conditions for California’s fast-food workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and county elections officials are still verifying whether the referendum proposal received enough signatures to qualify for the ballot, a determination expected by the end of January. If that happens, the law would be halted from taking effect until voters weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the state Department of Industrial Relations said it plans to begin implementing the law on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If and when the referendum challenging AB 257 qualifies for the ballot, the law will be put on hold,” said Katrina Hagen, director of the DIR, in a \u003ca href=\"https://savelocalrestaurants.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/AB-257-Ltr-12.27.2022-.pdf\">declaration (PDF)\u003c/a> on December 27. “But in the absence of clear authority providing that AB 257 is suspended merely upon submission of unverified signatures, DIR has an obligation to proceed with implementing the duly enacted statute.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Implementation could include clearing the way for appointments to the Fast Food Council. But any wage increases or other changes couldn’t take effect until at least October, meaning the law would have no immediate impact on worker pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The International Franchise Association and the National Restaurant Association said state law requires the state to sit tight until the status of the referendum is determined. The industry groups submitted more than 1 million signatures from voters in support of the referendum, well above the roughly 620,000 required by state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California bureaucrats, at the behest of special interests, are taking an unprecedented step to violate their Constitution and the will of more than one million voters who asked for the Fast Food Council to be stopped via the referendum process,” Matt Haller, chief executive officer and president of the International Franchise Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, which drove support for the creation of the council, blasted the lawsuit and several companies by name, including McDonald’s, Chipotle and Starbucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This cowardly tactic comes right out of the corporate playbook Californians have, unfortunately, come to know too well,” said Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When corporations fail to halt progressive legislation in the legislature, they pivot to bankrolling ballot measures in an attempt to circumvent democracy and the will of the people,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/NorCalFF15/status/1608900657737760774\">Twitter on Friday\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://fightfor15.org/\">Fight for $15\u003c/a> coalition said: “Cowardice, greed, and not just rejecting the needs of our families, but punishing us for trying to get ahead, is exactly why we fought and won a Fast Food Council in California. Now the fast food industry is willing to spend millions of dollars to take away our victory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the signature drive doesn’t qualify for a referendum and the law moves forward, fast-food wages could be raised as high as $22 an hour by the end of 2023. California’s minimum wage for all workers is set to rise to $15.50 an hour starting Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang, the judge, scheduled a hearing on the matter for January 13. She also wrote that restaurant groups have failed to prove they properly served the state with the lawsuit, and she ordered them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Colleges Experiment With Restorative Justice in Sexual Assault Cases",
"headTitle": "California Colleges Experiment With Restorative Justice in Sexual Assault Cases | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When a sexual assault survivor walks into Alexandra Fulcher’s office at Occidental College, it’s the first step in a process fraught with consequences for both the survivor and the accused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Fulcher, the school’s Title IX director, launches an official investigation, the survivor could be asked to recount their trauma and cross-examined about it in a live hearing. Their alleged assaulter could be expelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the past year, survivors at Occidental have had another option. They can participate in a restorative justice conference with the person who harmed them, in which that person hears about the impact of their actions, takes responsibility and commits to a plan to help repair the harm — and prevent it from happening again.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Alexandra Fulcher, Title IX director, Occidental College\"]‘This age group, at least at Oxy, is less interested in punitive options.’[/pullquote]The conferences draw on a long tradition of restorative justice, a philosophy that eschews punishment in favor of coming up with collective solutions to address violence and harm within a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of California colleges have recently begun using restorative justice in cases of sexual assault and harassment, or are seriously considering it. And Fulcher said it’s a path that an increasing number of survivors at Occidental are choosing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This age group, at least at Oxy, is less interested in punitive options,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One argument for making restorative justice available is that it may encourage more survivors to come forward. An overwhelming majority of survivors of campus sexual violence never file a report, and of those that do, few choose to pursue disciplinary action, said David Karp, director of the Center for Restorative Justice at the University of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title IX rules passed under the Trump administration made the formal complaint process less attractive for sexual assault survivors by requiring that they be cross-examined in live hearings, while at the same time giving schools more flexibility to pursue informal resolutions, Karp said. (The Biden administration has proposed new rules that would give colleges flexibility in whether to require cross-examination.)[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11935859,news_11921799,news_11911375\"]Both of those changes helped spur interest in restorative justice, he said — including at his own campus, which is currently in its first year of offering restorative justice for Title IX cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems pretty clear that there’s student demand and that Title IX administrators are really dissatisfied with the current options and would like to see the options expand,” he said. “There’s some legitimate worry about bad implementation or retraumatization and reasons why we should be careful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat-higher-education/2022/04/california-state-university-sexual-harassment/\">sexual harassment scandal\u003c/a> at California State University this year that led to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/02/cal-state-chancellor-resigns/\">resignation of the university’s chancellor\u003c/a> and numerous reports of campus administrators \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/newsletter/2022-12-15/sexual-violence-harassment-racism-and-transphobia-csus-maritime-academy-essential-california\">mishandling Title IX cases\u003c/a> has focused attention on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat-higher-education/2022/09/sexual-assault-support-advocates/\">how California colleges resolve such cases\u003c/a>. The federal civil rights law, which turned 50 this year, protects students from sex-based discrimination in schools, including sexual violence. Meanwhile, an influential committee of lawmakers and judges earlier this month recommended that the state give all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/12/northern-california-earthquake-safety-debate/\">crime victims the right to participate in restorative justice programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preparing a successful restorative justice conference — also known as a restorative justice circle — can take months, said René Rivera, a facilitator for the Ahimsa Collective, a nonprofit that conducts them for Occidental students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, both parties must agree to participate. The facilitators meet separately with both parties, making sure they have support systems in place — therapists, friends, family. The survivor decides what they want the outcome of the circle to be, and the person who acknowledges causing harm starts to face up to what they’ve done. The accused is often asked to write a letter to the survivor, which may never be read to them, but can help the accused sort out their own feelings and take accountability before addressing the survivor face-to-face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can take a long time to get to a place where everyone feels ready to meet each other and listen to each other,” said Rivera. “We as facilitators need to feel confident that there will not be more harm in bringing these two people together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The circle, which usually lasts several hours, is not over until the accused has made an apology and the survivor is able to ask any questions of the accused. The person who’s caused the harm then takes the steps the survivor has requested, which could include things like getting therapy, or quitting an extracurricular activity so the survivor doesn’t have to run into them on campus.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gabi Jeakle, student, Loyola Marymount University\"]‘What makes restorative justice work is that it’s addressing a deep systemic and historical prejudice that a lot of wrongdoings happen because of systemic oppression.’[/pullquote]Nationally, Rutgers University in New Jersey has been using restorative justice since 2016 — first to treat less-serious incidents such as alcohol violations and later in Title IX cases. Amy Miele, the university’s associate director of student affairs, compliance and Title IX, vividly remembers the first restorative justice conference she organized in a sexual assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The student who had been assaulted chose restorative justice because “she did not want another man of color with a disciplinary record,” Miele said. “She said, ‘I want healing and justice and to be able to move on from this, I have a lot of questions I want answered, and I don’t feel comfortable going up to him on my own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties met in a conference room, Miele said, sitting around a table stocked with water bottles, tissues, drawing paper, pens and snacks. But within a couple minutes, both students erupted with rage as the accused person grappled with the reality of what he had done, and the harmed person confronted her assaulter for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miele and her team took a pause, allowing both students to calm down and giving them stress balls and water bottles to hold for the rest of the conference. Returning to the circle relaxed and prepared, the accused did something no one was expecting — he said, “I’m signing,” apologized and accepted full responsibility for his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In that moment when he looked them in the eyes and said, ‘I’m sorry,’ it was as if we could all breathe again, like the fog lifted,” Miele said. The survivor told Miele the process had restored her faith in humanity, Miele said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evidence of success\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there’s little data available about the effectiveness of restorative justice in preventing future sexual assaults, some studies of youth convicted of other crimes have shown that \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/impacts-of-make-it-right-program-on-recidivism/\">those who participate in restorative justice conferences are less likely to be rearrested\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a survey gauging Rutgers’ students’ satisfaction with the restorative justice process, one student accused of assault said, “The explorations of mine and (survivor’s) perspectives was done very well. I was shocked at times to hear things I had never even thought of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference “showed me a game plan that I could follow to alleviate the harm done to (Complainant) and to better myself,” another wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides having the potential to increase reporting of sexual assaults, restorative justice is also a rejection of a racist criminal justice system in favor of something more equitable, said Domale Dube Keys, a former lecturer at the University of California Los Angeles who wrote a paper recommending that colleges offer restorative justice in Title IX cases.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Alexandra Fulcher, Title IX director, Occidental College\"]‘In terms of the parties’ satisfaction with the (restorative justice) process, it is leaps and bounds more than our typical investigation and hearing process.’[/pullquote]“A restorative justice approach really is a way of recognizing that if we keep on this track of, ‘We need to police, we need to do this law-and-order approach to sexual violence,’ it’s people of color and gender non-conforming people that are going to suffer,” said Keys. “They are going to have less resources to go the legal route, less public support when it comes to believing their stories. It’s a way of recognizing that our system is flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Indigenous tribes have been practicing forms of restorative justice for generations. So when professors on Cal Poly Humboldt’s sexual assault prevention committee were considering using restorative justice for sexual misconduct, they took inspiration from the local Yurok tribe, whose members had experience using the practice to heal after domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our community, the connections between us are so thick, when something bad happens to one of us, we all experience it in some way,” Blythe George, a Yurok tribal member and sociology professor at UC Merced, said in a presentation at Cal Poly Humboldt in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a tribal member is banished, she said, “their songs go with them, the teachings that their parents and grandparents took the time to teach them … and that’s why it’s so important for us to have this restorative justice component, because we are actively reclaiming our people from a system that has done nothing but try to take us or kill us for the better part of centuries now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fair to survivors?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But critics of using restorative justice for campus sexual assault cases say that the power dynamics are different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What makes restorative justice work is that it’s addressing a deep systemic and historical prejudice that a lot of wrongdoings happen because of systemic oppression,” said Gabi Jeakle, a student at Loyola Marymount University who has worked to improve the university’s Title IX resources and is herself a survivor. But statistically speaking, she said, much sexual assault happens at the hands of historically privileged people. “It’s oftentimes white men in fraternities harming women. It’s important to look at that context and say that’s not the same argument as someone who has been a victim of the school-to-prison pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeakle acknowledged that for the colleges that are trying this, survivors get to choose whether to pursue restorative justice or a traditional investigation. But when you’ve recently undergone trauma, she said, “it can be difficult to know what you need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936490\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936490\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young white woman with brown braided hair wearing a sweater looks at the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loyola Marymount University student Gabi Jeakle poses for a portrait at her home in Seattle, Washington on Dec. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(David Ryder/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Federal law bars restorative justice in cases where a professor has assaulted or harassed a student. And potential power differentials between survivor and accused have also surfaced as an issue at Cal Poly Humboldt, where Maxwell Schnurer, a communications professor who chairs the university’s sexual assault prevention committee, said he’s concerned that restorative justice could lead to a “survivor being asked to take care of someone who had harmed them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Committee members have received training in restorative justice but said they haven’t yet decided whether it could work on their campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, restorative justice advocates were developing a separate pathway for handling cases outside the university’s Title IX office, said Julie Shackford-Bradley, director of the university’s Restorative Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they soon ran into a pitfall: A key tenet of restorative justice conferences is confidentiality. But most university employees — including those who would be running the conferences — are mandatory reporters, meaning that by law, they must tell the Title IX coordinator if they hear of any sexual harassment or assault happening on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center ended up scrapping the plan, Shackford-Bradley said, at least until the legal issues can be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandatory reporting has not been an issue at Occidental, said Fulcher, since any cases that are referred to the Ahimsa Collective have already been reported to the university’s Title IX office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of the parties’ satisfaction with the (restorative justice) process, it is leaps and bounds more than our typical investigation and hearing process,” Fulcher said — in part because restorative justice gives both survivor and respondent more control over the outcome.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Amy Miele, associate director of student affairs, Occidental College\"]‘In that moment when he looked them in the eyes and said, ‘I’m sorry,’ it was as if we could all breathe again, like the fog lifted.’[/pullquote]Rivera, the facilitator, said that Occidental’s experiment with restorative justice shows that “there’s an alternative (to punishment) and the alternative is to have a conversation that is actually as healing [as] possible for both parties, and where the person who has caused the harm is gonna be treated as a full human being in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that personally gives me a lot of hope. If we can do that on college campuses, it feels so much more possible to start to have those kinds of alternatives in other areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at California campuses where restorative justice conferences aren’t taking place, advocates for survivors are going beyond traditional Title IX investigations, finding ways to redress harm, involve the community and prevent future assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley offers survivor circles, in which students can share their stories and build community with other sexual assault survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at Loyola Marymount, Jeakle is getting fraternities to contribute to a fund that supports survivors of sexual assault who need help with travel and medical expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to forgive the entire institution because one individual apologizes,” she said. “Asking people to be part of a cultural shift is more important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Some California colleges are responding to campus sexual assault and harassment with restorative justice: a process that brings together the student who was harmed, the person who harmed them and the community to seek solutions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When a sexual assault survivor walks into Alexandra Fulcher’s office at Occidental College, it’s the first step in a process fraught with consequences for both the survivor and the accused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Fulcher, the school’s Title IX director, launches an official investigation, the survivor could be asked to recount their trauma and cross-examined about it in a live hearing. Their alleged assaulter could be expelled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the past year, survivors at Occidental have had another option. They can participate in a restorative justice conference with the person who harmed them, in which that person hears about the impact of their actions, takes responsibility and commits to a plan to help repair the harm — and prevent it from happening again.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The conferences draw on a long tradition of restorative justice, a philosophy that eschews punishment in favor of coming up with collective solutions to address violence and harm within a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of California colleges have recently begun using restorative justice in cases of sexual assault and harassment, or are seriously considering it. And Fulcher said it’s a path that an increasing number of survivors at Occidental are choosing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This age group, at least at Oxy, is less interested in punitive options,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One argument for making restorative justice available is that it may encourage more survivors to come forward. An overwhelming majority of survivors of campus sexual violence never file a report, and of those that do, few choose to pursue disciplinary action, said David Karp, director of the Center for Restorative Justice at the University of San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title IX rules passed under the Trump administration made the formal complaint process less attractive for sexual assault survivors by requiring that they be cross-examined in live hearings, while at the same time giving schools more flexibility to pursue informal resolutions, Karp said. (The Biden administration has proposed new rules that would give colleges flexibility in whether to require cross-examination.)\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both of those changes helped spur interest in restorative justice, he said — including at his own campus, which is currently in its first year of offering restorative justice for Title IX cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems pretty clear that there’s student demand and that Title IX administrators are really dissatisfied with the current options and would like to see the options expand,” he said. “There’s some legitimate worry about bad implementation or retraumatization and reasons why we should be careful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat-higher-education/2022/04/california-state-university-sexual-harassment/\">sexual harassment scandal\u003c/a> at California State University this year that led to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/02/cal-state-chancellor-resigns/\">resignation of the university’s chancellor\u003c/a> and numerous reports of campus administrators \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/newsletter/2022-12-15/sexual-violence-harassment-racism-and-transphobia-csus-maritime-academy-essential-california\">mishandling Title IX cases\u003c/a> has focused attention on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat-higher-education/2022/09/sexual-assault-support-advocates/\">how California colleges resolve such cases\u003c/a>. The federal civil rights law, which turned 50 this year, protects students from sex-based discrimination in schools, including sexual violence. Meanwhile, an influential committee of lawmakers and judges earlier this month recommended that the state give all \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/12/northern-california-earthquake-safety-debate/\">crime victims the right to participate in restorative justice programs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preparing a successful restorative justice conference — also known as a restorative justice circle — can take months, said René Rivera, a facilitator for the Ahimsa Collective, a nonprofit that conducts them for Occidental students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, both parties must agree to participate. The facilitators meet separately with both parties, making sure they have support systems in place — therapists, friends, family. The survivor decides what they want the outcome of the circle to be, and the person who acknowledges causing harm starts to face up to what they’ve done. The accused is often asked to write a letter to the survivor, which may never be read to them, but can help the accused sort out their own feelings and take accountability before addressing the survivor face-to-face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can take a long time to get to a place where everyone feels ready to meet each other and listen to each other,” said Rivera. “We as facilitators need to feel confident that there will not be more harm in bringing these two people together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The circle, which usually lasts several hours, is not over until the accused has made an apology and the survivor is able to ask any questions of the accused. The person who’s caused the harm then takes the steps the survivor has requested, which could include things like getting therapy, or quitting an extracurricular activity so the survivor doesn’t have to run into them on campus.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nationally, Rutgers University in New Jersey has been using restorative justice since 2016 — first to treat less-serious incidents such as alcohol violations and later in Title IX cases. Amy Miele, the university’s associate director of student affairs, compliance and Title IX, vividly remembers the first restorative justice conference she organized in a sexual assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The student who had been assaulted chose restorative justice because “she did not want another man of color with a disciplinary record,” Miele said. “She said, ‘I want healing and justice and to be able to move on from this, I have a lot of questions I want answered, and I don’t feel comfortable going up to him on my own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties met in a conference room, Miele said, sitting around a table stocked with water bottles, tissues, drawing paper, pens and snacks. But within a couple minutes, both students erupted with rage as the accused person grappled with the reality of what he had done, and the harmed person confronted her assaulter for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miele and her team took a pause, allowing both students to calm down and giving them stress balls and water bottles to hold for the rest of the conference. Returning to the circle relaxed and prepared, the accused did something no one was expecting — he said, “I’m signing,” apologized and accepted full responsibility for his actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In that moment when he looked them in the eyes and said, ‘I’m sorry,’ it was as if we could all breathe again, like the fog lifted,” Miele said. The survivor told Miele the process had restored her faith in humanity, Miele said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evidence of success\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there’s little data available about the effectiveness of restorative justice in preventing future sexual assaults, some studies of youth convicted of other crimes have shown that \u003ca href=\"https://www.capolicylab.org/impacts-of-make-it-right-program-on-recidivism/\">those who participate in restorative justice conferences are less likely to be rearrested\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a survey gauging Rutgers’ students’ satisfaction with the restorative justice process, one student accused of assault said, “The explorations of mine and (survivor’s) perspectives was done very well. I was shocked at times to hear things I had never even thought of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference “showed me a game plan that I could follow to alleviate the harm done to (Complainant) and to better myself,” another wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides having the potential to increase reporting of sexual assaults, restorative justice is also a rejection of a racist criminal justice system in favor of something more equitable, said Domale Dube Keys, a former lecturer at the University of California Los Angeles who wrote a paper recommending that colleges offer restorative justice in Title IX cases.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“A restorative justice approach really is a way of recognizing that if we keep on this track of, ‘We need to police, we need to do this law-and-order approach to sexual violence,’ it’s people of color and gender non-conforming people that are going to suffer,” said Keys. “They are going to have less resources to go the legal route, less public support when it comes to believing their stories. It’s a way of recognizing that our system is flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Indigenous tribes have been practicing forms of restorative justice for generations. So when professors on Cal Poly Humboldt’s sexual assault prevention committee were considering using restorative justice for sexual misconduct, they took inspiration from the local Yurok tribe, whose members had experience using the practice to heal after domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In our community, the connections between us are so thick, when something bad happens to one of us, we all experience it in some way,” Blythe George, a Yurok tribal member and sociology professor at UC Merced, said in a presentation at Cal Poly Humboldt in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a tribal member is banished, she said, “their songs go with them, the teachings that their parents and grandparents took the time to teach them … and that’s why it’s so important for us to have this restorative justice component, because we are actively reclaiming our people from a system that has done nothing but try to take us or kill us for the better part of centuries now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fair to survivors?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But critics of using restorative justice for campus sexual assault cases say that the power dynamics are different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What makes restorative justice work is that it’s addressing a deep systemic and historical prejudice that a lot of wrongdoings happen because of systemic oppression,” said Gabi Jeakle, a student at Loyola Marymount University who has worked to improve the university’s Title IX resources and is herself a survivor. But statistically speaking, she said, much sexual assault happens at the hands of historically privileged people. “It’s oftentimes white men in fraternities harming women. It’s important to look at that context and say that’s not the same argument as someone who has been a victim of the school-to-prison pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeakle acknowledged that for the colleges that are trying this, survivors get to choose whether to pursue restorative justice or a traditional investigation. But when you’ve recently undergone trauma, she said, “it can be difficult to know what you need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936490\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936490\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young white woman with brown braided hair wearing a sweater looks at the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122322-gina-jeakle-2-DR-CM-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Loyola Marymount University student Gabi Jeakle poses for a portrait at her home in Seattle, Washington on Dec. 23, 2022. \u003ccite>(David Ryder/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Federal law bars restorative justice in cases where a professor has assaulted or harassed a student. And potential power differentials between survivor and accused have also surfaced as an issue at Cal Poly Humboldt, where Maxwell Schnurer, a communications professor who chairs the university’s sexual assault prevention committee, said he’s concerned that restorative justice could lead to a “survivor being asked to take care of someone who had harmed them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Committee members have received training in restorative justice but said they haven’t yet decided whether it could work on their campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, restorative justice advocates were developing a separate pathway for handling cases outside the university’s Title IX office, said Julie Shackford-Bradley, director of the university’s Restorative Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they soon ran into a pitfall: A key tenet of restorative justice conferences is confidentiality. But most university employees — including those who would be running the conferences — are mandatory reporters, meaning that by law, they must tell the Title IX coordinator if they hear of any sexual harassment or assault happening on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center ended up scrapping the plan, Shackford-Bradley said, at least until the legal issues can be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandatory reporting has not been an issue at Occidental, said Fulcher, since any cases that are referred to the Ahimsa Collective have already been reported to the university’s Title IX office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of the parties’ satisfaction with the (restorative justice) process, it is leaps and bounds more than our typical investigation and hearing process,” Fulcher said — in part because restorative justice gives both survivor and respondent more control over the outcome.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rivera, the facilitator, said that Occidental’s experiment with restorative justice shows that “there’s an alternative (to punishment) and the alternative is to have a conversation that is actually as healing [as] possible for both parties, and where the person who has caused the harm is gonna be treated as a full human being in that process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that personally gives me a lot of hope. If we can do that on college campuses, it feels so much more possible to start to have those kinds of alternatives in other areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even at California campuses where restorative justice conferences aren’t taking place, advocates for survivors are going beyond traditional Title IX investigations, finding ways to redress harm, involve the community and prevent future assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley offers survivor circles, in which students can share their stories and build community with other sexual assault survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And at Loyola Marymount, Jeakle is getting fraternities to contribute to a fund that supports survivors of sexual assault who need help with travel and medical expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to forgive the entire institution because one individual apologizes,” she said. “Asking people to be part of a cultural shift is more important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11936012,news_11910789,news_11936184\"]The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Joel Anderson, supervisor, San Diego County\"]‘It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the [state] and federal government.’[/pullquote]“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale. But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.’[/pullquote]Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With a projected budget deficit of $24 billion for the next fiscal year and a possible recession, California has yet to figure out how to meet the needs of an influx of migrants when Title 42 ends.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s latest move allows \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/27/us/politics/title-42-border-supreme-court.html\">a short-term reprieve to an anticipated increase in asylum seekers trying to cross from Mexico\u003c/a> into California and other states, but recent confusion at the border is a preview of what may soon come should a pandemic-era measure known as Title 42 be lifted in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation, and its use as a political backdrop, has prompted local officials to ask what state resources will be available next year with California facing a potential budget shortfall and the possibility that Title 42 will end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Title 42 is a Trump-era immigration policy that has continued under President Joe Biden. It allows border agents to rapidly expel migrants at official ports of entry during public health emergencies. The policy has resulted in the expulsion of tens of thousands of people seeking asylum and has discouraged many others from crossing the border.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The policy states that if the U.S. surgeon general determines there is a communicable disease in another country, \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/265\">health officials have the authority, with the approval of the president, to prohibit\u003c/a> “the introduction of persons and property from such countries or places” for as long as health officials determine that action is necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure had been set to lift last week by order of a federal court, which would have allowed many asylum-seekers waiting in limbo at the border to go ahead and cross into the United States. Some experts say that because smugglers in Mexico use any shift in U.S. immigration policy to exploit migrants, mere conversation about the possibility of lifting Title 42 triggered even more people to try to cross into the U.S. in recent weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22a544_n758.pdf\">Supreme Court’s brief order (PDF)\u003c/a> Tuesday stayed — meaning delayed — the trial judge’s ruling that would have lifted Title 42 until the high court hears arguments in the case in February. The political and legal ping-pong in the case is hard enough for U.S. audiences to follow, making it nearly impossible to explain south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court’s order is a response to a request filed by 19 Republican-led states that they be heard in the case. It does not overrule the lower court’s decision that Title 42 is illegal; it merely leaves the measure in place while the legal challenges play out in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal court order that was supposed to lift Title 42 came as a result of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union on behalf of asylum-seeking families. Asylum is a protection codified in international law for foreign nationals who meet the legal definition of “refugee.” The United Nations 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol define refugees as people unable or unwilling to return to their home country, and who cannot obtain protection in that country, due to past persecution or a well-founded fear of being persecuted in the future “on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.” Congress incorporated this definition into U.S. immigration law in the Refugee Act of 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those stuck in Mexico because of Title 42, waiting can be perilous. Human Rights First has documented more than 13,000 attacks on asylum seekers waiting in Mexico during the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936462\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936462\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Latinx migrants of various ages from adults to children look on with concerned expressions as they stand next to white steel barriers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-08-copy.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants wait in line while California border activists organize the group to enter the U.S. and seek asylum through the Chaparral entryway in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because it takes time for news of shifts in U.S. immigration policy to reach areas in rural Mexico and Central America, the numbers of migrants arriving in Tijuana and San Diego this week in anticipation of the end of Title 42 could be elevated right now — and it may take some time before those numbers drop-off as news travels, experts said. Migration numbers typically increase through the first half of the year before dropping off in the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Joel Anderson, a former Republican state senator, was among a group of political leaders who recently complained that the state and federal governments have not provided the funds local leaders have requested to handle the expected influx of asylum seekers and other migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not even talking about whether these are good policies or not,” he said. “But whatever the policy is, we become the targets of it. We’re willing to step up, but they have to step up, too, by giving us the resources we need to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He joined several local Republican and Democratic leaders in San Diego in urging in letters and news conferences that the state and the feds should provide more support ahead of the expected end of Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials pointed to needing more funding for schools, hospitals, and police services, among other resources, if Title 42 eventually lifts. The near constant legal back-and-forth has also provided a convenient conversation starter for politicians wanting to debate larger immigration policy issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the state budget projecting a $25 billion deficit, I’d like to know what the plan is for our schools and to help lift all of our students,” said Andrew Hayes, board president of the Lakeside school district in rural eastern San Diego. Hayes said increases in immigration causes strains to the local educational systems because students fleeing persecution in other countries often have increased mental health needs and sometimes require special instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisors Nathan Fletcher and Nora Vargas, both Democrats, wrote to Alejandro Mayorkas, the U.S. homeland security secretary, on December 19, also requesting federal resources and “a comprehensive plan to ensure humane entry into the United States for those seeking asylum into our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Title 42 is lifted, we will need additional resources and personnel on the ground to process and arrange for the onward travel of asylum seekers to their final destination,” they wrote. ”We will also need the federal government to set up temporary shelters on federal property to ensure access to needed social and health services. Our hospitals, our public health department, our social services, and our homeless service providers are already at maximum capacity serving vulnerable residents in San Diego.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>El Cajon not ‘the governor’s neighborhood’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Title 42 policy’s end “will likely increase” migration flows, the Department of Homeland Security officially said last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The burden will unfairly fall on a few border cities, Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not talking about releasing people into Sacramento or putting people in the governor’s neighborhood,” said Anderson. “No, they’re talking about releasing people right here in El Cajon, where the median household income is just over $58,000 per year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office responded that the state has done what it can to support local jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“While the federal government is responsible for immigration, California has invested more than any other state to ensure the safety and dignity of asylum seekers. Roughly $1 billion has been invested to provide critical services to migrants, including medical screenings, vaccinations, temporary shelter, food, clothes, and other aid. However, with looming budget deficits, the state cannot continue to fund these efforts at scale without significant support from Congress,” said Daniel Lopez, the deputy communications director for Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has advocated for additional resources to help communities like San Diego provide services to recently arrived migrants,” Lopez added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson wrote to Gov. Gavin Newsom on December 14 complaining that a plan that San Diego County officials proposed to the state was rejected. Though he declined to discuss the plan’s specifics, he said it included opening a temporary emergency shelter, providing food, clothing, healthcare and wrap-around services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is irresponsible to ask the City of El Cajon to shoulder the burden and costs necessary to address the needs of these individuals without assistance from the State and federal government,” wrote Anderson in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Newsom has been complaining of a lack of federal support for asylum seekers and immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said earlier this month that, because of the federal government’s lackluster support, the state has had to spend nearly $1 billion in the last three years, working with nonprofits to provide immigrants released from federal detention with health screenings, temporary shelter and help connecting with sponsors. The immigrants had been held at nine facilities in Imperial, San Diego and Riverside counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the respect to the federal government, we’ve been doing their job for the last few years at scale,” Newsom said. “But we cannot continue to absorb that responsibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislative Analyst’s Office recently said in its annual forecast that Newsom and the Democratic Party-controlled Legislature are facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">$24 billion projected budget deficit\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the state enters a recession the outlook is even worse, with revenues predicted to fall short by $30 billion to $50 billion. The governor signed a record-breaking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-budget-deal-2/\">$308 billion budget\u003c/a> in June.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates say that while migrants sometimes require services when they first enter the country, research shows they ultimately contribute to the larger economy. In California undocumented immigrants collectively pay $3.1 billion a year in state and local taxes, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://itep.sfo2.digitaloceanspaces.com/ITEP-2017-Undocumented-Immigrants-State-and-Local-Contributions.pdf\">Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some migrants in Mexico last week expressed disappointment, concern and confusion about the delay in lifting Title 42.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people said they had left shelters with the expectation that the order would be released last week and now they had no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the scene outside El Chaparral, a pedestrian border crossing between San Ysidro and Tijuana that has been closed since the pandemic began, looked far different than images coming out of Texas. There, members of the National Guard, armed with rifles, have put up razor wire and are blocking migrants from entering the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting patiently, but getting desperate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here in Baja California, just south of San Diego, migrants wearing masks stood patiently in lines last week waiting for services or to receive news about any policy changes that may impact their ability to cross the border. The flow of people in the area was orderly, mirroring any other normal mid-week day during the lunch hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A migrant from Michoacán said being out on the streets in Tijuana was extremely uncomfortable for his wife, who has been diagnosed with a brain tumor. He asked not to be named because people in Tijuana were looking for him, putting him in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to receive any help from anywhere,” he said. “We’re getting desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said that the county was willing to welcome asylum seekers “with open arms,” but it needs more funds to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it’s only 10 more people coming in, that’s 10 people too many without additional funding because we already have so many people living on our streets needing services,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936463\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936463\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A migrant mother with her baby in her arms and her daughter by her side sit among other asylum seekers in a crowded room with iron bars on windows.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/122222-Title-42-Migrants-MC-CM-05-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants line up to get health services near the free non-profit clinic in Tijuana, Mexico on Dec. 22, 2022. \u003ccite>(Carlos A. Moreno/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom toured a state-funded migrant center that provides services to asylum seekers near the Imperial County border with Mexico on December 12. There the governor criticized Republicans in Congress for politicizing immigration while failing to support comprehensive reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security said it plans to boost resources at the border, “increasing processing efficiency, imposing consequences for unlawful entry, bolstering nonprofit capacity, targeting smugglers and working with international partners,” a DHS spokesperson said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Title 42 is ultimately lifted, the process for processing migrants at the border would return to the way it was before the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asylum seekers who don’t have prior permission to be in the country would have to pass what’s called a “credible fear” test. They would have to prove to a processing agent or asylum officer that they have a well-founded fear that if they are deported home, they would face persecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that test, migrants would either be removed from the country, detained in immigration custody or released into the U.S. to wait while their asylum cases make their way through immigration court — a \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/672/\">process that can take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A former correctional officer at the biggest women’s prison in California has been accused of engaging in sexual misconduct against at least 22 women incarcerated there, state prison officials said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said it has shared the results of an internal investigation into Gregory Rodriguez, a former officer at the Central California Women’s Facility, with the Madera County District Attorney’s Office. Charges have not yet been filed against Rodriguez, said Dana Simas, spokesperson for the corrections department.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11934072,news_11934639,news_11934758\"]Misconduct at the hands of prison officials “shatters the trust of the public,” Jeff Macomber, the corrections department’s secretary, said in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are continuing this investigation to ensure we are rooting out any employee who does not obey the law and to seek out other victims,” Macomber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation began in July after officials discovered possible sexual misconduct by Rodriguez against women incarcerated at the Central California Women’s Facility, the department said. The prison is in Chowchilla, a California city about 120 miles southeast of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said Rodriguez retired in August after he was approached about the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest allegation of abuse by prison officials at facilities in California. An Associated Press \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-us-department-of-justice-united-states-government-ireland-and-politics-e68aaf2e4ead5c9bfb0659db46275405\">investigation\u003c/a> found that a high-ranking federal Bureau of Prisons official, who formerly worked at a women’s prison in the San Francisco Bay Area, was repeatedly promoted after allegations that he assaulted women incarcerated there. Another investigation found a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-united-states-sexual-abuse-only-on-ap-d321ae51fe93dfd9d6e5754383a95801\">pattern of sexual abuse\u003c/a> by correctional officers at the women’s facility.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Jeff Macomber, secretary, CDCR\"]‘We are continuing this investigation to ensure we are rooting out any employee who does not obey the law and to seek out other victims.’[/pullquote]The state corrections department’s news release does not specify the type of conduct that Rodriguez allegedly engaged in. But the state’s allegations against Rodriguez come after lawyer Robert Chalfant filed two federal civil rights lawsuits in early December alleging that Rodriguez raped two women, who are known in the suits as Jane Doe and Jane Roe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court records did not list an attorney for Rodriguez, and attempts by The Associated Press to reach him through phone numbers found in public records were unsuccessful. The lawsuits were \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/crime/article270470757.html\">first reported\u003c/a> by \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment. But Madera County District Attorney Sally Moreno told \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em> that her office received the results of the state’s internal investigation last week. She said her office is still reviewing the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Misconduct at the hands of prison officials “shatters the trust of the public,” Jeff Macomber, the corrections department’s secretary, said in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are continuing this investigation to ensure we are rooting out any employee who does not obey the law and to seek out other victims,” Macomber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation began in July after officials discovered possible sexual misconduct by Rodriguez against women incarcerated at the Central California Women’s Facility, the department said. The prison is in Chowchilla, a California city about 120 miles southeast of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said Rodriguez retired in August after he was approached about the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest allegation of abuse by prison officials at facilities in California. An Associated Press \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-us-department-of-justice-united-states-government-ireland-and-politics-e68aaf2e4ead5c9bfb0659db46275405\">investigation\u003c/a> found that a high-ranking federal Bureau of Prisons official, who formerly worked at a women’s prison in the San Francisco Bay Area, was repeatedly promoted after allegations that he assaulted women incarcerated there. Another investigation found a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-united-states-sexual-abuse-only-on-ap-d321ae51fe93dfd9d6e5754383a95801\">pattern of sexual abuse\u003c/a> by correctional officers at the women’s facility.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state corrections department’s news release does not specify the type of conduct that Rodriguez allegedly engaged in. But the state’s allegations against Rodriguez come after lawyer Robert Chalfant filed two federal civil rights lawsuits in early December alleging that Rodriguez raped two women, who are known in the suits as Jane Doe and Jane Roe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court records did not list an attorney for Rodriguez, and attempts by The Associated Press to reach him through phone numbers found in public records were unsuccessful. The lawsuits were \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/crime/article270470757.html\">first reported\u003c/a> by \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment. But Madera County District Attorney Sally Moreno told \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em> that her office received the results of the state’s internal investigation last week. She said her office is still reviewing the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, March 20:\u003c/strong> The Alameda County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943467/landlord-backlash-prompts-return-to-pre-pandemic-rules-in-alameda-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reversed course and rejected the Fair Chance ordinance\u003c/a> on its second reading on Feb. 28, 2023. Second readings are normally considered a formality, but in this case the makeup of the board changed significantly between the first and second readings because of the deaths of two pro-tenant supervisors: Wilma Chan (replaced by Lena Tam) and Richard Valle. The board voted 2-0-2, with two supervisors voting in favor, none opposed, and Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstaining, effectively killing the proposal for now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Wiley told KQED there is a possibility the proposal could come back to the board, though there is no estimation of when that might happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, Dec. 23, 2022:\u003c/strong> Taqwaa Bonner didn’t have a hard time getting a job when he got out of prison in 2016, after serving 30 years. Getting a car and a girlfriend wasn’t a problem either. The challenge was finding a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for apartment after apartment around the East Bay without success. Property owners asked about his criminal history, and Bonner, 56, suspects that revealing his felony conviction landed his applications in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had family in the area, but couldn’t live with any of them because they all had rules in their leases that prohibited someone with a felony from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That forced me to be homeless,” he says. For months Bonner slept in his car, sneaking into his girlfriend’s apartment when he could.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaretta Lin, executive director, Just Cities\"]‘All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period.’[/pullquote]“There is a direct pipeline from prison into homelessness,” says Margaretta Lin, executive director of Just Cities, a policy group focused on social justice, and a researcher with UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. She worked on a survey of more than 100 people living in Oakland’s homeless encampments and found that 73% had criminal records. National research has found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\">formerly incarcerated people are almost 10 times more likely to experience homelessness\u003c/a> than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated people face barriers to living in all forms of housing, including private rental housing, nonprofit housing and the Section 8 voucher program, Lin says: “So where can people live?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to reduce those barriers, Alameda County has become the first in the country to ban landlords from doing criminal background checks for potential tenants. Lin championed the plan after helping to pass similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.nhlp.org/nhlp-publications/fair-chance-ordinances-an-advocates-toolkit/\">“fair chance” housing policies\u003c/a> two years ago in \u003ca href=\"https://berkeley.municipal.codes/BMC/13.106.030\">Berkeley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/oakland-now-has-the-states-strongest-fair-chance-housing-law\">Oakland\u003c/a>. The three are among the strongest rules in the country because they allow for few exceptions. Seattle, Portland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., Cook County in Illinois and other localities also place some limits on the use of criminal background checks, as does the state of New Jersey. Locally, Richmond and San Francisco also have laws in place, though they’re far more narrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_06_22/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/CDA_341608.pdf\">Alameda County’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> only applies to unincorporated parts of the county. It doesn’t cover properties of four units or fewer if the landlord lives on site, or tenants who are subletting their space. Landlords will still be able to check sex offender registries and comply with federal laws that bar people convicted of certain drug and sex offenses from publicly funded properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936260\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man and a Latino man talk as they study a document in an office.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taqwaa Bonner (right) speaks with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children program manager Errol Veron at their offices in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period,” Lin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that’s what it took for him to finally secure an apartment. As a housing advocate for \u003ca href=\"https://prisonerswithchildren.org/all-of-us-or-none/\">All of Us or None\u003c/a>, a project of Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, he became an outspoken champion of these policies locally and says a landlord offered him a spot after recognizing him from the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took on the moral courage and said, ‘It’s OK.’ And so for the first time in my life, 50 years old, I had a lease of my own,” says Bonner, who now lives in Dublin with his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all property owners have been as receptive. Many landlords have voiced fears about endangering other tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have such a responsibility to maintain the safety, peace and tranquility for the living enjoyment of the people that are paying rents in the Bay Area,” says Elizabeth Moreno, who owns apartment buildings in unincorporated areas of San Leandro and Hayward. She says landlords need every tool at their disposal to ensure a sound community for tenants, including background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, where a fair chance ordinance is already in place, property owners have raised concerns about the confluence of the rule with other local laws that make it tough to oust tenants, like the city and county eviction moratoriums and recently strengthened just cause protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do make a mistake, we can’t just say, OK, we made a mistake, this didn’t work out. You can’t really get rid of them,” says Carmen Madden, who owns a 30-unit building down the street from where she grew up in East Oakland, near Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she says, the stakes feel especially high, with six tenants who she says haven’t been paying rent under the moratorium and owe around $100,000. Property owners around the county raised similar concerns. That led supervisors to amend the plan, delaying implementation until the county moratorium expires, which could come at the end of April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madden and others have also raised concerns about the law’s unintended consequences. In the absence of background checks, Madden says landlords find other ways to screen tenants, some of which she worries could worsen discrimination. Since Oakland increased protections for renters, she’s stopped looking at criminal records, but now she pays more attention to employment history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Lin is currently studying the effects of Oakland and Berkeley’s fair chance policies in what she calls the nation’s first impact evaluation of such a law. Lin says preliminary results from a survey of 41 formerly incarcerated people found that about a third said they’d benefited directly from the ordinances. Final study findings won’t be out for a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936259\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936259\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black woman with a white shirt that reads \"All of Us or None\" and sunglasses with her house reflected in the lenses, wearing a blue cap and smiling.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The reflection of Katie Dixon’s apartment building can be seen in her sunglasses in the backyard of her home in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among those eagerly awaiting them is the Alameda County Probation Department, which is helping to fund the work, says Shauna Conner, the department’s community reentry and outreach director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says stable housing is essential for the clients she works with. “It’s difficult to get people to participate in other services if they’re not housed,” she says. “You’re dealing with not only potential recidivism due to homelessness, but also interruption to their ability to adjust to the reentry process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Katie Dixon, finding an apartment after years of homelessness changed everything. “In the two years that I’ve had stable housing, the whole quality of my life has improved,” says Dixon, who spent more than a decade going in and out of juvenile detention facilities, jails and prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have shown that stable housing reduces the likelihood of recidivism. One of the best regarded among the studies \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/25716/412632-Supportive-Housing-for-Returning-Prisoners-Outcomes-and-Impacts-of-the-Returning-Home-Ohio-Pilot-Project.PDF\">examined the Returning Home–Ohio Pilot Program (PDF)\u003c/a>, which provided permanent supportive housing to formerly incarcerated people with a history or risk of homelessness. Researchers found that participants were 40% less likely to be rearrested and 61% less likely to be reincarcerated than a comparison group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Dixon the reasons are obvious: Without a stable place to live, someone on probation might be forced into destructive choices, like crashing with friends who are involved in criminal activities, which could lead to a probation violation, or staying in an abusive relationship that exacerbates mental health issues just to keep a roof over their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Dixon got her own place, she’s been able to exercise, eat healthier food and meditate. Having a private space and reliable internet connection also allowed her to complete a virtual policy training program she credits for her current job as an organizer with the ACLU of Northern California.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11935806,news_11927968,news_11932895\"]Oakland property owner Madden has one vacancy to fill at the moment. One potential applicant recently got out of jail, a fact she learned from a local pastor who referred the man. Over the years she’s rented to a few people with criminal records. What the experience has shown her, more than anything, is that people reentering the community don’t get the support they need. If landlords are going to do their part, she says, the government should do its part, too, and make sure people leaving prisons and jails can succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I found from those programs is that after they get them in, they leave them. So all their counseling stops, everything stops. And once it all stops, they stop,” she says. “So I get very nervous about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avoiding this “cliff” is something the probation department’s Conner thinks a lot about. She says the agency has been expanding its transition services, in part by doubling down on case management, life skills training and discharge planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that solves the biggest problem she sees when it comes to housing: affording it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conner sees fair chance ordinances as an important step, but, she says, “Even once we get people access, there’s still a limited pool of things that they can actually rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a study set to be released early next year, the Council of State Governments Justice Center asked state departments of correction across the country to identify \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/people/charles-francis/\">the biggest barriers to reentry housing success\u003c/a>. According to the Center’s Charles Francis, 84% named discrimination and stigma as a top concern, while 74% named restrictive policies on the part of housing providers. The top barrier, identified by 95% of respondents, was a lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With research showing formerly incarcerated people almost 10 times more likely to experience homelessness than the general public, Alameda County has become the first in the country to ban landlords from doing criminal background checks for potential tenants.",
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"title": "Alameda County Bans Criminal Background Checks on Tenants in Move to Fight Homelessness | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, March 20:\u003c/strong> The Alameda County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943467/landlord-backlash-prompts-return-to-pre-pandemic-rules-in-alameda-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reversed course and rejected the Fair Chance ordinance\u003c/a> on its second reading on Feb. 28, 2023. Second readings are normally considered a formality, but in this case the makeup of the board changed significantly between the first and second readings because of the deaths of two pro-tenant supervisors: Wilma Chan (replaced by Lena Tam) and Richard Valle. The board voted 2-0-2, with two supervisors voting in favor, none opposed, and Supervisors Tam and David Haubert abstaining, effectively killing the proposal for now. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Wiley told KQED there is a possibility the proposal could come back to the board, though there is no estimation of when that might happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, Dec. 23, 2022:\u003c/strong> Taqwaa Bonner didn’t have a hard time getting a job when he got out of prison in 2016, after serving 30 years. Getting a car and a girlfriend wasn’t a problem either. The challenge was finding a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He applied for apartment after apartment around the East Bay without success. Property owners asked about his criminal history, and Bonner, 56, suspects that revealing his felony conviction landed his applications in the trash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had family in the area, but couldn’t live with any of them because they all had rules in their leases that prohibited someone with a felony from moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That forced me to be homeless,” he says. For months Bonner slept in his car, sneaking into his girlfriend’s apartment when he could.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There is a direct pipeline from prison into homelessness,” says Margaretta Lin, executive director of Just Cities, a policy group focused on social justice, and a researcher with UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy. She worked on a survey of more than 100 people living in Oakland’s homeless encampments and found that 73% had criminal records. National research has found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\">formerly incarcerated people are almost 10 times more likely to experience homelessness\u003c/a> than the general public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated people face barriers to living in all forms of housing, including private rental housing, nonprofit housing and the Section 8 voucher program, Lin says: “So where can people live?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to reduce those barriers, Alameda County has become the first in the country to ban landlords from doing criminal background checks for potential tenants. Lin championed the plan after helping to pass similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.nhlp.org/nhlp-publications/fair-chance-ordinances-an-advocates-toolkit/\">“fair chance” housing policies\u003c/a> two years ago in \u003ca href=\"https://berkeley.municipal.codes/BMC/13.106.030\">Berkeley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/oakland-now-has-the-states-strongest-fair-chance-housing-law\">Oakland\u003c/a>. The three are among the strongest rules in the country because they allow for few exceptions. Seattle, Portland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., Cook County in Illinois and other localities also place some limits on the use of criminal background checks, as does the state of New Jersey. Locally, Richmond and San Francisco also have laws in place, though they’re far more narrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_12_06_22/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/CDA_341608.pdf\">Alameda County’s plan (PDF)\u003c/a> only applies to unincorporated parts of the county. It doesn’t cover properties of four units or fewer if the landlord lives on site, or tenants who are subletting their space. Landlords will still be able to check sex offender registries and comply with federal laws that bar people convicted of certain drug and sex offenses from publicly funded properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936260\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man and a Latino man talk as they study a document in an office.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61712_002_KQED_TaqwaaBonner_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taqwaa Bonner (right) speaks with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children program manager Errol Veron at their offices in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All we’re asking for is to judge people based on the merits of who they are today. Period,” Lin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that’s what it took for him to finally secure an apartment. As a housing advocate for \u003ca href=\"https://prisonerswithchildren.org/all-of-us-or-none/\">All of Us or None\u003c/a>, a project of Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, he became an outspoken champion of these policies locally and says a landlord offered him a spot after recognizing him from the news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took on the moral courage and said, ‘It’s OK.’ And so for the first time in my life, 50 years old, I had a lease of my own,” says Bonner, who now lives in Dublin with his wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all property owners have been as receptive. Many landlords have voiced fears about endangering other tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have such a responsibility to maintain the safety, peace and tranquility for the living enjoyment of the people that are paying rents in the Bay Area,” says Elizabeth Moreno, who owns apartment buildings in unincorporated areas of San Leandro and Hayward. She says landlords need every tool at their disposal to ensure a sound community for tenants, including background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, where a fair chance ordinance is already in place, property owners have raised concerns about the confluence of the rule with other local laws that make it tough to oust tenants, like the city and county eviction moratoriums and recently strengthened just cause protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do make a mistake, we can’t just say, OK, we made a mistake, this didn’t work out. You can’t really get rid of them,” says Carmen Madden, who owns a 30-unit building down the street from where she grew up in East Oakland, near Mills College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she says, the stakes feel especially high, with six tenants who she says haven’t been paying rent under the moratorium and owe around $100,000. Property owners around the county raised similar concerns. That led supervisors to amend the plan, delaying implementation until the county moratorium expires, which could come at the end of April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madden and others have also raised concerns about the law’s unintended consequences. In the absence of background checks, Madden says landlords find other ways to screen tenants, some of which she worries could worsen discrimination. Since Oakland increased protections for renters, she’s stopped looking at criminal records, but now she pays more attention to employment history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Lin is currently studying the effects of Oakland and Berkeley’s fair chance policies in what she calls the nation’s first impact evaluation of such a law. Lin says preliminary results from a survey of 41 formerly incarcerated people found that about a third said they’d benefited directly from the ordinances. Final study findings won’t be out for a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936259\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936259\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg\" alt='A Black woman with a white shirt that reads \"All of Us or None\" and sunglasses with her house reflected in the lenses, wearing a blue cap and smiling.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61754_025_KQED_KatieDixon_12162022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The reflection of Katie Dixon’s apartment building can be seen in her sunglasses in the backyard of her home in Oakland on Dec. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Among those eagerly awaiting them is the Alameda County Probation Department, which is helping to fund the work, says Shauna Conner, the department’s community reentry and outreach director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says stable housing is essential for the clients she works with. “It’s difficult to get people to participate in other services if they’re not housed,” she says. “You’re dealing with not only potential recidivism due to homelessness, but also interruption to their ability to adjust to the reentry process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Katie Dixon, finding an apartment after years of homelessness changed everything. “In the two years that I’ve had stable housing, the whole quality of my life has improved,” says Dixon, who spent more than a decade going in and out of juvenile detention facilities, jails and prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have shown that stable housing reduces the likelihood of recidivism. One of the best regarded among the studies \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/25716/412632-Supportive-Housing-for-Returning-Prisoners-Outcomes-and-Impacts-of-the-Returning-Home-Ohio-Pilot-Project.PDF\">examined the Returning Home–Ohio Pilot Program (PDF)\u003c/a>, which provided permanent supportive housing to formerly incarcerated people with a history or risk of homelessness. Researchers found that participants were 40% less likely to be rearrested and 61% less likely to be reincarcerated than a comparison group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Dixon the reasons are obvious: Without a stable place to live, someone on probation might be forced into destructive choices, like crashing with friends who are involved in criminal activities, which could lead to a probation violation, or staying in an abusive relationship that exacerbates mental health issues just to keep a roof over their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Dixon got her own place, she’s been able to exercise, eat healthier food and meditate. Having a private space and reliable internet connection also allowed her to complete a virtual policy training program she credits for her current job as an organizer with the ACLU of Northern California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland property owner Madden has one vacancy to fill at the moment. One potential applicant recently got out of jail, a fact she learned from a local pastor who referred the man. Over the years she’s rented to a few people with criminal records. What the experience has shown her, more than anything, is that people reentering the community don’t get the support they need. If landlords are going to do their part, she says, the government should do its part, too, and make sure people leaving prisons and jails can succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I found from those programs is that after they get them in, they leave them. So all their counseling stops, everything stops. And once it all stops, they stop,” she says. “So I get very nervous about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avoiding this “cliff” is something the probation department’s Conner thinks a lot about. She says the agency has been expanding its transition services, in part by doubling down on case management, life skills training and discharge planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that solves the biggest problem she sees when it comes to housing: affording it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conner sees fair chance ordinances as an important step, but, she says, “Even once we get people access, there’s still a limited pool of things that they can actually rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a study set to be released early next year, the Council of State Governments Justice Center asked state departments of correction across the country to identify \u003ca href=\"https://csgjusticecenter.org/people/charles-francis/\">the biggest barriers to reentry housing success\u003c/a>. According to the Center’s Charles Francis, 84% named discrimination and stigma as a top concern, while 74% named restrictive policies on the part of housing providers. The top barrier, identified by 95% of respondents, was a lack of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Shot at Justice: Lawsuits Mount Over Sexual Abuse in California Schools as End-of-Year Deadline Approaches",
"headTitle": "A Shot at Justice: Lawsuits Mount Over Sexual Abuse in California Schools as End-of-Year Deadline Approaches | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When Daniela attended Bell High School in Southeast Los Angeles County in the mid ‘90s, she was a student in Jeffrey Scott Jones’ Advanced Placement English class. As a teenager, she trusted him, and did not yet know the control he would have over her life for years into adulthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela, now 43, is one of three former students who married Jones, and one of five victims who say he sexually abused them when they were minors. \u003ca href=\"https://www.andersonadvocates.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/DOE-7064-DOE-7035-DOE-7063-v.-Los-Angeles-Unified-School-District-Jeffrey-Scott-Jones-et-al.-11.8.22.pdf\">She is now suing him (PDF)\u003c/a> and the Los Angeles Unified School District over claims that school leaders never investigated or notified police after multiple reports of misconduct. Daniela, who asked that we not use her legal name, spoke to KQED on the condition of anonymity because of fears about her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were seen as poor kids, like we didn’t matter,” she said of her classmates, many of whom she said grew up in poverty. “But we do matter, and somebody should care.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11921799,news_11911375,news_11928350\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela and countless others who say they were sexually abused as children are now able to file their claims in court because of a California state law that went into effect in 2020. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a>, or the California Child Victims Act, temporarily gives victims the chance to bring claims that would otherwise be barred because of the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure provides a three-year window in which victims of childhood sexual abuse can file complaints against perpetrators or their employers, regardless of how long ago the abuse occurred. That three-year window closes on Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys who handle abuse claims are urging victims in older cases to come forward before that date. If they wait, it could become harder — or, in some instances, impossible — to hold individuals or their employers accountable through the civil court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pattern of abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates for survivors say the extended statute of limitations offers an opportunity to force schools to reckon with historic wrongs through financial pressure. They also say it reflects \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalcac.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Disclosure-of-child-sexual-abuse-Delays-non-disclosures-and-partial-disclosures.-What-the-research-tells-us-and-implications-for-practice.pdf\">the reality that many victims do not report childhood abuse (PDF)\u003c/a> until years or decades later, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say victims may fear retaliation, or may not initially recognize what they experienced as abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela says that when she was in high school, everyone adored Jones — including her. She and other students would go to his classroom just to talk. She says she told him everything, and even confided in him that she had been sexually abused by a family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Jones targeted young girls who were vulnerable for abuse. He instructed students to take personality tests and send him journal entries, and read students’ palms as a way to see their reaction to physical touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela says she moved in with Jones when she was 17 years old, and the abuse began days later. She says she was in denial for years afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you really thought it was so bad, you would’ve screamed and yelled and told everybody. No,” she said, remembering her own thought process. “Sometimes we process things by accepting them and accepting them and accepting them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936017\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a high school building with columns and steps and a green lawn against a blue sky\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Gatos High School is part of the Los Gatos-Saratoga Union High School District, which in October settled with a former student for nearly $3.5 million following a suit about alleged abuse by former track coach Chioke Robinson in the 1990s. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Daniela told a teacher about her relationship with Jones. The suit also alleges the sibling of another victim reported Jones to the principal after he married her sister. But school staff did not investigate the allegations or report him to the police, the lawsuit alleges. Instead, according to the suit, Jones worked in the district for decades, moving from school to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was convicted of sexually assaulting a 13-year-old in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Los Angeles Unified spokesperson declined to comment on the litigation, but said that the safety and well-being of students and employees remains the district’s top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More lawsuits pour in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That suit is one of dozens, if not hundreds, of lawsuits filed against school districts across the state over the last three years because of the law that temporarily set aside the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis from the firms Greenberg Gross LLP and Jeff Anderson and Associates, nearly 70 lawsuits have been filed against the Los Angeles Unified School District alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Sean Tillis, attorney, Tillis Law Firm\"]‘The clergy cases get all the attention, but … the school cases that we see are only the tip of the iceberg.’[/pullquote]That number is likely an undercount of claims filed against the district, according to Mike Reck, attorney with Jeff Anderson and Associates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a testament to how deep this problem is,” Reck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits highlight instances where children did try to tell adults in schools they were abused by school employees, but officials failed to protect students or notify law enforcement or other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The clergy cases get all the attention, but I’m telling you, the school cases that we see are only the tip of the iceberg,” said Sean Tillis, an attorney with the Oakland-based Tillis Law Firm who handles sexual abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that, in some cases, the publicity on the extended statute has motivated people to consider legal options — even if they never have before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in denial, so they’re not going to know what a sex abuse statute is. They never think ‘litigation.’ They’re trying not to even think ‘abuse,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Williams, attorney with Greenberg Gross LLP, says that as the Dec. 31 deadline looms for older cases, victims continue to call his office daily to see if they have legal options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The calls haven’t stopped,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area school districts settle for millions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most civil cases against school districts will end in settlements, forcing schools to pay millions of dollars to victims for abuse by school employees. Some already have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Cerri, attorney with San José-based Corsiglia, McMahon and Allard, represented five men who recently reached a $7.5 million settlement with the Union School District over abuse by a teacher 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936015\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman dressed in black with curly red hair sits on a mustard-colored sofa. She looks concerned\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Lauren Cerri at her office in San José. Cerri has represented several victims who successfully brought lawsuits against their former high schools and school districts for not appropriately responding to allegations of abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cerri also represented a former student who reached a nearly $3.5 million settlement with the Los Gatos-Saratoga Union High School District in October. When a victim in that case first approached her office about the school’s response to alleged abuse by former track coach Chioke Robinson in the 1990s, it was too late. Then AB 218 extended the statute of limitations, allowing the case to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [people] come forward now, justice will more likely prevail,” Cerri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said if people wait until after Dec. 31, when the three-year window is set to close, “their chances are sadly and arbitrarily a lot less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A last stand\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Child Victims Act also created permanent changes that allow people under the age of 40 the opportunity to sue. Before that, victims had until the age of 26 to file civil cases for childhood sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change gives many more victims a shot at justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three former students at Miramonte High School in Orinda filed a lawsuit this month against the school and the Acalanes Union High School District. The students, who attended the school from 2007 to 2009, allege that school staff ignored red flags of grooming behavior and failed to investigate after students reported allegations of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the complaint, Mark Christopher Litton taught English at Miramonte and targeted vulnerable girls who were passionate about writing, reading and poetry. He was sentenced in 2010 to two years in prison after pleading no contest to sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"'Jane Doe 2,' on learning that a teacher she had reported for harassment continued to teach and was ultimately arrested for sexually abusing another student\"]‘It felt like I had lost. I had failed. I had not protected anybody else except for myself, and that was a terrible feeling.’[/pullquote]In a statement, Acalanes Union High School District superintendent John Nickerson said the district is “extremely concerned to read the allegations related to how the District/school responded, or failed to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the victims, identified as Jane Doe 2 in court documents, asked not to be identified to protect her privacy, including from the teacher she says groomed and assaulted her while she was in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, she described how students at Miramonte High School were expected to be perfect and excel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing bad could ever happen. And if it did, there were plenty of ways to cover things up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Litton was well-loved on campus, and initially a mentor for her. But by senior year, the teacher’s behavior became more alarming. She said Litton described dreaming about her at night and left notes on her car. She said her classmates worried about her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936016\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936016\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a yearbook photo shows a young man with a beard and glasses in a sweater vest, a teacher \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Miramonte High School teacher Mark Litton pictured in a yearbook from the school in Orinda. Litton was sentenced in 2010 to two years in prison after pleading no contest to sexual abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When she reported his behavior as well as concerns that he had sexually assaulted another classmate, she said school staff told her not to worry and that the school would look into it. When she graduated, she felt like she had won by making it through high school. Then in 2009, she learned that the teacher had been arrested for sexually abusing another student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like I had lost. I had failed. I had not protected anybody else except for myself, and that was a terrible feeling. I remember dropping to my knees and throwing up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 31, she’s roughly the age her teacher was when he allegedly groomed and assaulted her on campus. She is still working through the long-term impact of the abuse, and says pursuing this case has been terrifying and empowering at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This lawsuit, she says, has finally given her a chance to gain some control over her experience and get answers from the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an adult, there are so many things that I was able to look back on and see differently than as a child,” she said. “It was a last stand to acknowledge what had happened, and to potentially right a wrong and get closure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Daniela attended Bell High School in Southeast Los Angeles County in the mid ‘90s, she was a student in Jeffrey Scott Jones’ Advanced Placement English class. As a teenager, she trusted him, and did not yet know the control he would have over her life for years into adulthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela, now 43, is one of three former students who married Jones, and one of five victims who say he sexually abused them when they were minors. \u003ca href=\"https://www.andersonadvocates.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/DOE-7064-DOE-7035-DOE-7063-v.-Los-Angeles-Unified-School-District-Jeffrey-Scott-Jones-et-al.-11.8.22.pdf\">She is now suing him (PDF)\u003c/a> and the Los Angeles Unified School District over claims that school leaders never investigated or notified police after multiple reports of misconduct. Daniela, who asked that we not use her legal name, spoke to KQED on the condition of anonymity because of fears about her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were seen as poor kids, like we didn’t matter,” she said of her classmates, many of whom she said grew up in poverty. “But we do matter, and somebody should care.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela and countless others who say they were sexually abused as children are now able to file their claims in court because of a California state law that went into effect in 2020. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB218\">Assembly Bill 218\u003c/a>, or the California Child Victims Act, temporarily gives victims the chance to bring claims that would otherwise be barred because of the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure provides a three-year window in which victims of childhood sexual abuse can file complaints against perpetrators or their employers, regardless of how long ago the abuse occurred. That three-year window closes on Dec. 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys who handle abuse claims are urging victims in older cases to come forward before that date. If they wait, it could become harder — or, in some instances, impossible — to hold individuals or their employers accountable through the civil court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A pattern of abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates for survivors say the extended statute of limitations offers an opportunity to force schools to reckon with historic wrongs through financial pressure. They also say it reflects \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalcac.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Disclosure-of-child-sexual-abuse-Delays-non-disclosures-and-partial-disclosures.-What-the-research-tells-us-and-implications-for-practice.pdf\">the reality that many victims do not report childhood abuse (PDF)\u003c/a> until years or decades later, if at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say victims may fear retaliation, or may not initially recognize what they experienced as abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela says that when she was in high school, everyone adored Jones — including her. She and other students would go to his classroom just to talk. She says she told him everything, and even confided in him that she had been sexually abused by a family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Jones targeted young girls who were vulnerable for abuse. He instructed students to take personality tests and send him journal entries, and read students’ palms as a way to see their reaction to physical touch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniela says she moved in with Jones when she was 17 years old, and the abuse began days later. She says she was in denial for years afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you really thought it was so bad, you would’ve screamed and yelled and told everybody. No,” she said, remembering her own thought process. “Sometimes we process things by accepting them and accepting them and accepting them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936017\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a high school building with columns and steps and a green lawn against a blue sky\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS50357_011_LosGatos_HighSchool_07212021-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Gatos High School is part of the Los Gatos-Saratoga Union High School District, which in October settled with a former student for nearly $3.5 million following a suit about alleged abuse by former track coach Chioke Robinson in the 1990s. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Daniela told a teacher about her relationship with Jones. The suit also alleges the sibling of another victim reported Jones to the principal after he married her sister. But school staff did not investigate the allegations or report him to the police, the lawsuit alleges. Instead, according to the suit, Jones worked in the district for decades, moving from school to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones was convicted of sexually assaulting a 13-year-old in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Los Angeles Unified spokesperson declined to comment on the litigation, but said that the safety and well-being of students and employees remains the district’s top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More lawsuits pour in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That suit is one of dozens, if not hundreds, of lawsuits filed against school districts across the state over the last three years because of the law that temporarily set aside the statute of limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis from the firms Greenberg Gross LLP and Jeff Anderson and Associates, nearly 70 lawsuits have been filed against the Los Angeles Unified School District alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That number is likely an undercount of claims filed against the district, according to Mike Reck, attorney with Jeff Anderson and Associates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a testament to how deep this problem is,” Reck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits highlight instances where children did try to tell adults in schools they were abused by school employees, but officials failed to protect students or notify law enforcement or other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The clergy cases get all the attention, but I’m telling you, the school cases that we see are only the tip of the iceberg,” said Sean Tillis, an attorney with the Oakland-based Tillis Law Firm who handles sexual abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that, in some cases, the publicity on the extended statute has motivated people to consider legal options — even if they never have before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in denial, so they’re not going to know what a sex abuse statute is. They never think ‘litigation.’ They’re trying not to even think ‘abuse,'” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Williams, attorney with Greenberg Gross LLP, says that as the Dec. 31 deadline looms for older cases, victims continue to call his office daily to see if they have legal options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The calls haven’t stopped,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bay Area school districts settle for millions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most civil cases against school districts will end in settlements, forcing schools to pay millions of dollars to victims for abuse by school employees. Some already have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauren Cerri, attorney with San José-based Corsiglia, McMahon and Allard, represented five men who recently reached a $7.5 million settlement with the Union School District over abuse by a teacher 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936015\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a woman dressed in black with curly red hair sits on a mustard-colored sofa. She looks concerned\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61701_001_KQED_AttorneyLaurenCerri_12192022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Lauren Cerri at her office in San José. Cerri has represented several victims who successfully brought lawsuits against their former high schools and school districts for not appropriately responding to allegations of abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cerri also represented a former student who reached a nearly $3.5 million settlement with the Los Gatos-Saratoga Union High School District in October. When a victim in that case first approached her office about the school’s response to alleged abuse by former track coach Chioke Robinson in the 1990s, it was too late. Then AB 218 extended the statute of limitations, allowing the case to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [people] come forward now, justice will more likely prevail,” Cerri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said if people wait until after Dec. 31, when the three-year window is set to close, “their chances are sadly and arbitrarily a lot less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A last stand\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Child Victims Act also created permanent changes that allow people under the age of 40 the opportunity to sue. Before that, victims had until the age of 26 to file civil cases for childhood sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That change gives many more victims a shot at justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three former students at Miramonte High School in Orinda filed a lawsuit this month against the school and the Acalanes Union High School District. The students, who attended the school from 2007 to 2009, allege that school staff ignored red flags of grooming behavior and failed to investigate after students reported allegations of abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the complaint, Mark Christopher Litton taught English at Miramonte and targeted vulnerable girls who were passionate about writing, reading and poetry. He was sentenced in 2010 to two years in prison after pleading no contest to sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a statement, Acalanes Union High School District superintendent John Nickerson said the district is “extremely concerned to read the allegations related to how the District/school responded, or failed to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the victims, identified as Jane Doe 2 in court documents, asked not to be identified to protect her privacy, including from the teacher she says groomed and assaulted her while she was in high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, she described how students at Miramonte High School were expected to be perfect and excel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing bad could ever happen. And if it did, there were plenty of ways to cover things up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Litton was well-loved on campus, and initially a mentor for her. But by senior year, the teacher’s behavior became more alarming. She said Litton described dreaming about her at night and left notes on her car. She said her classmates worried about her safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936016\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11936016\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"a yearbook photo shows a young man with a beard and glasses in a sweater vest, a teacher \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/RS61721_001_KQED_MiramonteHS_12202022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Miramonte High School teacher Mark Litton pictured in a yearbook from the school in Orinda. Litton was sentenced in 2010 to two years in prison after pleading no contest to sexual abuse. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When she reported his behavior as well as concerns that he had sexually assaulted another classmate, she said school staff told her not to worry and that the school would look into it. When she graduated, she felt like she had won by making it through high school. Then in 2009, she learned that the teacher had been arrested for sexually abusing another student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It felt like I had lost. I had failed. I had not protected anybody else except for myself, and that was a terrible feeling. I remember dropping to my knees and throwing up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 31, she’s roughly the age her teacher was when he allegedly groomed and assaulted her on campus. She is still working through the long-term impact of the abuse, and says pursuing this case has been terrifying and empowering at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This lawsuit, she says, has finally given her a chance to gain some control over her experience and get answers from the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an adult, there are so many things that I was able to look back on and see differently than as a child,” she said. “It was a last stand to acknowledge what had happened, and to potentially right a wrong and get closure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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