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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this special episode of Ear Hustle in honor of Pride Month.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/1109_PRIDE_FOR_PODCAST_FEED_SEG_A_16.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the changes took effect, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation found that the number of incarcerated transgender, intersex and nonbinary people consistently grew each year, rising to 1,617 last year. That’s a 234% increase over 2017, according to the documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met,” Trisha Wallis, a department senior psychologist who specializes in gender health care, said during a budget committee hearing in March.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Trisha Wallis, department senior psychologist\"]‘The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met.’[/pullquote]The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”[aside label='More on Transgender Rights' tag='transgender-prisoners']Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jen Orthwein, psychologist\"]‘There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people. They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.’[/pullquote]The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>They stood on the steps of the state Capitol, in white bridal gowns and veils, their wrists chained together and their mouths taped shut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are survivors of forced and child marriages — and they want California to finally outlaw child brides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was 14 years old, my parents coerced me into marrying the 27-year-old pedophile who had been abusing me for two years because I became pregnant and it brought ‘shame’ to the family,” said Pat Abatemarco, who said she eventually escaped the marriage, with her daughter, with the help of a social worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday, she and others shared their stories of enduring gender-based violence, being forced to abandon their education, and becoming estranged from their families during the “chain-in” protest organized by \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/\">Unchained At Last\u003c/a>, a national advocacy nonprofit, to launch a campaign for the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here in gowns and chains to demand an end to a human rights abuse and nightmarish legal trap that gives get-out-of-jail-free cards to child rapists,” said Fraidy Reiss, a forced marriage survivor who founded Unchained At Last. “What better way to urge legislators to take action than to show them what life looks like for those who are forced into marriage?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Irvine)\"]‘We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve. But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, you must be 18 to get a divorce. But there is no minimum age to get married, as long as a parent or guardian consent and a court gives permission. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/child-marriage-progress/\">California is among just seven states, including New Mexico and Oklahoma, that does not have a minimum age for marriage.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/cottie-petrie-norris-1975/\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, plans to introduce legislation next year to end child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve,” she said. “But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A false start\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, California was on track to be the first state to pass an absolute ban on marriages for those younger than 18. However, due to opposition from the American Civil Liberties Union, the Children’s Law Center and Planned Parenthood, the bill proposed by then-Sen. Jerry Hill was watered down to add some safeguards\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>for child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter, the ACLU said that the bill “unnecessarily and unduly intrudes on the fundamental rights of marriage without sufficient cause,” while the Children’s Law Center said that “ … for some minors, the decision to marry is based on positive, pro-social factors and the marriage furthers their personal, short and long-term goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg\" alt=\"Many women wearing wedding dresses and veils are seen on the steps of California's Capitol Building. One older woman with gray hair and glasses, is speaking from a podium. All the individuals in the photo wear a red stop sign on their chest that reads, "Stop Child Marriage in CA."\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pat Abatemarco, a child marriage survivor, speaks during a press conference at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most research disputes the claims made by the Children’s Law Center. A review by the International Center for Research on Women found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/child-marriage-in-the-US-prevalence-impact_8-2020_ICRW.pdf\">married girls are more likely to drop out of school (PDF)\u003c/a> and less likely to complete college, more likely to live in poverty, and at greater risk of diabetes and cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not at all about maturity,” Reiss said. “But what you wake up with on your 18th birthday, which is crucial, is the rights of adulthood,” she continued, including leaving home, renting an apartment, getting into a domestic violence shelter, or taking legal action.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Irvine)\"]‘I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.’[/pullquote]The U.S. State Department classifies forced marriage \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/forced-marriage.html\">as a human rights abuse\u003c/a>, while the International Labor Organization has called it \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_575479.pdf\">a form of modern slavery (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government considers marriage under the age of 18 in foreign countries a human rights abuse, yet it still remains legal right here in our own backyards,” Petrie-Norris said at the protest. “I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, it’s statutory rape when an adult has sex with someone younger than 18 if they are not married. The crime is a misdemeanor or a felony, depending on the age difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB273\">The law that eventually passed\u003c/a> in 2018 required a judge and Family Court Services to interview both parties to the marriage and a guardian to determine that coercion, child abuse and trafficking were not taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14225893/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:600px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also required local registrars to begin reporting the number of marriage certificates issued to minors. Since 2019, the state has reported fewer than 20 child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, about 8,800 15- to 17-year-olds in California reported being married in the previous 12 months to the U.S. Census, according to an analysis by Unchained At Last. The vast majority, but not all, are girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group says that the huge difference in the numbers is because many registrars are not keeping track of child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other states are doing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the limited 2018 law took effect in California, nine states have made the marriage age 18 with no exceptions: Connecticut, Delaware, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. This week, Michigan’s Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://wwmt.com/news/local/michigan-child-marriage-ban-laws-legislation-house-senate-vote-approval-consent-18-age-minimum-license-bills-government-governor-gretchen-whitmer-policy-lansing-ingham-county\">voted to ban child marriage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors and advocates hope that California will be the eleventh state to ban child marriage with no exceptions. But a bill to do that has already been \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVersionsCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404&cversion=20230SB40499INT\">weakened in the current session\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of setting a minimum marriage age, the bill now addresses some underage marriages that are done through spiritual ceremonies that are not legally recognized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some — myself included — have concerns with minors getting married under any circumstances, California does have some guardrails to protect children,” the bill’s author, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a Fremont Democrat, said in a statement to CalMatters. “However, current law does not account for instances in which a third party arranges or officiates an underground marriage between a minor and another person, and that is what we are targeting with this bill.”[aside label='More Stories on California Law' tag='california-law']In May, the state Senate unanimously passed the amended \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404\">Senate Bill 404\u003c/a>, which would make it a misdemeanor for any person to knowingly sanction a religious union or unauthorized secular union between a minor and another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters say this proposal would strengthen California’s ability to protect children, some backers of the original bill said the current version could further harm children by criminalizing their families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The survivors of forced marriage that we serve often have complicated relationships with the parents or communities who pressure them to marry,” the Tahirih Justice Center says in the bill analysis. “In many cases, even after facing significant abuse, they still love and value these social bonds and hope for reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unchained At Last also says the amended bill doesn’t address the real problem; it wants a minimum marriage age of 18. Thursday’s protest, similar to those held in other states, is the beginning of building a coalition in California, said Reiss. The group plans to sit down individually with legislators, to make the case for a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some human rights abuses we all agree are terrible, but we might not be able to eliminate them in our lifetime,” Reiss said. “But child marriage in California, we can end it, not only in our lifetime … [but] this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, you must be 18 to get a divorce. But there is no minimum age to get married, as long as a parent or guardian consent and a court gives permission. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/child-marriage-progress/\">California is among just seven states, including New Mexico and Oklahoma, that does not have a minimum age for marriage.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/cottie-petrie-norris-1975/\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, plans to introduce legislation next year to end child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve,” she said. “But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A false start\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, California was on track to be the first state to pass an absolute ban on marriages for those younger than 18. However, due to opposition from the American Civil Liberties Union, the Children’s Law Center and Planned Parenthood, the bill proposed by then-Sen. Jerry Hill was watered down to add some safeguards\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>for child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter, the ACLU said that the bill “unnecessarily and unduly intrudes on the fundamental rights of marriage without sufficient cause,” while the Children’s Law Center said that “ … for some minors, the decision to marry is based on positive, pro-social factors and the marriage furthers their personal, short and long-term goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg\" alt=\"Many women wearing wedding dresses and veils are seen on the steps of California's Capitol Building. One older woman with gray hair and glasses, is speaking from a podium. All the individuals in the photo wear a red stop sign on their chest that reads, "Stop Child Marriage in CA."\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pat Abatemarco, a child marriage survivor, speaks during a press conference at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most research disputes the claims made by the Children’s Law Center. A review by the International Center for Research on Women found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/child-marriage-in-the-US-prevalence-impact_8-2020_ICRW.pdf\">married girls are more likely to drop out of school (PDF)\u003c/a> and less likely to complete college, more likely to live in poverty, and at greater risk of diabetes and cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not at all about maturity,” Reiss said. “But what you wake up with on your 18th birthday, which is crucial, is the rights of adulthood,” she continued, including leaving home, renting an apartment, getting into a domestic violence shelter, or taking legal action.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The U.S. State Department classifies forced marriage \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/forced-marriage.html\">as a human rights abuse\u003c/a>, while the International Labor Organization has called it \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_575479.pdf\">a form of modern slavery (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government considers marriage under the age of 18 in foreign countries a human rights abuse, yet it still remains legal right here in our own backyards,” Petrie-Norris said at the protest. “I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, it’s statutory rape when an adult has sex with someone younger than 18 if they are not married. The crime is a misdemeanor or a felony, depending on the age difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB273\">The law that eventually passed\u003c/a> in 2018 required a judge and Family Court Services to interview both parties to the marriage and a guardian to determine that coercion, child abuse and trafficking were not taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14225893/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:600px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also required local registrars to begin reporting the number of marriage certificates issued to minors. Since 2019, the state has reported fewer than 20 child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, about 8,800 15- to 17-year-olds in California reported being married in the previous 12 months to the U.S. Census, according to an analysis by Unchained At Last. The vast majority, but not all, are girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group says that the huge difference in the numbers is because many registrars are not keeping track of child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other states are doing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the limited 2018 law took effect in California, nine states have made the marriage age 18 with no exceptions: Connecticut, Delaware, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. This week, Michigan’s Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://wwmt.com/news/local/michigan-child-marriage-ban-laws-legislation-house-senate-vote-approval-consent-18-age-minimum-license-bills-government-governor-gretchen-whitmer-policy-lansing-ingham-county\">voted to ban child marriage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors and advocates hope that California will be the eleventh state to ban child marriage with no exceptions. But a bill to do that has already been \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVersionsCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404&cversion=20230SB40499INT\">weakened in the current session\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of setting a minimum marriage age, the bill now addresses some underage marriages that are done through spiritual ceremonies that are not legally recognized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some — myself included — have concerns with minors getting married under any circumstances, California does have some guardrails to protect children,” the bill’s author, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a Fremont Democrat, said in a statement to CalMatters. “However, current law does not account for instances in which a third party arranges or officiates an underground marriage between a minor and another person, and that is what we are targeting with this bill.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, the state Senate unanimously passed the amended \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404\">Senate Bill 404\u003c/a>, which would make it a misdemeanor for any person to knowingly sanction a religious union or unauthorized secular union between a minor and another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters say this proposal would strengthen California’s ability to protect children, some backers of the original bill said the current version could further harm children by criminalizing their families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The survivors of forced marriage that we serve often have complicated relationships with the parents or communities who pressure them to marry,” the Tahirih Justice Center says in the bill analysis. “In many cases, even after facing significant abuse, they still love and value these social bonds and hope for reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unchained At Last also says the amended bill doesn’t address the real problem; it wants a minimum marriage age of 18. Thursday’s protest, similar to those held in other states, is the beginning of building a coalition in California, said Reiss. The group plans to sit down individually with legislators, to make the case for a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some human rights abuses we all agree are terrible, but we might not be able to eliminate them in our lifetime,” Reiss said. “But child marriage in California, we can end it, not only in our lifetime … [but] this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>KQED Newsroom\u003cbr>\nFriday, June 23, 2023\u003cbr>\n7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003cbr>\nHost: Priya David Clemens\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KQED Newsroom Celebrates 55 Years\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For 55 years, KQED Newsroom has covered the Bay Area’s defining moments and hosted in-depth discussions with major newsmakers, including elected officials, politicians, artists, scientists and entrepreneurs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom journalists have always strived to give our audience trustworthy news coverage and deliver the important news of our times from here in the Bay Area, across California and from the nation’s capital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Looking Back (1990s\u003c/b>\u003cb>–\u003c/b>\u003cb>Now)\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In our final episode, we journey through news highlights from the past four decades with the stories that shaped the Bay Area we live in today. We start with the 1990s, a decade defined by the explosion of the internet and the radical transformation of every aspect of our lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>KQED Newsroom\u003cbr>\nFriday, June 23, 2023\u003cbr>\n7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003cbr>\nHost: Priya David Clemens\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KQED Newsroom Celebrates 55 Years\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For 55 years, KQED Newsroom has covered the Bay Area’s defining moments and hosted in-depth discussions with major newsmakers, including elected officials, politicians, artists, scientists and entrepreneurs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom journalists have always strived to give our audience trustworthy news coverage and deliver the important news of our times from here in the Bay Area, across California and from the nation’s capital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Looking Back (1990s\u003c/b>\u003cb>–\u003c/b>\u003cb>Now)\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In our final episode, we journey through news highlights from the past four decades with the stories that shaped the Bay Area we live in today. We start with the 1990s, a decade defined by the explosion of the internet and the radical transformation of every aspect of our lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Why 'Crisis Pregnancy Centers' Will Be California's Next Abortion Battleground",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-San Ramon)\"]‘They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here.’[/pullquote]This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937191,news_11934819\"]Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaret Russell, associate constitutional law professor, Santa Clara University\"]‘Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?’[/pullquote]Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cathren Cohen, staff attorney, Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy, UCLA\"]‘The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.’[/pullquote]“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California legislators have passed a slew of laws to protect abortion rights. But after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, many fear attempting to regulate 'crisis pregnancy centers' is legally risky.",
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"title": "Why 'Crisis Pregnancy Centers' Will Be California's Next Abortion Battleground | KQED",
"description": "California legislators have passed a slew of laws to protect abortion rights. But after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, many fear attempting to regulate 'crisis pregnancy centers' is legally risky.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'We Still Are Lacking True Allies': California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature",
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"headTitle": "‘We Still Are Lacking True Allies’: California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special that aired on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento State professor Mark Brown cut a striking figure at the California Reparations Task Force meetings. The professor of political science is a tall, thin white man who could often be seen sitting quietly in the audience, taking notes for the classes he teaches on reparations and critical whiteness in Germany and the United States.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special that aired on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento State professor Mark Brown cut a striking figure at the California Reparations Task Force meetings. The professor of political science is a tall, thin white man who could often be seen sitting quietly in the audience, taking notes for the classes he teaches on reparations and critical whiteness in Germany and the United States.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2004, when California first started regulating security-guard licenses more extensively, the nation was at war and the memory of 9/11 was fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It made sense, then, that state leaders decided to dedicate four hours of the 40-hour course to handling threats related to weapons of mass destruction and other forms of terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years later, some in the industry say that part of the training is looking outdated — especially as businesses around the state increasingly rely on private security guards to protect their stores not from terror threats, but from shoplifters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, that reliance came to a tragic end when a security guard at a San Francisco Walgreens store near Union Square \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">shot and killed Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a man accused of shoplifting about $14 worth of merchandise, including a box of cereal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the rest of the more than 301,000 licensed security guards in California, Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony, the guard at Walgreens, had been required to watch four hours of training videos focused on WMDs — but not a single minute on appropriate use of force and deescalation techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena)\"]‘We realized that these private security guards … are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.’[/pullquote]“To be honest with you, from 2004 to now, there’s not been a security officer in the state of California that’s found any weapons of mass destruction,” said David Chandler, president of the California Association of Licensed Security Agencies, Guards and Associates, or CALSAGA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re teaching the wrong subject for four hours and not teaching the security guards how to get along with people and how to protect people’s rights,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walgreens killing of Banko Brown isn’t the first time in recent years that an altercation with a security guard in California has resulted in someone’s death. In 2019, a man caught trespassing in the Golden 1 Center in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-07-08/a-man-died-after-sacramento-police-kneeled-on-his-neck-for-four-minutes-lawsuit-alleges-police-kneeled-on-a-mans-neck-for-four-minutes-resulting-in-his-death\">ended up on life support and later died\u003c/a> after a security guard allegedly kneeled on his neck for more than four minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That incident took on new significance after George Floyd was murdered in a similar manner the following year by a Minneapolis police officer, said Democratic state Assemblymember Chris Holden, from Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed to be so senseless,” Holden said of the death of Mario Matthews, who was found to have had methamphetamine in his system when he entered the arena around 3:30 a.m. and ran around the court pretending to dribble a basketball.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that these private security guards, who also carry a baton and a gun, are not trained to intervene in those kinds of situations at all,” he said. “They are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ death prompted Holden to introduce \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB229\">legislation\u003c/a> in 2021 updating the training requirements for security guards. The law, which took effect in January, mandates eight hours of training in “the exercise of the appropriate use of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency overseeing security guards, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsis.ca.gov/\">Bureau of Security and Investigative Services\u003c/a>, is currently drafting regulations for the new training, which likely won’t be implemented until October at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real emphasis is making sure that these private security officers are getting the appropriate training that they need to hopefully put them in a better position to use better judgment in how to address members of the public,” Holden said. “Obviously there’s a responsibility to address criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when $14 leads to a loss of life, he said, “we’ve got to do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"flowers and a memorial are tied to a fence with a Walgreens store in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past a memorial for Banko Brown outside a Walgreens in San Francisco, where Brown was shot to death by a store security guard on April 27. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill also requires security companies to report within seven days any physical altercation between their guards and the public that results in an injury requiring medical attention, and any force used by a guard while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But implementing the law’s training requirement is what’s needed most urgently, said policing expert LaDoris Cordell, a retired judge who worked as San José’s independent police auditor for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d made certain assumptions about private security guards, because they are basically doing police work — and I was stunned to find out that there is no requirement that they be trained in the use of force,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell praised the specificity of Holden’s legislation for spelling out in detail what the training needs to cover — including the limitations, responsibilities and ethics involved in making a citizen’s arrest, restrictions on searches and seizures, and criminal and civil liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area security guard said the lack of any current use-of-force training — combined with evolving guidance from the security companies themselves — leaves both the public and security guards at greater risk of unnecessary altercations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make it very clear to people: ‘No, I’m security, I’m not police.’ I don’t want to be police. But, we do need more training because a lot of people look at us as police,” said the guard, who has worked in the field for two years, and didn’t want to use his name because his employer doesn’t allow their guards to speak to the press. “You have to have training, you have to have accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that guards, who typically start out making less than $25 an hour, are putting themselves at personal legal risk when they engage physically with someone, regardless of what their employer has advised them to do. For example, even though the district attorney is not filing criminal charges against Anthony, the guard at Walgreens who shot Brown, he is still being sued by Brown’s family. A police officer in a similar situation generally couldn’t be sued as an individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Banko Brown Coverage' tag='banko-brown']Chandler, of CALSAGA, agreed. He said his group supported Holden’s legislation in part because security guards are now being asked to do more than ever before — and are encountering far different responses from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused community — they’re pushing back now,” he said. “Years ago, they would find somebody who’s unhoused, they would say you need to move along. … Now, these guys are fighting back. They’re attacking guards. They’re getting into physical altercations with guards. So the guards really need training on deescalation tactics and getting along with people, especially people with mental issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandler said responsibility also lies with the security firms that hire the guards, to make clear that human life is more important than property. The security firm that employed Anthony, Kingdom Group Protective Services, had \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/05.15.23-Banko-Brown-Report-.pdf\">changed its policies (PDF)\u003c/a> just weeks before Brown’s shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/walgrreens-shooting-banko-brown-security-18100148.php\">instructing its guards to be more hands-on\u003c/a> when witnessing someone trying to steal merchandise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that kind of policy, said Chandler, “you’re asking for a fight. You’re looking for a fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these major companies have insurance,” he added. “You know, if you’re losing so much money that you can’t afford to be in business, well, then guess what? You can’t be in business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell, the retired judge, agreed, noting that huge companies like Walgreens and the security firms are asking low-paid workers to take the risk — and fall — for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re living in a society where the distance between the haves and the have-nots is getting wider and wider and wider and greater and greater,” she said. “We have this big corporation that nobody’s really looking at and saying, ‘What are you doing about this issue?’ [They know] full well that the folks that they’re bringing in are not well-trained. They’re not well-paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Cordell said, two lives are ruined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This security guard — he’s going to be messed up for the rest of his life. The family of this young man [Brown], I mean, he’s gone,” she said. “Everybody’s messed up. And yet you have the company sitting back and nobody’s kind of saying, ‘Well, wait a minute, what’s your responsibility in all of this stuff?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The recent killing of Banko Brown isn't the first time in recent years that an altercation with a security guard in California has resulted in a death.\r\n",
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"title": "They Carry Weapons. So Why Don't Security Guards Have to Get Use-of-Force Training? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2004, when California first started regulating security-guard licenses more extensively, the nation was at war and the memory of 9/11 was fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It made sense, then, that state leaders decided to dedicate four hours of the 40-hour course to handling threats related to weapons of mass destruction and other forms of terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years later, some in the industry say that part of the training is looking outdated — especially as businesses around the state increasingly rely on private security guards to protect their stores not from terror threats, but from shoplifters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, that reliance came to a tragic end when a security guard at a San Francisco Walgreens store near Union Square \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">shot and killed Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a man accused of shoplifting about $14 worth of merchandise, including a box of cereal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the rest of the more than 301,000 licensed security guards in California, Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony, the guard at Walgreens, had been required to watch four hours of training videos focused on WMDs — but not a single minute on appropriate use of force and deescalation techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“To be honest with you, from 2004 to now, there’s not been a security officer in the state of California that’s found any weapons of mass destruction,” said David Chandler, president of the California Association of Licensed Security Agencies, Guards and Associates, or CALSAGA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re teaching the wrong subject for four hours and not teaching the security guards how to get along with people and how to protect people’s rights,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walgreens killing of Banko Brown isn’t the first time in recent years that an altercation with a security guard in California has resulted in someone’s death. In 2019, a man caught trespassing in the Golden 1 Center in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-07-08/a-man-died-after-sacramento-police-kneeled-on-his-neck-for-four-minutes-lawsuit-alleges-police-kneeled-on-a-mans-neck-for-four-minutes-resulting-in-his-death\">ended up on life support and later died\u003c/a> after a security guard allegedly kneeled on his neck for more than four minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That incident took on new significance after George Floyd was murdered in a similar manner the following year by a Minneapolis police officer, said Democratic state Assemblymember Chris Holden, from Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed to be so senseless,” Holden said of the death of Mario Matthews, who was found to have had methamphetamine in his system when he entered the arena around 3:30 a.m. and ran around the court pretending to dribble a basketball.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that these private security guards, who also carry a baton and a gun, are not trained to intervene in those kinds of situations at all,” he said. “They are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ death prompted Holden to introduce \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB229\">legislation\u003c/a> in 2021 updating the training requirements for security guards. The law, which took effect in January, mandates eight hours of training in “the exercise of the appropriate use of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency overseeing security guards, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsis.ca.gov/\">Bureau of Security and Investigative Services\u003c/a>, is currently drafting regulations for the new training, which likely won’t be implemented until October at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real emphasis is making sure that these private security officers are getting the appropriate training that they need to hopefully put them in a better position to use better judgment in how to address members of the public,” Holden said. “Obviously there’s a responsibility to address criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when $14 leads to a loss of life, he said, “we’ve got to do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"flowers and a memorial are tied to a fence with a Walgreens store in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past a memorial for Banko Brown outside a Walgreens in San Francisco, where Brown was shot to death by a store security guard on April 27. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill also requires security companies to report within seven days any physical altercation between their guards and the public that results in an injury requiring medical attention, and any force used by a guard while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But implementing the law’s training requirement is what’s needed most urgently, said policing expert LaDoris Cordell, a retired judge who worked as San José’s independent police auditor for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d made certain assumptions about private security guards, because they are basically doing police work — and I was stunned to find out that there is no requirement that they be trained in the use of force,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell praised the specificity of Holden’s legislation for spelling out in detail what the training needs to cover — including the limitations, responsibilities and ethics involved in making a citizen’s arrest, restrictions on searches and seizures, and criminal and civil liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area security guard said the lack of any current use-of-force training — combined with evolving guidance from the security companies themselves — leaves both the public and security guards at greater risk of unnecessary altercations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make it very clear to people: ‘No, I’m security, I’m not police.’ I don’t want to be police. But, we do need more training because a lot of people look at us as police,” said the guard, who has worked in the field for two years, and didn’t want to use his name because his employer doesn’t allow their guards to speak to the press. “You have to have training, you have to have accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that guards, who typically start out making less than $25 an hour, are putting themselves at personal legal risk when they engage physically with someone, regardless of what their employer has advised them to do. For example, even though the district attorney is not filing criminal charges against Anthony, the guard at Walgreens who shot Brown, he is still being sued by Brown’s family. A police officer in a similar situation generally couldn’t be sued as an individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chandler, of CALSAGA, agreed. He said his group supported Holden’s legislation in part because security guards are now being asked to do more than ever before — and are encountering far different responses from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused community — they’re pushing back now,” he said. “Years ago, they would find somebody who’s unhoused, they would say you need to move along. … Now, these guys are fighting back. They’re attacking guards. They’re getting into physical altercations with guards. So the guards really need training on deescalation tactics and getting along with people, especially people with mental issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandler said responsibility also lies with the security firms that hire the guards, to make clear that human life is more important than property. The security firm that employed Anthony, Kingdom Group Protective Services, had \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/05.15.23-Banko-Brown-Report-.pdf\">changed its policies (PDF)\u003c/a> just weeks before Brown’s shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/walgrreens-shooting-banko-brown-security-18100148.php\">instructing its guards to be more hands-on\u003c/a> when witnessing someone trying to steal merchandise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that kind of policy, said Chandler, “you’re asking for a fight. You’re looking for a fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these major companies have insurance,” he added. “You know, if you’re losing so much money that you can’t afford to be in business, well, then guess what? You can’t be in business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell, the retired judge, agreed, noting that huge companies like Walgreens and the security firms are asking low-paid workers to take the risk — and fall — for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re living in a society where the distance between the haves and the have-nots is getting wider and wider and wider and greater and greater,” she said. “We have this big corporation that nobody’s really looking at and saying, ‘What are you doing about this issue?’ [They know] full well that the folks that they’re bringing in are not well-trained. They’re not well-paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Cordell said, two lives are ruined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This security guard — he’s going to be messed up for the rest of his life. The family of this young man [Brown], I mean, he’s gone,” she said. “Everybody’s messed up. And yet you have the company sitting back and nobody’s kind of saying, ‘Well, wait a minute, what’s your responsibility in all of this stuff?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A San José Teacher Is Charged With Sexual Abuse. His School District Knew of Alleged Misconduct a Decade Ago",
"headTitle": "A San José Teacher Is Charged With Sexual Abuse. His School District Knew of Alleged Misconduct a Decade Ago | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>A music teacher at a TK–8 school in San José had a history of complaints roughly a decade before he was criminally charged with sexually abusing students last year, records obtained by KQED show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel Santiago, 43, was arrested in November under suspicion of sexually abusing 10 students beginning in 2021 at Adelante Dual Language Academy. He faces 12 charges, including multiple counts of molestation and lewd acts on a child by force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year was not the first time a student reported being inappropriately touched by Santiago, according to the records provided by the Alum Rock Union Elementary School District \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24512265/response-to-pra-request-w-documents-05-17-2023-1-3.pdf\">in response to a Public Records Act request\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students at two other schools in the district, Sheppard Middle School and Painter Elementary, had reported concerns about Santiago’s behavior to school staff from 2012 through 2014, records show. The district did not provide records of any complaints made to the school in the years that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One student said Santiago put his hand on her back and rubbed her back while he praised her. Another said Santiago repeatedly hugged her, asked her for hugs and “picked her up, putting his arms under her legs and carrying her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Santiago has failed to practice good judgment regarding physical contact with students, in particular, females, and I find that conduct to be inappropriate and unprofessional,” former Sheppard Middle School Principal Imee Almazan wrote at the conclusion of a personnel investigation in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alum Rock Union Elementary School District didn’t fire Santiago in 2014, despite the investigation documenting multiple complaints of Santiago inappropriately touching students after repeated warnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the district issued a letter of reprimand, and determined he should be transferred to another school in the district.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lauren Cerri, attorney, Corsiglia McMahon and Allard\"]‘These complaints are being made, and he’s moved to another school. What are those administrators told? Are they even told about the prior complaints?’[/pullquote]Santiago started teaching at Adelante in 2015, according to Cesar Torrico, assistant superintendent of human resources at Alum Rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district superintendent, Hilaria Bauer, declined to answer any questions about past complaints against Santiago and how they were handled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bauer wrote that the district has since adopted “a clearer and stronger process to prevent these incidents from happening and to encourage any other victims to come forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided extra training during our monthly safety meeting on Dec. 7 and directed all site administrators to retake the mandated reporter training from the beginning of the year. This also included all staff,” Bauer wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almazan, who is currently director of social and emotional learning at Alum Rock Union School District, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t feel safe’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Records from the school district’s 2014 investigation include some documentation of prior complaints against Santiago from students at Painter Elementary and Sheppard Middle School in 2012 and 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natalie Hernandez, 22, said she was in Santiago’s band class at Sheppard Middle School in 2012 and had reported his behavior to the principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her friends had been passionate about band and loved playing instruments together, forming a whole community inside the small band room. She mainly played flute, but would dabble in the clarinet and the saxophone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over time, she said, she became increasingly alarmed by her band teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Santiago asked her to stay in the band room during a break between classes to practice a piece she could already play with her eyes closed.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Natalie Hernandez, former student, Sheppard Middle School\"]‘I just remember being so angry, and even to this day, I’m so angry. It’s almost as if they forgot that we were kids.’[/pullquote]“He kept adjusting his chair and my chair so our knees could be touching and we’d be really close to each other,” Hernandez said. “I remember I just felt a really big rush of anxiety. I just did not feel comfortable at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said she told the principal, Almazan, how Santiago would only ask female students to stay after class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strictly remember telling her we don’t feel safe,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago remained at the school until 2014. When Hernandez learned he had been transferred to another school in the district, she was furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just remember being so angry, and even to this day, I’m so angry,” Hernandez said. “It’s almost as if they forgot that we were kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A father’s written sexual harassment complaint prompts investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The records show that Santiago had been instructed in 2012 not to touch students, particularly female students. But he allegedly continued, and a father filed a written complaint that Santiago sexually harassed his daughter in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school’s investigation prompted by that complaint included interviews with 15 students, and found “an overall discomfort and/or feeling of insecurity in Mr. Santiago’s band class among female students that were interviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of nine female students interviewed, seven said they were not comfortable in the classroom with Santiago, and one female student said she had been touched inappropriately by him on multiple occasions. Two students said Santiago walked in on them during a dress fitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The male students interviewed did not report similar discomfort.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Not sufficiently severe and pervasive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Almazan also wrote in the report that she had called Child Protective Services to report Santiago in 2014, but was told the allegations against a teacher were “not a reportable CPS case.” CPS offered to take a “courtesy report” that would be forwarded to law enforcement, according to the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Motta, chief of staff at the Santa Clara County Social Services Agency, declined to comment on any specific cases, but said the agency reports information to law enforcement to pursue criminal investigations when allegations do not involve caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José Police Department declined to immediately comment on the past complaints. A police spokesperson previously told \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/south-bay/san-jose-music-teacher-sexual-assault/3085337/\">NBC Bay Area\u003c/a> that an allegation of inappropriate touching was made against Santiago in 2014, but that no charges were filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately Almazan and the school district found that the conduct was not “sufficiently severe and pervasive” to amount to sexual harassment. In the letter of reprimand, the district instructed Santiago again not to touch students and to take a minimum of two hours of training related to sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on Principal Almazan’s recommendation to Human Resources and to the Superintendent we have decided to transfer you out of Sheppard Middle School,” the March 10, 2014, letter of reprimand from the district’s chief human resources officer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago worked at Adelante until he was placed on leave last November soon before his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors investigate recent allegations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://countyda.sccgov.org/news/news-release/sj-music-teacher-charged-touching-students\">According to Santa Clara County prosecutors, at the beginning of the 2021–2022 school year\u003c/a>, Santiago would take children into his office, hold girls on his lap and hug them tightly to his body. Prosecutors say he cupped female students’ buttocks while hugging them on his lap, and stroked the bare skin of a fourth grader’s back.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11911375,news_11935859,news_11928350\"]Santiago, who has not yet entered a plea, remains in custody in Santa Clara County. His next court hearing is scheduled for July 14. Santiago’s defense attorney, Steven Clark, declined to comment on the criminal case or records showing past complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school’s decision to transfer Santiago may have emboldened his behavior, said Lauren Cerri, an attorney with Corsiglia McMahon and Allard who specializes in childhood sexual abuse cases, and who reviewed the records provided by the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These complaints are being made, and he’s moved to another school,” Cerri said. “What are those administrators told? Are they even told about the prior complaints? Are they told to keep an extra eye on him and supervise him more closely?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cerri is currently representing three women suing the Alum Rock Union Elementary School District for allegedly failing to report abuse by a first grade teacher in the 1970s to authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it appears that this is still happening today in the same district,” Cerri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district disputes the allegations in their court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The community seeks answers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Santiago was arrested, the Alum Rock school board passed a resolution “reaffirming the critical role of school personnel as mandated reporters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution outlines that the district must “provide a hard copy of the mandated reporter training presentation to all staff and the school board” and encourage all district staff to attend annual mandated reporter training in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952548\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A children and adults circulate beside a playground behind a chainlink fence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1277\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students and staff walk through the playground at Adelante Dual Language Academy in San José on June 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, some in the Alum Rock community have voiced frustration during recent school board meetings about a lack of transparency and poor communication by district leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three substitute principals are currently working at Adelante, according to \u003ca href=\"https://adelante.arusd.org/about-us/new-page\">the district’s website\u003c/a>.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rosalinda Marquez, former employee, Alum Rock Union Elementary School District\"]‘It just seems par for the course for Alum Rock. They aren’t listening. They don’t know how to listen.’[/pullquote]The principal who reported Santiago, Maria Gutierrez, has been on paid leave since December for an unrelated issue, according to her attorney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbblaw.com/dvelez/\">Donald A. Velez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one person doing the right thing is being targeted,” Velez said. “You have all these complaints over all this time. It comes to a head. And the person who has only been there a year is the one who is taking the brunt of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velez declined to describe the specifics of why the principal is on leave but said it stems from an incident between two students, including a school board member’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District superintendent Bauer declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosalinda Marquez, who worked for the district until this year, said Alum Rock must begin to take concerns from parents seriously. She said she was not surprised to learn how the district had responded to past complaints against Santiago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hurts my heart that I wasn’t surprised,” Marquez said. “It just seems par for the course for Alum Rock. They aren’t listening. They don’t know how to listen. It just seems like any issue that arises either gets Band-Aid solutions or no solutions at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Music teacher Israel Santiago was criminally charged with sexually abusing 10 students at a San José elementary school since 2021, but records obtained by KQED through the Public Records Act have found that Santiago had a history of sexual misconduct complaints in the same school district.",
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"description": "Music teacher Israel Santiago was criminally charged with sexually abusing 10 students at a San José elementary school since 2021, but records obtained by KQED through the Public Records Act have found that Santiago had a history of sexual misconduct complaints in the same school district.",
"title": "A San José Teacher Is Charged With Sexual Abuse. His School District Knew of Alleged Misconduct a Decade Ago | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A music teacher at a TK–8 school in San José had a history of complaints roughly a decade before he was criminally charged with sexually abusing students last year, records obtained by KQED show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel Santiago, 43, was arrested in November under suspicion of sexually abusing 10 students beginning in 2021 at Adelante Dual Language Academy. He faces 12 charges, including multiple counts of molestation and lewd acts on a child by force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year was not the first time a student reported being inappropriately touched by Santiago, according to the records provided by the Alum Rock Union Elementary School District \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24512265/response-to-pra-request-w-documents-05-17-2023-1-3.pdf\">in response to a Public Records Act request\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students at two other schools in the district, Sheppard Middle School and Painter Elementary, had reported concerns about Santiago’s behavior to school staff from 2012 through 2014, records show. The district did not provide records of any complaints made to the school in the years that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One student said Santiago put his hand on her back and rubbed her back while he praised her. Another said Santiago repeatedly hugged her, asked her for hugs and “picked her up, putting his arms under her legs and carrying her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Santiago has failed to practice good judgment regarding physical contact with students, in particular, females, and I find that conduct to be inappropriate and unprofessional,” former Sheppard Middle School Principal Imee Almazan wrote at the conclusion of a personnel investigation in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alum Rock Union Elementary School District didn’t fire Santiago in 2014, despite the investigation documenting multiple complaints of Santiago inappropriately touching students after repeated warnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the district issued a letter of reprimand, and determined he should be transferred to another school in the district.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Santiago started teaching at Adelante in 2015, according to Cesar Torrico, assistant superintendent of human resources at Alum Rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district superintendent, Hilaria Bauer, declined to answer any questions about past complaints against Santiago and how they were handled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bauer wrote that the district has since adopted “a clearer and stronger process to prevent these incidents from happening and to encourage any other victims to come forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided extra training during our monthly safety meeting on Dec. 7 and directed all site administrators to retake the mandated reporter training from the beginning of the year. This also included all staff,” Bauer wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almazan, who is currently director of social and emotional learning at Alum Rock Union School District, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t feel safe’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Records from the school district’s 2014 investigation include some documentation of prior complaints against Santiago from students at Painter Elementary and Sheppard Middle School in 2012 and 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natalie Hernandez, 22, said she was in Santiago’s band class at Sheppard Middle School in 2012 and had reported his behavior to the principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her friends had been passionate about band and loved playing instruments together, forming a whole community inside the small band room. She mainly played flute, but would dabble in the clarinet and the saxophone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over time, she said, she became increasingly alarmed by her band teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Santiago asked her to stay in the band room during a break between classes to practice a piece she could already play with her eyes closed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“He kept adjusting his chair and my chair so our knees could be touching and we’d be really close to each other,” Hernandez said. “I remember I just felt a really big rush of anxiety. I just did not feel comfortable at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez said she told the principal, Almazan, how Santiago would only ask female students to stay after class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I strictly remember telling her we don’t feel safe,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago remained at the school until 2014. When Hernandez learned he had been transferred to another school in the district, she was furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just remember being so angry, and even to this day, I’m so angry,” Hernandez said. “It’s almost as if they forgot that we were kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A father’s written sexual harassment complaint prompts investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The records show that Santiago had been instructed in 2012 not to touch students, particularly female students. But he allegedly continued, and a father filed a written complaint that Santiago sexually harassed his daughter in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school’s investigation prompted by that complaint included interviews with 15 students, and found “an overall discomfort and/or feeling of insecurity in Mr. Santiago’s band class among female students that were interviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of nine female students interviewed, seven said they were not comfortable in the classroom with Santiago, and one female student said she had been touched inappropriately by him on multiple occasions. Two students said Santiago walked in on them during a dress fitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The male students interviewed did not report similar discomfort.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Not sufficiently severe and pervasive’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Almazan also wrote in the report that she had called Child Protective Services to report Santiago in 2014, but was told the allegations against a teacher were “not a reportable CPS case.” CPS offered to take a “courtesy report” that would be forwarded to law enforcement, according to the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Motta, chief of staff at the Santa Clara County Social Services Agency, declined to comment on any specific cases, but said the agency reports information to law enforcement to pursue criminal investigations when allegations do not involve caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José Police Department declined to immediately comment on the past complaints. A police spokesperson previously told \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/south-bay/san-jose-music-teacher-sexual-assault/3085337/\">NBC Bay Area\u003c/a> that an allegation of inappropriate touching was made against Santiago in 2014, but that no charges were filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately Almazan and the school district found that the conduct was not “sufficiently severe and pervasive” to amount to sexual harassment. In the letter of reprimand, the district instructed Santiago again not to touch students and to take a minimum of two hours of training related to sexual harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on Principal Almazan’s recommendation to Human Resources and to the Superintendent we have decided to transfer you out of Sheppard Middle School,” the March 10, 2014, letter of reprimand from the district’s chief human resources officer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago worked at Adelante until he was placed on leave last November soon before his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors investigate recent allegations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://countyda.sccgov.org/news/news-release/sj-music-teacher-charged-touching-students\">According to Santa Clara County prosecutors, at the beginning of the 2021–2022 school year\u003c/a>, Santiago would take children into his office, hold girls on his lap and hug them tightly to his body. Prosecutors say he cupped female students’ buttocks while hugging them on his lap, and stroked the bare skin of a fourth grader’s back.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Santiago, who has not yet entered a plea, remains in custody in Santa Clara County. His next court hearing is scheduled for July 14. Santiago’s defense attorney, Steven Clark, declined to comment on the criminal case or records showing past complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school’s decision to transfer Santiago may have emboldened his behavior, said Lauren Cerri, an attorney with Corsiglia McMahon and Allard who specializes in childhood sexual abuse cases, and who reviewed the records provided by the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These complaints are being made, and he’s moved to another school,” Cerri said. “What are those administrators told? Are they even told about the prior complaints? Are they told to keep an extra eye on him and supervise him more closely?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cerri is currently representing three women suing the Alum Rock Union Elementary School District for allegedly failing to report abuse by a first grade teacher in the 1970s to authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it appears that this is still happening today in the same district,” Cerri said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district disputes the allegations in their court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The community seeks answers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Santiago was arrested, the Alum Rock school board passed a resolution “reaffirming the critical role of school personnel as mandated reporters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution outlines that the district must “provide a hard copy of the mandated reporter training presentation to all staff and the school board” and encourage all district staff to attend annual mandated reporter training in person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952548\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952548\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A children and adults circulate beside a playground behind a chainlink fence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1277\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66174_20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-007-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students and staff walk through the playground at Adelante Dual Language Academy in San José on June 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, some in the Alum Rock community have voiced frustration during recent school board meetings about a lack of transparency and poor communication by district leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three substitute principals are currently working at Adelante, according to \u003ca href=\"https://adelante.arusd.org/about-us/new-page\">the district’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The principal who reported Santiago, Maria Gutierrez, has been on paid leave since December for an unrelated issue, according to her attorney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbblaw.com/dvelez/\">Donald A. Velez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one person doing the right thing is being targeted,” Velez said. “You have all these complaints over all this time. It comes to a head. And the person who has only been there a year is the one who is taking the brunt of this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velez declined to describe the specifics of why the principal is on leave but said it stems from an incident between two students, including a school board member’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District superintendent Bauer declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosalinda Marquez, who worked for the district until this year, said Alum Rock must begin to take concerns from parents seriously. She said she was not surprised to learn how the district had responded to past complaints against Santiago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It hurts my heart that I wasn’t surprised,” Marquez said. “It just seems par for the course for Alum Rock. They aren’t listening. They don’t know how to listen. It just seems like any issue that arises either gets Band-Aid solutions or no solutions at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Office is tasking its emergency unit with arresting and compelling treatment for people who use drugs or are intoxicated in public, city leaders announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan comes shortly after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950520/compassion-is-killing-people-london-breed-pushes-for-more-arrests-to-tackle-sfs-drug-crisis\">Mayor London Breed last month told the Board of Supervisors that “force” needs to be part of the city’s response to drug use\u003c/a>. The sheriff’s plan includes deploying 130 additional deputies to the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, two areas where drug use, sales and overdoses are concentrated in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies will work overtime for a six-month deployment beginning this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In many cases, individuals suffering from drug addiction only seek help when they hit their lowest point, and the sad truth for many is that the low point is incarceration,” Sheriff Paul Miyamoto said at a press conference Thursday morning outside City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Emergency Services Unit at the sheriff’s office will work with the Mayor’s Office to increase arrests for drug sellers as well as people using drugs outdoors and in public settings, particularly those who are deemed to pose a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952546\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man in an official uniform with a starred badge pinned to it speaks into an array of microphones from an outdoor lectern, flanked by law enforcement officers and others.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Paul Miyamoto speaks during a news conference outside City Hall Thursday morning. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement including the San Francisco Police Department, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948062/newsom-taps-chp-national-guard-to-fight-san-franciscos-fentanyl-crisis\">the California Highway Patrol and the National Guard\u003c/a> in recent months have renewed focus on the Tenderloin and SoMa, two areas that have become central to ongoing debates over how to respond to challenges around outdoor drug use and sales, homelessness and substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of the solution is making sure we have enough law enforcement on the ground in the Tenderloin, South of Market and in the Civic Center area to make sure drug dealers understand that their behavior will not be tolerated any longer in this city and that those who are struggling with addiction get the help they so desperately need,” District Attorney Brooke Jenkins told reporters at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But public health experts have historically decried the notion put forward Thursday that jails can rehabilitate substance use disorders for many. And incarceration can make life much worse for some people seeking employment or housing upon release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some fear the approach mimics tried-and-failed approaches to cracking down on drugs in the past, which led to outsized incarceration for members of Black and brown communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rounding up individuals for being under the influence is another war-on-drugs tactic that we know from decades of experience and research will not be effective in addressing our city’s public health crisis,” said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement following Thursday’s press conference. “Our jails, which already subject people to frequent lockdowns, little contact with family, and no sunlight, are not well-equipped to treat individuals with substance use disorder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952547\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a purple suit speaks into an array of microphones from an outdoor lectern, flanked by law enforcement officers and others.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks during Thursday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Numerous studies show that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948421/newsoms-plan-to-crack-down-on-fentanyl-in-san-francisco-could-cause-more-harm-than-good-some-addiction-experts-say\">efforts to criminalize drug use can also lead to increased overdoses\u003c/a> once targeted operations subside, and even immediately after individual arrests themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Indianapolis, \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307329\">researchers found that opioid overdose deaths doubled within a 500-meter radius of each drug arrest\u003c/a>. “Elevated fatal and nonfatal opioid overdoses were sustained over one, two and three weeks,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307329\">a report published June 7, 2023, in the \u003cem>American Journal of Public Health\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason for the uptick in overdoses, the paper explains, is that disrupting the drug supply can drive drug users to find new suppliers who may have tainted substances, and pushing people to use drugs alone or secretly can lead to more erratic drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, Breed applauded arrests made on 25 people for public intoxication with drugs or alcohol in the Tenderloin and SoMa. But, \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-mayor-breed-arrests-drug-dealers-treatment-18135871.php\">none of them accepted drug treatment upon release from jail\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='overdose,overdoses,fentanyl,fatal-overdoses,fentanyl-overdoses']Law enforcement officials on Thursday expressed awareness that arrests alone won’t fix the problematic drug use or crime trends. They suggested that it was part of a broader effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it’s an unpopular stance to take, arresting and putting people in jail, it can be a critical gateway to help and needs to be a part of the multipronged approach,” Miyamoto said. “We’re not advocating for harsher punishments or increased incarceration for those who are struggling with harmful choices. There needs to be a multipronged approach to these problems, not just a single focus on harm reduction and treating this as a health crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the six-month-long deployment will be focused on SoMa and the Tenderloin, the sheriff said it could potentially reach into other neighborhoods. The deputies will patrol in marked vehicles and on foot, Miyamoto said. In a press release, officials said that deputies “undergo extensive, specialized training for handling situations that require intervention for destructive or criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest push to criminalize drug use in the Tenderloin and SoMa comes amid a staffing shortage in both SFPD and the Sheriff’s Office. Also on Thursday, city leaders held a hearing on those staffing challenges, for which some have called for additional funding to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be funded properly. We have to be staffed properly, and we definitely are working toward getting in that direction,” Police Chief Bill Scott said Thursday at the press conference. “But that doesn’t happen without our elected officials supporting us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Billy Cruz contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Office is tasking its emergency unit with arresting and compelling treatment for people who use drugs or are intoxicated in public, city leaders announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan comes shortly after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950520/compassion-is-killing-people-london-breed-pushes-for-more-arrests-to-tackle-sfs-drug-crisis\">Mayor London Breed last month told the Board of Supervisors that “force” needs to be part of the city’s response to drug use\u003c/a>. The sheriff’s plan includes deploying 130 additional deputies to the Tenderloin and South of Market neighborhoods, two areas where drug use, sales and overdoses are concentrated in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deputies will work overtime for a six-month deployment beginning this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In many cases, individuals suffering from drug addiction only seek help when they hit their lowest point, and the sad truth for many is that the low point is incarceration,” Sheriff Paul Miyamoto said at a press conference Thursday morning outside City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Emergency Services Unit at the sheriff’s office will work with the Mayor’s Office to increase arrests for drug sellers as well as people using drugs outdoors and in public settings, particularly those who are deemed to pose a threat to themselves or others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952546\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man in an official uniform with a starred badge pinned to it speaks into an array of microphones from an outdoor lectern, flanked by law enforcement officers and others.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66153_031_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Paul Miyamoto speaks during a news conference outside City Hall Thursday morning. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement including the San Francisco Police Department, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948062/newsom-taps-chp-national-guard-to-fight-san-franciscos-fentanyl-crisis\">the California Highway Patrol and the National Guard\u003c/a> in recent months have renewed focus on the Tenderloin and SoMa, two areas that have become central to ongoing debates over how to respond to challenges around outdoor drug use and sales, homelessness and substance use disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of the solution is making sure we have enough law enforcement on the ground in the Tenderloin, South of Market and in the Civic Center area to make sure drug dealers understand that their behavior will not be tolerated any longer in this city and that those who are struggling with addiction get the help they so desperately need,” District Attorney Brooke Jenkins told reporters at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But public health experts have historically decried the notion put forward Thursday that jails can rehabilitate substance use disorders for many. And incarceration can make life much worse for some people seeking employment or housing upon release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some fear the approach mimics tried-and-failed approaches to cracking down on drugs in the past, which led to outsized incarceration for members of Black and brown communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rounding up individuals for being under the influence is another war-on-drugs tactic that we know from decades of experience and research will not be effective in addressing our city’s public health crisis,” said San Francisco Public Defender Mano Raju in a statement following Thursday’s press conference. “Our jails, which already subject people to frequent lockdowns, little contact with family, and no sunlight, are not well-equipped to treat individuals with substance use disorder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952547\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman in a purple suit speaks into an array of microphones from an outdoor lectern, flanked by law enforcement officers and others.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66158_040_KQED_SheriffPressConference_06082023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks during Thursday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Numerous studies show that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948421/newsoms-plan-to-crack-down-on-fentanyl-in-san-francisco-could-cause-more-harm-than-good-some-addiction-experts-say\">efforts to criminalize drug use can also lead to increased overdoses\u003c/a> once targeted operations subside, and even immediately after individual arrests themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Indianapolis, \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307329\">researchers found that opioid overdose deaths doubled within a 500-meter radius of each drug arrest\u003c/a>. “Elevated fatal and nonfatal opioid overdoses were sustained over one, two and three weeks,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307329\">a report published June 7, 2023, in the \u003cem>American Journal of Public Health\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason for the uptick in overdoses, the paper explains, is that disrupting the drug supply can drive drug users to find new suppliers who may have tainted substances, and pushing people to use drugs alone or secretly can lead to more erratic drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, Breed applauded arrests made on 25 people for public intoxication with drugs or alcohol in the Tenderloin and SoMa. But, \u003cem>The San Francisco Chronicle \u003c/em>reported, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-mayor-breed-arrests-drug-dealers-treatment-18135871.php\">none of them accepted drug treatment upon release from jail\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Law enforcement officials on Thursday expressed awareness that arrests alone won’t fix the problematic drug use or crime trends. They suggested that it was part of a broader effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it’s an unpopular stance to take, arresting and putting people in jail, it can be a critical gateway to help and needs to be a part of the multipronged approach,” Miyamoto said. “We’re not advocating for harsher punishments or increased incarceration for those who are struggling with harmful choices. There needs to be a multipronged approach to these problems, not just a single focus on harm reduction and treating this as a health crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the six-month-long deployment will be focused on SoMa and the Tenderloin, the sheriff said it could potentially reach into other neighborhoods. The deputies will patrol in marked vehicles and on foot, Miyamoto said. In a press release, officials said that deputies “undergo extensive, specialized training for handling situations that require intervention for destructive or criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest push to criminalize drug use in the Tenderloin and SoMa comes amid a staffing shortage in both SFPD and the Sheriff’s Office. Also on Thursday, city leaders held a hearing on those staffing challenges, for which some have called for additional funding to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be funded properly. We have to be staffed properly, and we definitely are working toward getting in that direction,” Police Chief Bill Scott said Thursday at the press conference. “But that doesn’t happen without our elected officials supporting us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Billy Cruz contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Murder, the Military and Radicalization: How Much Is Tied to a Lack of Support for Veterans?",
"publishDate": 1686052890,
"format": "standard",
"headTitle": "Murder, the Military and Radicalization: How Much Is Tied to a Lack of Support for Veterans? | KQED",
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"site": "news"
},
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessie Rush, Kenny Miksch and Simon Sage Ybarra were sentenced to six months in prison after admitting they destroyed evidence of their communication with fellow boogaloo militia member Steven Carrillo, who murdered two law enforcement officers as a racial uprising gripped California and the nation. Carrillo was captured on June 6, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]teven Carrillo saw the three sheriff’s deputies talking on the narrow, one-lane road leading to his father’s house in Ben Lomond, a small community in the Santa Cruz Mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concealed by the forest and gripping his rifle, Carrillo could hear them coordinating their approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s Office was responding to a call about a white van with ammunition and bomb-making supplies that were visible through a window to a man installing game cameras around a nearby wooded property. The vehicle’s registration led officers to a one-room house with potted plants and a gun rack on the porch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago today, on June 6, 2020, Carrillo was cornered. A week earlier, the active-duty Air Force sergeant had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killed a Federal Protective Service officer and wounded his partner in a drive-by shooting\u003c/a> in front of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building in Oakland as a large protest moved through the streets nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11824604 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/Carrillo-van-oakland-1020x631.jpg']Carrillo took out his phone and messaged members of the “1st Detachment, 1st California Grizzly Scouts,” a group of men he met on Facebook. The group associated itself with the anti-government \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo movement\u003c/a>, which originated online and became a rallying point for those who believe a second Civil War looms. Adherents toted guns and wore Hawaiian shirts, which the movement has co-opted, at protests following George Floyd’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks before Carrillo’s rampage, the Grizzly Scouts had discussed violent confrontations with the government and attacks on law enforcement in group messages, prosecutors said. The group also trained together at a property in the Sierra foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were looking for me. They found me by pure luck,” Carrillo wrote from his hideout, requesting backup. “Kit up and get here. There’s only one road in/out. Take them out when they’re coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude. How the f— can we get to you in an hour,” one member responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re waiting for reinforcements. I’m listening to them,” Carrillo replied. “Dudes, I offed a fed. They’re staging. Come help. I have cameras everywhere here. They’re waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Rush, a then-28-year-old U.S. Army veteran and the group’s founder, responded with an order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dillo,” Rush wrote, using Carrillo’s code name, “factory reset your phone and exfil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Exfil\u003c/em> — short for exfiltration, a military term for the removal of units from an area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo ignored the directive. Instead, he opened fire with his modified assault rifle, fatally wounding one officer and sending the other two running into the woods. They radioed to try to warn others of the ambush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before fleeing, Carrillo engaged in a shoot-out with California Highway Patrol officers who answered the distress call. He carjacked a Toyota Camry and ran over one of the Santa Cruz deputies on his way down the mountain. Shot in the hip, Carrillo used his own blood to write messages on the car — “Boog,” “Stop the duopoly” and “I became unreasonable” — before abandoning it. He was ultimately arrested in a backyard after neighbors tackled and restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, the Grizzly Scouts moved quickly to delete evidence of their communication and files about the group’s structure and activity. But it was too late. Rush and two other members \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/four-militia-group-members-plead-guilty-obstruction-justice-conspiracy\">later pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings. All three were sentenced to six months in prison. A fourth member pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice charges in addition to an unrelated charge. He was sentenced to more than 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo was given a life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michael Jensen, senior researcher, University of Maryland National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START)\"]‘This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes.’[/pullquote]In the three years since he was captured, significant attention has focused on Carrillo and his murders as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenmilstein.com/case-study/underwood-v-meta-platforms-inc-facebook\">the role social media played in connecting him with other extremists\u003c/a>. But scarce information is available about Rush, who grew up in Gilroy and created the Grizzly Scouts, gave the group its military structure and recruited Carrillo and other men throughout Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who knew Rush told KQED they were puzzled by the charges against him. A firefighter and EMT who worked in private security, Rush worked alongside former law enforcement officers, and friends said he never openly expressed anti-police sentiment to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and his attorney declined to be interviewed for this story. But a deep look into Rush’s background paints a portrait of a veteran seeking the camaraderie and sense of purpose he once found in the armed forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952311\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952311\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two men in military fatigues, one holding a firearm, pose for a photo.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Rush (right) sits on a newly constructed deck at Combat Outpost Qeysar, Afghanistan, in 2011, while the soldier beside him does tricep dips. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Nathan Goodall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To report this story, KQED interviewed veterans, including several who served with Rush, researchers and a California lawmaker who called for Congressional hearings on the recruitment of veterans by extremist groups, to find out how vulnerable former soldiers are — and what steps the United States government is taking to identify at-risk veterans like Rush and provide them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes,” said Dr. Michael Jensen, senior researcher at the University of Maryland’s National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, or START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2022 START study, on average, 6.9 individuals with military backgrounds committed crimes motivated by ideology per year from 1990 to 2010. Over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">that number has quintupled (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 17% of defendants charged in connection to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection were current or former service members, including eight from California, according to START. For comparison, about 7% of the country’s adult population are veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluding the Jan. 6 cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">the rate of crimes committed by people with military backgrounds (PDF)\u003c/a> and motivated by political, social, religious or economic goals has more than tripled since 2010. The majority of cases are centered in the veteran community, as opposed to active-duty military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Stewart Rhodes, a former Army paratrooper and Yale Law School graduate who founded the far-right militia group the Oath Keepers, was convicted of seditious conspiracy and other charges for crimes related to the breach of the U.S. Capitol. On May 25, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/us/politics/oath-keepers-stewart-rhodes-sentenced.html\">he was sentenced to 18 years in prison\u003c/a>. An Anti-Defamation League analysis of Oath Keepers membership data identified 117 active-duty military and estimated 1 in 10 had prior service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='extremism,veterans']In January, three active-duty Marines were charged with crimes related to their alleged involvement on Jan. 6. One of the men, based at Camp Pendleton in Southern California, wrote in an Instagram direct message that he was “waiting for the boogaloo” or “Civil war 2,” according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, an Air National Guardsman suspected of leaking a trove of national security documents on the online platform Discord was arrested in Massachusetts. Federal court documents show Jack Teixeira, 21, possessed a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824103-teixeira-governments-supplemental-motion\">virtual arsenal of weapons (PDF)\u003c/a>” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824102-teixeira-declaration-of-luke-church-fbi-special-agent\">had discussed acts of violence online (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to prosecutors and the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc-2021-year-in-hate-extremism-report.pdf\">there were 45 anti-government groups, including four militias, active in California (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Exactly how many veterans have been involved in extremist groups in the state is unknown due to the lack of consistent data, said Jon Lewis, research fellow at the Program on Extremism at George Washington University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike cases stemming from support for foreign terrorist organizations like ISIS or al-Qaida, group membership in the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, boogaloo movement, etc., is secondary and not a predicate for the criminal offense,” Lewis said. “We can identify cases in which that affiliation or ideology is explicitly identified, but it’s naturally limited by the failures of the federal and state governments to publicly share information related to these statistics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, not long after rioters stormed the Capitol, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin \u003ca href=\"https://media.defense.gov/2021/Feb/05/2002577485/-1/-1/0/STAND-DOWN-TO-ADDRESS-EXTREMISM-IN-THE-RANKS.PDF\">ordered a military-wide stand-down to discuss extremism in the ranks (PDF)\u003c/a>. The House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs began a series of hearings investigating the issue later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the types of things we can do to help prevent veterans from dying by suicide are the very same things we can do to help veterans avoid being pulled into extremist and violent groups,” said Rep. Mark Takano, D-Riverside, the top Democrat on the committee who called for \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832964-house-committee-on-veterans-affairs-the-importance-of-peer-support-in-preventing-domestic-violent-extremism\">the hearings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takano began looking into the issue in 2019 after a hearing about online scams targeting veterans led to research on which other groups target vets, according to a former member of his staff. Groups like the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys and Three Percenters \u003ca href=\"https://democrats-veterans.house.gov/imo/media/doc/Extremism%20Report.pdf\">target veterans because of their combat and weapons experience and the air of credibility they bring (PDF)\u003c/a> to an organization, according to an accompanying report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to raise our level of support for veterans to reduce these sort of upstream stressors that can lead to some veterans turning toward extremism,” said Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the hearings exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhHK4O7opHw\">sharp disagreement\u003c/a> in the federal government over whether time and resources should be allocated to understanding the problem — and whether one even exists. Republicans, including Mike Bost of Illinois, who is now the committee’s chair, said the hearings \u003ca href=\"https://veterans.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5922\">unfairly stigmatized veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952322 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of two middle-aged men in blue suits outside on a sunny day, both with trim, dark haircuts. The man on the right, who appears Latino, speaks into the ear of the other, who appears Asian. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark Takano (left) speaks with Rep. Raul Ruiz during a 2021 news conference with other members of the House Veterans Affairs’ Committee. \u003ccite>(Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July 2022, a Senate Armed Services Committee report \u003ca href=\"https://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/fy23_ndaa_bill_report.pdf\">called for an immediate halt to defense programs looking into extremism (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding, “spending additional time and resources to combat exceptionally rare instances of extremism in the military is an inappropriate use of taxpayer funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans voted overwhelmingly in favor of the language while Democrats voted against it. One independent lawmaker tipped the balance in favor of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, all House-passed provisions calling for further investigation of extremism in the military and broader society were \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/12/14/final-ndaa-removes-most-house-provisions-on-hate-groups/\">scaled back or removed from the final 2023 National Defense Authorization Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Defense Department spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3400498/sabrina-singh-deputy-press-secretary-holds-a-press-briefing/\">told reporters last month\u003c/a> that only one of the six recommendations issued by the agency’s Countering Extremism Working Group, created in the wake of Jan. 6, has been enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, researchers say that while the involvement of veterans and active-duty military in criminal extremism is limited, it’s a problem that could be growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the veteran population in our data set, there are really two types of veterans that radicalize: individuals that are looking for the camaraderie, the sense of purpose, the friendships that they had in the military,” Jensen said. “And they find it in these extremist organizations, groups like the Oath Keepers and Three Percenter organizations and the boogaloo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second type typically experience mental health issues such as combat-related PTSD, in addition to that same desire for camaraderie and purpose, according to Jensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear exactly which factors drew Rush to the boogaloo movement, documents from multiple state and federal court cases reviewed by KQED, as well as interviews with military and extremism experts and people who knew Rush, point to numerous factors — social isolation, PTSD, challenges translating combat skills to the civilian workforce, relationship difficulties and unhealed trauma — that could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a text message from a KQED reporter, Rush, who was released from a federal prison in Santa Barbara County in November, wrote that he wanted to move on with his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I made my mistakes,” he wrote. “I did my time, and I’m paying my debt to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Set up for failure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On the couch.” That’s the phrase Jack Griffith uses to describe the veterans he works with who need his help the most. In other words, those who are depressed, disinterested and unmotivated to leave the house or do much of anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why a lot of people make jokes about veterans living in their mom’s basement,” said Griffith, who runs Protecting Soldiers’ Rights, a nonprofit that assists veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, or TBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not coming out because of social anxiety,” he added. “They may have survivor’s guilt, they may have situational awareness that is going off all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951954\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951954 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long graying beard and shaved head leans against the edge of an above-ground swimming pool in the backyard of a home. He has tattoos on his arms and holds a cigarette in his left hands, and he wears baggy dark blue jeans and a dark gray sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veterans advocate Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One afternoon last fall, Griffith, 41, sat at a wrought-iron table in his backyard in rural Turlock. As hummingbirds flitted around the porch, the stay-at-home dad with icy blue eyes and a long, scraggly beard lit a Camel cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every so often, a cloud of dust drifted over the fence and coated the cars in the driveway as the farmer next door drove a tractor through his orchard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith served in the Army from 2008–2011 and deployed to Afghanistan. In 2009, he was awarded a Purple Heart after the vehicle he was riding in was hit by a 300-pound roadside bomb and he had to be medevaced out. Griffith started Protecting Soldiers’ Rights in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, he receives about 10 calls a week from veterans, including some from out of state. They call with legal questions or questions about benefits. Some call on the verge of a panic attack. Many, like Rush, come over to Griffith’s house to sit in the backyard, smoke cigarettes and just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the two met in February 2019, Rush wasn’t “on the couch.” But Griffith suspected he was headed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell he was reminiscent of his military service. I’m reminiscent,” Griffith said, holding back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anonymous veteran who served in Afghanistan with Jessie Rush\"]‘How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people … How do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer.’[/pullquote]Rush was a cannon crewmember in the Army from November 2009–March 2014 and deployed to Afghanistan in March 2011. That year, the Gilroy Dispatch published a letter from Rush’s mother about her son’s unit distributing school supplies to Afghan children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to share the following story about the humanity of war and the hearts of our soldiers in Afghanistan,” Christina Soares wrote. “Through all the bad they still made time to do good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten years later, Soares \u003ca href=\"http://documentcloud.org/documents/23832068-christina-soares-letter\">wrote another letter (PDF)\u003c/a>. This time, it was addressed to U.S. District Judge James Donato. Soares described Rush’s difficult childhood, his father’s abuse, the time he spent in an orphanage and foster care, and his time in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After deployment Jessie came home and I knew he was different,” Soares wrote. “He no longer had that twinkle in his eye or the innocence in his smile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, when Rush was home on leave and heard neighbors setting off fireworks, he “hit the floor in the fetal position and cried out for his brothers,” according to the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834701-defendants-sentencing-memo-and-motion-for-variance\">sentencing memo (PDF)\u003c/a>, Rush’s attorney, Adam Pennella, wrote that Rush “observed carnage and death on a daily basis” in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This included attempting to save a civilian whose intestines were falling out by holding them in place with his hands,” Pennella wrote. “Others in his unit were injured and killed, including one of his closest friends from basic training. Then in the years after discharge, multiple of his friends from the military died (one from an overdose, another from a brain aneurism, and a third from suicide).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832993-fowler-letter\">another letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to Judge Donato, retired Army Sgt. Charles Fowler said that Rush had struggled with PTSD but the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs “did not offer Jessie much help in adjusting therapy or medications.” Fowler also wrote that he had talked with Rush about maintaining the skills they learned in the military, adding, “though we had to be careful because outside of the combat zone, we are not cleared to create our own rules of engagement to deal with items we deem as threats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Veterans Affairs National Center for PTSD, 29% of the men and women who served in Iraq and Afghanistan will experience symptoms of PTSD at some point in their lives. Carl Castro, director of Military and Veterans Programs at the University of Southern California’s Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work and a retired Army colonel, said PTSD is one of many factors that can lead a veteran to have an unsuccessful transition to civilian life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A veteran might question who they are and whether the sacrifices made in going to war were worth it, according to Castro. One way to regain that sense of identity is to utilize military skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to feel valued as a person,” Castro said. “And one way they do that is by joining an organization that values them, that will tell them, ‘We value you, you are important.’ And not only that, give them an important leadership role in the organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One veteran who served in Afghanistan with Rush and spoke to KQED on condition of anonymity because of concerns about speaking publicly about a sensitive criminal case, said when he heard about Rush’s case, he wasn’t surprised someone from his unit had been involved in extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all get set up for failure going into the armed forces,” he said. “Twenty-four seven, 365, we literally thought someone was going to cut our head off or shoot us. That can change the rest of your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a soldier leaves the military, he added, job prospects can be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people — and I can march with 20–30 pounds on my back, I can take apart a gun with my eyes closed in two minutes — how do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Rush’s family for comment were unsuccessful. In a Facebook message, Soares responded to a question about her son with, “You’re wasting your time ma’am.” After a reporter left a business card at Rush’s apartment, a woman identifying herself as “Julie” left a voicemail saying the reporter would be pepper-sprayed if they returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a year after Griffith met Rush, Rush launched the Grizzly Scouts. “They say the west won’t boog, were [sic] here to gather like minded Californians who can network and establish local goon squads,” Rush wrote in the description of the Facebook group he started, according to prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that whole group, whatever the group was, it was more role-play for him,” Griffith said. “I’m afraid that maybe he was trying to impress. I’m hoping he was trying to impress. I just never saw it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paid to be paranoid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jerame Ayers sat behind the wheel of a white Jeep pickup truck at an intersection in Modesto and pointed out things the student beside him should be mindful of while working a private security protection job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look at people in their cars,” Ayers said. “Keep an eye out for people doing anything unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ayers, 46, wore a black baseball cap with a patch on the front showing the silhouette of a rifle over an American flag. The radio was tuned to SiriusXM Patriot. The two were driving to a mock protest scenario, part of the curriculum at the Academy for Professional Development, the Modesto trade school Ayers, an Army veteran, owns and operates. The school offers EMT and private security training courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is, everybody becomes paranoid who goes through my training. It never turns off,” he said. “You get paid to be paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951971 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A photo taken from the backseat of a vehicle from behind the driver's side. Blurry in the foreground, and in focus in the rearview mirror, we see a light-skinned man in a black baseball cap driving and looking to the right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers, CEO of the Academy for Professional Development, teaches an executive protection class in Modesto on Nov. 14, 2022. Executive protection provides security for politicians, celebrities and anyone needing protection against public threats. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, shortly after he met Griffith, Rush enrolled in Ayers’ 30-day security specialist course, where students learn to guard high-profile clients like CEOs, politicians and celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a career path, protection is popular with veterans who already possess some of the necessary skills, Ayers said. Jobs in the field can bridge the gap between combat and a return to civilian employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I kind of teach them is reintegration,” Ayers said. “But do not let the warrior mindset fade off, because you’re going to need that in this industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush taught EMT classes at the school and began working jobs in private security, an industry he was well suited for but one that “exacerbated his paranoia and vigilance,” according to his attorney Pennella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from periodically visiting his father, Rush mostly kept to himself, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jessie didn’t have a community,” Griffith said. “Jessie had an apartment. And he had a wife. And he had me and Jerame after that. He didn’t have people to have his back around here. He didn’t have people to even hang out with around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush found his community online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"William Braniff, director, START\"]‘[T]hink about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism. This is the story of the KKK … There’s a pattern here.’[/pullquote]According to a June 2022 report filed in state court on Carrillo’s “social history and mental decline,” Carrillo found Rush and the Grizzly Scouts in April 2020. After Carrillo joined Facebook groups in support of Second Amendment protections and libertarian ideals, the platform’s algorithm suggested other groups he might be interested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was /K/alifornia Kommando, the Facebook group run by Rush, where prosecutors say he recruited for the Grizzly Scouts. Rush invited Carrillo to the Grizzly Scouts’ group chats and asked Carrillo to sign a liability release, a nondisclosure agreement and an employment application that requested information about Carrillo’s military experience. Rush also sent Carrillo a packing list for an in-person meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo later described the Grizzly Scouts as a “paramilitary organization that viewed police as the enemy.” The group was mostly made up of veterans upset with the government for various reasons, including the state of the veteran health care system, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Screenshot of a web-based document, with some text highlighted in yellow.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this graphic first obtained and published by ProPublica, UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program and Frontline, candidates for the Grizzly Scouts are asked to provide details of their prior military experience and firearms training. \u003ccite>(Courtesy \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/i-felt-hate-more-than-anything-how-an-active-duty-airman-tried-to-start-a-civil-war\">ProPublica\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Court records show members of the group were given ranks. As commanding officer, Rush held the rank of major. Robert Jesus Blancas, a transient Castro Valley resident, was responsible for security and intelligence, while Kenny Miksch of San Lorenzo was in charge of training and firearms instruction. They were named first lieutenants. Simon Sage Ybarra of Los Gatos held the rank of corporal and was responsible for recruitment. Carrillo was made staff sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22123771/indictment.pdf\">Members discussed tactics for killing police in a WhatsApp group chat labeled “209 Goon HQ” (PDF)\u003c/a>, a reference to the Central Valley area code, according to a March 2021 indictment. At one point, Rush messaged another member: “The gov spent 100s of thousands of dollars on training me, im gonna use that shit,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">court records show (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, Rush invited Carrillo to a secluded ranch east of Turlock and told him to bring guns, ammunition, a burner phone and other supplies. Carrillo met with the Grizzly Scouts twice — around May 9 and May 16. He returned home “energized and ecstatic, keenly focused on the mission of the group, and agitated about police misconduct,” Carrillo’s then-girlfriend said, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith and Ayers said Rush invited them to hang out with the Grizzly Scouts, but they declined. Neither thought the group was anything unusual. When Griffith asked Rush who would be there, he said Rush responded, “Like-minded people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951953 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man with a long, scraggly beard reaches over a chest-high wire fence to pet the nose of a white mutt, whose nose is in the air to reach the man's hand. They are surrounded by a scrubby lawn of dirt and grass, and sunlight filters through light green tree cover behind them, alongside a one-story shed with beige siding.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith pets his dog at his home in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Data show 84% of people with military backgrounds who committed extremist crimes from 1990 to 2021 did so after leaving the military. On average, crimes were committed 15 years after discharge, according to START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most infamous examples of violent extremism in U.S. history is the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Hundreds of people were injured by the blast that killed 168, 19 of whom were children. The perpetrator, Timothy McVeigh, was an Army veteran, private security guard and white supremacist assisted by a man he met in basic training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not illogical if you think about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism,” said William Braniff, director of START. “This is the story of the KKK, both after the Civil War, but then after World War I and II, in Korea and Vietnam. There’s a pattern here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Buckley, an Army veteran who was a member of the Ku Klux Klan from 2013 to 2016 and now helps young people deradicalize as an intervention specialist with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.parents4peace.org/our-team/\">Parents for Peace\u003c/a>, said there’s no shortage of reasons why veterans get involved in extremism. Buckley told KQED his own radicalization began inside the military. Learning to dehumanize his enemy was a tool that served him well emotionally in combat, but was never deactivated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come home with this hatred towards Muslims that was left completely unchecked,” said Buckley. “Then about six months after I got home, I started to have my experiences with PTSD. And I started to really break down mentally. Couple that with substance abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he needed help, the KKK was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t come at me with pitchforks, burning crosses and robes,” said Buckley, who testified in front of the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs in March 2022. “They were like, ‘Hey, man, what’s going on, bro? Like, you need help with Christmas? Here’s some food, bro. Let’s take care of your family before we talk about what we do.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the first time anybody had reached out to help me. The VA wasn’t,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to an email asking what the VA is doing to support veterans vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups, Press Secretary Terrence Hayes said the agency is committed to educating veterans on how to identify disinformation and predatory practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any group of Americans, the Veteran community is not a monolith. The overwhelming majority of Veterans neither commit nor condone extremism-related violence,” he wrote. “VA will take action where necessary to abide by laws that protect our country against a tiny minority committed to domestic violent extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholas Sanders, who served as a medic in Afghanistan alongside Rush and is now a nurse in Texas, said groups like the Proud Boys and “other wannabe militias” prey on veterans searching for belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out of the military, I worked at a military surplus store, and it was weekly,” he said. “People are handing me their cards like, ‘Hey, you know, we’ve got this club,’ or ‘We’ve got this group. We meet up on the weekends, bring your family and do all this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was initially attracted to the displays of camaraderie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then you start reading into it. You’re looking at their pictures and it’s like, ‘Oh, there’s only white people in here,’” he said. “It’s the equivalent of a gang to me. Gangs don’t prey on well-established people. Gangs prey on people that are looking for that acceptance and approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I offed a fed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, the Grizzly Scouts prepared for an operation at a protest in Sacramento, according to prosecutors. Members distributed an “Operations Order” that identified law enforcement as “enemy forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 27, 2020, Carrillo and Ybarra met behind a gas station in Los Gatos to assemble an assault rifle in the back of Carrillo’s van. The next day, Carrillo contacted Ybarra about attending a protest in Oakland, to “snipe some you know what’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ybarra didn’t respond. Instead he reached out to Rush, saying, “just wanted to make sure we are on the same page, and that targeting innocents doesn’t fly with me even if they are wearing a badge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush agreed, but said, “yea we need to actually develop targets and cases, be smart. They want war, then we bring em war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">He went on (PDF)\u003c/a>: “We can start developing case files, gathering intel, and doing it just like big bro does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“im not about the fireworks,” he continued. “im more like a surgeon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, Carrillo rode to Oakland in a white van, allegedly driven by Robert Alvin Justus Jr., another man he met online. As they drove past the Federal Building, Carrillo flung open the sliding door and unloaded a fusillade of bullets toward two Federal Protective Service officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killing David Patrick Underwood, 53, and wounding Sombat Mifkovic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week later, Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputies were in Ben Lomond responding to a call about a white van with weapons inside. Carrillo ambushed the officers, killing Sgt. Damon Gutzwiller, 38, and wounding Deputy Alex Spencer, 32 at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Ybarra drove to Turlock to meet with Rush, prosecutors said, and group members conspired to erase conversations from their phones in which they discussed attacking police. Blancas destroyed Dropbox files related to the group’s structure, onboarding and operations, telling Ybarra a month later, “All physical files I had were literally burned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He removed our platform and robbed our message,” Rush \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832071-govuscourtscand375526170_1\">wrote to the Grizzly Scouts (PDF)\u003c/a>, referring to Carrillo. “Unfortunately we would almost have to wait for the next one. Which is disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Grizzly Scouts switched to a new messaging platform they thought would be more secure, according to prosecutors. A couple of weeks later, Rush began contacting members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jump on [another communication’s platform] if you miss us were [sic] reinventing and if you wanna be apart [sic] of it we’d love to have you back,” Rush said to one member, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On an overcast afternoon last September, firearm enthusiasts inside a gun show at the Stanislaus County Fairgrounds perused tables stacked with Army fatigues, old tactical manuals, knives and bulletproof vests. Every so often, a loud jolt came from a corner where a stun gun was being demoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one booth, a man and a woman wearing “California State Militia, 2nd Regiment” T-shirts answered a young man’s questions. Across the aisle, a group of men browsed ammunition magazines modified to hold no more than 10 rounds, per California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he browsed the exhibits, stopping occasionally to talk with vendors, Ayers said he believed Rush may have talked about violence that he didn’t actually plan to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vets, we all get together and hang out,” Ayers said. “I think he got in over his head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, when coverage of Carrillo’s violence was on the news, Rush stopped by Ayers’ school and told him: “I know the two guys that are involved in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951952 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man looks seriously at the camera standing in front of a storefront at a strip mall next to a banner showing an insignia featuring a snake and two falcons. The man wears a black hat with an American flag, glasses, a dark fleece, and blue jeans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers stands outside his school in Modesto, on Nov. 14, 2022. The school offers executive protection, physical security and EMT classes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘How’d that all go down?’ He’s like, ‘No, we all hung out. And those two individuals were at the place that we hung out,'” Ayers said. “I’m like, ‘I hope you’re not connected to them.’ He says, ‘I mean, other than meeting up with them, but I would never think they’d go do this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August that year, the FBI executed search warrants for Rush’s apartment and the homes of other Grizzly Scout members. When he found out about the raid, Ayers said he asked Rush if there was something he wasn’t telling him. “He’s like, ‘No,'” Ayers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith, too, remembered the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that was kind of where I was like, ‘This is federal territory, buddy,'” Griffith said. “We don’t touch this. This isn’t about PTSD and TBI. If the FBI is knocking [on] your door or kicking or whatever, that’s more serious than what we can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2021, Ayers said, he received a text from Rush saying FBI agents wanted to meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I said, ‘They didn’t arrest you then, and now they want to talk to you?’ I go, ‘If they are going to talk to you, go there, do what you’re supposed to do,” Ayers said. “You participate, you do what you’re told.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Griffith found out Rush was being summoned by federal agents, he drove to the meeting at a Turlock Police Department precinct to offer support. Rush was already handcuffed in the back of a black SUV when he arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834714-indictment\">other Grizzly Scout members were indicted (PDF)\u003c/a> on charges including conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings, destruction of records in official proceedings and obstruction of official proceedings. At sentencing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834715-sentencing-transcript-rush-ybarra-miksch\">Rush told the court he was “fearful and paranoid” (PDF)\u003c/a> at the time he created the Grizzly Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was exposed to so much rhetoric that seemed contradictory,” he said. “Things that were being said by the government on social media, the state, and just in the news in general just seems like it was pushing back against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew O’Bryan, who served with Rush and stayed in contact with him, said the charges didn’t sound like Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He started [the group] so that veterans like him and me could have just a little bit of normalcy,” said O’Bryan, who wrote a letter on Rush’s behalf before sentencing. “He said that some guy in his group was apparently going off the deep end saying some crazy stuff, and that they all came after him because he was the one who put that stuff together just trying to help people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rush, both Ybarra and Miksch pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings and were sentenced to six months in prison in May 2022. Both were released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blancas was sentenced to 10 ½ years after pleading guilty to charges tied to the Grizzly Scouts case and explicit conversations with underage girls that FBI agents uncovered during a search of his electronic devices. He is currently serving time at a federal prison in Fort Worth, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo is incarcerated at Mule Creek State Prison in Ione in Amador County. Through his attorney in the federal case, he declined to be interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951972 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long beard sits outdoors in the shade of a tree, at a table with a red table cloth. On the table in front of him are a pack of cigarettes, a lighter, a white mug, a cellphone, and a short stack of papers.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By November, the hummingbirds in Griffith’s backyard were gone. A stack of magazines sat on the table wrinkled, having been left out in the rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith looked at a text he had received the previous morning. It was from Rush. Out of prison, he asked if Griffith wanted to hang out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I rose my hand, basically donating my life to this country,” Griffith said. “And that oath is not over. And it states foreign and domestic. That puts him in a column of which, if we were out in public, he would be a threat. We’re supposed to be on the same side and now I have to look at you as a threat. You’d be the one that I’m watching in a crowd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, the two went on a drive. Rush was tight-lipped, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like I wasn’t enough,” Griffith said, choking back tears. “This is just as shocking as losing someone to suicide that you thought was on the right path. You put in all that work. You think everything’s going one direction, and then either they’re gone or they’re so far offtrack you don’t even realize it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Many veterans feel left behind by Veterans Affairs — and more are committing crimes motivated by ideology, studies show. How much radicalization is in the ranks?",
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"title": "Murder, the Military and Radicalization: How Much Is Tied to a Lack of Support for Veterans? | KQED",
"description": "Many veterans feel left behind by Veterans Affairs — and more are committing crimes motivated by ideology, studies show. How much radicalization is in the ranks?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessie Rush, Kenny Miksch and Simon Sage Ybarra were sentenced to six months in prison after admitting they destroyed evidence of their communication with fellow boogaloo militia member Steven Carrillo, who murdered two law enforcement officers as a racial uprising gripped California and the nation. Carrillo was captured on June 6, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>teven Carrillo saw the three sheriff’s deputies talking on the narrow, one-lane road leading to his father’s house in Ben Lomond, a small community in the Santa Cruz Mountains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concealed by the forest and gripping his rifle, Carrillo could hear them coordinating their approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s Office was responding to a call about a white van with ammunition and bomb-making supplies that were visible through a window to a man installing game cameras around a nearby wooded property. The vehicle’s registration led officers to a one-room house with potted plants and a gun rack on the porch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago today, on June 6, 2020, Carrillo was cornered. A week earlier, the active-duty Air Force sergeant had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killed a Federal Protective Service officer and wounded his partner in a drive-by shooting\u003c/a> in front of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building in Oakland as a large protest moved through the streets nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Carrillo took out his phone and messaged members of the “1st Detachment, 1st California Grizzly Scouts,” a group of men he met on Facebook. The group associated itself with the anti-government \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2021/01/27/who-are-boogaloos-who-were-visible-capitol-and-later-rallies\">boogaloo movement\u003c/a>, which originated online and became a rallying point for those who believe a second Civil War looms. Adherents toted guns and wore Hawaiian shirts, which the movement has co-opted, at protests following George Floyd’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For weeks before Carrillo’s rampage, the Grizzly Scouts had discussed violent confrontations with the government and attacks on law enforcement in group messages, prosecutors said. The group also trained together at a property in the Sierra foothills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were looking for me. They found me by pure luck,” Carrillo wrote from his hideout, requesting backup. “Kit up and get here. There’s only one road in/out. Take them out when they’re coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude. How the f— can we get to you in an hour,” one member responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re waiting for reinforcements. I’m listening to them,” Carrillo replied. “Dudes, I offed a fed. They’re staging. Come help. I have cameras everywhere here. They’re waiting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Rush, a then-28-year-old U.S. Army veteran and the group’s founder, responded with an order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dillo,” Rush wrote, using Carrillo’s code name, “factory reset your phone and exfil.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Exfil\u003c/em> — short for exfiltration, a military term for the removal of units from an area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo ignored the directive. Instead, he opened fire with his modified assault rifle, fatally wounding one officer and sending the other two running into the woods. They radioed to try to warn others of the ambush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before fleeing, Carrillo engaged in a shoot-out with California Highway Patrol officers who answered the distress call. He carjacked a Toyota Camry and ran over one of the Santa Cruz deputies on his way down the mountain. Shot in the hip, Carrillo used his own blood to write messages on the car — “Boog,” “Stop the duopoly” and “I became unreasonable” — before abandoning it. He was ultimately arrested in a backyard after neighbors tackled and restrained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, the Grizzly Scouts moved quickly to delete evidence of their communication and files about the group’s structure and activity. But it was too late. Rush and two other members \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/four-militia-group-members-plead-guilty-obstruction-justice-conspiracy\">later pleaded guilty\u003c/a> to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings. All three were sentenced to six months in prison. A fourth member pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice charges in addition to an unrelated charge. He was sentenced to more than 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo was given a life sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the three years since he was captured, significant attention has focused on Carrillo and his murders as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenmilstein.com/case-study/underwood-v-meta-platforms-inc-facebook\">the role social media played in connecting him with other extremists\u003c/a>. But scarce information is available about Rush, who grew up in Gilroy and created the Grizzly Scouts, gave the group its military structure and recruited Carrillo and other men throughout Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who knew Rush told KQED they were puzzled by the charges against him. A firefighter and EMT who worked in private security, Rush worked alongside former law enforcement officers, and friends said he never openly expressed anti-police sentiment to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and his attorney declined to be interviewed for this story. But a deep look into Rush’s background paints a portrait of a veteran seeking the camaraderie and sense of purpose he once found in the armed forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952311\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11952311\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two men in military fatigues, one holding a firearm, pose for a photo.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/032511_Rush_03-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jessie Rush (right) sits on a newly constructed deck at Combat Outpost Qeysar, Afghanistan, in 2011, while the soldier beside him does tricep dips. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Nathan Goodall)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To report this story, KQED interviewed veterans, including several who served with Rush, researchers and a California lawmaker who called for Congressional hearings on the recruitment of veterans by extremist groups, to find out how vulnerable former soldiers are — and what steps the United States government is taking to identify at-risk veterans like Rush and provide them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not an uncommon story that we see in the veterans and the data that we’ve collected who [have been] radicalized to the point of committing crimes,” said Dr. Michael Jensen, senior researcher at the University of Maryland’s National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, or START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2022 START study, on average, 6.9 individuals with military backgrounds committed crimes motivated by ideology per year from 1990 to 2010. Over the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">that number has quintupled (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 17% of defendants charged in connection to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection were current or former service members, including eight from California, according to START. For comparison, about 7% of the country’s adult population are veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excluding the Jan. 6 cases, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23830338-start-research-brief-april-2023\">the rate of crimes committed by people with military backgrounds (PDF)\u003c/a> and motivated by political, social, religious or economic goals has more than tripled since 2010. The majority of cases are centered in the veteran community, as opposed to active-duty military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Stewart Rhodes, a former Army paratrooper and Yale Law School graduate who founded the far-right militia group the Oath Keepers, was convicted of seditious conspiracy and other charges for crimes related to the breach of the U.S. Capitol. On May 25, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/us/politics/oath-keepers-stewart-rhodes-sentenced.html\">he was sentenced to 18 years in prison\u003c/a>. An Anti-Defamation League analysis of Oath Keepers membership data identified 117 active-duty military and estimated 1 in 10 had prior service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, three active-duty Marines were charged with crimes related to their alleged involvement on Jan. 6. One of the men, based at Camp Pendleton in Southern California, wrote in an Instagram direct message that he was “waiting for the boogaloo” or “Civil war 2,” according to court records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, an Air National Guardsman suspected of leaking a trove of national security documents on the online platform Discord was arrested in Massachusetts. Federal court documents show Jack Teixeira, 21, possessed a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824103-teixeira-governments-supplemental-motion\">virtual arsenal of weapons (PDF)\u003c/a>” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23824102-teixeira-declaration-of-luke-church-fbi-special-agent\">had discussed acts of violence online (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to prosecutors and the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc-2021-year-in-hate-extremism-report.pdf\">there were 45 anti-government groups, including four militias, active in California (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Exactly how many veterans have been involved in extremist groups in the state is unknown due to the lack of consistent data, said Jon Lewis, research fellow at the Program on Extremism at George Washington University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unlike cases stemming from support for foreign terrorist organizations like ISIS or al-Qaida, group membership in the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, boogaloo movement, etc., is secondary and not a predicate for the criminal offense,” Lewis said. “We can identify cases in which that affiliation or ideology is explicitly identified, but it’s naturally limited by the failures of the federal and state governments to publicly share information related to these statistics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, not long after rioters stormed the Capitol, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin \u003ca href=\"https://media.defense.gov/2021/Feb/05/2002577485/-1/-1/0/STAND-DOWN-TO-ADDRESS-EXTREMISM-IN-THE-RANKS.PDF\">ordered a military-wide stand-down to discuss extremism in the ranks (PDF)\u003c/a>. The House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs began a series of hearings investigating the issue later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the types of things we can do to help prevent veterans from dying by suicide are the very same things we can do to help veterans avoid being pulled into extremist and violent groups,” said Rep. Mark Takano, D-Riverside, the top Democrat on the committee who called for \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832964-house-committee-on-veterans-affairs-the-importance-of-peer-support-in-preventing-domestic-violent-extremism\">the hearings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takano began looking into the issue in 2019 after a hearing about online scams targeting veterans led to research on which other groups target vets, according to a former member of his staff. Groups like the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys and Three Percenters \u003ca href=\"https://democrats-veterans.house.gov/imo/media/doc/Extremism%20Report.pdf\">target veterans because of their combat and weapons experience and the air of credibility they bring (PDF)\u003c/a> to an organization, according to an accompanying report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to raise our level of support for veterans to reduce these sort of upstream stressors that can lead to some veterans turning toward extremism,” said Takano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the hearings exposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhHK4O7opHw\">sharp disagreement\u003c/a> in the federal government over whether time and resources should be allocated to understanding the problem — and whether one even exists. Republicans, including Mike Bost of Illinois, who is now the committee’s chair, said the hearings \u003ca href=\"https://veterans.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=5922\">unfairly stigmatized veterans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952322\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952322 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of two middle-aged men in blue suits outside on a sunny day, both with trim, dark haircuts. The man on the right, who appears Latino, speaks into the ear of the other, who appears Asian. \" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66108_GettyImages-1233119349-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark Takano (left) speaks with Rep. Raul Ruiz during a 2021 news conference with other members of the House Veterans Affairs’ Committee. \u003ccite>(Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July 2022, a Senate Armed Services Committee report \u003ca href=\"https://www.armed-services.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/fy23_ndaa_bill_report.pdf\">called for an immediate halt to defense programs looking into extremism (PDF)\u003c/a>, adding, “spending additional time and resources to combat exceptionally rare instances of extremism in the military is an inappropriate use of taxpayer funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans voted overwhelmingly in favor of the language while Democrats voted against it. One independent lawmaker tipped the balance in favor of the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, all House-passed provisions calling for further investigation of extremism in the military and broader society were \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/2022/12/14/final-ndaa-removes-most-house-provisions-on-hate-groups/\">scaled back or removed from the final 2023 National Defense Authorization Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Defense Department spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3400498/sabrina-singh-deputy-press-secretary-holds-a-press-briefing/\">told reporters last month\u003c/a> that only one of the six recommendations issued by the agency’s Countering Extremism Working Group, created in the wake of Jan. 6, has been enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, researchers say that while the involvement of veterans and active-duty military in criminal extremism is limited, it’s a problem that could be growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the veteran population in our data set, there are really two types of veterans that radicalize: individuals that are looking for the camaraderie, the sense of purpose, the friendships that they had in the military,” Jensen said. “And they find it in these extremist organizations, groups like the Oath Keepers and Three Percenter organizations and the boogaloo movement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second type typically experience mental health issues such as combat-related PTSD, in addition to that same desire for camaraderie and purpose, according to Jensen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear exactly which factors drew Rush to the boogaloo movement, documents from multiple state and federal court cases reviewed by KQED, as well as interviews with military and extremism experts and people who knew Rush, point to numerous factors — social isolation, PTSD, challenges translating combat skills to the civilian workforce, relationship difficulties and unhealed trauma — that could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a text message from a KQED reporter, Rush, who was released from a federal prison in Santa Barbara County in November, wrote that he wanted to move on with his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I made my mistakes,” he wrote. “I did my time, and I’m paying my debt to society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Set up for failure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“On the couch.” That’s the phrase Jack Griffith uses to describe the veterans he works with who need his help the most. In other words, those who are depressed, disinterested and unmotivated to leave the house or do much of anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why a lot of people make jokes about veterans living in their mom’s basement,” said Griffith, who runs Protecting Soldiers’ Rights, a nonprofit that assists veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, or TBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not coming out because of social anxiety,” he added. “They may have survivor’s guilt, they may have situational awareness that is going off all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951954\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951954 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long graying beard and shaved head leans against the edge of an above-ground swimming pool in the backyard of a home. He has tattoos on his arms and holds a cigarette in his left hands, and he wears baggy dark blue jeans and a dark gray sweatshirt.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60385_011_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Veterans advocate Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One afternoon last fall, Griffith, 41, sat at a wrought-iron table in his backyard in rural Turlock. As hummingbirds flitted around the porch, the stay-at-home dad with icy blue eyes and a long, scraggly beard lit a Camel cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every so often, a cloud of dust drifted over the fence and coated the cars in the driveway as the farmer next door drove a tractor through his orchard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith served in the Army from 2008–2011 and deployed to Afghanistan. In 2009, he was awarded a Purple Heart after the vehicle he was riding in was hit by a 300-pound roadside bomb and he had to be medevaced out. Griffith started Protecting Soldiers’ Rights in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, he receives about 10 calls a week from veterans, including some from out of state. They call with legal questions or questions about benefits. Some call on the verge of a panic attack. Many, like Rush, come over to Griffith’s house to sit in the backyard, smoke cigarettes and just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first time the two met in February 2019, Rush wasn’t “on the couch.” But Griffith suspected he was headed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell he was reminiscent of his military service. I’m reminiscent,” Griffith said, holding back tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people … How do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rush was a cannon crewmember in the Army from November 2009–March 2014 and deployed to Afghanistan in March 2011. That year, the Gilroy Dispatch published a letter from Rush’s mother about her son’s unit distributing school supplies to Afghan children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to share the following story about the humanity of war and the hearts of our soldiers in Afghanistan,” Christina Soares wrote. “Through all the bad they still made time to do good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten years later, Soares \u003ca href=\"http://documentcloud.org/documents/23832068-christina-soares-letter\">wrote another letter (PDF)\u003c/a>. This time, it was addressed to U.S. District Judge James Donato. Soares described Rush’s difficult childhood, his father’s abuse, the time he spent in an orphanage and foster care, and his time in the military.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After deployment Jessie came home and I knew he was different,” Soares wrote. “He no longer had that twinkle in his eye or the innocence in his smile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, when Rush was home on leave and heard neighbors setting off fireworks, he “hit the floor in the fetal position and cried out for his brothers,” according to the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a December 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834701-defendants-sentencing-memo-and-motion-for-variance\">sentencing memo (PDF)\u003c/a>, Rush’s attorney, Adam Pennella, wrote that Rush “observed carnage and death on a daily basis” in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This included attempting to save a civilian whose intestines were falling out by holding them in place with his hands,” Pennella wrote. “Others in his unit were injured and killed, including one of his closest friends from basic training. Then in the years after discharge, multiple of his friends from the military died (one from an overdose, another from a brain aneurism, and a third from suicide).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832993-fowler-letter\">another letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to Judge Donato, retired Army Sgt. Charles Fowler said that Rush had struggled with PTSD but the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs “did not offer Jessie much help in adjusting therapy or medications.” Fowler also wrote that he had talked with Rush about maintaining the skills they learned in the military, adding, “though we had to be careful because outside of the combat zone, we are not cleared to create our own rules of engagement to deal with items we deem as threats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Veterans Affairs National Center for PTSD, 29% of the men and women who served in Iraq and Afghanistan will experience symptoms of PTSD at some point in their lives. Carl Castro, director of Military and Veterans Programs at the University of Southern California’s Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work and a retired Army colonel, said PTSD is one of many factors that can lead a veteran to have an unsuccessful transition to civilian life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A veteran might question who they are and whether the sacrifices made in going to war were worth it, according to Castro. One way to regain that sense of identity is to utilize military skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to feel valued as a person,” Castro said. “And one way they do that is by joining an organization that values them, that will tell them, ‘We value you, you are important.’ And not only that, give them an important leadership role in the organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One veteran who served in Afghanistan with Rush and spoke to KQED on condition of anonymity because of concerns about speaking publicly about a sensitive criminal case, said when he heard about Rush’s case, he wasn’t surprised someone from his unit had been involved in extremism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all get set up for failure going into the armed forces,” he said. “Twenty-four seven, 365, we literally thought someone was going to cut our head off or shoot us. That can change the rest of your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once a soldier leaves the military, he added, job prospects can be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you convert kicking down doors and knowing how to kill people — and I can march with 20–30 pounds on my back, I can take apart a gun with my eyes closed in two minutes — how do you convert that into civilian work? You can’t. Unless you’re a security guard or a police officer,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Rush’s family for comment were unsuccessful. In a Facebook message, Soares responded to a question about her son with, “You’re wasting your time ma’am.” After a reporter left a business card at Rush’s apartment, a woman identifying herself as “Julie” left a voicemail saying the reporter would be pepper-sprayed if they returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a year after Griffith met Rush, Rush launched the Grizzly Scouts. “They say the west won’t boog, were [sic] here to gather like minded Californians who can network and establish local goon squads,” Rush wrote in the description of the Facebook group he started, according to prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that whole group, whatever the group was, it was more role-play for him,” Griffith said. “I’m afraid that maybe he was trying to impress. I’m hoping he was trying to impress. I just never saw it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paid to be paranoid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jerame Ayers sat behind the wheel of a white Jeep pickup truck at an intersection in Modesto and pointed out things the student beside him should be mindful of while working a private security protection job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look at people in their cars,” Ayers said. “Keep an eye out for people doing anything unusual.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ayers, 46, wore a black baseball cap with a patch on the front showing the silhouette of a rifle over an American flag. The radio was tuned to SiriusXM Patriot. The two were driving to a mock protest scenario, part of the curriculum at the Academy for Professional Development, the Modesto trade school Ayers, an Army veteran, owns and operates. The school offers EMT and private security training courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is, everybody becomes paranoid who goes through my training. It never turns off,” he said. “You get paid to be paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951971\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951971 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A photo taken from the backseat of a vehicle from behind the driver's side. Blurry in the foreground, and in focus in the rearview mirror, we see a light-skinned man in a black baseball cap driving and looking to the right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60347_007_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers, CEO of the Academy for Professional Development, teaches an executive protection class in Modesto on Nov. 14, 2022. Executive protection provides security for politicians, celebrities and anyone needing protection against public threats. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, shortly after he met Griffith, Rush enrolled in Ayers’ 30-day security specialist course, where students learn to guard high-profile clients like CEOs, politicians and celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a career path, protection is popular with veterans who already possess some of the necessary skills, Ayers said. Jobs in the field can bridge the gap between combat and a return to civilian employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I kind of teach them is reintegration,” Ayers said. “But do not let the warrior mindset fade off, because you’re going to need that in this industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush taught EMT classes at the school and began working jobs in private security, an industry he was well suited for but one that “exacerbated his paranoia and vigilance,” according to his attorney Pennella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from periodically visiting his father, Rush mostly kept to himself, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jessie didn’t have a community,” Griffith said. “Jessie had an apartment. And he had a wife. And he had me and Jerame after that. He didn’t have people to have his back around here. He didn’t have people to even hang out with around here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush found his community online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[T]hink about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism. This is the story of the KKK … There’s a pattern here.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to a June 2022 report filed in state court on Carrillo’s “social history and mental decline,” Carrillo found Rush and the Grizzly Scouts in April 2020. After Carrillo joined Facebook groups in support of Second Amendment protections and libertarian ideals, the platform’s algorithm suggested other groups he might be interested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them was /K/alifornia Kommando, the Facebook group run by Rush, where prosecutors say he recruited for the Grizzly Scouts. Rush invited Carrillo to the Grizzly Scouts’ group chats and asked Carrillo to sign a liability release, a nondisclosure agreement and an employment application that requested information about Carrillo’s military experience. Rush also sent Carrillo a packing list for an in-person meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo later described the Grizzly Scouts as a “paramilitary organization that viewed police as the enemy.” The group was mostly made up of veterans upset with the government for various reasons, including the state of the veteran health care system, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11952314\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11952314 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Screenshot of a web-based document, with some text highlighted in yellow.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1275\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Grizzly-Scout-Selection-KQED-1536x1020.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In this graphic first obtained and published by ProPublica, UC Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program and Frontline, candidates for the Grizzly Scouts are asked to provide details of their prior military experience and firearms training. \u003ccite>(Courtesy \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/i-felt-hate-more-than-anything-how-an-active-duty-airman-tried-to-start-a-civil-war\">ProPublica\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Court records show members of the group were given ranks. As commanding officer, Rush held the rank of major. Robert Jesus Blancas, a transient Castro Valley resident, was responsible for security and intelligence, while Kenny Miksch of San Lorenzo was in charge of training and firearms instruction. They were named first lieutenants. Simon Sage Ybarra of Los Gatos held the rank of corporal and was responsible for recruitment. Carrillo was made staff sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/22123771/indictment.pdf\">Members discussed tactics for killing police in a WhatsApp group chat labeled “209 Goon HQ” (PDF)\u003c/a>, a reference to the Central Valley area code, according to a March 2021 indictment. At one point, Rush messaged another member: “The gov spent 100s of thousands of dollars on training me, im gonna use that shit,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">court records show (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, Rush invited Carrillo to a secluded ranch east of Turlock and told him to bring guns, ammunition, a burner phone and other supplies. Carrillo met with the Grizzly Scouts twice — around May 9 and May 16. He returned home “energized and ecstatic, keenly focused on the mission of the group, and agitated about police misconduct,” Carrillo’s then-girlfriend said, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith and Ayers said Rush invited them to hang out with the Grizzly Scouts, but they declined. Neither thought the group was anything unusual. When Griffith asked Rush who would be there, he said Rush responded, “Like-minded people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951953 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white man with a long, scraggly beard reaches over a chest-high wire fence to pet the nose of a white mutt, whose nose is in the air to reach the man's hand. They are surrounded by a scrubby lawn of dirt and grass, and sunlight filters through light green tree cover behind them, alongside a one-story shed with beige siding.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60383_007_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith pets his dog at his home in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Data show 84% of people with military backgrounds who committed extremist crimes from 1990 to 2021 did so after leaving the military. On average, crimes were committed 15 years after discharge, according to START.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most infamous examples of violent extremism in U.S. history is the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Hundreds of people were injured by the blast that killed 168, 19 of whom were children. The perpetrator, Timothy McVeigh, was an Army veteran, private security guard and white supremacist assisted by a man he met in basic training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not illogical if you think about the cyclical pattern in the United States of wars and wars ending, and then a small number of disgruntled, or perhaps traumatized, or otherwise disenfranchised veterans coming home from that war and engaging in domestic violent extremism,” said William Braniff, director of START. “This is the story of the KKK, both after the Civil War, but then after World War I and II, in Korea and Vietnam. There’s a pattern here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Buckley, an Army veteran who was a member of the Ku Klux Klan from 2013 to 2016 and now helps young people deradicalize as an intervention specialist with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.parents4peace.org/our-team/\">Parents for Peace\u003c/a>, said there’s no shortage of reasons why veterans get involved in extremism. Buckley told KQED his own radicalization began inside the military. Learning to dehumanize his enemy was a tool that served him well emotionally in combat, but was never deactivated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I come home with this hatred towards Muslims that was left completely unchecked,” said Buckley. “Then about six months after I got home, I started to have my experiences with PTSD. And I started to really break down mentally. Couple that with substance abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he needed help, the KKK was there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t come at me with pitchforks, burning crosses and robes,” said Buckley, who testified in front of the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs in March 2022. “They were like, ‘Hey, man, what’s going on, bro? Like, you need help with Christmas? Here’s some food, bro. Let’s take care of your family before we talk about what we do.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was the first time anybody had reached out to help me. The VA wasn’t,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to an email asking what the VA is doing to support veterans vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups, Press Secretary Terrence Hayes said the agency is committed to educating veterans on how to identify disinformation and predatory practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like any group of Americans, the Veteran community is not a monolith. The overwhelming majority of Veterans neither commit nor condone extremism-related violence,” he wrote. “VA will take action where necessary to abide by laws that protect our country against a tiny minority committed to domestic violent extremism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicholas Sanders, who served as a medic in Afghanistan alongside Rush and is now a nurse in Texas, said groups like the Proud Boys and “other wannabe militias” prey on veterans searching for belonging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I got out of the military, I worked at a military surplus store, and it was weekly,” he said. “People are handing me their cards like, ‘Hey, you know, we’ve got this club,’ or ‘We’ve got this group. We meet up on the weekends, bring your family and do all this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was initially attracted to the displays of camaraderie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then you start reading into it. You’re looking at their pictures and it’s like, ‘Oh, there’s only white people in here,’” he said. “It’s the equivalent of a gang to me. Gangs don’t prey on well-established people. Gangs prey on people that are looking for that acceptance and approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I offed a fed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In May 2020, the Grizzly Scouts prepared for an operation at a protest in Sacramento, according to prosecutors. Members distributed an “Operations Order” that identified law enforcement as “enemy forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 27, 2020, Carrillo and Ybarra met behind a gas station in Los Gatos to assemble an assault rifle in the back of Carrillo’s van. The next day, Carrillo contacted Ybarra about attending a protest in Oakland, to “snipe some you know what’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ybarra didn’t respond. Instead he reached out to Rush, saying, “just wanted to make sure we are on the same page, and that targeting innocents doesn’t fly with me even if they are wearing a badge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush agreed, but said, “yea we need to actually develop targets and cases, be smart. They want war, then we bring em war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23558592-jessie-alexander-rush-government-sentencing-memorandum\">He went on (PDF)\u003c/a>: “We can start developing case files, gathering intel, and doing it just like big bro does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“im not about the fireworks,” he continued. “im more like a surgeon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, 2020, Carrillo rode to Oakland in a white van, allegedly driven by Robert Alvin Justus Jr., another man he met online. As they drove past the Federal Building, Carrillo flung open the sliding door and unloaded a fusillade of bullets toward two Federal Protective Service officers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11824604/man-charged-in-killings-of-oakland-federal-officer-santa-cruz-deputy-linked-to-right-wing-extremist-group\">killing David Patrick Underwood, 53, and wounding Sombat Mifkovic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a week later, Santa Cruz County Sheriff’s deputies were in Ben Lomond responding to a call about a white van with weapons inside. Carrillo ambushed the officers, killing Sgt. Damon Gutzwiller, 38, and wounding Deputy Alex Spencer, 32 at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that day, Ybarra drove to Turlock to meet with Rush, prosecutors said, and group members conspired to erase conversations from their phones in which they discussed attacking police. Blancas destroyed Dropbox files related to the group’s structure, onboarding and operations, telling Ybarra a month later, “All physical files I had were literally burned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He removed our platform and robbed our message,” Rush \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23832071-govuscourtscand375526170_1\">wrote to the Grizzly Scouts (PDF)\u003c/a>, referring to Carrillo. “Unfortunately we would almost have to wait for the next one. Which is disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Grizzly Scouts switched to a new messaging platform they thought would be more secure, according to prosecutors. A couple of weeks later, Rush began contacting members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jump on [another communication’s platform] if you miss us were [sic] reinventing and if you wanna be apart [sic] of it we’d love to have you back,” Rush said to one member, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enough\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On an overcast afternoon last September, firearm enthusiasts inside a gun show at the Stanislaus County Fairgrounds perused tables stacked with Army fatigues, old tactical manuals, knives and bulletproof vests. Every so often, a loud jolt came from a corner where a stun gun was being demoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one booth, a man and a woman wearing “California State Militia, 2nd Regiment” T-shirts answered a young man’s questions. Across the aisle, a group of men browsed ammunition magazines modified to hold no more than 10 rounds, per California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he browsed the exhibits, stopping occasionally to talk with vendors, Ayers said he believed Rush may have talked about violence that he didn’t actually plan to carry out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vets, we all get together and hang out,” Ayers said. “I think he got in over his head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, when coverage of Carrillo’s violence was on the news, Rush stopped by Ayers’ school and told him: “I know the two guys that are involved in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951952 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man looks seriously at the camera standing in front of a storefront at a strip mall next to a banner showing an insignia featuring a snake and two falcons. The man wears a black hat with an American flag, glasses, a dark fleece, and blue jeans.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60374_037_KQED_AcademyForProfDevelopment_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerame Ayers stands outside his school in Modesto, on Nov. 14, 2022. The school offers executive protection, physical security and EMT classes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘How’d that all go down?’ He’s like, ‘No, we all hung out. And those two individuals were at the place that we hung out,'” Ayers said. “I’m like, ‘I hope you’re not connected to them.’ He says, ‘I mean, other than meeting up with them, but I would never think they’d go do this.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August that year, the FBI executed search warrants for Rush’s apartment and the homes of other Grizzly Scout members. When he found out about the raid, Ayers said he asked Rush if there was something he wasn’t telling him. “He’s like, ‘No,'” Ayers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith, too, remembered the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that was kind of where I was like, ‘This is federal territory, buddy,'” Griffith said. “We don’t touch this. This isn’t about PTSD and TBI. If the FBI is knocking [on] your door or kicking or whatever, that’s more serious than what we can handle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2021, Ayers said, he received a text from Rush saying FBI agents wanted to meet with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I said, ‘They didn’t arrest you then, and now they want to talk to you?’ I go, ‘If they are going to talk to you, go there, do what you’re supposed to do,” Ayers said. “You participate, you do what you’re told.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Griffith found out Rush was being summoned by federal agents, he drove to the meeting at a Turlock Police Department precinct to offer support. Rush was already handcuffed in the back of a black SUV when he arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rush and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834714-indictment\">other Grizzly Scout members were indicted (PDF)\u003c/a> on charges including conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings, destruction of records in official proceedings and obstruction of official proceedings. At sentencing, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23834715-sentencing-transcript-rush-ybarra-miksch\">Rush told the court he was “fearful and paranoid” (PDF)\u003c/a> at the time he created the Grizzly Scouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was exposed to so much rhetoric that seemed contradictory,” he said. “Things that were being said by the government on social media, the state, and just in the news in general just seems like it was pushing back against each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew O’Bryan, who served with Rush and stayed in contact with him, said the charges didn’t sound like Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He started [the group] so that veterans like him and me could have just a little bit of normalcy,” said O’Bryan, who wrote a letter on Rush’s behalf before sentencing. “He said that some guy in his group was apparently going off the deep end saying some crazy stuff, and that they all came after him because he was the one who put that stuff together just trying to help people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Rush, both Ybarra and Miksch pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to destroy records in official proceedings and were sentenced to six months in prison in May 2022. Both were released in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blancas was sentenced to 10 ½ years after pleading guilty to charges tied to the Grizzly Scouts case and explicit conversations with underage girls that FBI agents uncovered during a search of his electronic devices. He is currently serving time at a federal prison in Fort Worth, Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrillo is incarcerated at Mule Creek State Prison in Ione in Amador County. Through his attorney in the federal case, he declined to be interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11951972 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A white man with a long beard sits outdoors in the shade of a tree, at a table with a red table cloth. On the table in front of him are a pack of cigarettes, a lighter, a white mug, a cellphone, and a short stack of papers.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS60375_005_KQED_JackGriffithTurlock_11142022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jack Griffith in his backyard in Turlock. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By November, the hummingbirds in Griffith’s backyard were gone. A stack of magazines sat on the table wrinkled, having been left out in the rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffith looked at a text he had received the previous morning. It was from Rush. Out of prison, he asked if Griffith wanted to hang out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I rose my hand, basically donating my life to this country,” Griffith said. “And that oath is not over. And it states foreign and domestic. That puts him in a column of which, if we were out in public, he would be a threat. We’re supposed to be on the same side and now I have to look at you as a threat. You’d be the one that I’m watching in a crowd.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few days later, the two went on a drive. Rush was tight-lipped, Griffith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like I wasn’t enough,” Griffith said, choking back tears. “This is just as shocking as losing someone to suicide that you thought was on the right path. You put in all that work. You think everything’s going one direction, and then either they’re gone or they’re so far offtrack you don’t even realize it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Advocates for Unhoused San Franciscans Say Encampment Sweeps Continue Despite Court Order, Call on Judge to Rein City In",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawyers for unhoused San Francisco residents and their advocates say the city isn’t complying with a court order to stop sweeps of homeless encampments until it has enough shelter beds for those on the streets. It’s the latest in the ongoing lawsuit challenging the city’s homelessness response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Pls-Motion-to-Enforce.pdf\">motion filed Thursday (PDF)\u003c/a>, they’re asking the court to take steps to ensure the city doesn’t clear encampments or destroy unhoused people’s property while the suit moves forward. They want the court to appoint a special master to monitor the city’s actions, and require the city to produce sworn compliance reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been seeing property destruction and we’ve been seeing people being removed from public spaces without offers of shelter,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, one of the plaintiffs in the suit. “While we’ve seen improvements in the city’s response, we believe that they continue to violate the judge’s order.”[aside postID=news_11926891 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS58870_Toro_Casta%C3%B1o_001-qut-1020x680.jpg']In December, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking the city from sweeping homeless encampments and citing people for sleeping on the streets. The ruling was based on evidence that the city isn’t offering shelter or following its own rules about seizing unhoused people’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order came after attorneys for the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area and the ACLU of Northern California filed suit in September on behalf of the coalition and seven city residents who are currently or were formerly unhoused over its sweeps of homeless encampments, arguing that forced displacements and destruction of property violate their constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is asking the court to prevent the city from punishing people for sleeping on public property or seizing their belongings until the city can guarantee the availability of appropriate shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been trying to fight the preliminary injunction, and is still waiting for a decision on its appeal. A spokesperson for the city attorney said San Francisco is following the court order and spending hundreds of millions of dollars on shelter and services for unhoused residents. “The City is also working to ensure San Francisco’s streets are clean, safe, and provide a sufficient path of travel for all, including persons with disabilities,” spokesperson Jen Kwart wrote in an email, adding that the office is reviewing the new motion and will respond in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office won’t comment, citing pending litigation. But Mayor London Breed has been \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/public-health/homelessness/ridiculous-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-slams-homeless-sweeps-ban/\">outspoken in her criticism of the court order\u003c/a>, arguing it is hampering the city’s ability to take on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, ACLU attorney John Do, lead counsel on the case, said there were indications almost immediately that the city wasn’t complying with the preliminary injunction. “In early January, when we were faced with those series of atmospheric rivers, the city continued to destroy people’s survival gear right in the middle of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do and his colleagues gathered declarations from 26 witnesses to dozens of enforcement actions they allege violate the court’s preliminary injunction. The witnesses include a public defender, an ACLU investigator, coalition staff and unhoused individuals who say city staff have continued to destroy their property and forced them to move as many as 20 times since the injunction was issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950986\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950986\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman standings preparing a document, wearing a blue dress, and a man and woman beside her in a large crowded hall.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Friedenbach (right) of the Coalition on Homelessness helps people lining up to question speakers at a town hall city budget meeting at the Tenderloin Community School, in San Francisco, on March 16, 2011. \u003ccite>(Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawyers also draw on public dispatch data showing the city is still sending police, rather than outreach workers, to respond to complaints about homelessness, including for sit/lie enforcement, which is barred under the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocating for court intervention, the lawyers write, “The preliminary injunction cannot serve its purpose of protecting Plaintiffs from the City’s unconstitutional conduct while such unlawful conduct persistently evades this Court’s review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friendenbach said ultimately she hopes the lawsuit leads to an overhaul in how the city addresses homelessness. She argues aggressive tactics can compound trauma and be counterproductive. She wants to see a trauma-informed approach that builds trust and matches services to needs. “We’re really trying to get a more thoughtful response that’s effective, that leads to people getting off the streets,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawyers for unhoused San Francisco residents and their advocates say the city isn’t complying with a court order to stop sweeps of homeless encampments until it has enough shelter beds for those on the streets. It’s the latest in the ongoing lawsuit challenging the city’s homelessness response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Pls-Motion-to-Enforce.pdf\">motion filed Thursday (PDF)\u003c/a>, they’re asking the court to take steps to ensure the city doesn’t clear encampments or destroy unhoused people’s property while the suit moves forward. They want the court to appoint a special master to monitor the city’s actions, and require the city to produce sworn compliance reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been seeing property destruction and we’ve been seeing people being removed from public spaces without offers of shelter,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, one of the plaintiffs in the suit. “While we’ve seen improvements in the city’s response, we believe that they continue to violate the judge’s order.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In December, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking the city from sweeping homeless encampments and citing people for sleeping on the streets. The ruling was based on evidence that the city isn’t offering shelter or following its own rules about seizing unhoused people’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order came after attorneys for the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area and the ACLU of Northern California filed suit in September on behalf of the coalition and seven city residents who are currently or were formerly unhoused over its sweeps of homeless encampments, arguing that forced displacements and destruction of property violate their constitutional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is asking the court to prevent the city from punishing people for sleeping on public property or seizing their belongings until the city can guarantee the availability of appropriate shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has been trying to fight the preliminary injunction, and is still waiting for a decision on its appeal. A spokesperson for the city attorney said San Francisco is following the court order and spending hundreds of millions of dollars on shelter and services for unhoused residents. “The City is also working to ensure San Francisco’s streets are clean, safe, and provide a sufficient path of travel for all, including persons with disabilities,” spokesperson Jen Kwart wrote in an email, adding that the office is reviewing the new motion and will respond in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office won’t comment, citing pending litigation. But Mayor London Breed has been \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/public-health/homelessness/ridiculous-san-francisco-mayor-london-breed-slams-homeless-sweeps-ban/\">outspoken in her criticism of the court order\u003c/a>, arguing it is hampering the city’s ability to take on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, ACLU attorney John Do, lead counsel on the case, said there were indications almost immediately that the city wasn’t complying with the preliminary injunction. “In early January, when we were faced with those series of atmospheric rivers, the city continued to destroy people’s survival gear right in the middle of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do and his colleagues gathered declarations from 26 witnesses to dozens of enforcement actions they allege violate the court’s preliminary injunction. The witnesses include a public defender, an ACLU investigator, coalition staff and unhoused individuals who say city staff have continued to destroy their property and forced them to move as many as 20 times since the injunction was issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950986\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950986\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman standings preparing a document, wearing a blue dress, and a man and woman beside her in a large crowded hall.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/GettyImages-1321591779-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jennifer Friedenbach (right) of the Coalition on Homelessness helps people lining up to question speakers at a town hall city budget meeting at the Tenderloin Community School, in San Francisco, on March 16, 2011. \u003ccite>(Liz Hafalia/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The lawyers also draw on public dispatch data showing the city is still sending police, rather than outreach workers, to respond to complaints about homelessness, including for sit/lie enforcement, which is barred under the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocating for court intervention, the lawyers write, “The preliminary injunction cannot serve its purpose of protecting Plaintiffs from the City’s unconstitutional conduct while such unlawful conduct persistently evades this Court’s review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friendenbach said ultimately she hopes the lawsuit leads to an overhaul in how the city addresses homelessness. She argues aggressive tactics can compound trauma and be counterproductive. She wants to see a trauma-informed approach that builds trust and matches services to needs. “We’re really trying to get a more thoughtful response that’s effective, that leads to people getting off the streets,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "delays-continue-as-attorney-for-sfpd-officer-who-killed-sean-moore-questions-boudins-handling-of-case",
"title": "Delays Continue as Attorney for SFPD Officer Who Killed Sean Moore Questions Boudin's Handling of Case",
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"headTitle": "Delays Continue as Attorney for SFPD Officer Who Killed Sean Moore Questions Boudin’s Handling of Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco Superior Court judge granted another delay before the first hearing of the police officer who shot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950110/the-family-of-sean-moore-waits-for-justice-sean-moores-family-waits-for-justice\">Sean Moore\u003c/a>, an unarmed Black man, on the steps of his Ingleside neighborhood home in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has languished in its earliest stages since 2021. The hearing was rescheduled for June 23.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore died of his injuries in 2020. The next year, then-San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin charged SFPD Officer Kenneth Cha with manslaughter, only the second time in city history an officer was charged regarding an on-duty killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950921\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950921 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='A group of people are gathered on the steps of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. One woman is behind a walker. Many have signs in their hands that read, \"Justice for Sean Moore,\" \"Say his name Sean Moore.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The family of Sean Moore and their supporters gather outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But in this newest delay, the defense attorney for Cha, Scott Burrell, hinted how he may seek to have the case thrown out. In court Friday, which he attended via Zoom, Burrell said the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office under Boudin may have withheld evidence helpful to his client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m preparing a motion, an important motion, based on irregularities of this case, based on information I just received, related to Brady issues, related to how this case was handled from the very beginning,” Burrell told Superior Court Judge Loretta M. Giorgi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brady rule that Burrell invoked prevents prosecutors from withholding evidence that could help the defense in their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Sean Moore' tag='sean-moore']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case was initially prosecuted by the previous office,” Burrell said, referring to Boudin, who was recalled by voters last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m aware,” Giorgi dryly responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s office is now under the purview of Brooke Jenkins. The prosecutor assigned to the case, Darby Williams, did not object to Burrell’s request for an extension. In fact, she asked for an additional week of delay due to what she called a “personal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cha was responding to a noise complaint at 4 a.m. on Jan. 6, 2017, when he and his partner arrived at Moore’s front gate. Moore, who was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, argued with officers and a fight ensued. Cha shot Moore twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950923 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='People gather on the steps of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. A news reporter holds out an ABC7 microphone toward a woman with shoulder-length, brown hair and a navy coat on. Many people surround her. Some people hold signs that read, \"Police accountability now!\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Rebecca Young speaks alongside the family of Sean Moore and their supporters outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Young, a private attorney who headed the Cha case before being fired by Jenkins — among many Boudin-era staffers — said she believes Burrell will seek to dismiss the case using arguments from a letter Jenkins wrote when she sought to dismiss the Keita O’Neil case in February. Jenkins claimed Boudin acted improperly when he brought charges against SFPD Officer Christopher Samayoa, who fatally shot the unarmed O’Neil in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950922 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='A woman with a green headscarf and black face mask holds a green sign that reads, \"Justice for Sean Moore!\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A supporter holds a sign that reads, ‘Justice for Sean Moore.’ Many gathered outside the Hall of Justice to support Cleo Moore, the mother of Sean Moore. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Think he’s taking his lead from what Brooke Jenkins said when she dismissed the case against Officer Samayoa,” said Young, who attended the court hearing Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore’s mother, Cleo Moore, 84, expressed frustration that the case against the officer who killed her son would be delayed yet again.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cleo Moore, mother of Sean Moore\"]‘That’s my child. He did not deserve to be killed.’[/pullquote]“I’ve heard from different people how sometimes [attorneys try to] delay the system,” she said. “They wear you out and you get tired, and then you don’t show up to represent. I don’t know if that’s true. But I’m coming. I’m coming. I’m not tired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s my child. He did not deserve to be killed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A San Francisco judge granted another delay before the first hearing of SFPD Officer Kenneth Cha, who was charged with manslaughter in the 2017 killing of Sean Moore, an unarmed Black man.",
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"title": "Delays Continue as Attorney for SFPD Officer Who Killed Sean Moore Questions Boudin's Handling of Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco Superior Court judge granted another delay before the first hearing of the police officer who shot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950110/the-family-of-sean-moore-waits-for-justice-sean-moores-family-waits-for-justice\">Sean Moore\u003c/a>, an unarmed Black man, on the steps of his Ingleside neighborhood home in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has languished in its earliest stages since 2021. The hearing was rescheduled for June 23.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore died of his injuries in 2020. The next year, then-San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin charged SFPD Officer Kenneth Cha with manslaughter, only the second time in city history an officer was charged regarding an on-duty killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950921\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950921 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='A group of people are gathered on the steps of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. One woman is behind a walker. Many have signs in their hands that read, \"Justice for Sean Moore,\" \"Say his name Sean Moore.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/020_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The family of Sean Moore and their supporters gather outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But in this newest delay, the defense attorney for Cha, Scott Burrell, hinted how he may seek to have the case thrown out. In court Friday, which he attended via Zoom, Burrell said the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office under Boudin may have withheld evidence helpful to his client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case was initially prosecuted by the previous office,” Burrell said, referring to Boudin, who was recalled by voters last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m aware,” Giorgi dryly responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s office is now under the purview of Brooke Jenkins. The prosecutor assigned to the case, Darby Williams, did not object to Burrell’s request for an extension. In fact, she asked for an additional week of delay due to what she called a “personal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cha was responding to a noise complaint at 4 a.m. on Jan. 6, 2017, when he and his partner arrived at Moore’s front gate. Moore, who was diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, argued with officers and a fight ensued. Cha shot Moore twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950923 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='People gather on the steps of the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. A news reporter holds out an ABC7 microphone toward a woman with shoulder-length, brown hair and a navy coat on. Many people surround her. Some people hold signs that read, \"Police accountability now!\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/007_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Rebecca Young speaks alongside the family of Sean Moore and their supporters outside the Hall of Justice in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Young, a private attorney who headed the Cha case before being fired by Jenkins — among many Boudin-era staffers — said she believes Burrell will seek to dismiss the case using arguments from a letter Jenkins wrote when she sought to dismiss the Keita O’Neil case in February. Jenkins claimed Boudin acted improperly when he brought charges against SFPD Officer Christopher Samayoa, who fatally shot the unarmed O’Neil in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11950922 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg\" alt='A woman with a green headscarf and black face mask holds a green sign that reads, \"Justice for Sean Moore!\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/006_KQED_SeanMoorePressConf_05262023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A supporter holds a sign that reads, ‘Justice for Sean Moore.’ Many gathered outside the Hall of Justice to support Cleo Moore, the mother of Sean Moore. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Think he’s taking his lead from what Brooke Jenkins said when she dismissed the case against Officer Samayoa,” said Young, who attended the court hearing Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore’s mother, Cleo Moore, 84, expressed frustration that the case against the officer who killed her son would be delayed yet again.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
"meta": {
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/feed/podcast"
}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
"tagline": "Your irreverent guide to the trends redefining our world",
"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/CAT_2_Tile-scaled.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC6993880386",
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/commonwealth-club-of-california-podcast/id976334034?mt=2",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
"link": "/forum",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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},
"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
}
},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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