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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been more than a week since a deadly explosion at a fireworks storage facility rocked the rural Yolo County town of Esparto, killing seven people and triggering an 80-acre wildfire. As the investigation continues, families of the victims say they’ve been left in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhony Ramos said in Spanish that he lost two sons, Jesus and Jhony Ramos, who were 18 and 22, respectively. He said he felt dead inside because he’s never going to see them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remains of all seven victims have been recovered, according to county officials, but no identities have been officially confirmed. Cal Fire is leading the investigation into what caused the July 1 explosion at the warehouse, which was operated by Bay Area-based Devastating Pyrotechnics. No timeline has been given for when more information might be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos said he attended a press conference earlier this week expecting answers, but wasn’t allowed to attend the media-only briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Samantha Ortiz, said the lack of transparency is only compounding the family’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the family feels like as soon as they get some answers, they can start going back to their lives a little bit, putting one foot in front of the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz, who has not yet filed a lawsuit on the family’s behalf, said her team is focused on providing emotional support; for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a lawsuit is something that comes down the road, which I think it will, we’re going to have a lot more questions,” she said. “We’ll be there to help them through that process as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said any potential legal action will depend on the outcome of Cal Fire’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like there are multiple players involved here,” she said. “It may end up being a lawsuit that has several different parts.”[aside postID=news_12046998 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230628-SAN-FRANCISCO-FIREWORKS-GETTY-SM-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Gordon, whose family farm borders the property where the explosion occurred, said he was working outside when it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard it and turned around and I saw the plume and I saw fireworks,” he said. “I’m like, ‘Oh, they must have just lit something off,’ and then that initial explosion happened you realized it was a lot more serious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon’s home suffered minor damage, but his 27-acre farm lost power and water for several days; a significant concern during the summer heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nothing,” Gordon said, when asked what kind of support he expects. “When you own your own business or when you run your own small business whether it’s farming or car body cleaning or whatever it is, you know there’s no automatic escape plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant Michaelson lives a quarter mile away from the facility and was at home with his wife when the explosion happened. He thought it was a plane crash when he first heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like a jet engine basically and then the house started shaking,” he said. “Like the first three seconds, you really can’t fathom what’s going on. It was nuts. And then once I got outside after getting my shoes back on again, I looked immediately that way and I could see that it was the fireworks facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The damage to Michaelson’s property was significant, and his property still hasn’t regained access to running water and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It blew out all of our windows in our house except for two,” he added. “I had a brand new shop that I just built, a steel building, and it buckled the west side facing the explosion, so it put some significant damage on that. Both of my roll-up doors need to be replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Yolo County Board of Supervisors declared a local state of emergency in response to the explosion and resulting fire. The declaration allows the county to request assistance from state and federal agencies, citing extensive damage to homes, farmland and infrastructure within a half mile of the blast site.\u003cbr>\nBack on his farm, Gordon said he’s also worried for the family who owns the property the fireworks storage facility is located on, noting that they’ve been part of the community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent KCRA investigation found that the property owner, Sam Machado, did not have proper permits to store anything other than agricultural equipment on his property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they deserve the respect and support that we need to kind of get to the bottom of what really happened,” Gordon said. “It’s been a week and the story has changed three or four times. To immediately start pointing fingers and trying to place blame, I think is just very unfair to both the victims and the people involved for sure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the investigation, had the property been properly permitted, it would have had to meet certain protocols, including limiting the amount of fireworks within the facility and having them clearly marked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon acknowledged that he is biased when speaking about the family, but he said they’re victims too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt that they’re on the property, I doubt that they’ve had power back and that’s going to be like that for a while,” he said. “In my mind, I think they deserve the peace and state of mind and the space they need to figure out for their family. I can only hope that they find that right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been more than a week since a deadly explosion at a fireworks storage facility rocked the rural Yolo County town of Esparto, killing seven people and triggering an 80-acre wildfire. As the investigation continues, families of the victims say they’ve been left in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhony Ramos said in Spanish that he lost two sons, Jesus and Jhony Ramos, who were 18 and 22, respectively. He said he felt dead inside because he’s never going to see them again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remains of all seven victims have been recovered, according to county officials, but no identities have been officially confirmed. Cal Fire is leading the investigation into what caused the July 1 explosion at the warehouse, which was operated by Bay Area-based Devastating Pyrotechnics. No timeline has been given for when more information might be released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos said he attended a press conference earlier this week expecting answers, but wasn’t allowed to attend the media-only briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His attorney, Samantha Ortiz, said the lack of transparency is only compounding the family’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that the family feels like as soon as they get some answers, they can start going back to their lives a little bit, putting one foot in front of the other,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz, who has not yet filed a lawsuit on the family’s behalf, said her team is focused on providing emotional support; for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a lawsuit is something that comes down the road, which I think it will, we’re going to have a lot more questions,” she said. “We’ll be there to help them through that process as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said any potential legal action will depend on the outcome of Cal Fire’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like there are multiple players involved here,” she said. “It may end up being a lawsuit that has several different parts.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Gordon, whose family farm borders the property where the explosion occurred, said he was working outside when it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard it and turned around and I saw the plume and I saw fireworks,” he said. “I’m like, ‘Oh, they must have just lit something off,’ and then that initial explosion happened you realized it was a lot more serious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon’s home suffered minor damage, but his 27-acre farm lost power and water for several days; a significant concern during the summer heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nothing,” Gordon said, when asked what kind of support he expects. “When you own your own business or when you run your own small business whether it’s farming or car body cleaning or whatever it is, you know there’s no automatic escape plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant Michaelson lives a quarter mile away from the facility and was at home with his wife when the explosion happened. He thought it was a plane crash when he first heard it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like a jet engine basically and then the house started shaking,” he said. “Like the first three seconds, you really can’t fathom what’s going on. It was nuts. And then once I got outside after getting my shoes back on again, I looked immediately that way and I could see that it was the fireworks facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The damage to Michaelson’s property was significant, and his property still hasn’t regained access to running water and electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It blew out all of our windows in our house except for two,” he added. “I had a brand new shop that I just built, a steel building, and it buckled the west side facing the explosion, so it put some significant damage on that. Both of my roll-up doors need to be replaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Yolo County Board of Supervisors declared a local state of emergency in response to the explosion and resulting fire. The declaration allows the county to request assistance from state and federal agencies, citing extensive damage to homes, farmland and infrastructure within a half mile of the blast site.\u003cbr>\nBack on his farm, Gordon said he’s also worried for the family who owns the property the fireworks storage facility is located on, noting that they’ve been part of the community for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent KCRA investigation found that the property owner, Sam Machado, did not have proper permits to store anything other than agricultural equipment on his property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they deserve the respect and support that we need to kind of get to the bottom of what really happened,” Gordon said. “It’s been a week and the story has changed three or four times. To immediately start pointing fingers and trying to place blame, I think is just very unfair to both the victims and the people involved for sure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the investigation, had the property been properly permitted, it would have had to meet certain protocols, including limiting the amount of fireworks within the facility and having them clearly marked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon acknowledged that he is biased when speaking about the family, but he said they’re victims too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt that they’re on the property, I doubt that they’ve had power back and that’s going to be like that for a while,” he said. “In my mind, I think they deserve the peace and state of mind and the space they need to figure out for their family. I can only hope that they find that right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers",
"title": "When ICE Is Waiting at Immigration Court, What Can Advocates Do?",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101910383 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/06/immigrationupdate.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.[aside postID=news_12044592 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240206-IMMIGRATIONCOURT-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.[aside postID=news_12043596 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg']“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "When ICE Is Waiting at Immigration Court, What Can Advocates Do? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SFMTA Coming Up Short on Daylighting SF’s Red Curbs, Parents Say",
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"headTitle": "SFMTA Coming Up Short on Daylighting SF’s Red Curbs, Parents Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Frustrated San Francisco parents are calling on city leaders to address what they say is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfmta\"> San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s\u003c/a> noncompliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019725/daylighting-laws-will-be-enforced-in-the-bay-area-in-2025-heres-how-to-avoid-a-ticket\">state’s daylighting law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 413, which went into effect last year, makes it illegal for drivers to park or stop their vehicles within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a curb extension. The practice makes people crossing the street more visible to drivers — reducing the risk of someone getting hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their enforcement, San Francisco transportation officials have begun painting curbs red to indicate where parking is prohibited, with a plan to daylight all intersections by the end of 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the city began enforcing the law earlier this year, some parents have reported seeing painted curbs extending to just 10 feet or less, even in areas considered high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Nossokoff, a mother of two who lives in the Inner Richmond, said she reached out to the city after she noticed that four of the eight no-parking “buffers” near her child’s elementary school were of insufficient length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth Streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a brief back-and-forth with the city’s traffic engineer, which Nossokoff said “was fruitless,” she and other parents formally requested that the SFMTA conduct a review of the curbs to determine whether they are in compliance with the daylighting law and next steps if they are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nossokoff, officials with the transportation agency said they would get the intersections under compliance, but made no mention of addressing curbs in other parts of the city. No changes have been made to the curbs near the school either, she said.[aside postID=news_12045959 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250228-WaterCitiesSF-06-BL_qed.jpg']“Nobody appears to be doing anything, and that’s where my frustration as a parent comes from,” Nossokoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, SFMTA said daylighting lengths throughout the city’s high-collision areas vary based on engineering reviews that show how much space is necessary to maintain street safety. To be more consistent and “in compliance with state law,” the agency said it will move forward with 20-foot daylighting zones throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under AB 314, local authorities are allowed to establish a different distance for the approach if the change is marked by paint or a sign. An ordinance must also be passed that explicitly includes data proving that the shortened distance is justified by existing safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other community members have also said they have expressed concerns about the curbs to the SFMTA, and the dangers created by parked cars near intersections. Danielle Jezienicki, a mother of three who also lives in the Richmond, was waiting for her husband to pick their son up from school when she received news that the 6-year-old was involved in a life-threatening crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash, which happened in October, took place only 100 feet away from her child’s elementary school. The boy’s father had just picked him up on the family’s bike when a distracted driver struck the pair at the intersection of 7th Avenue and Balboa Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025207\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A curb at the intersection of 19th Avenue and Balboa Street in San Francisco’s Richmond District. The curb had previously been painted red by an unknown source, but was soon repainted by the city (as shown here). \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The curb where Jezienicki’s son was hit is one of the buffer zones that is painted to less than 20 feet, Nossokoff noted. The intersection is also part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">San Francisco’s high-injury network\u003c/a>, a collection of streets with the highest percentage of serious injuries and fatalities caused by car crashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jezienicki said she doesn’t know whether daylighting law enforcement would have prevented the driver from veering into her husband and son, but noted that it could have given the driver more time to see them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city needs to enforce laws that protect pedestrians and cyclists, especially in areas that are already considered high-collision corridors, such as Balboa Street, she said.[aside postID=news_12041243 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250519-VISIONZEROACTIVISM-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Daylighting costs almost nothing,” Jezienicki said. “Logic would lead you to believe that if they just implemented safety measures they know would work, you can reduce accidents and fatalities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our son would have been killed if he wasn’t wearing a helmet,” she continued. “It’s very frustrating to hear that they can’t enforce things that have no reason not to be enforced, especially in school districts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nossokoff said she and other parents are demanding that the Board of Supervisors step in if the SFMTA fails to fix the compliance issues with the curbs. She also wants to see education campaigns teaching residents and drivers about the daylighting law and why it’s important for pedestrian safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Jezienicki’s child has made what appears to be a full recovery, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her family has not used the bike since the crash, she said, and she feels paranoid every time she crosses the street. Jezienicki said she also struggles with crossing the intersection at Balboa Street when she picks her son up or drops him off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an unpleasant reminder of the worst day and moments of my life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haunted by reminders of the accident, Jezienicki is now working with groups such as Walk San Francisco to advocate for safer streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Frustrated San Francisco parents are calling on city leaders to address what they say is the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfmta\"> San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s\u003c/a> noncompliance with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019725/daylighting-laws-will-be-enforced-in-the-bay-area-in-2025-heres-how-to-avoid-a-ticket\">state’s daylighting law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 413, which went into effect last year, makes it illegal for drivers to park or stop their vehicles within 20 feet of a crosswalk or within 15 feet of a curb extension. The practice makes people crossing the street more visible to drivers — reducing the risk of someone getting hit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their enforcement, San Francisco transportation officials have begun painting curbs red to indicate where parking is prohibited, with a plan to daylight all intersections by the end of 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But since the city began enforcing the law earlier this year, some parents have reported seeing painted curbs extending to just 10 feet or less, even in areas considered high risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Nossokoff, a mother of two who lives in the Inner Richmond, said she reached out to the city after she noticed that four of the eight no-parking “buffers” near her child’s elementary school were of insufficient length.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019140\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019140\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241218-DaylightingLaws-22-BL-1920x1279.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A red curb designates a no-parking area at the intersection of Sutter and Leavenworth Streets in San Francisco on Dec. 18, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a brief back-and-forth with the city’s traffic engineer, which Nossokoff said “was fruitless,” she and other parents formally requested that the SFMTA conduct a review of the curbs to determine whether they are in compliance with the daylighting law and next steps if they are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nossokoff, officials with the transportation agency said they would get the intersections under compliance, but made no mention of addressing curbs in other parts of the city. No changes have been made to the curbs near the school either, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Nobody appears to be doing anything, and that’s where my frustration as a parent comes from,” Nossokoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, SFMTA said daylighting lengths throughout the city’s high-collision areas vary based on engineering reviews that show how much space is necessary to maintain street safety. To be more consistent and “in compliance with state law,” the agency said it will move forward with 20-foot daylighting zones throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under AB 314, local authorities are allowed to establish a different distance for the approach if the change is marked by paint or a sign. An ordinance must also be passed that explicitly includes data proving that the shortened distance is justified by existing safety standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other community members have also said they have expressed concerns about the curbs to the SFMTA, and the dangers created by parked cars near intersections. Danielle Jezienicki, a mother of three who also lives in the Richmond, was waiting for her husband to pick their son up from school when she received news that the 6-year-old was involved in a life-threatening crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crash, which happened in October, took place only 100 feet away from her child’s elementary school. The boy’s father had just picked him up on the family’s bike when a distracted driver struck the pair at the intersection of 7th Avenue and Balboa Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12025207\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12025207\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/IMG_5889-2-scaled-e1738366873752-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A curb at the intersection of 19th Avenue and Balboa Street in San Francisco’s Richmond District. The curb had previously been painted red by an unknown source, but was soon repainted by the city (as shown here). \u003ccite>(Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The curb where Jezienicki’s son was hit is one of the buffer zones that is painted to less than 20 feet, Nossokoff noted. The intersection is also part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">San Francisco’s high-injury network\u003c/a>, a collection of streets with the highest percentage of serious injuries and fatalities caused by car crashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jezienicki said she doesn’t know whether daylighting law enforcement would have prevented the driver from veering into her husband and son, but noted that it could have given the driver more time to see them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city needs to enforce laws that protect pedestrians and cyclists, especially in areas that are already considered high-collision corridors, such as Balboa Street, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Daylighting costs almost nothing,” Jezienicki said. “Logic would lead you to believe that if they just implemented safety measures they know would work, you can reduce accidents and fatalities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our son would have been killed if he wasn’t wearing a helmet,” she continued. “It’s very frustrating to hear that they can’t enforce things that have no reason not to be enforced, especially in school districts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nossokoff said she and other parents are demanding that the Board of Supervisors step in if the SFMTA fails to fix the compliance issues with the curbs. She also wants to see education campaigns teaching residents and drivers about the daylighting law and why it’s important for pedestrian safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunately, Jezienicki’s child has made what appears to be a full recovery, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her family has not used the bike since the crash, she said, and she feels paranoid every time she crosses the street. Jezienicki said she also struggles with crossing the intersection at Balboa Street when she picks her son up or drops him off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just an unpleasant reminder of the worst day and moments of my life,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haunted by reminders of the accident, Jezienicki is now working with groups such as Walk San Francisco to advocate for safer streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A man accused of hitting and injuring a 69-year-old protester with his car while trying to drive through the San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">“No Kings” march\u003c/a> last weekend has been charged with several felonies, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors said Hauwei Lien, 44, of Milpitas, was trying to cross Market Street during the march on Saturday, which brought tens of thousands of people into the streets to demonstrate against President Donald Trump and his administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.[aside postID=news_12044426 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SF-MD-11-KQED.jpg']Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Lien began driving through the crowd of protesters, prosecutors said, one man put his hands on the hood of Lien’s red Tesla Model Y to get him to stop. Lien allegedly accelerated into the 69-year-old victim, pushing him onto the hood of the car as he held on, and then braked suddenly to throw him off.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Then, while the victim was still clinging to the hood, Lien accelerated again and swerved sharply, prosecutors said, running over the man’s foot and breaking two of his toes. The man also suffered a large gash across his forehead, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco district attorney’s office filed felony charges of assault with a deadly weapon, elder abuse and hit-and-run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lien pleaded not guilty to all charges on Wednesday and remains in custody after prosecutors sought to have him detained until trial because they said he poses a public safety risk. His next court date is set for Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "If you’re accused of a crime, will someone investigate your side of the story? In California, there’s no guarantee.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-asks-trump-to-rescind-unlawful-deployment-of-troops-in-los-angeles",
"title": "Newsom Asks Trump to Rescind ‘Unlawful Deployment of Troops’ in Los Angeles",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Asks Trump to Rescind ‘Unlawful Deployment of Troops’ in Los Angeles | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 pm Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom has sent a letter to the Trump administration, calling in a post on X for “their unlawful deployment of troops in Los Angeles [C]ounty be rescinded” and for the state National Guard to be returned to his command.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://x.com/gavinnewsom/status/1931840646773715068?s=46\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have a problem until Trump got involved,” Newsom wrote. “This is a serious breach of state sovereignty — inflaming tensions while pulling resources from where they’re actually needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the White House called the governor’s leadership “feckless,” accusing him of refusing to stop violent attacks on law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bald-faced lie for Newsom to claim there was no problem in Los Angeles before President Trump got involved,” said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. “Everyone saw the chaos, violence, and lawlessness – unless, of course, Gavin Newsom doesn’t think any of that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles Sunday, tear gas was fired at protesters when some demonstrators moved close to National Guard troops and shouted insults at them, hours after President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">extraordinary decision to deploy them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confrontation broke out as hundreds of people protested in front of the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, where several of the newly-arrived National Guard troops stood shoulder to shoulder behind plastic riot shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043224\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Border Patrol personnel deploy tear gas during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Video showed uniformed officers shooting off the smoke-filled canisters as they advanced into the street, forcing protesters to retreat. It was not immediately clear what prompted the use of chemical irritants or which law enforcement agency fired them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, loud popping sounds erupted again, as some protesters chanted “go home” and “shame.” One person was taken to the ground by uniformed officers. Another appeared to be bleeding from their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came over the objections of Newsom, who accused Trump of a “complete overreaction.” It marked the first time in decades that a state’s national guard was activated without a request from its governor, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">directive\u003c/a> Saturday, Trump invoked a legal provision allowing him to deploy federal service members when there is ”a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 300 National Guard members were deployed Sunday to three separate locations in the greater Los Angeles area, according to military officials. Several protests and marches were scheduled to kick off Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local Bay Area leaders condemned President Trump’s decision to deploy the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s unwarranted and unwise deployment of California’s National Guard over the objections of California officials is likely intended to inflame the situation,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren in a written statement. “Our citizen soldiers, members of California’s National Guard, should not be abused in this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Rep. Mike Thompson called Trump’s move “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the president that wouldn’t call in the National Guard on January 6th when there was an insurrection at the Capitol, and then later pardoned everyone who was tried in court and found guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier blamed Trump for sabotaging the bipartisan efforts to deal with the border and immigration problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[President Trump] created this crisis and now he’s trying to provoke a constitutional crisis,” said DeSaulnier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said his team has been in touch with local law enforcement in Los Angeles and stands ready to assist if additional resources are needed. He called Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s decision “unnecessary and counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To follow [the deployment] with a threat to order additional active duty Marines to the city is an inflammatory escalation,” said Bonta in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights activists also spoke out against President Trump’s response to protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement tactics being used by the Trump administration to attempt and terrorize our communities are morally unacceptable,” said Renee Saucedo, an organizer with the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. “Immigrant communities have always held peaceful protests … law enforcement, including local police and ICE agents, have unfortunately been the ones to instigate violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKn5F4-Mnjd/?hl=en\">solidarity protest\u003c/a> in San Francisco is scheduled to take place outside an ICE facility Sunday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters kick the side of a Border Patrol vehicle during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom called Trump on Friday night and they spoke for about 40 minutes, according to the governor’s office. It was not clear if they spoke Saturday or Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was some confusion surrounding the exact timing of the guard’s arrival. Shortly before midnight local time, Trump congratulated the National Guard on a “job well done.” But less than an hour later, Bass said troops had yet to arrive in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said Sunday that the purpose of the deployment was to “provide security for operations and to make sure that there are peaceful protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2026px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2026\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg 2026w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2026px) 100vw, 2026px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police detain a man during a protest in the Paramount section of Los Angeles, Saturday, June 7, 2025, after federal immigration authorities conducted operations. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The troops included members of the 79th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USNorthernCmd/status/1931728687772098645/photo/2\">social media post\u003c/a> from the Department of Defense that showed dozens of National Guard members with long guns and an armored vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signal of the administration’s aggressive approach, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth also threatened to deploy active-duty Marines “if violence continues” in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, described Trump’s decision to call in the National Guard as a “provocative show of force” that would only escalate tensions, adding that Hegseth’s threat to deploy Marines on American soil was “deranged behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said the order by Trump reflected “a president moving this country rapidly into authoritarianism” and “usurping the powers of the United States Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, a staunch Trump ally, endorsed the president’s move, doubling down on Republicans’ criticisms of California Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom has shown an inability or an unwillingness to do what is necessary, so the president stepped in,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">The Associated Press’ Eric Thayer and Jake Offenhartz contributed reporting to this story. KQED’s Dana Cronin, Sara Hossaini, Saul Gonzalez, Lakshmi Sarah and Spencer Whitney also contributed reporting.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Newsom has sent a letter to the Trump administration, calling for “their unlawful deployment of troops in Los Angeles [C]ounty be rescinded” and for the state National Guard to be returned to his command.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 pm Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor Gavin Newsom has sent a letter to the Trump administration, calling in a post on X for “their unlawful deployment of troops in Los Angeles [C]ounty be rescinded” and for the state National Guard to be returned to his command.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t have a problem until Trump got involved,” Newsom wrote. “This is a serious breach of state sovereignty — inflaming tensions while pulling resources from where they’re actually needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the White House called the governor’s leadership “feckless,” accusing him of refusing to stop violent attacks on law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bald-faced lie for Newsom to claim there was no problem in Los Angeles before President Trump got involved,” said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. “Everyone saw the chaos, violence, and lawlessness – unless, of course, Gavin Newsom doesn’t think any of that is a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles Sunday, tear gas was fired at protesters when some demonstrators moved close to National Guard troops and shouted insults at them, hours after President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/insurrection-act-trump-troops-newsom-military-national-guard-a842f79e1c0e244039be274a6f266a7a\">extraordinary decision to deploy them. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confrontation broke out as hundreds of people protested in front of the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, where several of the newly-arrived National Guard troops stood shoulder to shoulder behind plastic riot shields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043224\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043224\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158746934704-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Border Patrol personnel deploy tear gas during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Video showed uniformed officers shooting off the smoke-filled canisters as they advanced into the street, forcing protesters to retreat. It was not immediately clear what prompted the use of chemical irritants or which law enforcement agency fired them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, loud popping sounds erupted again, as some protesters chanted “go home” and “shame.” One person was taken to the ground by uniformed officers. Another appeared to be bleeding from their head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move came over the objections of Newsom, who accused Trump of a “complete overreaction.” It marked the first time in decades that a state’s national guard was activated without a request from its governor, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/department-of-defense-security-for-the-protection-of-department-of-homeland-security-functions/\">directive\u003c/a> Saturday, Trump invoked a legal provision allowing him to deploy federal service members when there is ”a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approximately 300 National Guard members were deployed Sunday to three separate locations in the greater Los Angeles area, according to military officials. Several protests and marches were scheduled to kick off Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local Bay Area leaders condemned President Trump’s decision to deploy the troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump’s unwarranted and unwise deployment of California’s National Guard over the objections of California officials is likely intended to inflame the situation,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren in a written statement. “Our citizen soldiers, members of California’s National Guard, should not be abused in this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Rep. Mike Thompson called Trump’s move “outrageous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the president that wouldn’t call in the National Guard on January 6th when there was an insurrection at the Capitol, and then later pardoned everyone who was tried in court and found guilty,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Mark DeSaulnier blamed Trump for sabotaging the bipartisan efforts to deal with the border and immigration problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[President Trump] created this crisis and now he’s trying to provoke a constitutional crisis,” said DeSaulnier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said his team has been in touch with local law enforcement in Los Angeles and stands ready to assist if additional resources are needed. He called Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s decision “unnecessary and counterproductive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To follow [the deployment] with a threat to order additional active duty Marines to the city is an inflammatory escalation,” said Bonta in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area immigrant rights activists also spoke out against President Trump’s response to protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The enforcement tactics being used by the Trump administration to attempt and terrorize our communities are morally unacceptable,” said Renee Saucedo, an organizer with the Northern California Coalition for Just Immigration Reform. “Immigrant communities have always held peaceful protests … law enforcement, including local police and ICE agents, have unfortunately been the ones to instigate violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DKn5F4-Mnjd/?hl=en\">solidarity protest\u003c/a> in San Francisco is scheduled to take place outside an ICE facility Sunday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043225\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158725476549-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters kick the side of a Border Patrol vehicle during a demonstration over the dozens detained in an operation by federal immigration authorities a day earlier in Paramount section of Los Angeles Saturday, June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Newsom called Trump on Friday night and they spoke for about 40 minutes, according to the governor’s office. It was not clear if they spoke Saturday or Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was some confusion surrounding the exact timing of the guard’s arrival. Shortly before midnight local time, Trump congratulated the National Guard on a “job well done.” But less than an hour later, Bass said troops had yet to arrive in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said Sunday that the purpose of the deployment was to “provide security for operations and to make sure that there are peaceful protests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2026px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2026\" height=\"1350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201.jpg 2026w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/AP25158838294201-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2026px) 100vw, 2026px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police detain a man during a protest in the Paramount section of Los Angeles, Saturday, June 7, 2025, after federal immigration authorities conducted operations. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The troops included members of the 79th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USNorthernCmd/status/1931728687772098645/photo/2\">social media post\u003c/a> from the Department of Defense that showed dozens of National Guard members with long guns and an armored vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a signal of the administration’s aggressive approach, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth also threatened to deploy active-duty Marines “if violence continues” in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, described Trump’s decision to call in the National Guard as a “provocative show of force” that would only escalate tensions, adding that Hegseth’s threat to deploy Marines on American soil was “deranged behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said the order by Trump reflected “a president moving this country rapidly into authoritarianism” and “usurping the powers of the United States Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Mike Johnson, a staunch Trump ally, endorsed the president’s move, doubling down on Republicans’ criticisms of California Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gavin Newsom has shown an inability or an unwillingness to do what is necessary, so the president stepped in,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">The Associated Press’ Eric Thayer and Jake Offenhartz contributed reporting to this story. KQED’s Dana Cronin, Sara Hossaini, Saul Gonzalez, Lakshmi Sarah and Spencer Whitney also contributed reporting.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "kilmar-abrego-garcia-is-on-his-way-back-to-the-us-from-el-salvador-lawyer-says",
"title": "Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Wrongly Deported to El Salvador, Is Back in the US to Face Smuggling Charges",
"publishDate": 1749245127,
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"headTitle": "Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Wrongly Deported to El Salvador, Is Back in the US to Face Smuggling Charges | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, the Maryland man at the center of a bitter, months-long political and legal fight after he was mistakenly deported to El Salvador, has been returned to the United States to face charges of transporting migrants who were in the country illegally, according to an indictment announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi announced his return at a short press conference Friday afternoon at the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what American justice looks like,” Bondi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thanked Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Nayib Bukele\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for agreeing to send Abrego Garcia back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi told reporters that a federal grand jury indicted Abrego Garcia on May 21 in Tennessee over allegations he conspired to transport thousands of migrants without legal status from Texas across the U.S. between 2016–2025. The\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two-count indictment accuses Abrego Garcia “of conspiracy to unlawfully transport illegal aliens for financial gain” and “unlawful transportation of illegal aliens for financial gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi says Abrego Garcia will face trial in the U.S. on these charges and, if found guilty, will serve time in a U.S. prison before being deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s attorney said they’re going to keep fighting to get him a fair trial. “Now, after months of delay and secrecy, they’re bringing him back, not to correct their error but to prosecute him. This shows that they were playing games with the court all along,” Abrego Garcia’s lawyer, Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, told NPR. “Due process means the chance to defend yourself before you’re punished, not after. This is an abuse of power, not justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12042492 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/20250501_MayDayRally_GC-11_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran native who had been living with his wife and children in Maryland, Abrego-Garcia was deported in March to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison despite a 2019 court order barring his deportation to that country due to fear of persecution. The Trump administration defended the move, claiming he was a member of the criminal gang MS-13. His wife and attorneys deny that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-page criminal indictment unsealed today alleges that Abrego Garcia participated in more than 100 trips smuggling individuals, including unaccompanied minors and alleged members of the Salvadoran gang MS-13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s deportation case has become a bedrock for both the Trump administration and immigration advocates as the push to streamline deportations undercuts key elements of due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the announcement of Abrego Garcia’s return, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement that the indictment against Abrego Garcia “proves the unhinged Democrat Party was wrong, and their stenographers in the Fake News Media were once again played like fools,” adding that the administration would “continue to hold criminals accountable to the fullest extent of the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been nearly three months since the father of three children was pulled over in his car by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and ended up imprisoned in El Salvador. Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12 on his way home from work in Baltimore. He was deported a few days later, along with more than 230 other immigrants, and housed at CECOT. By April 20, according to court documents, Abrego Garcia was moved to a lower security Salvadoran prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration was quick to admit that it had deported Abrego Garcia due to an “administrative error.” Abrego Garcia, who had arrived unlawfully in the U.S., when he was a teenager, had received protection from removal to El Salvador in 2019 by an immigration judge. That protection, known as withholding of removal, had never been challenged by government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland has overseen the months-long legal case over the deportation of Abrego Garcia. Xinis, an Obama-appointed judge, last month ordered the government to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return. The Justice Department repeatedly invoked the state secrets privilege in federal court to withhold information related to the first three flights to El Salvador, one of which Abrego Garcia was on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, in a 9–0 ruling U.S. Supreme Court that\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5358421/supreme-court-abrego-garcia-deportation-decision\">\u003cu>the government “must facilitate\u003c/u>\u003c/a>” the return of Abrego Garcia. Still, the administration slow-walked the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials had remained adamant since the Supreme Court ruling that Abrego Garcia would “never” return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Bukele also said\u003c/u>\u003c/a> he would not release Abrego Garcia. Notably, Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., traveled to El Salvador in late April to seek Abrego Garcia’s release. Several other Democrats made their own trips, arguing that the Trump administration was violating due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors have requested that Abrego Garcia be held in “pre-trial custody because he poses a danger to the community and a serious risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Maryland man has been returned to face charges of transporting migrants who were in the country illegally, according to an indictment announced Friday.",
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"title": "Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Wrongly Deported to El Salvador, Is Back in the US to Face Smuggling Charges | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/people/1101057193/ximena-bustillo\">Ximena Bustillo\u003c/a>, NPR",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, the Maryland man at the center of a bitter, months-long political and legal fight after he was mistakenly deported to El Salvador, has been returned to the United States to face charges of transporting migrants who were in the country illegally, according to an indictment announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi announced his return at a short press conference Friday afternoon at the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what American justice looks like,” Bondi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She thanked Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Nayib Bukele\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for agreeing to send Abrego Garcia back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi told reporters that a federal grand jury indicted Abrego Garcia on May 21 in Tennessee over allegations he conspired to transport thousands of migrants without legal status from Texas across the U.S. between 2016–2025. The\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two-count indictment accuses Abrego Garcia “of conspiracy to unlawfully transport illegal aliens for financial gain” and “unlawful transportation of illegal aliens for financial gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bondi says Abrego Garcia will face trial in the U.S. on these charges and, if found guilty, will serve time in a U.S. prison before being deported back to El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s attorney said they’re going to keep fighting to get him a fair trial. “Now, after months of delay and secrecy, they’re bringing him back, not to correct their error but to prosecute him. This shows that they were playing games with the court all along,” Abrego Garcia’s lawyer, Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, told NPR. “Due process means the chance to defend yourself before you’re punished, not after. This is an abuse of power, not justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Salvadoran native who had been living with his wife and children in Maryland, Abrego-Garcia was deported in March to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison despite a 2019 court order barring his deportation to that country due to fear of persecution. The Trump administration defended the move, claiming he was a member of the criminal gang MS-13. His wife and attorneys deny that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-page criminal indictment unsealed today alleges that Abrego Garcia participated in more than 100 trips smuggling individuals, including unaccompanied minors and alleged members of the Salvadoran gang MS-13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abrego Garcia’s deportation case has become a bedrock for both the Trump administration and immigration advocates as the push to streamline deportations undercuts key elements of due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the announcement of Abrego Garcia’s return, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement that the indictment against Abrego Garcia “proves the unhinged Democrat Party was wrong, and their stenographers in the Fake News Media were once again played like fools,” adding that the administration would “continue to hold criminals accountable to the fullest extent of the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been nearly three months since the father of three children was pulled over in his car by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and ended up imprisoned in El Salvador. Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12 on his way home from work in Baltimore. He was deported a few days later, along with more than 230 other immigrants, and housed at CECOT. By April 20, according to court documents, Abrego Garcia was moved to a lower security Salvadoran prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration was quick to admit that it had deported Abrego Garcia due to an “administrative error.” Abrego Garcia, who had arrived unlawfully in the U.S., when he was a teenager, had received protection from removal to El Salvador in 2019 by an immigration judge. That protection, known as withholding of removal, had never been challenged by government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland has overseen the months-long legal case over the deportation of Abrego Garcia. Xinis, an Obama-appointed judge, last month ordered the government to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return. The Justice Department repeatedly invoked the state secrets privilege in federal court to withhold information related to the first three flights to El Salvador, one of which Abrego Garcia was on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 10, in a 9–0 ruling U.S. Supreme Court that\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5358421/supreme-court-abrego-garcia-deportation-decision\">\u003cu>the government “must facilitate\u003c/u>\u003c/a>” the return of Abrego Garcia. Still, the administration slow-walked the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump officials had remained adamant since the Supreme Court ruling that Abrego Garcia would “never” return to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Salvadoran President \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/18/nx-s1-5368266/trump-week-el-salvador-abrego-garcia\">\u003cu>Bukele also said\u003c/u>\u003c/a> he would not release Abrego Garcia. Notably, Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., traveled to El Salvador in late April to seek Abrego Garcia’s release. Several other Democrats made their own trips, arguing that the Trump administration was violating due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors have requested that Abrego Garcia be held in “pre-trial custody because he poses a danger to the community and a serious risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "In Recorded Calls, Reports of Overcrowding and Lack of Food at ICE Detention Centers",
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"content": "\u003cp>The text message sent to NPR came in early May:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x59.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x566.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In early May, NPR began receiving desperate messages from family members of detainees in Florida. \u003ccite>(Jasmine Garsd/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was accompanied by a screenshot of a photo of a man with swollen red eyes, with another screenshot of his full detainee information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please help me. Im desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman who sent it, Maria, was texting about her brother at the Krome Detention Center in Miami. She requested their last name be withheld for fear of retaliation against her brother, who has been held in detention for more than two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told NPR he had a fever, a serious eye infection for almost two weeks, and says he was denied medication for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of sick people there, and they aren’t getting medical attention,” she said in a phone interview. “They are sleeping on the floor and sometimes don’t get meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043009\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1005.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a May 1 press conference at the ICE-Enforcement and Removal Operation office in Miramar, Fla. DeSantis talked about an immigration enforcement effort called Operation Tidal Wave that officials say resulted in more than 1,100 arrests in a week in Florida. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images/Getty Images North America)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Florida has pledged to be a national model for state cooperation with President Trump’s immigration crackdown. As detention centers here and across the country fill up, NPR has received an outpouring of messages about severe overcrowding and inhumane conditions in immigration facilities across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen detainees, family members and lawyers described similar issues as Maria, including detainees underfed and in ill health. Krome, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-21-Apr24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">which is run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, has been dogged for years by allegations of inhumane conditions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/05/us/sexual-abuse-reported-at-an-immigration-center.html\">investigated by the Department of Justice in 2000\u003c/a> on accusations of sexual abuse. This year alone, there have been two deaths at the facility: Ukrainian immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddrMaksymChernyak.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Maksym Chernayak\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddr-GenryRuizGuillen.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Genry Ruiz Guillen\u003c/a> of Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, a group of Krome detainees assembled in the patio to form a human “SOS” sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE told NPR that “a group of detainees at the Krome Service Processing Center (Krome) decided to stage a peaceful sit-in in the center’s recreation area. There has been no injuries or use of force of any kind during this demonstration.” It added, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate conditions of confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a client who was at Krome,” says Miami based lawyer Jeff Botelho, who adds the client recently told him that “they had been sleeping on the floor for a week or two. For food, he said they were given a cup of rice and a glass of water a day. It was very concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers, advocates and experts are warning that overcrowding is the new normal across the country. The federal government is holding more than 48,000 people in immigration detention, about a 20% increase since January. But deportations are not keeping pace. Experts say that’s largely what’s driving the overcrowding in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s incredible pressure to ramp up arrests inside the interior of the United States,” says Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a nonprofit immigrant advocacy group. He estimates that ICE is at 125% detention capacity. “And so far, there has been, if anything, just a slight increase in the capacity to actually deport people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE told NPR that “some ICE facilities are experiencing temporary overcrowding due to recent increases in detention populations. We are actively implementing measures to manage capacity while maintaining compliance with federal standards and our commitment to humane treatment. The reality is that these accusations do not reflect ICE’s policies or practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the detention and deportation numbers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The increase to nearly 50,000 detainees marks a sharp increase from the number of detentions during the Biden administration, which climbed to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/753/\">39,703 in January 2025\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syracuse University \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.syracuse.edu/people/austin-kocher\">professor Austin Kocher\u003c/a>, who tracks immigration statistics, notes that immigration arrest numbers are simply not made available by local or federal officials.[aside postID=news_12002260 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240828-ICEDETAINEES-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']ICE did not respond to NPR’s questions about Florida’s detention numbers so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportation numbers are even trickier to come by. The government claims it has deported more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-conducts-single-adult-family-unit-removal-flights-nov-1-0#:~:text=Since%20the%20Presidential%20Proclamation%20and,airports%20or%20the%20northern%20border.\">160,000 people\u003c/a> since Trump took office for a second term in January. Some experts are skeptical that those figures are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until about three weeks ago or so, things were pretty consistent with what they were in terms of the end of the Biden Administration,” says \u003ca href=\"https://witnessattheborder.org/\">Tom Cartwright\u003c/a>, who has been tracking deportation flights for years. “Typically four to five deportation flights per day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cartwright says that number has increased in the last few weeks to six to seven flights a day, mostly to Central America. And while he has no way of knowing how many people are in each airplane, he calculates each plane has the capacity to carry between 120 and 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At most, that’s an estimated 1,050 people being deported every day out of the 50,000 or so who are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overcrowding, illness and hunger reported in detention facilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“They’re serving rotten food. People are getting sick. My spouse is not eating,” J. told NPR in May. His loved one was being held at Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, Fla. He asked that we refer to him by his first initial because he fears retaliation against his loved one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>J. is one of the many family members of detainees who called NPR to report their loved ones not receiving meals or getting rotten food. Detainees who NPR spoke to over the phone confirmed this, and many said they’d had to sleep on the floor for weeks.[aside postID=forum_2010101909406 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/immigration-1020x574.jpg']The situation at Krome Detention Center is believed to have gotten so dire, Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman-Schultz of Florida paid \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/immigration/2025-05-29/krome-miami-wasserman-schultz\">a surprise visit\u003c/a> there last week. She told NPR that in the intake area, two to three dozen men are “crammed into the perimeter of a very tiny room for up to 48 hours. They defecate in front of each other, they eat, they sleep on stone floors. It’s really inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say this situation is playing out nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen a rapid deterioration over the last few months,” says Setareh Ghandehari, advocacy director at the nonprofit advocacy group Detention Watch Network. “We’re hearing reports … that there isn’t enough food.” She says she’s increasingly been hearing accounts from people in detention going hungry. “I’ve heard people use the word ‘starving.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/ice-acting-director-says-9-people-died-in-custody-since-january/3567956\">nine deaths in ICE detention since January\u003c/a>, which is on track to be the deadliest year \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detainee-death-reporting\">since 2020\u003c/a>. At least three of those deaths have been in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major expansion of detention facilities coming\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is promising to increase the rate of arrests of immigrants to 3,000 people a day. “President Trump is going to keep pushing to get that number up higher each and every single day,” White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller told Fox News \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MJNXsOqFSZs&list=RDNSMJNXsOqFSZs&start_radio=1\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller was discussing the sweeping budget bill passed by the House and now before the Senate. It would provide $75 billion over the next couple of years in additional funding for ICE, including $45 billion for detention facilities and $14.4 billion for removal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can have, permanently, the safest, strongest, most secure system in American history,” Miller told the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates warn the measure will expand mass detention and surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is not designed to increase the removals of people who are not legally allowed to be here,” says Deborah Fleischaker, former acting chief of staff for ICE during the Biden administration. “It is designed to hold more people for longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fleischaker believes ICE has historically been underfunded. But she says the bill as written “is so significant and so extreme. What they’re trying to enable … I don’t think it is within the imagination of the American people when they voted for Donald Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isacson of WOLA adds that the actions occurring now will multiply. “Plainclothes people using rough tactics and covering their faces to take people off the streets and sort of muscle them into vehicles,” he says. “This is going to be common. And it’s going to become much more common to see that all around the country military bases may have detention facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What are the chances my deportation flight will make a wrong turn?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I am anguished. I have not heard anything about my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late in May, NPR began receiving messages from Vivian Ortega, a mother in Venezuela, regarding her son, Jhonkleiver Ortega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhonkleiver Ortega came to the U.S. three years ago and was working in construction. He was picked up while driving in November 2024 for not having a license, which under Florida state law is not available to immigrants without legal status. She told us she had sold her house in Venezuela to pay for his $7,000 bond in January. When he went to his next court hearing in February, he was detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian had heard from him infrequently, and she was terrified “he was barely eating in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data trackers and policy experts say the Trump administration’s goal of deporting one million migrants a year is so high that encouraging self-deportation is paramount. “The fact that [detention] is often so unsafe and unhealthy leads me to believe that there’s also a desire to wear people down,” says Isacson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile flights — with migrants sent to the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, and to El Salvador’s notorious detention center CECOT and, more recently, a flight headed to South Sudan — have sent a strong message. For Vivian, the possibility was a source of constant anguish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 3, NPR was able to locate Jhonkleiver Ortega at Glades Detention Center in Florida. He had been to immigration court the day before. NPR was given permission by the family to record his conversation with his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me they had to review my asylum case,” Ortega told his mother. “They told me I have to send proof that I was tortured in Venezuela. And in four months they would give me an answer. And I said I can’t anymore. It’s been months of this. They barely feed us here. I can’t anymore. I asked to be deported. This week or next I will be on a flight to Venezuela. If they give me a call from Louisiana I’ll call you before the flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What?” his mother asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the judge what are the chances that my flight will get lost and accidentally end up in another country? And she said if that happens you call the deporter. Or email me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you have immigration tips you can contact our tip line, on Whatsapp and Signal: 202-713-6697 or reporter Jasmine Garsd: jgarsd@npr.org \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The text message sent to NPR came in early May:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"663\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x59.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x566.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In early May, NPR began receiving desperate messages from family members of detainees in Florida. \u003ccite>(Jasmine Garsd/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was accompanied by a screenshot of a photo of a man with swollen red eyes, with another screenshot of his full detainee information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please help me. Im desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman who sent it, Maria, was texting about her brother at the Krome Detention Center in Miami. She requested their last name be withheld for fear of retaliation against her brother, who has been held in detention for more than two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She told NPR he had a fever, a serious eye infection for almost two weeks, and says he was denied medication for both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of sick people there, and they aren’t getting medical attention,” she said in a phone interview. “They are sleeping on the floor and sometimes don’t get meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043009\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043009\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1005.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1800px) 100vw, 1800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a May 1 press conference at the ICE-Enforcement and Removal Operation office in Miramar, Fla. DeSantis talked about an immigration enforcement effort called Operation Tidal Wave that officials say resulted in more than 1,100 arrests in a week in Florida. \u003ccite>(Joe Raedle/Getty Images/Getty Images North America)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Florida has pledged to be a national model for state cooperation with President Trump’s immigration crackdown. As detention centers here and across the country fill up, NPR has received an outpouring of messages about severe overcrowding and inhumane conditions in immigration facilities across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen detainees, family members and lawyers described similar issues as Maria, including detainees underfed and in ill health. Krome, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/assets/2024-04/OIG-24-21-Apr24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">which is run by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, has been dogged for years by allegations of inhumane conditions and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/05/us/sexual-abuse-reported-at-an-immigration-center.html\">investigated by the Department of Justice in 2000\u003c/a> on accusations of sexual abuse. This year alone, there have been two deaths at the facility: Ukrainian immigrant \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddrMaksymChernyak.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Maksym Chernayak\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/foia/reports/ddr-GenryRuizGuillen.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Genry Ruiz Guillen\u003c/a> of Honduras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This morning, a group of Krome detainees assembled in the patio to form a human “SOS” sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, ICE told NPR that “a group of detainees at the Krome Service Processing Center (Krome) decided to stage a peaceful sit-in in the center’s recreation area. There has been no injuries or use of force of any kind during this demonstration.” It added, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is committed to ensuring that all those in the agency’s custody reside in safe, secure, and humane environments under appropriate conditions of confinement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a client who was at Krome,” says Miami based lawyer Jeff Botelho, who adds the client recently told him that “they had been sleeping on the floor for a week or two. For food, he said they were given a cup of rice and a glass of water a day. It was very concerning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers, advocates and experts are warning that overcrowding is the new normal across the country. The federal government is holding more than 48,000 people in immigration detention, about a 20% increase since January. But deportations are not keeping pace. Experts say that’s largely what’s driving the overcrowding in detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s incredible pressure to ramp up arrests inside the interior of the United States,” says Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a nonprofit immigrant advocacy group. He estimates that ICE is at 125% detention capacity. “And so far, there has been, if anything, just a slight increase in the capacity to actually deport people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE told NPR that “some ICE facilities are experiencing temporary overcrowding due to recent increases in detention populations. We are actively implementing measures to manage capacity while maintaining compliance with federal standards and our commitment to humane treatment. The reality is that these accusations do not reflect ICE’s policies or practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the detention and deportation numbers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The increase to nearly 50,000 detainees marks a sharp increase from the number of detentions during the Biden administration, which climbed to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/753/\">39,703 in January 2025\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Syracuse University \u003ca href=\"https://newhouse.syracuse.edu/people/austin-kocher\">professor Austin Kocher\u003c/a>, who tracks immigration statistics, notes that immigration arrest numbers are simply not made available by local or federal officials.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>ICE did not respond to NPR’s questions about Florida’s detention numbers so far this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deportation numbers are even trickier to come by. The government claims it has deported more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-conducts-single-adult-family-unit-removal-flights-nov-1-0#:~:text=Since%20the%20Presidential%20Proclamation%20and,airports%20or%20the%20northern%20border.\">160,000 people\u003c/a> since Trump took office for a second term in January. Some experts are skeptical that those figures are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Up until about three weeks ago or so, things were pretty consistent with what they were in terms of the end of the Biden Administration,” says \u003ca href=\"https://witnessattheborder.org/\">Tom Cartwright\u003c/a>, who has been tracking deportation flights for years. “Typically four to five deportation flights per day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cartwright says that number has increased in the last few weeks to six to seven flights a day, mostly to Central America. And while he has no way of knowing how many people are in each airplane, he calculates each plane has the capacity to carry between 120 and 150 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At most, that’s an estimated 1,050 people being deported every day out of the 50,000 or so who are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Overcrowding, illness and hunger reported in detention facilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“They’re serving rotten food. People are getting sick. My spouse is not eating,” J. told NPR in May. His loved one was being held at Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, Fla. He asked that we refer to him by his first initial because he fears retaliation against his loved one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>J. is one of the many family members of detainees who called NPR to report their loved ones not receiving meals or getting rotten food. Detainees who NPR spoke to over the phone confirmed this, and many said they’d had to sleep on the floor for weeks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The situation at Krome Detention Center is believed to have gotten so dire, Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman-Schultz of Florida paid \u003ca href=\"https://www.wlrn.org/immigration/2025-05-29/krome-miami-wasserman-schultz\">a surprise visit\u003c/a> there last week. She told NPR that in the intake area, two to three dozen men are “crammed into the perimeter of a very tiny room for up to 48 hours. They defecate in front of each other, they eat, they sleep on stone floors. It’s really inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say this situation is playing out nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen a rapid deterioration over the last few months,” says Setareh Ghandehari, advocacy director at the nonprofit advocacy group Detention Watch Network. “We’re hearing reports … that there isn’t enough food.” She says she’s increasingly been hearing accounts from people in detention going hungry. “I’ve heard people use the word ‘starving.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/ice-acting-director-says-9-people-died-in-custody-since-january/3567956\">nine deaths in ICE detention since January\u003c/a>, which is on track to be the deadliest year \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detainee-death-reporting\">since 2020\u003c/a>. At least three of those deaths have been in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major expansion of detention facilities coming\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is promising to increase the rate of arrests of immigrants to 3,000 people a day. “President Trump is going to keep pushing to get that number up higher each and every single day,” White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller told Fox News \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MJNXsOqFSZs&list=RDNSMJNXsOqFSZs&start_radio=1\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller was discussing the sweeping budget bill passed by the House and now before the Senate. It would provide $75 billion over the next couple of years in additional funding for ICE, including $45 billion for detention facilities and $14.4 billion for removal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can have, permanently, the safest, strongest, most secure system in American history,” Miller told the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But immigrant advocates warn the measure will expand mass detention and surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is not designed to increase the removals of people who are not legally allowed to be here,” says Deborah Fleischaker, former acting chief of staff for ICE during the Biden administration. “It is designed to hold more people for longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fleischaker believes ICE has historically been underfunded. But she says the bill as written “is so significant and so extreme. What they’re trying to enable … I don’t think it is within the imagination of the American people when they voted for Donald Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isacson of WOLA adds that the actions occurring now will multiply. “Plainclothes people using rough tactics and covering their faces to take people off the streets and sort of muscle them into vehicles,” he says. “This is going to be common. And it’s going to become much more common to see that all around the country military bases may have detention facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What are the chances my deportation flight will make a wrong turn?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I am anguished. I have not heard anything about my son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late in May, NPR began receiving messages from Vivian Ortega, a mother in Venezuela, regarding her son, Jhonkleiver Ortega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jhonkleiver Ortega came to the U.S. three years ago and was working in construction. He was picked up while driving in November 2024 for not having a license, which under Florida state law is not available to immigrants without legal status. She told us she had sold her house in Venezuela to pay for his $7,000 bond in January. When he went to his next court hearing in February, he was detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian had heard from him infrequently, and she was terrified “he was barely eating in there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data trackers and policy experts say the Trump administration’s goal of deporting one million migrants a year is so high that encouraging self-deportation is paramount. “The fact that [detention] is often so unsafe and unhealthy leads me to believe that there’s also a desire to wear people down,” says Isacson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High-profile flights — with migrants sent to the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, and to El Salvador’s notorious detention center CECOT and, more recently, a flight headed to South Sudan — have sent a strong message. For Vivian, the possibility was a source of constant anguish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 3, NPR was able to locate Jhonkleiver Ortega at Glades Detention Center in Florida. He had been to immigration court the day before. NPR was given permission by the family to record his conversation with his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They told me they had to review my asylum case,” Ortega told his mother. “They told me I have to send proof that I was tortured in Venezuela. And in four months they would give me an answer. And I said I can’t anymore. It’s been months of this. They barely feed us here. I can’t anymore. I asked to be deported. This week or next I will be on a flight to Venezuela. If they give me a call from Louisiana I’ll call you before the flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What?” his mother asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the judge what are the chances that my flight will get lost and accidentally end up in another country? And she said if that happens you call the deporter. Or email me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you have immigration tips you can contact our tip line, on Whatsapp and Signal: 202-713-6697 or reporter Jasmine Garsd: jgarsd@npr.org \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.[aside postID=\"news_12002744\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Cooks-in-Kitchen.jpg\"]Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Un grupo de trabajadores campesinos inmigrantes logró reportar a su empleador que estaba actuando en contra de las leyes de California. Además, explicamos qué derechos tiene cuando va pedir a su jefe un aumento.",
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"title": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados | KQED",
"description": "Un grupo de trabajadores campesinos inmigrantes logró reportar a su empleador que estaba actuando en contra de las leyes de California. Además, explicamos qué derechos tiene cuando va pedir a su jefe un aumento.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation",
"title": "Farmworkers in Sonoma County Win Settlement After Alleged Retaliation",
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"headTitle": "Farmworkers in Sonoma County Win Settlement After Alleged Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11958506 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-da-defends-dismissal-of-case-tied-to-toxic-fire-in-west-oakland",
"title": "Alameda County DA Defends Dismissal of Case Tied to Toxic Fire in West Oakland",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County DA Defends Dismissal of Case Tied to Toxic Fire in West Oakland | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county-district-attorneys-office\">Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/a> Ursula Jones Dickson is defending her office’s decision to drop charges against a West Oakland scrap metal processing plant, saying the case didn’t meet the burden of proof needed to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, under former District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>, a grand jury indicted Radius Recycling — formerly Schnitzer Steel — and two senior employees, Daniel Woltman and Dane Morales, on 10 counts following a fire two years ago that sent toxic smoke over the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as district attorney, Jones Dickson said she opted to dismiss the charges as her office is looking over all cases under the \u003ca href=\"https://da.alamedacountyca.gov/consumer-justice-bureau/\">Consumer and Environmental Protection Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After review of the case by individuals who have a lot of years of experience, we could not find a way to prove that case beyond a reasonable doubt,” Jones Dickson said. “We cannot move forward ethically on a case that we cannot prove beyond a reasonable doubt. It’s unfortunate that the charging of that case was such that we could not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson, who took office earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027925/pamela-price-speaks-out-as-alameda-county-das-office-enters-a-new-era\">following Price’s recall\u003c/a> in November, said under Price that “a law firm working under the DA’s umbrella” was working on similar cases, something her office was alerted to by people in state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had not seen that before: a law firm being hired by a DA’s office to do the work of DAs,” Jones Dickson, a former judge, said. “We needed to look at all of the cases that were moving through Consumer and Environmental so that we know that the work is being done by district attorneys and that we can meet our burden to prove beyond a reasonable doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Large clouds of smoke rise from an industrial-looking space where many truck cabs are parked.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke rises from a fire burning at Schnitzer Steel in Oakland on Aug. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson clarified that outside attorneys were not working on the Radius case, only that it was reviewed as part of a broader examination of cases handled by the Consumer and Environmental Protection Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price told KQED she was dismayed at the decision and referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041820/environmental-case-against-west-oakland-scrap-yard-is-dropped-by-new-da\">the case against Radius as historic\u003c/a>. She said she was the first Alameda County DA to file charges for environmental crimes committed by a corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12041820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/012_KQED_SchnitzerSteelPortofOakland_03082022_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe Radius has often shrugged off the regulations when it was convenient to them, treating minor administrative penalties and fines as the cost of doing business,” Price said at the time the indictment was handed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges alleged that Radius, Woltman and Morales recklessly managed hazardous materials while shredding and sorting metal materials, including older vehicles and appliances, and then tried to cover it up. The company and the two men were also charged with violating local air quality regulations and state toxic substance control laws, which carry a penalty of up to $33 million in criminal fines and up to three years in county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/101724-radius-recycling-penalty\">hasn’t fined Radius over the August 2023 fire\u003c/a> because state law bars the district from pursuing civil penalties while the district attorney is prosecuting the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson wouldn’t comment on any potential future actions regarding Radius and its employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as DA, Ursula Jones Dickson explained why she’s not pursuing the environmental case. \r\n",
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"title": "Alameda County DA Defends Dismissal of Case Tied to Toxic Fire in West Oakland | KQED",
"description": "At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as DA, Ursula Jones Dickson explained why she’s not pursuing the environmental case. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county-district-attorneys-office\">Alameda County District Attorney\u003c/a> Ursula Jones Dickson is defending her office’s decision to drop charges against a West Oakland scrap metal processing plant, saying the case didn’t meet the burden of proof needed to convict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last July, under former District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>, a grand jury indicted Radius Recycling — formerly Schnitzer Steel — and two senior employees, Daniel Woltman and Dane Morales, on 10 counts following a fire two years ago that sent toxic smoke over the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday marking her 100th day as district attorney, Jones Dickson said she opted to dismiss the charges as her office is looking over all cases under the \u003ca href=\"https://da.alamedacountyca.gov/consumer-justice-bureau/\">Consumer and Environmental Protection Division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After review of the case by individuals who have a lot of years of experience, we could not find a way to prove that case beyond a reasonable doubt,” Jones Dickson said. “We cannot move forward ethically on a case that we cannot prove beyond a reasonable doubt. It’s unfortunate that the charging of that case was such that we could not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson, who took office earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027925/pamela-price-speaks-out-as-alameda-county-das-office-enters-a-new-era\">following Price’s recall\u003c/a> in November, said under Price that “a law firm working under the DA’s umbrella” was working on similar cases, something her office was alerted to by people in state offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had not seen that before: a law firm being hired by a DA’s office to do the work of DAs,” Jones Dickson, a former judge, said. “We needed to look at all of the cases that were moving through Consumer and Environmental so that we know that the work is being done by district attorneys and that we can meet our burden to prove beyond a reasonable doubt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Large clouds of smoke rise from an industrial-looking space where many truck cabs are parked.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1336\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1536x1026.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230809-altenberg-port-fire-3-KQED-1920x1283.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Smoke rises from a fire burning at Schnitzer Steel in Oakland on Aug. 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Nik Altenberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson clarified that outside attorneys were not working on the Radius case, only that it was reviewed as part of a broader examination of cases handled by the Consumer and Environmental Protection Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price told KQED she was dismayed at the decision and referred to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041820/environmental-case-against-west-oakland-scrap-yard-is-dropped-by-new-da\">the case against Radius as historic\u003c/a>. She said she was the first Alameda County DA to file charges for environmental crimes committed by a corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe Radius has often shrugged off the regulations when it was convenient to them, treating minor administrative penalties and fines as the cost of doing business,” Price said at the time the indictment was handed down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges alleged that Radius, Woltman and Morales recklessly managed hazardous materials while shredding and sorting metal materials, including older vehicles and appliances, and then tried to cover it up. The company and the two men were also charged with violating local air quality regulations and state toxic substance control laws, which carry a penalty of up to $33 million in criminal fines and up to three years in county jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/101724-radius-recycling-penalty\">hasn’t fined Radius over the August 2023 fire\u003c/a> because state law bars the district from pursuing civil penalties while the district attorney is prosecuting the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson wouldn’t comment on any potential future actions regarding Radius and its employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice",
"title": "Qué hacer si se topa con agentes de ICE",
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"headTitle": "Qué hacer si se topa con agentes de ICE | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">cerca de 2 millones de residentes indocumentados\u003c/a>, y el 8 % de los hogares incluyen a un miembro de la familia sin un estatus legal permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, con el regreso del presidente Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca, el pánico por sus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">prometidas “deportaciones masivas”\u003c/a> y las redadas del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha sacudido a comunidades de todo el estado. Y en el Área de la Bahía, los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">rumores de avistamientos de ICE\u003c/a> se han propagado junto con noticias de operaciones reales y \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/rapid-response-network-confirms-ice-activity-san-jose\">verificadas por parte de agentes de inmigración\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En medio de este miedo e incertidumbre, los funcionarios del Área de la Bahía de San Francisco y Oakland han reiterado sus promesas de ser \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">una región santuario para los inmigrantes\u003c/a>, lo que significa que los funcionarios locales limitan su cooperación con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18799/explainer-what-are-sanctuary-cities\">agentes federales de inmigración\u003c/a>. A su vez, una de las órdenes ejecutivas del día de la investidura de Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024342/trump-wants-to-break-californias-sanctuary-state-law-5-things-to-know\">busca desafiar estas leyes santuario a nivel estatal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas\u003c/a>, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">conocer sus derechos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para saber lo que los activistas y los expertos legales dicen que la gente debería saber cuando trata con funcionarios de inmigración. También puede ser útil llevar consigo \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">una tarjeta que detalle sus derechos cuando\u003c/a> salga o esté en su casa. Puede encontrar una \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">versión imprimible en el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo reconocer si alguien es realmente un agente de ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a veces pueden vestir uniformes o equipos que sugieran que son policías o agentes de libertad condicional, según la \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Unión Americana de Libertades Civiles del Sur de California\u003c/a> (o ACLU por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto a veces puede convencer a la personas a dejar que los \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agentes entren en una casa\u003c/a> sin una orden judicial. En 2018, varios comisionados de la policía de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">pidieron a ICE\u003c/a> que pusiera fin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">estas prácticas\u003c/a>, alegando que entorpecían la labor policial local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE también pueden ir vestidos de civil o con ropa oscura lisa y un chaleco antibalas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, los agentes de policía suelen llevar un uniforme de aspecto más específico “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">con insignias identificativas\u003c/a>”, dijo la ACLU del sur de Californial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre ICE y CBP?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE y la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (o CBP por sus siglas en inglés) son agencias de control de inmigración dentro del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE lleva a cabo la aplicación de la ley dentro de los EE.UU.\u003c/a> y gestiona las operaciones de detención y deportación. El CBP realiza inspecciones en todos los “puertos de entrada” de los EE.UU., en las fronteras terrestres, los puertos marítimos y los aeropuertos. Y la Patrulla Fronteriza, que forma parte del CBP, vigila las fronteras terrestres entre los puertos de entrada oficiales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que ICE, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://careers.cbp.gov/s/career-paths/ofo/cbpo\">llevar escrito de forma visible “policía” en su uniforme\u003c/a>. “Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza de EE.UU.” puede estar escrito en su manga o en la espalda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026145\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un funcionario de la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP) de EE.UU. en el puerto de entrada de San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>La ley federal otorga poderes adicionales a la CBP dentro de \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">una amplia zona fronteriza\u003c/a> que el gobierno ha definido como 100 millas aéreas más allá de una “frontera externa” de los EE.UU. Dentro de esa zona, que abarca la mayoría de las ciudades litorales del país, incluida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">detener e interrogar a personas\u003c/a>, y subir a embarcaciones, autobuses y trenes para buscar inmigrantes no autorizados sin una orden judicial. Aun así, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">necesitarían una orden judicial, o consentimiento\u003c/a>, para entrar en una casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Si necesito hablar, ¿qué debo decirle a ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los defensores hacen hincapié en su derecho a guardar silencio en todos los casos cuando se trata de interactuar con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si, por cualquier motivo, no le es posible guardar silencio, la ACLU SoCal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">sugiere que siga los siguientes pasos\u003c/a>, priorizando su seguridad física:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Haga las siguientes preguntas:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida ver una credencial o tarjetas de presentación\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pregunte si tienen una orden judicial firmada por un juez\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida su nombre y cargo (y anótelo)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Asegúrese de que el encuentro sea atestiguado de alguna manera:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Busque o reclute a otra persona para que sirva de testigo del encuentro, como alguien de su casa o alguien que pase por allí.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Grabe el encuentro usted mismo o pídale a otra persona que lo haga, y pídale que le diga de qué departamento es mientras graba. Si miente, será importante tenerlo documentado.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Puede enviar el vídeo o audio del encuentro a organizaciones de defensa, como \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">la aplicación Mobile Justice de la ACLU\u003c/a>, para que evalúen si las imágenes podrían mostrar posibles abusos de autoridad. KQED también tiene una\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871951/grabar-a-la-policia-lo-que-hay-que-saber-y-como-estar-seguro-al-hacerlo\"> guía sobre sus derechos al grabar a los agentes\u003c/a> y sobre cómo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">informar de la actividad de ICE a los defensores locales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy en casa y un agente de ICE toca a mi puerta?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según la Cuarta Enmienda, si los agentes de ICE o cualquier agente de la ley se presentan en su puerta y quieren entrar en su casa, necesitan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Presentar una orden judicial firmada por un juez (no solo una orden administrativa de su agencia)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Su consentimiento para entrar en su casa\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">Técnicamente, los agentes también podrían entrar sin permiso si informan de que han escuchado una emergencia\u003c/a> en el interior de la casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no quiere que el agente entre, dicen los defensores legales, no tiene que abrir la puerta a menos que el agente le muestre una orden judicial. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Los defensores sugieren pedir al agente que deslice la orden por debajo de la puerta o que la sostenga frente a una ventana donde pueda leerla\u003c/a>).[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a menudo intentan engañarle para que dé su consentimiento diciendo que están investigando un delito o que necesitan “echar un vistazo rápido” o “entrar a hablar”, advierte el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (o NILC por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si un juez no firma la orden, el NILC dice que puede decirle al agente que no quiere hablar en este momento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si un agente se me acerca en la calle o en el transporte público y me pregunta por mi estatus migratorio?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sus derechos son más importantes en su hogar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por lo tanto, si se encuentra con agentes de ICE fuera de su hogar y no tiene ninguna documentación, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y negarse a responder cualquier pregunta. También tiene derecho a un abogado, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">aunque el gobierno no se lo proporcione\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La ley \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">exige que las personas que no son ciudadanas lleven consigo sus documentos\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">como la tarjeta de residencia permanente o tarjeta verde, o el permiso de trabajo\u003c/a>, y si los tiene, debe mostrárselos al agente. Sin embargo, sigue teniendo derecho a guardar silencio mientras lo hace.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre una orden administrativa y una orden judicial?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE y la CBP suelen necesitar una orden administrativa (firmada por un supervisor de ICE o CBP) para detener a una persona. Sin embargo, pueden efectuar una detención sin orden si ven a una persona entrando ilegalmente en el país, o si tienen “motivos para creer” que una persona está aquí ilegalmente y es probable que huya antes de que puedan conseguir una orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dicho esto, incluso si un agente de ICE procede a arrestarle, sigue teniendo protecciones constitucionales, incluido el derecho a permanecer en silencio para no decir algo que pueda incriminarle. Los agentes de inmigración no pueden detenerle sin una “sospecha razonable” de un delito, y no pueden registrarle a usted ni sus pertenencias sin una “causa probable”, a menos que dé su consentimiento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué pasa si estoy en el trabajo y los funcionarios de inmigración se acercan a mí y a mis colegas?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">suele acudir a un lugar de trabajo por tres razones\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para realizar una auditoría de documentos y comprobar si los empleados tienen autorización para trabajar.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para llevar a cabo una redada, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">es decir, en este caso\u003c/a>, acudir a un lugar de trabajo sin informar previamente al empleador.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para detener a una persona determinada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE pueden entrar libremente en las áreas públicas de un lugar de trabajo, como el comedor de un restaurante, un estacionamiento o un vestíbulo o sala de espera. No obstante, esto no les da derecho a detener, interrogar o arrestar a cualquiera en esos espacios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas de EE.UU. trasladan a un inmigrante tras una redada realizada a primera hora de la mañana del 6 de junio de 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los agentes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">no pueden entrar en un área privada de la empresa sin permiso o una orden judicial\u003c/a>. Pida ver esta orden y compruebe si está firmada por un juez. Una orden judicial no es lo mismo que una orden administrativa, que está firmada por un supervisor de ICE y generalmente ayuda al agente a realizar detenciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">un agente de inmigración se presenta en su lugar de trabajo\u003c/a>, no tiene que responder a preguntas ni responder a preguntas sobre otros empleados. Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración insiste en que no se fugue\u003c/a>; por el contrario, recomiendan que “es más seguro seguir trabajando, preguntar si está siendo detenido y pedir con calma si puede irse”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si tiene la posibilidad de grabar a los agentes y si tienen una orden judicial, asegúrese de que están haciendo lo que la orden les permite hacer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si ICE me ha detenido?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aún \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y a un abogado. Sin embargo, no debe mentir sobre su estatus migratorio, según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No firme ningún documento sin hablar primero con un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anote el nombre y el número del agente que lo detuvo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras esté detenido, sigue teniendo derecho a recibir llamadas. El gobierno \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">no le proporcionará un abogado\u003c/a>, por lo que usted o su familia tendrán que conseguir uno por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo localizar a alguien que ha sido detenido por ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el propio \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización de detenidos en línea\u003c/a> de ICE para buscarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\">el Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a>, es posible que una persona tarde unos días en aparecer en esta base de datos de ICE. Si esta persona sigue sin aparecer en la base de datos después de esos días, puede ponerse en contacto con organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de su \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si está buscando a un menor que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 1-800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> a information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Líneas directas para incidentes y avistamientos de ICE:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes recomiendan enfáticamente a las personas que creen haber visto avistamientos de ICE en su vecindario que los llamen en lugar de publicarlos en las redes sociales. Con estas líneas de ayuda, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">los defensores pueden verificar estos avistamientos\u003c/a>. Esta práctica tiene como objetivo evitar la difusión de información errónea en línea, que puede generar un pánico mayor en la comunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos números pueden cambiar, así que asegúrese de visitar la lista actualizada de líneas de ayuda del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a> en su sitio web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/es/node/22\">Línea directa de San Francisco disponible las 24 horas\u003c/a> para reportar avistamientos de ICE y obtener asistencia legal: 415-200-1548. Esta línea es administrada por la \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/?r=349#googtrans(en%7Ces)\">Red Legal y de Educación para Inmigrantes de San Francisco\u003c/a> (o SFILEN por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.acilep.org/\">Condado de Alameda\u003c/a>: 510-437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>: 408-290-1144\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Condado de Monterey\u003c/a>: 831-204-8082\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Condado de Santa Cruz\u003c/a>: 831-239-4289\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Condado de Marín\u003c/a>: 415-991-4545\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">Condado de San Mateo\u003c/a>: 203-666-4472\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Condado de Contra Costa\u003c/a>: 925-900-5151\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Condado de Sacramento: 916-382-0256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/#\">Servicios, Derechos de Inmigración y Red de Educación\u003c/a> (SIREN por sus siglas en inglés): 201-468-6088 o 918-609-4480\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.northbayop.org/es/nbrrn\">Condados de Sonoma, Solano y Napa\u003c/a>: 707-800-4544\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, que envía información, informes de incidentes y más a la ACLU.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Si alguien está recluido en un centro de detención, puede marcar \u003cb>9233# desde un teléfono del interior del centro\u003c/b> los martes, miércoles y jueves para comunicarse con la \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">línea directa nacional de detención de inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Se pueden encontrar más contactos en el sitio web del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recursos disponibles para obtener asistencia legal gratuita o a bajo costo:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/es/encuentre-servicios/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/es/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.inmigranteinformado.com/ayuda-legal/\">Inmigrante Informado\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Búsqueda de abogados privados de inmigración\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Este reportaje contiene información de Tyche Hendricks, periodista de KQED.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A pesar de la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es conocer sus derechos.",
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"title": "Qué hacer si se topa con agentes de ICE | KQED",
"description": "A pesar de la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es conocer sus derechos.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/\">cerca de 2 millones de residentes indocumentados\u003c/a>, y el 8 % de los hogares incluyen a un miembro de la familia sin un estatus legal permanente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, con el regreso del presidente Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca, el pánico por sus \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">prometidas “deportaciones masivas”\u003c/a> y las redadas del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha sacudido a comunidades de todo el estado. Y en el Área de la Bahía, los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">rumores de avistamientos de ICE\u003c/a> se han propagado junto con noticias de operaciones reales y \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/rapid-response-network-confirms-ice-activity-san-jose\">verificadas por parte de agentes de inmigración\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En medio de este miedo e incertidumbre, los funcionarios del Área de la Bahía de San Francisco y Oakland han reiterado sus promesas de ser \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023560/bay-area-officials-vow-uphold-sanctuary-immigrants-despite-threats-from-trump\">una región santuario para los inmigrantes\u003c/a>, lo que significa que los funcionarios locales limitan su cooperación con los \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18799/explainer-what-are-sanctuary-cities\">agentes federales de inmigración\u003c/a>. A su vez, una de las órdenes ejecutivas del día de la investidura de Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024342/trump-wants-to-break-californias-sanctuary-state-law-5-things-to-know\">busca desafiar estas leyes santuario a nivel estatal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-reminds-california-immigrants-their-rights-and\">la postura relativamente firme de California en la protección de las familias indocumentadas\u003c/a>, las personas sin estatus legal en Estados Unidos siempre han estado en riesgo de acciones federales. Pero en tiempos estresantes e inciertos como estos, los defensores han enfatizado que una de las mejores cosas que se pueden hacer es \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/politics/immigration-california-students-know-your-rights\">conocer sus derechos\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siga leyendo para saber lo que los activistas y los expertos legales dicen que la gente debería saber cuando trata con funcionarios de inmigración. También puede ser útil llevar consigo \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">una tarjeta que detalle sus derechos cuando\u003c/a> salga o esté en su casa. Puede encontrar una \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">versión imprimible en el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo reconocer si alguien es realmente un agente de ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a veces pueden vestir uniformes o equipos que sugieran que son policías o agentes de libertad condicional, según la \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Unión Americana de Libertades Civiles del Sur de California\u003c/a> (o ACLU por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto a veces puede convencer a la personas a dejar que los \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/02/21/516488396/without-warrants-immigration-agents-often-pose-as-police-officers\">agentes entren en una casa\u003c/a> sin una orden judicial. En 2018, varios comisionados de la policía de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642905/s-f-police-commissioners-want-ice-agents-to-stop-impersonating-police\">pidieron a ICE\u003c/a> que pusiera fin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrantdefenseproject.org/raids-foia/\">estas prácticas\u003c/a>, alegando que entorpecían la labor policial local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE también pueden ir vestidos de civil o con ropa oscura lisa y un chaleco antibalas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, los agentes de policía suelen llevar un uniforme de aspecto más específico “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">con insignias identificativas\u003c/a>”, dijo la ACLU del sur de Californial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre ICE y CBP?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE y la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (o CBP por sus siglas en inglés) son agencias de control de inmigración dentro del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10362\">ICE lleva a cabo la aplicación de la ley dentro de los EE.UU.\u003c/a> y gestiona las operaciones de detención y deportación. El CBP realiza inspecciones en todos los “puertos de entrada” de los EE.UU., en las fronteras terrestres, los puertos marítimos y los aeropuertos. Y la Patrulla Fronteriza, que forma parte del CBP, vigila las fronteras terrestres entre los puertos de entrada oficiales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al igual que ICE, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://careers.cbp.gov/s/career-paths/ofo/cbpo\">llevar escrito de forma visible “policía” en su uniforme\u003c/a>. “Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza de EE.UU.” puede estar escrito en su manga o en la espalda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 960px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026145\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"960\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/ICE-three-agents-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Un funcionario de la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP) de EE.UU. en el puerto de entrada de San Ysidro. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>La ley federal otorga poderes adicionales a la CBP dentro de \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/border-zone\">una amplia zona fronteriza\u003c/a> que el gobierno ha definido como 100 millas aéreas más allá de una “frontera externa” de los EE.UU. Dentro de esa zona, que abarca la mayoría de las ciudades litorales del país, incluida \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11801962/immigration-advocates-call-sending-border-patrol-agents-to-sanctuary-cities-a-scare-tactic\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, los agentes de la CBP pueden \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10559\">detener e interrogar a personas\u003c/a>, y subir a embarcaciones, autobuses y trenes para buscar inmigrantes no autorizados sin una orden judicial. Aun así, \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluaz.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_border_rights.pdf\">necesitarían una orden judicial, o consentimiento\u003c/a>, para entrar en una casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Si necesito hablar, ¿qué debo decirle a ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los defensores hacen hincapié en su derecho a guardar silencio en todos los casos cuando se trata de interactuar con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si, por cualquier motivo, no le es posible guardar silencio, la ACLU SoCal \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">sugiere que siga los siguientes pasos\u003c/a>, priorizando su seguridad física:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Haga las siguientes preguntas:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida ver una credencial o tarjetas de presentación\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pregunte si tienen una orden judicial firmada por un juez\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pida su nombre y cargo (y anótelo)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Asegúrese de que el encuentro sea atestiguado de alguna manera:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Busque o reclute a otra persona para que sirva de testigo del encuentro, como alguien de su casa o alguien que pase por allí.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Grabe el encuentro usted mismo o pídale a otra persona que lo haga, y pídale que le diga de qué departamento es mientras graba. Si miente, será importante tenerlo documentado.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Puede enviar el vídeo o audio del encuentro a organizaciones de defensa, como \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/mobilejustice\">la aplicación Mobile Justice de la ACLU\u003c/a>, para que evalúen si las imágenes podrían mostrar posibles abusos de autoridad. KQED también tiene una\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871951/grabar-a-la-policia-lo-que-hay-que-saber-y-como-estar-seguro-al-hacerlo\"> guía sobre sus derechos al grabar a los agentes\u003c/a> y sobre cómo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">informar de la actividad de ICE a los defensores locales\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué debo hacer si estoy en casa y un agente de ICE toca a mi puerta?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según la Cuarta Enmienda, si los agentes de ICE o cualquier agente de la ley se presentan en su puerta y quieren entrar en su casa, necesitan:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Presentar una orden judicial firmada por un juez (no solo una orden administrativa de su agencia)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Su consentimiento para entrar en su casa\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/01/27/ice-warrants-undocumented-immigrants-raids-arrests\">Técnicamente, los agentes también podrían entrar sin permiso si informan de que han escuchado una emergencia\u003c/a> en el interior de la casa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no quiere que el agente entre, dicen los defensores legales, no tiene que abrir la puerta a menos que el agente le muestre una orden judicial. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">Los defensores sugieren pedir al agente que deslice la orden por debajo de la puerta o que la sostenga frente a una ventana donde pueda leerla\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE a menudo intentan engañarle para que dé su consentimiento diciendo que están investigando un delito o que necesitan “echar un vistazo rápido” o “entrar a hablar”, advierte el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (o NILC por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si un juez no firma la orden, el NILC dice que puede decirle al agente que no quiere hablar en este momento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si un agente se me acerca en la calle o en el transporte público y me pregunta por mi estatus migratorio?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sus derechos son más importantes en su hogar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por lo tanto, si se encuentra con agentes de ICE fuera de su hogar y no tiene ninguna documentación, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y negarse a responder cualquier pregunta. También tiene derecho a un abogado, \u003ca href=\"https://sahanjournal.com/immigration/know-your-rights-ice-minnesota-resources/#:~:text=Because%20immigration%20violations%20are%20not,by%20local%20law%20enforcement%20does.\">aunque el gobierno no se lo proporcione\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La ley \u003ca href=\"https://cilawgroup.com/news/2014/01/23/foreign-national-in-the-u-s-what-documents-should-i-carry-with-me/\">exige que las personas que no son ciudadanas lleven consigo sus documentos\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/save/current-user-agencies/commonly-used-immigration-documents\">como la tarjeta de residencia permanente o tarjeta verde, o el permiso de trabajo\u003c/a>, y si los tiene, debe mostrárselos al agente. Sin embargo, sigue teniendo derecho a guardar silencio mientras lo hace.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Cuál es la diferencia entre una orden administrativa y una orden judicial?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE y la CBP suelen necesitar una orden administrativa (firmada por un supervisor de ICE o CBP) para detener a una persona. Sin embargo, pueden efectuar una detención sin orden si ven a una persona entrando ilegalmente en el país, o si tienen “motivos para creer” que una persona está aquí ilegalmente y es probable que huya antes de que puedan conseguir una orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dicho esto, incluso si un agente de ICE procede a arrestarle, sigue teniendo protecciones constitucionales, incluido el derecho a permanecer en silencio para no decir algo que pueda incriminarle. Los agentes de inmigración no pueden detenerle sin una “sospecha razonable” de un delito, y no pueden registrarle a usted ni sus pertenencias sin una “causa probable”, a menos que dé su consentimiento.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>¿Qué pasa si estoy en el trabajo y los funcionarios de inmigración se acercan a mí y a mis colegas?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">suele acudir a un lugar de trabajo por tres razones\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para realizar una auditoría de documentos y comprobar si los empleados tienen autorización para trabajar.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para llevar a cabo una redada, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">es decir, en este caso\u003c/a>, acudir a un lugar de trabajo sin informar previamente al empleador.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Para detener a una persona determinada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Los agentes de ICE pueden entrar libremente en las áreas públicas de un lugar de trabajo, como el comedor de un restaurante, un estacionamiento o un vestíbulo o sala de espera. No obstante, esto no les da derecho a detener, interrogar o arrestar a cualquiera en esos espacios.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"680\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/person-getting-arrested-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas de EE.UU. trasladan a un inmigrante tras una redada realizada a primera hora de la mañana del 6 de junio de 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los agentes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/EmployerGuide-NELP-NILC-2017-07-1.pdf\">no pueden entrar en un área privada de la empresa sin permiso o una orden judicial\u003c/a>. Pida ver esta orden y compruebe si está firmada por un juez. Una orden judicial no es lo mismo que una orden administrativa, que está firmada por un supervisor de ICE y generalmente ayuda al agente a realizar detenciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/a-guide-for-employers-what-to-do-if-immigration-comes-to-your-workplace/\">un agente de inmigración se presenta en su lugar de trabajo\u003c/a>, no tiene que responder a preguntas ni responder a preguntas sobre otros empleados. Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración insiste en que no se fugue\u003c/a>; por el contrario, recomiendan que “es más seguro seguir trabajando, preguntar si está siendo detenido y pedir con calma si puede irse”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si tiene la posibilidad de grabar a los agentes y si tienen una orden judicial, asegúrese de que están haciendo lo que la orden les permite hacer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Qué hago si ICE me ha detenido?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aún \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">tiene derecho a permanecer en silencio\u003c/a> y a un abogado. Sin embargo, no debe mentir sobre su estatus migratorio, según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No firme ningún documento sin hablar primero con un abogado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anote el nombre y el número del agente que lo detuvo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras esté detenido, sigue teniendo derecho a recibir llamadas. El gobierno \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/resources/know-your-rights-what-to-do-if-arrested-detained-immigration/\">no le proporcionará un abogado\u003c/a>, por lo que usted o su familia tendrán que conseguir uno por su cuenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>¿Cómo puedo localizar a alguien que ha sido detenido por ICE?\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el propio \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización de detenidos en línea\u003c/a> de ICE para buscarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/faqs-other-topics/#detained-loved-one\">el Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a>, es posible que una persona tarde unos días en aparecer en esta base de datos de ICE. Si esta persona sigue sin aparecer en la base de datos después de esos días, puede ponerse en contacto con organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de su \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si está buscando a un menor que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 1-800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> a information@ORRNCC.com.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Líneas directas para incidentes y avistamientos de ICE:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los defensores de los inmigrantes recomiendan enfáticamente a las personas que creen haber visto avistamientos de ICE en su vecindario que los llamen en lugar de publicarlos en las redes sociales. Con estas líneas de ayuda, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025026/ice-redadas-desinformacion\">los defensores pueden verificar estos avistamientos\u003c/a>. Esta práctica tiene como objetivo evitar la difusión de información errónea en línea, que puede generar un pánico mayor en la comunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estos números pueden cambiar, así que asegúrese de visitar la lista actualizada de líneas de ayuda del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a> en su sitio web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrants.sf.gov/es/node/22\">Línea directa de San Francisco disponible las 24 horas\u003c/a> para reportar avistamientos de ICE y obtener asistencia legal: 415-200-1548. Esta línea es administrada por la \u003ca href=\"https://sfilen.org/?r=349#googtrans(en%7Ces)\">Red Legal y de Educación para Inmigrantes de San Francisco\u003c/a> (o SFILEN por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.acilep.org/\">Condado de Alameda\u003c/a>: 510-437-1554\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://pactsj.org/\">Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>: 408-290-1144\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://montereycountyrrn.com/\">Condado de Monterey\u003c/a>: 831-204-8082\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/YARRsantacruz/\">Condado de Santa Cruz\u003c/a>: 831-239-4289\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.marinrrn.org/\">Condado de Marín\u003c/a>: 415-991-4545\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://podersf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Northern-California-Rapid-Response-Network.pdf\">Condado de San Mateo\u003c/a>: 203-666-4472\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://standtogethercontracosta.org/\">Condado de Contra Costa\u003c/a>: 925-900-5151\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Condado de Sacramento: 916-382-0256\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/#\">Servicios, Derechos de Inmigración y Red de Educación\u003c/a> (SIREN por sus siglas en inglés): 201-468-6088 o 918-609-4480\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.northbayop.org/es/nbrrn\">Condados de Sonoma, Solano y Napa\u003c/a>: 707-800-4544\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/paginas-en-espanol\">Mobile Justice\u003c/a>, que envía información, informes de incidentes y más a la ACLU.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Si alguien está recluido en un centro de detención, puede marcar \u003cb>9233# desde un teléfono del interior del centro\u003c/b> los martes, miércoles y jueves para comunicarse con la \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/resources\">línea directa nacional de detención de inmigrantes\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Se pueden encontrar más contactos en el sitio web del \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recursos disponibles para obtener asistencia legal gratuita o a bajo costo:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.larazacrc.org/\">La Raza Community\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.missionaction.org/es/encuentre-servicios/\">Mission Action\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://mujeresunidas.net/programas/\">Mujeres Unidas y Activas\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/\">Asian Law Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantsrising.org/\">Immigrants Rising\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/our-work/undocuhealth-wellness/\">UndocuHealth\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://iibayarea.org/get-involved/\">Immigration Institute of the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.chirla.org/es/\">Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/jdc/immigrant-legal-defense/attorney-of-the-day-resources-for-our-immigrant-community/\">Bar Association of San Francisco\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.immigrationadvocates.org/nonprofit/legaldirectory/search?state=CA\">National Immigration Legal Services Directory for California\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.inmigranteinformado.com/ayuda-legal/\">Inmigrante Informado\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/private-attorneys/\">Búsqueda de abogados privados de inmigración\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Este reportaje contiene información de Tyche Hendricks, periodista de KQED.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
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