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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:40 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco police on Monday released body camera footage showing the Dec. 20 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019296/san-francisco-police-fatal-shooting-union-square-suspected-of-running-over-pedestrians\">fatal shooting of an armed security guard\u003c/a> near Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities also identified the man as Peter Hodge Jr., 50, during a video briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police were trying to arrest Hodge seven hours after he was suspected of driving onto the sidewalk at Sutter and Kearny streets, hitting two pedestrians and a bicyclist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/u1_8pQgnoz0\">Body cam footage\u003c/a> shows six officers discussing a plan to arrest Hodge, then confronting him in front of the Dior store at Grant Avenue and Post Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers shout at Hodge to put his hands up and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For what?” Hodge says, walking toward the officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One officer uses a BolaWrap restraint device to fire a Kevlar cord at Hodge, but it does not restrain him. He puts his hands down and turns to walk away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another officer then fires a less-lethal beanbag shotgun at Hodge, who reaches toward his waistband and appears to raise a handgun before officers open fire, and he collapses to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12019296,news_12018833\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six officers fired their guns, police said during Monday’s briefing. Investigators recovered a loaded Glock pistol from the scene, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body cam footage shows one officer requesting an ambulance while using tourniquets and trying to treat Hodge’s gunshot wounds. Hodge later died at a hospital, according to SFPD’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge the seriousness of this incident and the emotional and physical trauma to everyone involved,” SFPD Lieutenant Dean Hall said. “In response to this, we have requested the deployment of the Department of Public Health comprehensive crisis services team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said that police are still trying to identify the bicyclist Hodge struck hours before his stand-off with officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That happened around 6:30 p.m. Dec. 19, when police got reports of a driver speeding and driving recklessly on the sidewalk in apparent pursuit of a man on an electric bicycle. The driver struck and injured an 18-year-old woman and a 17-year-old girl who were coming out of a Chipotle restaurant, police said, then continued to chase after the bicyclist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the driver hit the e-bike a block away, the bicyclist got up and ran away as the driver tried to put the bike in his vehicle, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman and girl were taken to a hospital with minor injuries, according to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six officers fired their guns, police said during Monday’s briefing. Investigators recovered a loaded Glock pistol from the scene, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Body cam footage shows one officer requesting an ambulance while using tourniquets and trying to treat Hodge’s gunshot wounds. Hodge later died at a hospital, according to SFPD’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to acknowledge the seriousness of this incident and the emotional and physical trauma to everyone involved,” SFPD Lieutenant Dean Hall said. “In response to this, we have requested the deployment of the Department of Public Health comprehensive crisis services team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said that police are still trying to identify the bicyclist Hodge struck hours before his stand-off with officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That happened around 6:30 p.m. Dec. 19, when police got reports of a driver speeding and driving recklessly on the sidewalk in apparent pursuit of a man on an electric bicycle. The driver struck and injured an 18-year-old woman and a 17-year-old girl who were coming out of a Chipotle restaurant, police said, then continued to chase after the bicyclist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the driver hit the e-bike a block away, the bicyclist got up and ran away as the driver tried to put the bike in his vehicle, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman and girl were taken to a hospital with minor injuries, according to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-allies-warn-california-leaders-they-could-go-to-prison-over-sanctuary-city-laws",
"title": "Trump Allies Warn California Leaders They Could Go to Prison Over Sanctuary City Laws",
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"headTitle": "Trump Allies Warn California Leaders They Could Go to Prison Over Sanctuary City Laws | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s southern border, long ‘ground zero’ in the fight between federal and local officials over immigration policy, is now at the center of renewed controversy over how far local leaders can go to protect people from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After San Diego County took steps earlier this month to strengthen safeguards for undocumented residents, an organization led by President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s adviser Stephen Miller sent a letter warning that elected leaders and employees of “sanctuary” jurisdictions could be “criminally liable” if they impede federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/AFL-Sanctuary-City-Letters-Vargas.pdf\">Dec. 23 letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, America First Legal Foundation wrote: “We have identified San Diego County as a sanctuary jurisdiction that is violating federal law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conservative legal nonprofit that day announced that it had identified 249 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/101224-Donald-Trump-Coachella-REUTERS-CM-01.jpg\">elected officials in sanctuary jurisdictions\u003c/a> who it said could face “legal consequences” over immigration policies. The California Attorney General’s office and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass were sent similar letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also suggests sanctuary city officials could be civilly liable under federal anti-racketeering laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump pledging to carry out the “largest mass deportation campaign in U.S. history,” San Diego’s board of supervisors enacted a policy on Dec. 12 prohibiting local law enforcement from communicating with immigration authorities about undocumented people in local jails without a judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s newly enacted ordinance goes a step further than California’s existing state “sanctuary” law, which only limits cooperation between local law enforcement and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The law prevents jailers from notifying ICE about non-citizen inmates who are about to be released from local criminal custody unless they committed one of about 800 serious crimes. State prison officials regularly communicate with ICE about people in their custody, including U.S. citizens, public records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County’s action faced immediate pushback, with the county’s top law enforcement official, Sheriff Kelly Martinez, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/12/17/sheriff-refusal-to-further-limit-ice-cooperation-may-violate-state-law\">saying she would not \u003c/a>follow the new policy and would continue allowing immigration authorities access to the jail inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American First Legal Foundation sent its letter to the chair of San Diego County’s Board of Supervisors, Nora Vargas, who stepped down from her position on Friday citing security concerns just weeks after being elected to a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Federal law is clear: aliens unlawfully present in the United States are subject to removal from the country, and it is a crime to conceal, harbor, or shield them. It is also a crime to prevent federal officials from enforcing immigration law,” states the letter, dated three days after the resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nora Vargas speaks onstage at Women’s March San Diego on Jan. 19, 2019. \u003ccite>(Daniel Knighton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vargas, who was born in Tijuana, has long championed rights for asylum seekers and immigrants. She was the first immigrant and Latina to serve on San Diego’s board of supervisors. She was elected to the board in 2020, flipping the seat from Republican to Democrat for the first time in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vargas said the new board policy was developed through “rigorous legal review and stands in full compliance with federal, state and local laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This nation’s foundation was built on the strength and contributions of immigrants,” she posted on social media. “Now it’s time to turn our focus to honoring the humanity of those who help make this country the beacon of hope it continues to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespersons for Trump’s transition team did not immediately respond to inquiries about whether the administration plans to prosecute local officials in sanctuary cities\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> Trump has named Miller to be his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/11/g-s1-33741/trump-stephen-miller-deputy-chief-of-staff-immigration-policy-deportations\">deputy chief of staff for policy\u003c/a> and homeland security advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California preparing legal battles with Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials have asked the Legislature, in a special session called by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/gavin-newsom-special-session-trump-resistance/\">Gov. Gavin Newsom last month\u003c/a>, for $25 million for legal fights with the incoming administration on issues including immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a scare tactic, plain and simple,” read a statement from the Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office, in response to the America First letter. “While we are unable to comment on the specifics of the letter, we want to be clear: SB 54 was upheld by the courts during the first Trump administration, and it prevents the use of state and local resources for federal immigration enforcement with certain narrow exceptions. SB 54 does nothing, however, to block federal agencies from conducting immigration enforcement themselves. California will continue to comply with all applicable state and federal laws, and we expect all local law enforcement agencies to do the same.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12016037,news_12014436,news_12015773\"]Democratic state Senate leader Mike McGuire, of Healdsburg, in response to the letters called the incoming administration’s proposed immigration policies “draconian” and damaging to California’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The previous Trump administration came at California before on a variety of legal fronts and the majority of the time, lost,” said McGuire, whose office did not receive a letter. “Mark my word, we’ll be prepared again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is home to several major cities with policies limiting cooperation between local police and federal immigration authorities. Proponents say such policies make immigrants less fearful of deportation when reporting crimes to or cooperating with the police. Los Angeles adopted a sanctuary city ordinance in November, fast-tracking the policy after Trump’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked for comment on the America First letter, Zach Seidl, a spokesperson for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, called it “wrong on public safety and wrong on the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanctuary policies are against the law, make a mockery of America’s democratic principles, and demonstrate a shocking disrespect for our Constitution and our citizens. The officials in charge of sanctuary jurisdictions have no excuse and must be held accountable,” read a statement from James Rogers, a senior counsel with America First Legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump targeted California sanctuary cities before\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s own \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2017/12/californias-new-sanctuary-law-will-aid-immigrants-not/\">sanctuary law\u003c/a>, signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown in 2017, curbs local sheriffs’ transfers of detainees to federal immigration custody and also prohibits police from asking people about their immigration status. That law, Senate Bill 54, contains an exception for state prisons, which regularly transfer ex-inmates who have completed their sentences to Immigration and Customs Enforcement for deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump advisers, including Miller, have been considering using federal pressure, such as withholding federal funds, against jurisdictions that won’t cooperate with federal immigration authorities. The last Trump administration tried to get the California sanctuary law overturned in federal court, but the Supreme Court in 2020 declined to hear its petition. And in 2018, Trump’s Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/18/us/politics/justice-department-sanctuary-cities-criminal-charges-elected-offiicals.html\">floated criminal charges\u003c/a> against politicians of cities that enact sanctuary policies. It did not file charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So-called ‘sanctuary’ jurisdictions that forbid compliance with federal immigration law and cooperation with the officials who enforce it are, therefore, breaking the law. Moreover, sanctuary jurisdictions are strictly prohibited from requiring their employees to violate federal immigration law,” the America First letter states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive at the Iris Avenue Transit Center after being dropped off by Border Patrol agents in San Diego on Feb. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at the UCLA School of Law, said the letter’s reasoning that sanctuary policies amount to “harboring” or concealing federal fugitives is flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not inquiring about someone’s status is not harboring. Neither is declining to share such information,” Arulanantham said in a text message Friday. “I’m not aware of any criminal protections based on such conduct, and the letter fails to cite any.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To carry out his plan to deport more people than any other president, Trump will need the cooperation of local officials. Immigrant Legal Resource Center, a national nonprofit that provides legal training and does pro-immigrant policy work in California and Texas, estimates 70 to 75% of ICE arrests in the interior of the U.S. are handoffs from another law enforcement agency, such as local jails or state or federal prisons. Since 2019, California’s state prison system has delivered more than 5,700 formerly incarcerated immigrants to ICE, federal data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego was the epicenter of a surge of unauthorized crossings earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/california-border-migrants/\">straining local resources\u003c/a>. In April, 37,370 people crossed between ports of entry in the San Diego sector, with the majority surrendering to Border Patrol to claim asylum. This made it the top spot for crossings in the country for a few weeks in 2024, according to federal data. The number of unauthorized crossings dropped sharply after the Biden administration \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/mexico-border-biden-california/\">implemented new asylum restrictions in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A conservative organization led by Trump adviser Stephen Miller sent letters to California leaders warning of 'serious consequences' over sanctuary policies that protect undocumented residents.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/wendy-fry/\">Wendy Fry\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s southern border, long ‘ground zero’ in the fight between federal and local officials over immigration policy, is now at the center of renewed controversy over how far local leaders can go to protect people from deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After San Diego County took steps earlier this month to strengthen safeguards for undocumented residents, an organization led by President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s adviser Stephen Miller sent a letter warning that elected leaders and employees of “sanctuary” jurisdictions could be “criminally liable” if they impede federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/AFL-Sanctuary-City-Letters-Vargas.pdf\">Dec. 23 letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, America First Legal Foundation wrote: “We have identified San Diego County as a sanctuary jurisdiction that is violating federal law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conservative legal nonprofit that day announced that it had identified 249 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/101224-Donald-Trump-Coachella-REUTERS-CM-01.jpg\">elected officials in sanctuary jurisdictions\u003c/a> who it said could face “legal consequences” over immigration policies. The California Attorney General’s office and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass were sent similar letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter also suggests sanctuary city officials could be civilly liable under federal anti-racketeering laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Trump pledging to carry out the “largest mass deportation campaign in U.S. history,” San Diego’s board of supervisors enacted a policy on Dec. 12 prohibiting local law enforcement from communicating with immigration authorities about undocumented people in local jails without a judicial warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s newly enacted ordinance goes a step further than California’s existing state “sanctuary” law, which only limits cooperation between local law enforcement and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The law prevents jailers from notifying ICE about non-citizen inmates who are about to be released from local criminal custody unless they committed one of about 800 serious crimes. State prison officials regularly communicate with ICE about people in their custody, including U.S. citizens, public records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County’s action faced immediate pushback, with the county’s top law enforcement official, Sheriff Kelly Martinez, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/12/17/sheriff-refusal-to-further-limit-ice-cooperation-may-violate-state-law\">saying she would not \u003c/a>follow the new policy and would continue allowing immigration authorities access to the jail inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American First Legal Foundation sent its letter to the chair of San Diego County’s Board of Supervisors, Nora Vargas, who stepped down from her position on Friday citing security concerns just weeks after being elected to a second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Federal law is clear: aliens unlawfully present in the United States are subject to removal from the country, and it is a crime to conceal, harbor, or shield them. It is also a crime to prevent federal officials from enforcing immigration law,” states the letter, dated three days after the resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/122724-Nora-Vargas-DK-GettyImages-01-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nora Vargas speaks onstage at Women’s March San Diego on Jan. 19, 2019. \u003ccite>(Daniel Knighton/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vargas, who was born in Tijuana, has long championed rights for asylum seekers and immigrants. She was the first immigrant and Latina to serve on San Diego’s board of supervisors. She was elected to the board in 2020, flipping the seat from Republican to Democrat for the first time in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vargas said the new board policy was developed through “rigorous legal review and stands in full compliance with federal, state and local laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This nation’s foundation was built on the strength and contributions of immigrants,” she posted on social media. “Now it’s time to turn our focus to honoring the humanity of those who help make this country the beacon of hope it continues to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespersons for Trump’s transition team did not immediately respond to inquiries about whether the administration plans to prosecute local officials in sanctuary cities\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> Trump has named Miller to be his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/11/g-s1-33741/trump-stephen-miller-deputy-chief-of-staff-immigration-policy-deportations\">deputy chief of staff for policy\u003c/a> and homeland security advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California preparing legal battles with Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials have asked the Legislature, in a special session called by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/gavin-newsom-special-session-trump-resistance/\">Gov. Gavin Newsom last month\u003c/a>, for $25 million for legal fights with the incoming administration on issues including immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a scare tactic, plain and simple,” read a statement from the Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office, in response to the America First letter. “While we are unable to comment on the specifics of the letter, we want to be clear: SB 54 was upheld by the courts during the first Trump administration, and it prevents the use of state and local resources for federal immigration enforcement with certain narrow exceptions. SB 54 does nothing, however, to block federal agencies from conducting immigration enforcement themselves. California will continue to comply with all applicable state and federal laws, and we expect all local law enforcement agencies to do the same.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democratic state Senate leader Mike McGuire, of Healdsburg, in response to the letters called the incoming administration’s proposed immigration policies “draconian” and damaging to California’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The previous Trump administration came at California before on a variety of legal fronts and the majority of the time, lost,” said McGuire, whose office did not receive a letter. “Mark my word, we’ll be prepared again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is home to several major cities with policies limiting cooperation between local police and federal immigration authorities. Proponents say such policies make immigrants less fearful of deportation when reporting crimes to or cooperating with the police. Los Angeles adopted a sanctuary city ordinance in November, fast-tracking the policy after Trump’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked for comment on the America First letter, Zach Seidl, a spokesperson for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, called it “wrong on public safety and wrong on the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sanctuary policies are against the law, make a mockery of America’s democratic principles, and demonstrate a shocking disrespect for our Constitution and our citizens. The officials in charge of sanctuary jurisdictions have no excuse and must be held accountable,” read a statement from James Rogers, a senior counsel with America First Legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump targeted California sanctuary cities before\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s own \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2017/12/californias-new-sanctuary-law-will-aid-immigrants-not/\">sanctuary law\u003c/a>, signed by then-Gov. Jerry Brown in 2017, curbs local sheriffs’ transfers of detainees to federal immigration custody and also prohibits police from asking people about their immigration status. That law, Senate Bill 54, contains an exception for state prisons, which regularly transfer ex-inmates who have completed their sentences to Immigration and Customs Enforcement for deportation proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump advisers, including Miller, have been considering using federal pressure, such as withholding federal funds, against jurisdictions that won’t cooperate with federal immigration authorities. The last Trump administration tried to get the California sanctuary law overturned in federal court, but the Supreme Court in 2020 declined to hear its petition. And in 2018, Trump’s Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/18/us/politics/justice-department-sanctuary-cities-criminal-charges-elected-offiicals.html\">floated criminal charges\u003c/a> against politicians of cities that enact sanctuary policies. It did not file charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So-called ‘sanctuary’ jurisdictions that forbid compliance with federal immigration law and cooperation with the officials who enforce it are, therefore, breaking the law. Moreover, sanctuary jurisdictions are strictly prohibited from requiring their employees to violate federal immigration law,” the America First letter states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/022524_Migrants-Iris-Transit_AH_CM_14-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants arrive at the Iris Avenue Transit Center after being dropped off by Border Patrol agents in San Diego on Feb. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of the Center for Immigration Law and Policy at the UCLA School of Law, said the letter’s reasoning that sanctuary policies amount to “harboring” or concealing federal fugitives is flawed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not inquiring about someone’s status is not harboring. Neither is declining to share such information,” Arulanantham said in a text message Friday. “I’m not aware of any criminal protections based on such conduct, and the letter fails to cite any.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To carry out his plan to deport more people than any other president, Trump will need the cooperation of local officials. Immigrant Legal Resource Center, a national nonprofit that provides legal training and does pro-immigrant policy work in California and Texas, estimates 70 to 75% of ICE arrests in the interior of the U.S. are handoffs from another law enforcement agency, such as local jails or state or federal prisons. Since 2019, California’s state prison system has delivered more than 5,700 formerly incarcerated immigrants to ICE, federal data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego was the epicenter of a surge of unauthorized crossings earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/california-border-migrants/\">straining local resources\u003c/a>. In April, 37,370 people crossed between ports of entry in the San Diego sector, with the majority surrendering to Border Patrol to claim asylum. This made it the top spot for crossings in the country for a few weeks in 2024, according to federal data. The number of unauthorized crossings dropped sharply after the Biden administration \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/mexico-border-biden-california/\">implemented new asylum restrictions in June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Pedestrian Fatalities Hit 10-Year High as On-Duty Officer Strikes, Kills 65-Year-Old",
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"headTitle": "SF Pedestrian Fatalities Hit 10-Year High as On-Duty Officer Strikes, Kills 65-Year-Old | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After an on-duty police officer fatally hit a pedestrian last weekend, one pedestrian advocacy group said it is waiting for the San Francisco Police Department and other city leaders to respond to the 10-year high in pedestrian fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 6:20 a.m. Sunday, San Francisco resident Walter Castillo, 65, was hit by an on-duty officer while walking in the Bernal Heights neighborhood near Bayshore Boulevard and Industrial Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After receiving medical treatment for life-threatening injuries at the scene, Castillo was transferred to a local hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD launched an investigation into the incident, but Jodie Medeiros, the executive director of Walk SF, said that it can be very difficult to get justice for victims of traffic violence since the driver is often not charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law protects the driver,” Medeiros said. “Lawyers and the law says [it’s] a quote-unquote accident, it was not intentional. If there’s no intentionality, then it is not a crime. This upsets Walk SF. It upsets members of Families for Safe Streets [and] the families left behind after somebody kills their son, their daughter, their mother, their father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12018845 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFPD-video_0003-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD is not releasing the name of the officer involved and said the officer is not being placed on administrative leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Medeiros hopes that city leaders, many of whom have been quiet thus far, will respond seriously to the incident. Castillo’s death was the 23rd pedestrian fatality in San Francisco this year — the highest number since at least 2014, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be great to hear from not only the SFPD but the other decision makers in San Francisco about how they’re going to respond to a year where more pedestrians were killed, more people were killed in traffic crashes in San Francisco than gun violence,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to hear that something is happening, that things are going to change because it is completely unfair for the people of San Francisco,” Medeiros continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">\u003cem>Dana Cronin\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After an on-duty police officer fatally hit a pedestrian last weekend, one pedestrian advocacy group said it is waiting for the San Francisco Police Department and other city leaders to respond to the 10-year high in pedestrian fatalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 6:20 a.m. Sunday, San Francisco resident Walter Castillo, 65, was hit by an on-duty officer while walking in the Bernal Heights neighborhood near Bayshore Boulevard and Industrial Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After receiving medical treatment for life-threatening injuries at the scene, Castillo was transferred to a local hospital, where he died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD launched an investigation into the incident, but Jodie Medeiros, the executive director of Walk SF, said that it can be very difficult to get justice for victims of traffic violence since the driver is often not charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law protects the driver,” Medeiros said. “Lawyers and the law says [it’s] a quote-unquote accident, it was not intentional. If there’s no intentionality, then it is not a crime. This upsets Walk SF. It upsets members of Families for Safe Streets [and] the families left behind after somebody kills their son, their daughter, their mother, their father.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD is not releasing the name of the officer involved and said the officer is not being placed on administrative leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Medeiros hopes that city leaders, many of whom have been quiet thus far, will respond seriously to the incident. Castillo’s death was the 23rd pedestrian fatality in San Francisco this year — the highest number since at least 2014, according to city data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be great to hear from not only the SFPD but the other decision makers in San Francisco about how they’re going to respond to a year where more pedestrians were killed, more people were killed in traffic crashes in San Francisco than gun violence,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to hear that something is happening, that things are going to change because it is completely unfair for the people of San Francisco,” Medeiros continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">\u003cem>Dana Cronin\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-to-kill-a-cop-death-despair-and-corruption-in-californias-most-violent-prison",
"title": "'How to Kill a Cop': Death, Despair and Corruption in California's Most Violent Prison",
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"headTitle": "‘How to Kill a Cop’: Death, Despair and Corruption in California’s Most Violent Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Warning: This story contains graphic language, and descriptions of violence and suicide. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen Lili Steele got home from work on that hot, humid evening in August 2021, she expected to find her husband, Sgt. Kevin Steele, sitting at his desk working on his book. The couple had moved to a rural area near Missouri’s Lake of the Ozarks after Steele had taken a leave of absence from his job as an investigator in a high-security prison in Folsom, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing the book, Lili said, “was his new job.” The manuscript chronicled Steele’s decade at the prison, where he had become increasingly frustrated with a system he came to see as corrupt and antithetical to his deep Christian faith. His project had an ominous working title: \u003cem>The Thin Line Blurs…How to Kill a Cop…Betrayal\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 56-year-old wasn’t at his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili called Steele’s phone and found it ringing on the kitchen counter. She started to panic; she knew her husband had been struggling. Months earlier, he’d told her that he was haunted by a “trailer of dead people.” Some were soldiers he’d served alongside in Iraq who hadn’t made it home. The rest were from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/sac/\">California State Prison, Sacramento\u003c/a>, known colloquially as New Folsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was Ronnie Price, the 65-year-old whose arms were shackled behind his back when correctional officers slammed him to the ground, fatally injuring him. There was Luis Giovanny Aguilar, the young man who’d been stabbed to death by two other incarcerated men in full view of officers. Finally, and perhaps most painfully, there was his friend, officer Valentino Rodriguez Jr., who’d died of a fentanyl overdose six days after blowing the whistle on fellow officers for alleged misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kevin, you didn’t kill those people, you tried to help,” Lili remembers telling her husband. “You followed the protocol, the chain of command. You told the people in charge. It’s up to them to carry the ball now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After searching the house, Lili walked from the open garage across their driveway to a red storage shed. That’s where she found her husband already dead. Steele had hanged himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recording of the 911 call, the dispatcher can be heard asking Lili if her husband had been sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No,” she sobbed. “He’s been dealing with a lot of stuff from his work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considered in isolation, Steele’s suicide might have been chalked up to one man’s struggle, but the timing — less than a year after the death of his friend Rodriguez, who worked in the same elite unit — points at something larger. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">A multiyear KQED investigation and an eight-part podcast called On Our Watch\u003c/a> found a persistent code of silence among New Folsom officers that went largely unchecked by prison leadership and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). An exclusive analysis of hundreds of internal use-of-force records, dozens of leaked documents and videos, and interviews with current and former CDCR officers revealed a culture of cover-ups that enabled the abuse of incarcerated people, officer-on-officer harassment and at least two homicides at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017610\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An armed correctional officer looks from a window of the Short Term Restricted Housing (STRH) unit entrance at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson said in an email that CDCR “maintains a zero-tolerance policy on code of silence” and that the agency “is fundamentally reforming its approach to addressing allegations of staff misconduct to enhance staff accountability and improve transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year and a half the agency declined KQED’s multiple requests to interview New Folsom’s outgoing warden, Jeff Lynch, and the head of the agency, Secretary Jeff Macomber, who served as the warden there from 2013 to 2016. The agency also did not respond to a request to speak with Jason Schultz, who was appointed acting warden in November. CDCR representatives have repeatedly declined to answer questions about the high rate of use of force at New Folsom. They said they could not comment on specific allegations made by Steele and Rodriguez before their deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a trove of written and recorded materials left behind by the two officers and obtained by KQED details their fear of retribution and sense of despair as they tried to expose misconduct in their institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Outlier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steele started off as a true believer. Hired by CDCR in 2001, he was initially assigned to San Quentin before transferring to New Folsom in 2008. Sprawled along the American River just outside Sacramento, the prison houses about 2,200 people, many of whom have mental health needs or have been convicted of the most serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working as a correctional officer appealed to the sense of duty and service Steele had enjoyed in his Air Force career, while also promising good benefits and opportunities for advancement. The sergeant’s brother, Michael, said he liked to claim that nobody “worked harder than a Steele.” If his shift started at five in the morning, he’d arrive at four. Each day on his way into New Folsom, Steele walked past the Gothic green tower of the adjoining old Folsom prison (made famous by Johnny Cash) carrying his lunch in a clear plastic bag through the checkpoint of the newer facility. Once he clocked in, “he didn’t stop moving,” said Steele’s colleague, retired correctional officer Annette Eichhorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison leadership entrusted Steele with a lot of responsibilities, from drug testing officers to leading annual trainings. In 2015, he was promoted to prosecution coordinator in the Investigative Services Unit (ISU). Known among officers and incarcerated people as the “squad,” the specialized team serves as the police force for the prison, investigating crimes committed by prisoners and complaints against staff, including for excessive use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017609\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Gate of old Folsom Prison in Sacramento, where Johnny Cash played in 1968. New Folsom, which was initially administered by old Folsom’s warden, opened in 1986. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers can lawfully use their hands, batons and even the weight of their bodies to subdue prisoners who resist, or ignore their commands. They can deploy less lethal weapons like pepper spray and foam bullets to stop fights or break up riots. If someone’s life is in danger, officers can respond with deadly force. In general, force has to be proportional to the threat, and cannot be used after a threat has been subdued, or as retaliation or punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even among high-security prisons, where violent encounters with staff are most common, New Folsom stands out: It had the highest overall use-of-force rate of any California state prison from 2009 through 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/jrssig/article-abstract/21/5/16/7803753?redirectedFrom=fulltext\">according to an in-depth analysis of CDCR reports published by researchers\u003c/a> at University of California, Berkeley, in partnership with KQED. CDCR has not yet posted all the data for this year, but numbers released so far show that use-of-force rates at New Folsom remain the highest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/HT2gx/8/\" width=\"800\" height=\"580\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Folsom has been even more of an outlier when it comes to the most serious cases — those in which officers use deadly force or badly injure incarcerated people. KQED’s exclusive analysis of investigative records from 2014 through 2019 revealed that New Folsom had three times as many of these cases as any other prison in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/GLkYl/9/\" width=\"800\" height=\"900\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson told KQED last year that she took issue with KQED’s analysis of general use-of-force data, but the agency did not respond to further detailed requests for clarification and questions regarding these findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Jeff Lynch appeared unaware of an unusual level of officer violence at New Folsom. Asked about it during a media tour of the facility in April 2023, he said use-of-force rates at his prison were “probably pretty similar” to other high-security facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the years, Steele had raised grave concerns about officer violence to prison leadership. It was part of his job to collect the statements of prisoners who’d been injured by guards, and he’d noticed a troubling pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017606\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017606\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An officer escorts a prisoner to a cell in the Short Term Restricted Housing unit at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A cover-up\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 16, 2016, Steele interviewed 65-year-old Ronnie Price as he lay handcuffed on a gurney in the hallway of the UC Davis Medical Center with visible trauma to his face that included missing teeth and a broken jaw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his unfinished book, Steele wrote that he expected to find a “combative, disruptive and quarrelsome inmate,” but instead found Price “pleasant and amicable.” Steele recalled Price telling him that officers had tried to force him to move to the cell of an active gang member, which Price feared would mean trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recording of the interview acquired by KQED, Price told Steele that during the escort he passively resisted officers, who then shackled his feet together. His hands were already chained behind his back. As they walked him through the rotunda of the housing unit — an area not covered by surveillance cameras — Price said an officer stepped on the chain between his ankles, causing him to fall face-first onto the cement floor. Price told Steele that as he raised his head to spit out his bloody teeth, “Somebody grabbed my head and slammed it into the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017608\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-12017608\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1020x1275.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1228x1536.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED.jpg 1374w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prison portrait of Ronnie Price, who died in 2016 as a result of injuries caused by correctional staff. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Price family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Price died of a pulmonary embolism related to his injuries, according to the coroner’s report. Steele attended the autopsy and then contacted his bosses. “I was very specific when I advised the administration and my supervisor that I believed that staff were responsible for the death of Inmate Price,” he writes in his book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal documents obtained by KQED through a public records request show that officers wrote the incident up to make it look like Price posed an active threat, claiming that he’d “spun to his left, and lunged forward breaking free” of the escort and that “immediate force” was used “to overcome” resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after lengthy investigations by the FBI and CDCR, five officers and a sergeant would lose their jobs, and three of them would be convicted of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929335/former-new-folsom-officer-sentenced-to-more-than-12-years-in-federal-prison-for-inmates-death\">federal charges related to excessive force and efforts to cover up the truth about Price’s death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is exceedingly rare for officers to be disciplined for injuring people in California prisons, but Steele believed the Price cover-up was not an isolated incident. Over the next year, he reported at least two more incidents in which officers’ version of events failed to explain the severe injuries of the men he spoke to. Joel Uribe and Ramiro Navarro, independently made strikingly similar allegations in their use-of-force interviews with Steele: During separate escorts, officers had stopped in an area not covered by surveillance cameras and badly beat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please don’t think I’m exaggerating,” said Uribe, 50, who’s still in prison but no longer at New Folsom. “They really wanted to have me killed.” Uribe told KQED he was targeted because staff wrongly suspected that he had helped provoke an attack on an officer. Navarro, 56, said in a phone interview from prison that officers punched and hit him with a metal tool. He told Steele the last thing he remembered before he “passed out” was an officer kicking him in the head. Both men were in restraints for the escort, according to case documents, and denied provoking the officers’ assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-800x1029.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1029\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-800x1029.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1020x1312.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1194x1536.jpg 1194w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1592x2048.jpg 1592w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1920x2471.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-scaled.jpg 1990w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CDCR medical form indicating Ronnie Price’s injuries. Obtained from CDCR via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But an officer claimed in his report that Uribe “spun around” and struck out with a walking cane, at which point the officer used “immediate physical force to overcome resistance, subdue an attack and effect custody.” A supervisor wrote that after Navarro “aggressively swung his head” in an attempt to headbutt them, officers used “the minimal amount of physical force needed to place Navarro in a prone position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show that Uribe suffered a concussion, broken ribs, and a face laceration; he told KQED he still has hearing loss in one of his ears. Navarro’s ribs were also broken, and doctors inserted a chest tube to drain blood from around his lung, reports show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite internal investigations and formal complaints made by Uribe and Navarro, no officers were ever disciplined. Instead, documents show that both prisoners were written up for the incidents; each said they were sent to solitary confinement for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977062/4-foul-play-s2-new-folsom\">a dozen men who were incarcerated at New Folsom told KQED\u003c/a> that officers had used force as retaliation for causing trouble, submitting complaints or even attempting suicide, which triggers a protocol that means extra work for officers. Many of these men had filed formal grievances, but to little effect. Internal reports documenting serious use-of-force incidents at New Folsom from 2014 through 2021 show that, aside from the case involving Price, only one other incident resulted in discipline for an officer, who CDCR fired for using a prohibited chokehold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Steele, many CDCR employees chose not to speak up. Four current and former correctional officers — who asked KQED for anonymity because they feared for their job security or physical safety — said that it was well known that some officers would beat up incarcerated people. Each said they witnessed at least one of these beatings firsthand, but did not report misconduct due to fear of retaliation from their fellow officers or supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry that we were too fearful to do the right thing when we were there,” said one retired officer. “But to live under that kind of fear, I can’t explain to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8-DcbCqgpc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sgt. Kevin Steele conducted use-of-force interviews with incarcerated people; subjects’ faces were redacted by the agency. Edited from video footage obtained from CDCR via public records request. (Annie Fruit/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The rookie\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In late 2018, correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez walked into the ISU office for his first day on the job. Steele writes in his book that the 28-year-old was “fresh-faced and eager to overachieve.” Rodriguez had stopped by Adalberto’s Mexican Food that morning to pick up breakfast burritos for the whole team — an office tradition by which new members would gain acceptance into the squad. But as the morning wore on, the offering was ignored; to Steele this was a deliberate snub, and he’d see it as an omen of what was to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017605\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 683px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017605\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"683\" height=\"854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED.jpg 683w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 683px) 100vw, 683px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valentino Rodriguez Jr. with his mother Erma Rodriguez at his graduation from CDCR’s officer academy in Galt, California, May 1, 2015. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rodriguez family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers often wait years to get tapped for the squad. Rodriguez had earned kudos as a sharp report writer and a hard worker, but he was relatively inexperienced. Some in the unit thought he’d “skipped the line,” according to officers’ later testimony in a disciplinary hearing. They began calling Rodriguez “half-patch,” suggesting he hadn’t fully earned the special black and green badge of the ISU uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Steele welcomed the new guy. In his book, he describes thanking Rodriguez for the food that first day and taking an extra burrito home “so as not to waste his act of kindness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men worked in different divisions of the squad — Steele was in Criminal Prosecution while Rodriguez had been assigned to Security and Investigations — but Steele always had a positive word for the younger officer. “You inspire me!” Steele texted him on more than one occasion. Sometimes, on the weekends, they’d carpool to law enforcement seminars where they could brush up on the latest drug interdiction tools or California’s prison gangs. And Steele became a lifeline for Rodriguez when he needed advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the coldness from Rodriguez’s closest teammates soon turned to open hostility, according to KQED’s review of text messages in Rodriguez’s phone. One officer in particular, Daniel Garland, taunted him regularly. He called him “fag,” and told him to “sukadik” on a group chat. Garland did not agree to speak to KQED for this story, but his attorney said her client’s actions did not rise to the level of harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez’s direct supervisor, Sgt. David Anderson, who was on some of the text threads, did not intervene (Anderson later told investigators “I should have stepped in,” according to public documents). Rodriguez complained in a text to another officer that Anderson would bad-mouth Steele and other senior officers in front of his subordinates, and then threaten to throw Rodriguez off the squad if he said anything. Rodriguez told his fiancée, Mimy, that his supervisor once put his hands around Rodriguez’s neck and told him he could “make it look like an accident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson, who was promoted to lieutenant in 2022, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. He told investigators that he treated Rodriguez the same as everyone else, and did not believe the young officer had been offended by what he characterized as “banter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017604\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1005px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017604\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1005\" height=\"670\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED.jpg 1005w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1005px) 100vw, 1005px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodriguez in the office at his family’s business early in his career, dressed for work at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rodriguez family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CDCR has a “zero tolerance” policy for discriminatory language and harassment. But in reviewing 80 cases of officer discrimination going back to 2015, KQED found that misconduct rarely led to firing, even in instances that involved unwanted touching or threatening a subordinate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the violence and chaos of a maximum security prison, where trust is essential for officers’ safety, Rodriguez didn’t feel his team had his back. He complained to a friend over text that his colleagues refused to help him with an arrest, and that they disparaged him in front of prisoners; he said that the only person he trusted was Steele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele was only partially aware of what was going on with Rodriguez, but he later told investigators that he noticed his friend would duck into the bathroom nearly every day before his shift. When Steele asked if he was OK, Rodriguez confided that his stress was so intense he often had to vomit before he went into the ISU. Steele recalled Rodriguez saying, “They just never stop teasing me. They don’t ever stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rodriguez continued to seek his colleagues’ approval — texting the group about his efforts to lose weight or a big drug bust he pulled off. Rodriguez’s father, Valentino Rodriguez Sr., told KQED he now regrets raising his son to be so eager to please and quick to forgive.[aside postID=news_11973330 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/oow_webbanner0122.png']Much later, Rodriguez would tell prison leaders that — from small things like playing video games on duty to planting drugs and weapons on prisoners in order to claim overtime for a bust — his team had been rife with misconduct. But at the time, he said nothing of this to Steele or anyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez kept another secret, too. He had struggled with opioid addiction in college before successfully kicking the habit in rehab. Mimy said that sometime during his stint at New Folsom he relapsed. By late 2019, the relentless harassment by his peers and the everyday violence he witnessed inside the prison walls was starting to pile up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, just before the Christmas holiday, a brutal murder in the prison would help tip Rodriguez past his breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also shake Steele’s faith in the institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A killing in B8\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 12, 2019, 29-year-old Luis Giovanny Aguilar sat watching television in a common area of B8, a highly restricted unit reserved for people who were considered especially violent or dangerous. Aguilar — whose prison nickname was “Raskal” — had a reputation among officers for being “mouthy.” About a week earlier, on the way out of the shower back into the unit, he had kicked an officer in the chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On surveillance footage leaked to KQED, Aguilar appeared unbothered as a group of officers brought two other men out of their cells and chained them to individual desks — Cody Taylor, a white man with a tattoo down his face, and Anthony Rodriguez, a heavyset Latino man with glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1494px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1494\" height=\"753\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar.jpg 1494w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-800x403.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-1020x514.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-160x81.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1494px) 100vw, 1494px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis Giovanny Aguilar, chained to his chair inside a high-security unit at New Folsom prison just moments before his death on Dec. 12, 2019. This still shot is from CDCR security camera footage that was leaked to KQED.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This was supposed to be the most secure type of unit in the state. All the men had been strip-searched before stepping out of their cells. Their handcuffs were attached to a chain at their waists, and their feet were shackled together. Once seated, their ankles were also locked to the metal chairs they sat in. Overlooking the three men, a control booth officer sat behind a large window with a less lethal launcher, which fires foam rounds, and a deadly Mini-14 semi-automatic rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as the officers filed out of the room, Taylor and Anthony Rodriguez got to work on their cuffs with tiny metal tools they had smuggled past the guards. They quickly escaped their restraints, headed up the stairs and retrieved makeshift weapons from beneath a cell door. Then they ran back down the stairs and attacked Aguilar, stabbing his upper chest, torso and head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assault lasted more than a minute. The control booth officer fired a few foam rounds, one of which hit Taylor, but the projectiles did not stop the attack. By the time officers entered the unit with guns drawn, Aguilar was unresponsive on the floor. He was taken to the on-site medical unit where he was pronounced dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017602\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017602\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1020x713.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1536x1074.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-2048x1432.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1920x1342.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A makeshift knife that was used in the attempted murder that was carried out by Cody Taylor, Anthony Rodriguez and Dion Green two months before the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. This screenshot of CDCR’s evidence photograph was leaked to KQED.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That same day, another incarcerated man in the unit claimed responsibility for the murder. Self-described prison gang “shot-caller” Dion Green told investigators he’d ordered Anthony Rodriguez and Taylor to kill Aguilar because it was gang “business,” and passed them the weapons under the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the incident, Steele and Officer Rodriguez both had roles to play. Steele’s job was to help facilitate the prosecution of the three men. With Green’s confession and the whole thing caught on surveillance video, it appeared to be a straightforward case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something about the murder didn’t sit right with Steele. In his book, he describes poring over the video footage “from start to finish innumerable times” to try to understand how it had happened. Given the extensive security protocols in B8, this kind of attack should not have been possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An incarcerated person is cuffed at his ankles to a desk during a group therapy session at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. These are similar to the ankle restraints used in the B8 unit. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez, meanwhile, was assigned to write a report explaining the gang connections of the murder, and to attend the autopsy, which was gruesome. “Skull was full of blood,” he wrote in an update to Steele in which he detailed more than 50 stab wounds to Aguilar’s back, head and heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez had seen violence and death before, but the images of dead bodies from this and other autopsies were getting harder to shake off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017601\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017601\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/PHOTO-of-Val-Jr-reasons-to-leave-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of a redacted note saved on Valentino Rodriguez’s phone from January 2020, shortly before he took a leave of absence for work-related stress. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Valentino Rodriguez Sr.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to take this stuff home. It will feed the ghost,” he texted his supervisor, Anderson, in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his work had already crept into his home and relationship. Mimy was increasingly upset about the long hours Rodriguez worked at the prison, and how even after his shift he was often withdrawn, irritable or too tired to talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Valentino, we’re your family,” Mimy told him. “We love you. You know, if something happens to you, that job is just gonna replace you, but we can’t replace you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks after the B8 murder, Rodriguez walked into Steele’s office and announced he was resigning. In his book, Steele writes that he tried to convince the young officer to stay — he had too much talent to waste — but Rodriguez was adamant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the chief deputy warden convinced Rodriguez to take a leave of absence for work-related stress, according to public documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez returned home that day and sat down next to Mimy on their living room couch. Even though he hadn’t quit, he told her his career as a correctional officer was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my identity,” she remembers him saying. “I feel like I’ve given up on everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hints and allegations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steele had little time to ruminate on his friend’s absence. As the COVID-19 pandemic slammed into all aspects of prison life in spring of 2020, Steele was tasked with helping prisoners appear in court, which now took place over Zoom. This put him in regular contact with the three men who’d been charged with Aguilar’s murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele writes in his book that on separate occasions, as they waited for court to begin or some technical glitch to be resolved, both “shot-caller” Dion Green and Cody Taylor, one of the two stabbers, dropped hints that there was more to the murder than Steele knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men’s insinuations added to some troubling evidence Steele had already come across, according to his book. Just two months before the murder, the same three men had carried out an almost identical attack on another incarcerated man, nearly killing him; yet after that incident, the suspects hadn’t been put in separate housing, as CDCR protocol dictates. Given this violent history, officers should have been on high alert, yet Taylor and his co-assailant, Anthony Rodriguez, had again slipped their cuffs when they killed Aguilar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9SSuhezQmsM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis’ demonstration of the double-locking mechanism on the handcuffs that were generally used around the prisoners’ ankles, and how a ‘black box’ device works\u003c/i>. (Sukey Lewis and Maha Sanad/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was especially surprising to Steele because the men were wearing “black boxes” over their restraints — tamper-resistant hard plastic shells that cover the cuffs’ keyhole and, when applied properly, are nearly impossible to escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele also stumbled across an unusual incident while looking at archived surveillance footage: It showed Taylor loose in the B8 common room a week before the Aguilar murder, running up the stairs to retrieve something from beneath Green’s cell door. As Steele watched the video, he waited for officers to sound the alarm or enter the unit, but they didn’t. He notes in his book that this apparent “practice-run” wasn’t reported or documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Taylor, who’d already pleaded guilty to the murder, sent a letter to the warden making a stunning claim: Officers had played a role in the killing. Steele was assigned to follow up. In a recording of that interview, which was leaked to KQED, Taylor told Steele that B8 officers had agreed not to fully lock his and Anthony Rodriguez’s cuffs, allowing the men to circumvent the tamper-proof black boxes, and to instruct the control booth officer not to use deadly force. In Taylor’s telling, officers facilitated the attack on Aguilar because he had assaulted one of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tar6yJvCMpM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sgt. Kevin Steele interviewed Cody Taylor on July 3, 2020, about his allegations that officers enabled the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. This video was edited from CDCR footage that was leaked to KQED. (Annie Fruit/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Anthony Rodriguez did not agree to speak to Steele, Green did. In a recorded interview that was leaked to KQED, Green echoed Taylor’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Aguilar] would be alive today if it wasn’t for the assistance and\u003cbr>\nthe help of your staff,” Green told Steele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR stated that it is “working with outside law enforcement agencies on this case” and could not comment. In court filings, attorneys for CDCR staff members have denied allegations that officers were involved in the killing. An FBI agent said in a phone call last year that they were investigating the case, but a spokesperson declined to officially confirm or deny the agency’s involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele shared Taylor and Green’s allegations with New Folsom’s warden, Jeff Lynch, with the chief deputy warden, and with his own supervisor, according to correspondence that was leaked to KQED and obtained through public records requests. Steele also sent the videos of his interviews and suggested giving Taylor and Green polygraph tests. The warden thanked Steele and told him New Folsom’s internal affairs lieutenant, Brandon Strohmaier, “will be chatting with you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point, prison administrators forwarded these allegations to CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs in Sacramento, and to the FBI, which looks into allegations of civil rights abuses by law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But months passed, and Steele saw few signs that anyone had picked up the threads of his investigation. No one else came to interview Taylor or Green, and it appears no one followed up on Steele’s suggestion to polygraph them, according to documents, interviews with the men themselves and confidential sources familiar with the investigation. Early on, a handful of officers who were on duty the day of the murder were reassigned to the mailroom, but they weren’t suspended or banned from the facility (a way to limit officers’ access to the prison while they’re under criminal suspicion).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keys and handcuffs hang from the belt of a correctional officer in the Short Term Restricted Housing unit at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom prison, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs often moves slowly, but emails obtained by KQED show this case was uniquely delayed, and a special agent was not assigned until a year after the murder, according to a report by the inspector general of prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Steele started to feel the blowback for digging into the case. In his book, he describes being excluded from conversations in the ISU, and how, in the solitary unit where Taylor and Green were being held, officers who’d formerly been helpful began to display “agitation and unrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most disturbing to Steele was that Green’s and Taylor’s allegations, which he’d passed up the chain of command in confidence, began circulating among prisoners — a sign, he thought, that his fellow officers were trying to undermine his work and endanger Taylor and Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a leak coming from someone,” Steele wrote in a follow-up email to the warden. This time, Lynch’s response was even more laconic: “Thank u.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Superhero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While on leave, Valentino Rodriguez had been working for his dad at the family pool business, writing bids for installation and repair. Even though he was still a correctional officer on paper, he was trying to leave the world of the prison behind. But the long-term effects of his years at New Folsom persisted. He wrestled with mounting depression and anxiety. He sought help from a therapist, but had trouble sharing his struggles with those closest to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One afternoon that summer, Steele called. Rodriguez was at his dad’s house for a barbecue, and his father remembers that he disappeared for a couple of hours. He came back saying Steele had uncovered evidence that officers had a hand in the Aguilar murder, and that Steele had reported it up the chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re starting to treat him like they treated me,” Rodriguez Sr. remembers his son telling him. “He’s scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had also been encouraging Rodriguez to report the misconduct he’d witnessed, according to Mimy. But Rodriguez was nervous about what would happen to him and his family if he came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy said her fiancé became increasingly fearful and reluctant to leave the house even to walk their dogs. He placed obstacles next to the front door so he could hear anyone trying to get in. He slept with his gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is everything okay?” Mimy remembers asking him. “Who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” Rodriguez never said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy tried to distract him with planning their upcoming wedding. She felt if they could just get through this year, they’d be able to put New Folsom behind them and start a family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few weeks before the ceremony, Rodriguez started a casual text conversation with Strohmaier, the ISU’s internal affairs lieutenant, about his upcoming marriage and other personal matters. Then Rodriguez let loose with a series of long texts describing his misery in the squad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That team is broken,” he wrote. “There is shit they do, say, or don’t do that could cause everyone from the Warden down to get the boot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017958\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017958\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Lynch, warden at New Folsom prison, during a press tour on April 13, 2023. He is set to retire December 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear why Rodriguez chose this moment to share his grievances with the person who fielded internal complaints at New Folsom, but Strohmaier eventually forwarded the messages to the warden, who asked Rodriguez to come talk to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve days after his wedding, Rodriguez walked back through the gates of New Folsom to expose the brotherhood of officers he’d once protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Jeff Lynch would later testify that in this meeting, Rodriguez told him the ISU was a “dysfunctional environment” that had driven him from the job and ruined his health. He also warned Lynch that he’d seen ISU officers — the institution’s police — breaking the law by planting drugs and weapons to get overtime. Lynch testified that he’d listened intently, and then asked him to write up his allegations in a formal memo. Rodriguez said he’d think about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy said that when her new husband came home, he looked like a weight had been lifted. “He felt confident that the warden was going to help,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017597\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017597\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero.jpg 931w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photograph of final messages between Rodriguez and Steele just hours before Rodriguez’s death. Rodriguez did not seek medical treatment for the health issue he describes, so it is unclear what exactly happened. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Valentino Rodriguez Sr.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following week, while Lynch was still waiting for Rodriguez’s memo, he ordered a search of the ISU for the contraband Rodriguez had mentioned. According to Lynch’s testimony, the search didn’t turn up anything concerning. But it did have an effect — now, the whole team knew someone had talked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele texted Rodriguez the next day to show his support: “I appreciate, admire and respect you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just hope that i am not mentioned at all to anyone,”\u003cbr>\nRodriguez texted back. “It took a lot out of me to re-live the truth…So much pain and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude you are my superhero,” Steele responded. “Stay strong! I got you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rodriguez was already spiraling. That evening, while Mimy was at dinner with friends, Rodriguez texted her to say he’d heard from two people at New Folsom who knew about his meeting with the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means it’s out now that i told on the team,” he wrote. “Tomorrow they want me to write a memo and i don’t know what ima do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mimy got home an hour later, she saw a light coming from the guest bathroom. There she found her husband of 19 days slumped against the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s his job,” she told a responding police officer. “This is all because of his job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coroner’s report notes that drug paraphernalia was next to Rodriguez’s body and classifies his death as an accident. The report also describes the scene — a wedding photo of Rodriguez and Mimy on the mantle and a stack of gifts in the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele found out about Rodriguez’s death through social media reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his book, Steele compares Rodriguez to the New Testament figure Timothy, who was beaten to death by a pagan mob after speaking out against them. “In many ways,” he wrote, “young Valentino, like Timothy, would remain courageous and committed to the truth all the way till the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An altar made by Mimy Rodriguez for her late husband, Officer Valentino Rodriguez, sits on a shelf at her home in Sacramento on Nov. 6, 2023. Rodriguez loved ketchup and wore Giorgio Armani cologne. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Flight and fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial mass was held under a large oak tree at the Catholic grammar school in West Sacramento. Valentino Rodriguez Sr., weighed down by grief, noticed a trim man with piercing blue eyes making his way forward through the receiving line. While he’d heard a lot about Steele, this was the first time they’d met in person. As Rodriguez Sr. remembers, Steele grabbed his shoulders and said, “If you need me for anything, I can help you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the prison that day, Steele taped pictures of Rodriguez up in the window of his office. He wanted the officers who’d harassed his friend to know he held them responsible, Steele later told Rodriguez’s father. The squad, in turn, shunned Steele and went so far as to file a complaint against him, which didn’t go anywhere, according to public records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Lynch sent out an email forbidding anyone in the ISU from speaking to the Rodriguez family. Even though the move could have been preventive — in the event of an investigation into the harassment of Rodriguez, CDCR policy would not allow staff to talk about the case — Steele saw the directive as an attempt at self-protection. Adding to Steele’s disappointment, the warden never called Rodriguez’s family to offer condolences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Rodriguez Sr., heartbroken and craving answers, reached out to Steele with texts and photos of his son as a boy, Steele wrote back. The two men began texting and talking on the phone nearly every day — discovering their shared Christian faith, their love for antique cars and their sorrow over the loss of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez Sr. drew a direct line between his son’s overdose and New Folsom. In one of their telephone conversations, he even asked Steele if someone at the prison could have provided the fentanyl that killed him (KQED found no evidence to substantiate his concern). Steele urged Rodriguez Sr. to file a complaint with CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs and gave him a contact at the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valentino Rodriguez Sr. stands in a warehouse at his West Sacramento pool business on Nov. 30, 2023, where his son Valentino Rodriguez Jr. worked while on leave from New Folsom before his untimely death. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Steele told Rodriguez Sr. he could trust those agencies to do the right thing, his book reveals that he had his doubts. Years earlier, the Ronnie Price case had taught him that officers were capable of conspiracy and silence. The apathy he perceived in the wake of Aguilar’s homicide now appeared to be evidence of a dark and willful blindness. And the warden’s apparent focus on damage control rather than human suffering following a young officer’s death broke something inside him. Steele wondered if there were any limits to the corruption he felt closing in around him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili said that, though he tried to hide it from her, her husband was afraid. “He literally would open up the door and look around the corner,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele wasn’t the first whistleblower to feel like he had a target on his back. Over the years, officers who have reported misconduct have found “rat” written on their windshield, received threatening phone calls, been left with no backup in dangerous situations and even been followed home at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had come forward internally, but he’d also been in touch with the FBI, according to text messages given to KQED. He’d passed along evidence he’d gathered regarding Aguilar’s murder and shared his suspicions that officers were somehow culpable. Steele believed that without him, any potential federal investigation would have few witnesses. Steele told Rodriguez Sr. that he had no idea how far CDCR would go to keep him quiet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, Steele crafted an exit strategy. In January, he and Lili packed up their belongings and moved across the country to Miller County, Missouri, where Steele had spent time in the Air Force. His plan was to run through his vacation and sick days and then retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017594\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"2238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-800x700.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1020x892.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-160x140.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1536x1343.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-2048x1791.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1920x1679.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin Steele served in the US Air Force Reserve for 21 years before retiring as a master sergeant in April 2016. He deployed twice to Iraq and was commended for his service. \u003ccite>(US Air Force)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Steele couldn’t resist firing off a couple of parting shots at New Folsom’s warden and CDCR — two incendiary memos alleging in detail the mistreatment of incarcerated people and officers’ role in the Aguilar murder. He included Rodriguez’s claims about ISU misconduct, and questioned Warden Lynch’s actions as a leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing Lynch directly, he wrote: “You should consider the very likely possibility that during YOUR superintendence of [New Folsom], more staff will be charged for criminal activity than any other institution within the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month after Steele had left the state, a notice, which was leaked to KQED, was posted at the front gate of New Folsom: Sgt. Kevin Steele was banned from prison grounds. While he had no plans to return, it stung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was crushed,” Lili remembers. Steele told her, “I would have died for that department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had trouble adapting to his new life in the Ozarks. He applied for a couple jobs and interviewed well, but didn’t get them. Lili said he suspected someone at the prison had somehow interfered, though as far as she knew, prison officials still thought they were in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele still woke up before 4 a.m., but now he had nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My Thoughts’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On March 15, 2021, Steele sent Rodriguez Sr. a link to \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/the-prison-guard-who-couldnt-escape-prison\">a Buzzfeed article about a correctional officer at High Desert State Prison in Northern California who had reported misconduct\u003c/a>, only to find his colleagues turning on him. The officer was found dead by apparent suicide in 2011. Among some notes with messages for his family was one that read, “I told the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual number of suicides among CDCR’s 30,000 officers is unknown; the agency said it doesn’t track those deaths out of respect for employees’ privacy. But KQED has been able to confirm that at least 30 officers who had worked for CDCR died by suicide from 2020 through 2023. Steele dealt with this firsthand; he’d counseled an officer who was struggling with thoughts of suicide and even interrupted a prison employee trying to asphyxiate themselves in a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These badges represent the 30 CDCR correctional officers who took their own lives from 2020 through 2023. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to \u003ca href=\"https://gspp.berkeley.edu/research-and-impact/publications/officer-health-and-wellness-results-from-the-california-correctional-office\">a 2017 UC Berkeley survey of CDCR officers\u003c/a>, 1 in 10 said they had suicidal thoughts. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/71/ss/ss7101a1.htm\">more than twice the national average reported by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>. A CDCR spokesperson wrote in an email that the department is “committed to promoting the mental health and wellbeing” of its employees, who have access to a number of interventions and services including chaplains and therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele did speak to a chaplain, but, like a lot of officers, he was wary of mental health professionals, fearing that if he sought help the institution would use it against him. Instead, Lili said, her husband “self-medicated” with alcohol to get to sleep at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2021, Steele got some news that buoyed his spirits. Daniel Garland, one of the officers who’d mistreated Rodriguez, had been banned from the institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it seemed to Rodriguez Sr. and Steele that their efforts to hold someone accountable for Rodriguez’s death were finally starting to bear fruit. They expected to see more repercussions for everyone who’d harassed Rodriguez, or known about it and done nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED.jpg 1507w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The red storage shed where Sgt. Kevin Steele was found deceased on August 20, 2021. Photo obtained from the Sheriff’s Dept. in Miller County, Mo., via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Justice is beginning to simmer!” Steele texted Rodriguez Sr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But four months later, on Aug. 20, 2021, Steele called up Rodriguez Sr. in a rage. He’d just received a call from CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs to schedule an interview about the Aguilar murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had been 20 months since Aguilar was killed, over a year since Steele passed on evidence that officers might be involved, and eight months since Steele sent his explosive memo to the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez Sr. remembers Steele venting: “Why are they just wrapping this up? All of a sudden they’re in a hurry?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour later, a home security camera captured Steele walking out of his open garage. The footage, obtained by KQED through a public records request, shows him crossing the driveway toward his shed at 5:23 p.m. dressed in an orange T-shirt and shorts. He’s holding one end of a blue nylon rope in his hand. The other end of the rope is looped around his neck. He reaches the shed door and passes out of view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1246px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1246\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot.jpg 1246w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-160x95.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1246px) 100vw, 1246px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the note found on Steele’s computer. KQED redacted the names of the CDCR officials in Steele’s note to protect their privacy. Obtained from the Sheriff’s Dept. in Miller County, Mo. via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Lili found a document on the home computer titled “My Thoughts.” It read, in part:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lili is my angel, my light and my survivor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent reference to the time of day that Jesus died on the cross, he wrote, “I know what time it is … it is the 9th hour and no one is here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CDCR killed me, I told the truth and shielded the truth… These barbarians killed Valentino and I.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter included a list of names of CDCR officials he held responsible for his and his friend’s deaths. Under the list were the note’s final three words: “Cowards and Bandits!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Aftermath\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Steele’s death, CDCR internal affairs agents finally conducted their first interviews with the officers who had been implicated in the death of Luis Giovanny Aguilar — nearly two years after his murder. They never interviewed Green, the shot caller, or the men who stabbed Aguilar, according to a confidential source familiar with the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General (OIG), a state-level prison watchdog, rated the department’s handling of the case “poor.” In a report, the OIG faulted the agency for “unnecessary” delays and poor interview techniques “that failed to elicit the details of each officers’ involvement and knowledge of events and failed to ask follow-up questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report shows that CDCR ultimately sustained allegations that one officer failed to respond to alarms the day Aguilar was stabbed. The officer in the control booth was disciplined for not having his Mini-14 rifle on him during the attack. Each got a temporary 5% pay cut. A third officer was given the heaviest punishment, a temporary 10% pay cut, for recording the murder footage on his phone and sharing it with a colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017591\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED.jpg 898w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The last time that Luis Giovanny Aguilar saw his mother, Ma Rosario Zaragoza, in Tijuana, Mexico, 2018. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aguilar family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An ongoing lawsuit filed by Aguilar’s mother against Warden Lynch and the officers in the B8 unit alleges staff either conspired to kill her son, or at the very least failed to protect him. In court filings, lawyers for CDCR have denied that prison staff were involved in the homicide. The FBI declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garland, along with an officer who’d used the N-word and other derogatory language in the office, was fired. Two more ISU team members were given lengthy pay cuts for calling Rodriguez half-patch and failing to report misconduct; they both work at different prisons now. (All four officers have submitted appeals to state court, which are pending.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Folsom remains a violent place; four incarcerated people were killed at the prison this year, three at the hands of other prisoners, and one after being restrained by officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynch is retiring this month. Jason Schultz, who worked at New Folsom from 2008 through 2020, was named acting warden in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Steele’s suicide in 2021, CDCR has made some important changes; last year, Governor Gavin Newsom introduced the “California Model” of prison management, which borrows its ethos of reintegration and emotional well-being from the Norwegian approach to incarceration. Officers at certain prisons, including New Folsom, now wear body cameras. And CDCR put in place a new process for reviewing grievances against staff, which the department says will “ensure complaints are properly, fairly and thoroughly reviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, despite months of KQED’s attempts to get answers, no one from the agency would address the underlying question raised by the deaths of Steele and Rodriguez: How successful can any reforms be if officers remain afraid to report misconduct, and if the few who come forward risk being marginalized and ignored?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Uncontestable’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When a person in state custody takes their own life, an independent panel reviews the circumstances and makes a determination about how it could have been prevented. But there is no such accounting of the circumstances surrounding officer suicides. In a 2023 interview, Stephen Walker, who advocates for mental health resources on behalf of the correctional officers’ union, told KQED that if these deaths were happening in any other occupation, “there would be a mass public outcry calling for an investigation into what is happening and what is at the root of this many people losing their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mimy Rodriguez holds a framed wedding photo of herself and her late husband, Officer Valentino Rodriguez, at her home in Sacramento, Calif., on Nov. 6, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Rodriguez and Steele died, the state insurance fund sent each of their widows instructions on how to receive survivor benefits. There were two options: The simpler path was to sign a form stating that the men’s deaths were unrelated to their jobs. Neither woman could bring herself to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternative was to argue that their husbands had died as a direct result of working in the prison. Initially, those claims were denied, and Lili and Mimy had to go through the painful process of documenting their husbands’ decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A doctor who reviewed Rodriguez’s medical records on behalf of the state found that his drug use was related to depression, anxiety and panic attacks stemming from his job at New Folsom. “This claim appears to be uncontestable,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy Rodriguez cried when she received a letter from the state saying that her husband’s death “was the result of his employment” at New Folsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili Steele’s claim was also granted: A workers’ compensation review of Steele’s writings and an interview with Lili found that psychological strain from his job at the prison contributed to his suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim, Lili said, was her way of saying, “I know what you people did to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling with suicidal thoughts, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is a collaboration between KQED, the \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">California Reporting Project\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom\">California Newsroom\u003c/a>, and was made possible in part by support from \u003ca href=\"https://www.calendow.org\">The California Endowment\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lead editor: \u003ca href=\"https://www.markbetancourt.com/\">Mark Betancourt\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data analysis: Amanda Glazer, PhD Candidate at UC Berkeley Statistics; Jeremy Sanchez Rue, Associate Professor of Practice at UC Berkeley Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional research by students at \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>: Julietta Bisharyan, Laura Fitzgerald, William Jenkins, Cayla Mihalovich, Armon Owlia, Kathleen Quinn, Elizabeth Santos, Vera Watt and Junyao Yang. Additional support from UC Berkeley Journalism’s David Barstow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "'How to Kill a Cop': Death, Despair and Corruption in California's Most Violent Prison | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Warning: This story contains graphic language, and descriptions of violence and suicide. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen Lili Steele got home from work on that hot, humid evening in August 2021, she expected to find her husband, Sgt. Kevin Steele, sitting at his desk working on his book. The couple had moved to a rural area near Missouri’s Lake of the Ozarks after Steele had taken a leave of absence from his job as an investigator in a high-security prison in Folsom, California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing the book, Lili said, “was his new job.” The manuscript chronicled Steele’s decade at the prison, where he had become increasingly frustrated with a system he came to see as corrupt and antithetical to his deep Christian faith. His project had an ominous working title: \u003cem>The Thin Line Blurs…How to Kill a Cop…Betrayal\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the 56-year-old wasn’t at his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili called Steele’s phone and found it ringing on the kitchen counter. She started to panic; she knew her husband had been struggling. Months earlier, he’d told her that he was haunted by a “trailer of dead people.” Some were soldiers he’d served alongside in Iraq who hadn’t made it home. The rest were from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/sac/\">California State Prison, Sacramento\u003c/a>, known colloquially as New Folsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was Ronnie Price, the 65-year-old whose arms were shackled behind his back when correctional officers slammed him to the ground, fatally injuring him. There was Luis Giovanny Aguilar, the young man who’d been stabbed to death by two other incarcerated men in full view of officers. Finally, and perhaps most painfully, there was his friend, officer Valentino Rodriguez Jr., who’d died of a fentanyl overdose six days after blowing the whistle on fellow officers for alleged misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kevin, you didn’t kill those people, you tried to help,” Lili remembers telling her husband. “You followed the protocol, the chain of command. You told the people in charge. It’s up to them to carry the ball now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After searching the house, Lili walked from the open garage across their driveway to a red storage shed. That’s where she found her husband already dead. Steele had hanged himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recording of the 911 call, the dispatcher can be heard asking Lili if her husband had been sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No,” she sobbed. “He’s been dealing with a lot of stuff from his work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considered in isolation, Steele’s suicide might have been chalked up to one man’s struggle, but the timing — less than a year after the death of his friend Rodriguez, who worked in the same elite unit — points at something larger. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">A multiyear KQED investigation and an eight-part podcast called On Our Watch\u003c/a> found a persistent code of silence among New Folsom officers that went largely unchecked by prison leadership and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). An exclusive analysis of hundreds of internal use-of-force records, dozens of leaked documents and videos, and interviews with current and former CDCR officers revealed a culture of cover-ups that enabled the abuse of incarcerated people, officer-on-officer harassment and at least two homicides at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017610\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/020_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An armed correctional officer looks from a window of the Short Term Restricted Housing (STRH) unit entrance at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson said in an email that CDCR “maintains a zero-tolerance policy on code of silence” and that the agency “is fundamentally reforming its approach to addressing allegations of staff misconduct to enhance staff accountability and improve transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year and a half the agency declined KQED’s multiple requests to interview New Folsom’s outgoing warden, Jeff Lynch, and the head of the agency, Secretary Jeff Macomber, who served as the warden there from 2013 to 2016. The agency also did not respond to a request to speak with Jason Schultz, who was appointed acting warden in November. CDCR representatives have repeatedly declined to answer questions about the high rate of use of force at New Folsom. They said they could not comment on specific allegations made by Steele and Rodriguez before their deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a trove of written and recorded materials left behind by the two officers and obtained by KQED details their fear of retribution and sense of despair as they tried to expose misconduct in their institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Outlier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steele started off as a true believer. Hired by CDCR in 2001, he was initially assigned to San Quentin before transferring to New Folsom in 2008. Sprawled along the American River just outside Sacramento, the prison houses about 2,200 people, many of whom have mental health needs or have been convicted of the most serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working as a correctional officer appealed to the sense of duty and service Steele had enjoyed in his Air Force career, while also promising good benefits and opportunities for advancement. The sergeant’s brother, Michael, said he liked to claim that nobody “worked harder than a Steele.” If his shift started at five in the morning, he’d arrive at four. Each day on his way into New Folsom, Steele walked past the Gothic green tower of the adjoining old Folsom prison (made famous by Johnny Cash) carrying his lunch in a clear plastic bag through the checkpoint of the newer facility. Once he clocked in, “he didn’t stop moving,” said Steele’s colleague, retired correctional officer Annette Eichhorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison leadership entrusted Steele with a lot of responsibilities, from drug testing officers to leading annual trainings. In 2015, he was promoted to prosecution coordinator in the Investigative Services Unit (ISU). Known among officers and incarcerated people as the “squad,” the specialized team serves as the police force for the prison, investigating crimes committed by prisoners and complaints against staff, including for excessive use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017609\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The East Gate of old Folsom Prison in Sacramento, where Johnny Cash played in 1968. New Folsom, which was initially administered by old Folsom’s warden, opened in 1986. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers can lawfully use their hands, batons and even the weight of their bodies to subdue prisoners who resist, or ignore their commands. They can deploy less lethal weapons like pepper spray and foam bullets to stop fights or break up riots. If someone’s life is in danger, officers can respond with deadly force. In general, force has to be proportional to the threat, and cannot be used after a threat has been subdued, or as retaliation or punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even among high-security prisons, where violent encounters with staff are most common, New Folsom stands out: It had the highest overall use-of-force rate of any California state prison from 2009 through 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/jrssig/article-abstract/21/5/16/7803753?redirectedFrom=fulltext\">according to an in-depth analysis of CDCR reports published by researchers\u003c/a> at University of California, Berkeley, in partnership with KQED. CDCR has not yet posted all the data for this year, but numbers released so far show that use-of-force rates at New Folsom remain the highest in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/HT2gx/8/\" width=\"800\" height=\"580\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Folsom has been even more of an outlier when it comes to the most serious cases — those in which officers use deadly force or badly injure incarcerated people. KQED’s exclusive analysis of investigative records from 2014 through 2019 revealed that New Folsom had three times as many of these cases as any other prison in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/GLkYl/9/\" width=\"800\" height=\"900\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson told KQED last year that she took issue with KQED’s analysis of general use-of-force data, but the agency did not respond to further detailed requests for clarification and questions regarding these findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Jeff Lynch appeared unaware of an unusual level of officer violence at New Folsom. Asked about it during a media tour of the facility in April 2023, he said use-of-force rates at his prison were “probably pretty similar” to other high-security facilities in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But over the years, Steele had raised grave concerns about officer violence to prison leadership. It was part of his job to collect the statements of prisoners who’d been injured by guards, and he’d noticed a troubling pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017606\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017606\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/187_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An officer escorts a prisoner to a cell in the Short Term Restricted Housing unit at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>A cover-up\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 16, 2016, Steele interviewed 65-year-old Ronnie Price as he lay handcuffed on a gurney in the hallway of the UC Davis Medical Center with visible trauma to his face that included missing teeth and a broken jaw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his unfinished book, Steele wrote that he expected to find a “combative, disruptive and quarrelsome inmate,” but instead found Price “pleasant and amicable.” Steele recalled Price telling him that officers had tried to force him to move to the cell of an active gang member, which Price feared would mean trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recording of the interview acquired by KQED, Price told Steele that during the escort he passively resisted officers, who then shackled his feet together. His hands were already chained behind his back. As they walked him through the rotunda of the housing unit — an area not covered by surveillance cameras — Price said an officer stepped on the chain between his ankles, causing him to fall face-first onto the cement floor. Price told Steele that as he raised his head to spit out his bloody teeth, “Somebody grabbed my head and slammed it into the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017608\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-12017608\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1020x1275.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED-1228x1536.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-KQED.jpg 1374w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Prison portrait of Ronnie Price, who died in 2016 as a result of injuries caused by correctional staff. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Price family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Price died of a pulmonary embolism related to his injuries, according to the coroner’s report. Steele attended the autopsy and then contacted his bosses. “I was very specific when I advised the administration and my supervisor that I believed that staff were responsible for the death of Inmate Price,” he writes in his book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internal documents obtained by KQED through a public records request show that officers wrote the incident up to make it look like Price posed an active threat, claiming that he’d “spun to his left, and lunged forward breaking free” of the escort and that “immediate force” was used “to overcome” resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after lengthy investigations by the FBI and CDCR, five officers and a sergeant would lose their jobs, and three of them would be convicted of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929335/former-new-folsom-officer-sentenced-to-more-than-12-years-in-federal-prison-for-inmates-death\">federal charges related to excessive force and efforts to cover up the truth about Price’s death\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is exceedingly rare for officers to be disciplined for injuring people in California prisons, but Steele believed the Price cover-up was not an isolated incident. Over the next year, he reported at least two more incidents in which officers’ version of events failed to explain the severe injuries of the men he spoke to. Joel Uribe and Ramiro Navarro, independently made strikingly similar allegations in their use-of-force interviews with Steele: During separate escorts, officers had stopped in an area not covered by surveillance cameras and badly beat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please don’t think I’m exaggerating,” said Uribe, 50, who’s still in prison but no longer at New Folsom. “They really wanted to have me killed.” Uribe told KQED he was targeted because staff wrongly suspected that he had helped provoke an attack on an officer. Navarro, 56, said in a phone interview from prison that officers punched and hit him with a metal tool. He told Steele the last thing he remembered before he “passed out” was an officer kicking him in the head. Both men were in restraints for the escort, according to case documents, and denied provoking the officers’ assaults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017607\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-800x1029.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1029\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-800x1029.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1020x1312.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1194x1536.jpg 1194w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1592x2048.jpg 1592w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-1920x2471.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-Ronnie-Price-7219-Form-KQED-scaled.jpg 1990w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CDCR medical form indicating Ronnie Price’s injuries. Obtained from CDCR via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But an officer claimed in his report that Uribe “spun around” and struck out with a walking cane, at which point the officer used “immediate physical force to overcome resistance, subdue an attack and effect custody.” A supervisor wrote that after Navarro “aggressively swung his head” in an attempt to headbutt them, officers used “the minimal amount of physical force needed to place Navarro in a prone position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Documents show that Uribe suffered a concussion, broken ribs, and a face laceration; he told KQED he still has hearing loss in one of his ears. Navarro’s ribs were also broken, and doctors inserted a chest tube to drain blood from around his lung, reports show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite internal investigations and formal complaints made by Uribe and Navarro, no officers were ever disciplined. Instead, documents show that both prisoners were written up for the incidents; each said they were sent to solitary confinement for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977062/4-foul-play-s2-new-folsom\">a dozen men who were incarcerated at New Folsom told KQED\u003c/a> that officers had used force as retaliation for causing trouble, submitting complaints or even attempting suicide, which triggers a protocol that means extra work for officers. Many of these men had filed formal grievances, but to little effect. Internal reports documenting serious use-of-force incidents at New Folsom from 2014 through 2021 show that, aside from the case involving Price, only one other incident resulted in discipline for an officer, who CDCR fired for using a prohibited chokehold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Steele, many CDCR employees chose not to speak up. Four current and former correctional officers — who asked KQED for anonymity because they feared for their job security or physical safety — said that it was well known that some officers would beat up incarcerated people. Each said they witnessed at least one of these beatings firsthand, but did not report misconduct due to fear of retaliation from their fellow officers or supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry that we were too fearful to do the right thing when we were there,” said one retired officer. “But to live under that kind of fear, I can’t explain to you.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/d8-DcbCqgpc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/d8-DcbCqgpc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Sgt. Kevin Steele conducted use-of-force interviews with incarcerated people; subjects’ faces were redacted by the agency. Edited from video footage obtained from CDCR via public records request. (Annie Fruit/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The rookie\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In late 2018, correctional officer Valentino Rodriguez walked into the ISU office for his first day on the job. Steele writes in his book that the 28-year-old was “fresh-faced and eager to overachieve.” Rodriguez had stopped by Adalberto’s Mexican Food that morning to pick up breakfast burritos for the whole team — an office tradition by which new members would gain acceptance into the squad. But as the morning wore on, the offering was ignored; to Steele this was a deliberate snub, and he’d see it as an omen of what was to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017605\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 683px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017605\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"683\" height=\"854\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED.jpg 683w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-04-KQED-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 683px) 100vw, 683px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valentino Rodriguez Jr. with his mother Erma Rodriguez at his graduation from CDCR’s officer academy in Galt, California, May 1, 2015. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rodriguez family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officers often wait years to get tapped for the squad. Rodriguez had earned kudos as a sharp report writer and a hard worker, but he was relatively inexperienced. Some in the unit thought he’d “skipped the line,” according to officers’ later testimony in a disciplinary hearing. They began calling Rodriguez “half-patch,” suggesting he hadn’t fully earned the special black and green badge of the ISU uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Steele welcomed the new guy. In his book, he describes thanking Rodriguez for the food that first day and taking an extra burrito home “so as not to waste his act of kindness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men worked in different divisions of the squad — Steele was in Criminal Prosecution while Rodriguez had been assigned to Security and Investigations — but Steele always had a positive word for the younger officer. “You inspire me!” Steele texted him on more than one occasion. Sometimes, on the weekends, they’d carpool to law enforcement seminars where they could brush up on the latest drug interdiction tools or California’s prison gangs. And Steele became a lifeline for Rodriguez when he needed advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the coldness from Rodriguez’s closest teammates soon turned to open hostility, according to KQED’s review of text messages in Rodriguez’s phone. One officer in particular, Daniel Garland, taunted him regularly. He called him “fag,” and told him to “sukadik” on a group chat. Garland did not agree to speak to KQED for this story, but his attorney said her client’s actions did not rise to the level of harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez’s direct supervisor, Sgt. David Anderson, who was on some of the text threads, did not intervene (Anderson later told investigators “I should have stepped in,” according to public documents). Rodriguez complained in a text to another officer that Anderson would bad-mouth Steele and other senior officers in front of his subordinates, and then threaten to throw Rodriguez off the squad if he said anything. Rodriguez told his fiancée, Mimy, that his supervisor once put his hands around Rodriguez’s neck and told him he could “make it look like an accident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson, who was promoted to lieutenant in 2022, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. He told investigators that he treated Rodriguez the same as everyone else, and did not believe the young officer had been offended by what he characterized as “banter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017604\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1005px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017604\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1005\" height=\"670\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED.jpg 1005w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-VALENTINO-RODRIGUEZ-JR-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1005px) 100vw, 1005px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rodriguez in the office at his family’s business early in his career, dressed for work at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Rodriguez family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CDCR has a “zero tolerance” policy for discriminatory language and harassment. But in reviewing 80 cases of officer discrimination going back to 2015, KQED found that misconduct rarely led to firing, even in instances that involved unwanted touching or threatening a subordinate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid the violence and chaos of a maximum security prison, where trust is essential for officers’ safety, Rodriguez didn’t feel his team had his back. He complained to a friend over text that his colleagues refused to help him with an arrest, and that they disparaged him in front of prisoners; he said that the only person he trusted was Steele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele was only partially aware of what was going on with Rodriguez, but he later told investigators that he noticed his friend would duck into the bathroom nearly every day before his shift. When Steele asked if he was OK, Rodriguez confided that his stress was so intense he often had to vomit before he went into the ISU. Steele recalled Rodriguez saying, “They just never stop teasing me. They don’t ever stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rodriguez continued to seek his colleagues’ approval — texting the group about his efforts to lose weight or a big drug bust he pulled off. Rodriguez’s father, Valentino Rodriguez Sr., told KQED he now regrets raising his son to be so eager to please and quick to forgive.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Much later, Rodriguez would tell prison leaders that — from small things like playing video games on duty to planting drugs and weapons on prisoners in order to claim overtime for a bust — his team had been rife with misconduct. But at the time, he said nothing of this to Steele or anyone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez kept another secret, too. He had struggled with opioid addiction in college before successfully kicking the habit in rehab. Mimy said that sometime during his stint at New Folsom he relapsed. By late 2019, the relentless harassment by his peers and the everyday violence he witnessed inside the prison walls was starting to pile up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, just before the Christmas holiday, a brutal murder in the prison would help tip Rodriguez past his breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also shake Steele’s faith in the institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A killing in B8\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Dec. 12, 2019, 29-year-old Luis Giovanny Aguilar sat watching television in a common area of B8, a highly restricted unit reserved for people who were considered especially violent or dangerous. Aguilar — whose prison nickname was “Raskal” — had a reputation among officers for being “mouthy.” About a week earlier, on the way out of the shower back into the unit, he had kicked an officer in the chest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On surveillance footage leaked to KQED, Aguilar appeared unbothered as a group of officers brought two other men out of their cells and chained them to individual desks — Cody Taylor, a white man with a tattoo down his face, and Anthony Rodriguez, a heavyset Latino man with glasses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1494px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1494\" height=\"753\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar.jpg 1494w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-800x403.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-1020x514.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/10_05_08.95Aguilar-160x81.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1494px) 100vw, 1494px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis Giovanny Aguilar, chained to his chair inside a high-security unit at New Folsom prison just moments before his death on Dec. 12, 2019. This still shot is from CDCR security camera footage that was leaked to KQED.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This was supposed to be the most secure type of unit in the state. All the men had been strip-searched before stepping out of their cells. Their handcuffs were attached to a chain at their waists, and their feet were shackled together. Once seated, their ankles were also locked to the metal chairs they sat in. Overlooking the three men, a control booth officer sat behind a large window with a less lethal launcher, which fires foam rounds, and a deadly Mini-14 semi-automatic rifle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as the officers filed out of the room, Taylor and Anthony Rodriguez got to work on their cuffs with tiny metal tools they had smuggled past the guards. They quickly escaped their restraints, headed up the stairs and retrieved makeshift weapons from beneath a cell door. Then they ran back down the stairs and attacked Aguilar, stabbing his upper chest, torso and head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assault lasted more than a minute. The control booth officer fired a few foam rounds, one of which hit Taylor, but the projectiles did not stop the attack. By the time officers entered the unit with guns drawn, Aguilar was unresponsive on the floor. He was taken to the on-site medical unit where he was pronounced dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017602\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017602\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1020x713.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1536x1074.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-2048x1432.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_3947-Tinkerbell-1920x1342.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A makeshift knife that was used in the attempted murder that was carried out by Cody Taylor, Anthony Rodriguez and Dion Green two months before the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. This screenshot of CDCR’s evidence photograph was leaked to KQED.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That same day, another incarcerated man in the unit claimed responsibility for the murder. Self-described prison gang “shot-caller” Dion Green told investigators he’d ordered Anthony Rodriguez and Taylor to kill Aguilar because it was gang “business,” and passed them the weapons under the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the incident, Steele and Officer Rodriguez both had roles to play. Steele’s job was to help facilitate the prosecution of the three men. With Green’s confession and the whole thing caught on surveillance video, it appeared to be a straightforward case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something about the murder didn’t sit right with Steele. In his book, he describes poring over the video footage “from start to finish innumerable times” to try to understand how it had happened. Given the extensive security protocols in B8, this kind of attack should not have been possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/046_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An incarcerated person is cuffed at his ankles to a desk during a group therapy session at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom, on April 13, 2023. These are similar to the ankle restraints used in the B8 unit. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez, meanwhile, was assigned to write a report explaining the gang connections of the murder, and to attend the autopsy, which was gruesome. “Skull was full of blood,” he wrote in an update to Steele in which he detailed more than 50 stab wounds to Aguilar’s back, head and heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez had seen violence and death before, but the images of dead bodies from this and other autopsies were getting harder to shake off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017601\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017601\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/PHOTO-of-Val-Jr-reasons-to-leave-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of a redacted note saved on Valentino Rodriguez’s phone from January 2020, shortly before he took a leave of absence for work-related stress. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Valentino Rodriguez Sr.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to take this stuff home. It will feed the ghost,” he texted his supervisor, Anderson, in early January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his work had already crept into his home and relationship. Mimy was increasingly upset about the long hours Rodriguez worked at the prison, and how even after his shift he was often withdrawn, irritable or too tired to talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Valentino, we’re your family,” Mimy told him. “We love you. You know, if something happens to you, that job is just gonna replace you, but we can’t replace you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks after the B8 murder, Rodriguez walked into Steele’s office and announced he was resigning. In his book, Steele writes that he tried to convince the young officer to stay — he had too much talent to waste — but Rodriguez was adamant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the chief deputy warden convinced Rodriguez to take a leave of absence for work-related stress, according to public documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez returned home that day and sat down next to Mimy on their living room couch. Even though he hadn’t quit, he told her his career as a correctional officer was over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is my identity,” she remembers him saying. “I feel like I’ve given up on everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hints and allegations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steele had little time to ruminate on his friend’s absence. As the COVID-19 pandemic slammed into all aspects of prison life in spring of 2020, Steele was tasked with helping prisoners appear in court, which now took place over Zoom. This put him in regular contact with the three men who’d been charged with Aguilar’s murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele writes in his book that on separate occasions, as they waited for court to begin or some technical glitch to be resolved, both “shot-caller” Dion Green and Cody Taylor, one of the two stabbers, dropped hints that there was more to the murder than Steele knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The men’s insinuations added to some troubling evidence Steele had already come across, according to his book. Just two months before the murder, the same three men had carried out an almost identical attack on another incarcerated man, nearly killing him; yet after that incident, the suspects hadn’t been put in separate housing, as CDCR protocol dictates. Given this violent history, officers should have been on high alert, yet Taylor and his co-assailant, Anthony Rodriguez, had again slipped their cuffs when they killed Aguilar.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9SSuhezQmsM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9SSuhezQmsM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">Criminal justice reporter Sukey Lewis’ demonstration of the double-locking mechanism on the handcuffs that were generally used around the prisoners’ ankles, and how a ‘black box’ device works\u003c/i>. (Sukey Lewis and Maha Sanad/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was especially surprising to Steele because the men were wearing “black boxes” over their restraints — tamper-resistant hard plastic shells that cover the cuffs’ keyhole and, when applied properly, are nearly impossible to escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele also stumbled across an unusual incident while looking at archived surveillance footage: It showed Taylor loose in the B8 common room a week before the Aguilar murder, running up the stairs to retrieve something from beneath Green’s cell door. As Steele watched the video, he waited for officers to sound the alarm or enter the unit, but they didn’t. He notes in his book that this apparent “practice-run” wasn’t reported or documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Taylor, who’d already pleaded guilty to the murder, sent a letter to the warden making a stunning claim: Officers had played a role in the killing. Steele was assigned to follow up. In a recording of that interview, which was leaked to KQED, Taylor told Steele that B8 officers had agreed not to fully lock his and Anthony Rodriguez’s cuffs, allowing the men to circumvent the tamper-proof black boxes, and to instruct the control booth officer not to use deadly force. In Taylor’s telling, officers facilitated the attack on Aguilar because he had assaulted one of their own.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/tar6yJvCMpM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/tar6yJvCMpM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Sgt. Kevin Steele interviewed Cody Taylor on July 3, 2020, about his allegations that officers enabled the murder of Luis Giovanny Aguilar. This video was edited from CDCR footage that was leaked to KQED. (Annie Fruit/KQED)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Anthony Rodriguez did not agree to speak to Steele, Green did. In a recorded interview that was leaked to KQED, Green echoed Taylor’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Aguilar] would be alive today if it wasn’t for the assistance and\u003cbr>\nthe help of your staff,” Green told Steele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR stated that it is “working with outside law enforcement agencies on this case” and could not comment. In court filings, attorneys for CDCR staff members have denied allegations that officers were involved in the killing. An FBI agent said in a phone call last year that they were investigating the case, but a spokesperson declined to officially confirm or deny the agency’s involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele shared Taylor and Green’s allegations with New Folsom’s warden, Jeff Lynch, with the chief deputy warden, and with his own supervisor, according to correspondence that was leaked to KQED and obtained through public records requests. Steele also sent the videos of his interviews and suggested giving Taylor and Green polygraph tests. The warden thanked Steele and told him New Folsom’s internal affairs lieutenant, Brandon Strohmaier, “will be chatting with you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some point, prison administrators forwarded these allegations to CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs in Sacramento, and to the FBI, which looks into allegations of civil rights abuses by law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But months passed, and Steele saw few signs that anyone had picked up the threads of his investigation. No one else came to interview Taylor or Green, and it appears no one followed up on Steele’s suggestion to polygraph them, according to documents, interviews with the men themselves and confidential sources familiar with the investigation. Early on, a handful of officers who were on duty the day of the murder were reassigned to the mailroom, but they weren’t suspended or banned from the facility (a way to limit officers’ access to the prison while they’re under criminal suspicion).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/214_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keys and handcuffs hang from the belt of a correctional officer in the Short Term Restricted Housing unit at California State Prison, Sacramento, also known as New Folsom prison, on April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs often moves slowly, but emails obtained by KQED show this case was uniquely delayed, and a special agent was not assigned until a year after the murder, according to a report by the inspector general of prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Steele started to feel the blowback for digging into the case. In his book, he describes being excluded from conversations in the ISU, and how, in the solitary unit where Taylor and Green were being held, officers who’d formerly been helpful began to display “agitation and unrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most disturbing to Steele was that Green’s and Taylor’s allegations, which he’d passed up the chain of command in confidence, began circulating among prisoners — a sign, he thought, that his fellow officers were trying to undermine his work and endanger Taylor and Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a leak coming from someone,” Steele wrote in a follow-up email to the warden. This time, Lynch’s response was even more laconic: “Thank u.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Superhero\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While on leave, Valentino Rodriguez had been working for his dad at the family pool business, writing bids for installation and repair. Even though he was still a correctional officer on paper, he was trying to leave the world of the prison behind. But the long-term effects of his years at New Folsom persisted. He wrestled with mounting depression and anxiety. He sought help from a therapist, but had trouble sharing his struggles with those closest to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One afternoon that summer, Steele called. Rodriguez was at his dad’s house for a barbecue, and his father remembers that he disappeared for a couple of hours. He came back saying Steele had uncovered evidence that officers had a hand in the Aguilar murder, and that Steele had reported it up the chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re starting to treat him like they treated me,” Rodriguez Sr. remembers his son telling him. “He’s scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had also been encouraging Rodriguez to report the misconduct he’d witnessed, according to Mimy. But Rodriguez was nervous about what would happen to him and his family if he came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy said her fiancé became increasingly fearful and reluctant to leave the house even to walk their dogs. He placed obstacles next to the front door so he could hear anyone trying to get in. He slept with his gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is everything okay?” Mimy remembers asking him. “Who are you nervous about coming? What is going on?” Rodriguez never said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy tried to distract him with planning their upcoming wedding. She felt if they could just get through this year, they’d be able to put New Folsom behind them and start a family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a few weeks before the ceremony, Rodriguez started a casual text conversation with Strohmaier, the ISU’s internal affairs lieutenant, about his upcoming marriage and other personal matters. Then Rodriguez let loose with a series of long texts describing his misery in the squad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That team is broken,” he wrote. “There is shit they do, say, or don’t do that could cause everyone from the Warden down to get the boot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017958\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017958\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/230_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Lynch, warden at New Folsom prison, during a press tour on April 13, 2023. He is set to retire December 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear why Rodriguez chose this moment to share his grievances with the person who fielded internal complaints at New Folsom, but Strohmaier eventually forwarded the messages to the warden, who asked Rodriguez to come talk to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve days after his wedding, Rodriguez walked back through the gates of New Folsom to expose the brotherhood of officers he’d once protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Jeff Lynch would later testify that in this meeting, Rodriguez told him the ISU was a “dysfunctional environment” that had driven him from the job and ruined his health. He also warned Lynch that he’d seen ISU officers — the institution’s police — breaking the law by planting drugs and weapons to get overtime. Lynch testified that he’d listened intently, and then asked him to write up his allegations in a formal memo. Rodriguez said he’d think about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy said that when her new husband came home, he looked like a weight had been lifted. “He felt confident that the warden was going to help,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017597\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017597\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/super-hero.jpg 931w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photograph of final messages between Rodriguez and Steele just hours before Rodriguez’s death. Rodriguez did not seek medical treatment for the health issue he describes, so it is unclear what exactly happened. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Valentino Rodriguez Sr.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following week, while Lynch was still waiting for Rodriguez’s memo, he ordered a search of the ISU for the contraband Rodriguez had mentioned. According to Lynch’s testimony, the search didn’t turn up anything concerning. But it did have an effect — now, the whole team knew someone had talked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele texted Rodriguez the next day to show his support: “I appreciate, admire and respect you!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just hope that i am not mentioned at all to anyone,”\u003cbr>\nRodriguez texted back. “It took a lot out of me to re-live the truth…So much pain and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dude you are my superhero,” Steele responded. “Stay strong! I got you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rodriguez was already spiraling. That evening, while Mimy was at dinner with friends, Rodriguez texted her to say he’d heard from two people at New Folsom who knew about his meeting with the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means it’s out now that i told on the team,” he wrote. “Tomorrow they want me to write a memo and i don’t know what ima do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mimy got home an hour later, she saw a light coming from the guest bathroom. There she found her husband of 19 days slumped against the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s his job,” she told a responding police officer. “This is all because of his job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The coroner’s report notes that drug paraphernalia was next to Rodriguez’s body and classifies his death as an accident. The report also describes the scene — a wedding photo of Rodriguez and Mimy on the mantle and a stack of gifts in the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele found out about Rodriguez’s death through social media reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his book, Steele compares Rodriguez to the New Testament figure Timothy, who was beaten to death by a pagan mob after speaking out against them. “In many ways,” he wrote, “young Valentino, like Timothy, would remain courageous and committed to the truth all the way till the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An altar made by Mimy Rodriguez for her late husband, Officer Valentino Rodriguez, sits on a shelf at her home in Sacramento on Nov. 6, 2023. Rodriguez loved ketchup and wore Giorgio Armani cologne. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Flight and fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial mass was held under a large oak tree at the Catholic grammar school in West Sacramento. Valentino Rodriguez Sr., weighed down by grief, noticed a trim man with piercing blue eyes making his way forward through the receiving line. While he’d heard a lot about Steele, this was the first time they’d met in person. As Rodriguez Sr. remembers, Steele grabbed his shoulders and said, “If you need me for anything, I can help you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the prison that day, Steele taped pictures of Rodriguez up in the window of his office. He wanted the officers who’d harassed his friend to know he held them responsible, Steele later told Rodriguez’s father. The squad, in turn, shunned Steele and went so far as to file a complaint against him, which didn’t go anywhere, according to public records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warden Lynch sent out an email forbidding anyone in the ISU from speaking to the Rodriguez family. Even though the move could have been preventive — in the event of an investigation into the harassment of Rodriguez, CDCR policy would not allow staff to talk about the case — Steele saw the directive as an attempt at self-protection. Adding to Steele’s disappointment, the warden never called Rodriguez’s family to offer condolences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when Rodriguez Sr., heartbroken and craving answers, reached out to Steele with texts and photos of his son as a boy, Steele wrote back. The two men began texting and talking on the phone nearly every day — discovering their shared Christian faith, their love for antique cars and their sorrow over the loss of Rodriguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez Sr. drew a direct line between his son’s overdose and New Folsom. In one of their telephone conversations, he even asked Steele if someone at the prison could have provided the fentanyl that killed him (KQED found no evidence to substantiate his concern). Steele urged Rodriguez Sr. to file a complaint with CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs and gave him a contact at the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017595\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017595\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231130-OnOurWatch-25-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Valentino Rodriguez Sr. stands in a warehouse at his West Sacramento pool business on Nov. 30, 2023, where his son Valentino Rodriguez Jr. worked while on leave from New Folsom before his untimely death. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Steele told Rodriguez Sr. he could trust those agencies to do the right thing, his book reveals that he had his doubts. Years earlier, the Ronnie Price case had taught him that officers were capable of conspiracy and silence. The apathy he perceived in the wake of Aguilar’s homicide now appeared to be evidence of a dark and willful blindness. And the warden’s apparent focus on damage control rather than human suffering following a young officer’s death broke something inside him. Steele wondered if there were any limits to the corruption he felt closing in around him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili said that, though he tried to hide it from her, her husband was afraid. “He literally would open up the door and look around the corner,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele wasn’t the first whistleblower to feel like he had a target on his back. Over the years, officers who have reported misconduct have found “rat” written on their windshield, received threatening phone calls, been left with no backup in dangerous situations and even been followed home at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had come forward internally, but he’d also been in touch with the FBI, according to text messages given to KQED. He’d passed along evidence he’d gathered regarding Aguilar’s murder and shared his suspicions that officers were somehow culpable. Steele believed that without him, any potential federal investigation would have few witnesses. Steele told Rodriguez Sr. that he had no idea how far CDCR would go to keep him quiet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, Steele crafted an exit strategy. In January, he and Lili packed up their belongings and moved across the country to Miller County, Missouri, where Steele had spent time in the Air Force. His plan was to run through his vacation and sick days and then retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017594\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"2238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-800x700.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1020x892.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-160x140.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1536x1343.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-2048x1791.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/100605-F-1108H-322-1920x1679.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin Steele served in the US Air Force Reserve for 21 years before retiring as a master sergeant in April 2016. He deployed twice to Iraq and was commended for his service. \u003ccite>(US Air Force)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Steele couldn’t resist firing off a couple of parting shots at New Folsom’s warden and CDCR — two incendiary memos alleging in detail the mistreatment of incarcerated people and officers’ role in the Aguilar murder. He included Rodriguez’s claims about ISU misconduct, and questioned Warden Lynch’s actions as a leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing Lynch directly, he wrote: “You should consider the very likely possibility that during YOUR superintendence of [New Folsom], more staff will be charged for criminal activity than any other institution within the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month after Steele had left the state, a notice, which was leaked to KQED, was posted at the front gate of New Folsom: Sgt. Kevin Steele was banned from prison grounds. While he had no plans to return, it stung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was crushed,” Lili remembers. Steele told her, “I would have died for that department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele had trouble adapting to his new life in the Ozarks. He applied for a couple jobs and interviewed well, but didn’t get them. Lili said he suspected someone at the prison had somehow interfered, though as far as she knew, prison officials still thought they were in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele still woke up before 4 a.m., but now he had nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My Thoughts’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On March 15, 2021, Steele sent Rodriguez Sr. a link to \u003ca href=\"https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/the-prison-guard-who-couldnt-escape-prison\">a Buzzfeed article about a correctional officer at High Desert State Prison in Northern California who had reported misconduct\u003c/a>, only to find his colleagues turning on him. The officer was found dead by apparent suicide in 2011. Among some notes with messages for his family was one that read, “I told the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual number of suicides among CDCR’s 30,000 officers is unknown; the agency said it doesn’t track those deaths out of respect for employees’ privacy. But KQED has been able to confirm that at least 30 officers who had worked for CDCR died by suicide from 2020 through 2023. Steele dealt with this firsthand; he’d counseled an officer who was struggling with thoughts of suicide and even interrupted a prison employee trying to asphyxiate themselves in a garage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0848-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">These badges represent the 30 CDCR correctional officers who took their own lives from 2020 through 2023. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response to \u003ca href=\"https://gspp.berkeley.edu/research-and-impact/publications/officer-health-and-wellness-results-from-the-california-correctional-office\">a 2017 UC Berkeley survey of CDCR officers\u003c/a>, 1 in 10 said they had suicidal thoughts. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/71/ss/ss7101a1.htm\">more than twice the national average reported by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>. A CDCR spokesperson wrote in an email that the department is “committed to promoting the mental health and wellbeing” of its employees, who have access to a number of interventions and services including chaplains and therapists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steele did speak to a chaplain, but, like a lot of officers, he was wary of mental health professionals, fearing that if he sought help the institution would use it against him. Instead, Lili said, her husband “self-medicated” with alcohol to get to sleep at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April of 2021, Steele got some news that buoyed his spirits. Daniel Garland, one of the officers who’d mistreated Rodriguez, had been banned from the institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, it seemed to Rodriguez Sr. and Steele that their efforts to hold someone accountable for Rodriguez’s death were finally starting to bear fruit. They expected to see more repercussions for everyone who’d harassed Rodriguez, or known about it and done nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-KEVIN-STEELE-03-KQED.jpg 1507w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The red storage shed where Sgt. Kevin Steele was found deceased on August 20, 2021. Photo obtained from the Sheriff’s Dept. in Miller County, Mo., via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Justice is beginning to simmer!” Steele texted Rodriguez Sr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But four months later, on Aug. 20, 2021, Steele called up Rodriguez Sr. in a rage. He’d just received a call from CDCR’s Office of Internal Affairs to schedule an interview about the Aguilar murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had been 20 months since Aguilar was killed, over a year since Steele passed on evidence that officers might be involved, and eight months since Steele sent his explosive memo to the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez Sr. remembers Steele venting: “Why are they just wrapping this up? All of a sudden they’re in a hurry?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than an hour later, a home security camera captured Steele walking out of his open garage. The footage, obtained by KQED through a public records request, shows him crossing the driveway toward his shed at 5:23 p.m. dressed in an orange T-shirt and shorts. He’s holding one end of a blue nylon rope in his hand. The other end of the rope is looped around his neck. He reaches the shed door and passes out of view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1246px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017592\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1246\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot.jpg 1246w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MyThoughtsRedactedScreenshot-160x95.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1246px) 100vw, 1246px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the note found on Steele’s computer. KQED redacted the names of the CDCR officials in Steele’s note to protect their privacy. Obtained from the Sheriff’s Dept. in Miller County, Mo. via public records request.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Lili found a document on the home computer titled “My Thoughts.” It read, in part:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lili is my angel, my light and my survivor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an apparent reference to the time of day that Jesus died on the cross, he wrote, “I know what time it is … it is the 9th hour and no one is here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CDCR killed me, I told the truth and shielded the truth… These barbarians killed Valentino and I.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter included a list of names of CDCR officials he held responsible for his and his friend’s deaths. Under the list were the note’s final three words: “Cowards and Bandits!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Aftermath\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Steele’s death, CDCR internal affairs agents finally conducted their first interviews with the officers who had been implicated in the death of Luis Giovanny Aguilar — nearly two years after his murder. They never interviewed Green, the shot caller, or the men who stabbed Aguilar, according to a confidential source familiar with the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General (OIG), a state-level prison watchdog, rated the department’s handling of the case “poor.” In a report, the OIG faulted the agency for “unnecessary” delays and poor interview techniques “that failed to elicit the details of each officers’ involvement and knowledge of events and failed to ask follow-up questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report shows that CDCR ultimately sustained allegations that one officer failed to respond to alarms the day Aguilar was stabbed. The officer in the control booth was disciplined for not having his Mini-14 rifle on him during the attack. Each got a temporary 5% pay cut. A third officer was given the heaviest punishment, a temporary 10% pay cut, for recording the murder footage on his phone and sharing it with a colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017591\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12017591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241113-OOW-LUIS-GIOVANNY-AGUILAR-01-KQED.jpg 898w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The last time that Luis Giovanny Aguilar saw his mother, Ma Rosario Zaragoza, in Tijuana, Mexico, 2018. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Aguilar family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An ongoing lawsuit filed by Aguilar’s mother against Warden Lynch and the officers in the B8 unit alleges staff either conspired to kill her son, or at the very least failed to protect him. In court filings, lawyers for CDCR have denied that prison staff were involved in the homicide. The FBI declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garland, along with an officer who’d used the N-word and other derogatory language in the office, was fired. Two more ISU team members were given lengthy pay cuts for calling Rodriguez half-patch and failing to report misconduct; they both work at different prisons now. (All four officers have submitted appeals to state court, which are pending.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Folsom remains a violent place; four incarcerated people were killed at the prison this year, three at the hands of other prisoners, and one after being restrained by officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynch is retiring this month. Jason Schultz, who worked at New Folsom from 2008 through 2020, was named acting warden in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Steele’s suicide in 2021, CDCR has made some important changes; last year, Governor Gavin Newsom introduced the “California Model” of prison management, which borrows its ethos of reintegration and emotional well-being from the Norwegian approach to incarceration. Officers at certain prisons, including New Folsom, now wear body cameras. And CDCR put in place a new process for reviewing grievances against staff, which the department says will “ensure complaints are properly, fairly and thoroughly reviewed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, despite months of KQED’s attempts to get answers, no one from the agency would address the underlying question raised by the deaths of Steele and Rodriguez: How successful can any reforms be if officers remain afraid to report misconduct, and if the few who come forward risk being marginalized and ignored?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Uncontestable’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When a person in state custody takes their own life, an independent panel reviews the circumstances and makes a determination about how it could have been prevented. But there is no such accounting of the circumstances surrounding officer suicides. In a 2023 interview, Stephen Walker, who advocates for mental health resources on behalf of the correctional officers’ union, told KQED that if these deaths were happening in any other occupation, “there would be a mass public outcry calling for an investigation into what is happening and what is at the root of this many people losing their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017590\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/231106-OnOurWatch-35-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mimy Rodriguez holds a framed wedding photo of herself and her late husband, Officer Valentino Rodriguez, at her home in Sacramento, Calif., on Nov. 6, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Rodriguez and Steele died, the state insurance fund sent each of their widows instructions on how to receive survivor benefits. There were two options: The simpler path was to sign a form stating that the men’s deaths were unrelated to their jobs. Neither woman could bring herself to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alternative was to argue that their husbands had died as a direct result of working in the prison. Initially, those claims were denied, and Lili and Mimy had to go through the painful process of documenting their husbands’ decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A doctor who reviewed Rodriguez’s medical records on behalf of the state found that his drug use was related to depression, anxiety and panic attacks stemming from his job at New Folsom. “This claim appears to be uncontestable,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mimy Rodriguez cried when she received a letter from the state saying that her husband’s death “was the result of his employment” at New Folsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lili Steele’s claim was also granted: A workers’ compensation review of Steele’s writings and an interview with Lili found that psychological strain from his job at the prison contributed to his suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim, Lili said, was her way of saying, “I know what you people did to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling with suicidal thoughts, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is a collaboration between KQED, the \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">California Reporting Project\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californianewsroom\">California Newsroom\u003c/a>, and was made possible in part by support from \u003ca href=\"https://www.calendow.org\">The California Endowment\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lead editor: \u003ca href=\"https://www.markbetancourt.com/\">Mark Betancourt\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data analysis: Amanda Glazer, PhD Candidate at UC Berkeley Statistics; Jeremy Sanchez Rue, Associate Professor of Practice at UC Berkeley Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional research by students at \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">Berkeley Journalism’s Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a>: Julietta Bisharyan, Laura Fitzgerald, William Jenkins, Cayla Mihalovich, Armon Owlia, Kathleen Quinn, Elizabeth Santos, Vera Watt and Junyao Yang. Additional support from UC Berkeley Journalism’s David Barstow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "BONUS: 'More Work to Be Done' | S2: New Folsom",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey and Julie have some news and updates about Valentino Rodriguez Sr., Mimy Rodriguez and some of the key players at New Folsom prison. We also share a recent conversation with an attorney who has been involved in the legal fight for disability rights in California state prisons for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7898353184\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, everyone. We’re back this week with a special bonus episode of On Our Watch. If you’re a new listener to the podcast, welcome. But this episode won’t make a lot of sense. So I suggest you go back to episode one of the season and start from the beginning of what became a really epic journey to trace the footsteps of two whistleblowers at New Folsom Prison. For those of you who’ve been following along, we have some news to share. And we got our hands on some really interesting new tapes where you can hear from some of the key figures at New Folsom who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. Later in the episode, we’re also going to talk to a lawyer who’s played a big part in state reforms, including helping get body cameras into some California prisons. My co-reporter for this series, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is with me today so we can talk about what all these developments mean. Hey, Julie. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, Sukey. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First of all, we want to share that we’ve been writing an article about Sergeant Kevin Steele and Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez, which you can check out on KQED.org, or click the link in the show notes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are some really interesting tidbits in there which will be totally new to even listeners of the podcast. A video of Steele and some of the evidence that we relied on for our reporting. And it’s a summation of the findings that we came to as a result of two years of investigation in a format where you can really review what those findings are and see what the implications are and really understand the journey of Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez Jr. How they affected each other and what that led them to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And the other big news that we have to share is about the warden, Jeff Lynch. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. CDCR announced Warden Jeff Lynch is retiring this month. This is the guy who Steele blamed for failure of leadership at New Folsom Prison and who Val Senior blamed for not protecting his son. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, prison officials wouldn’t comment on Lynch’s retirement, but it is interesting timing I think. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We now know who’s replacing Lynch. Well, what do you think about the incoming warden? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So CDCr just named this new acting warden. And this is a man named Jason Shultz. He used to work at New Folsom from 2008 to 2020. He’s also spent time at the California health care facility in Stockton and California State Prison Solano. He’s a pretty well known actor in New Folsom, and he was, in fact, the head of the facility where the Ronnie Price incident happened, the captain of that facility. So for listeners, if you’ll remember from episode four, Ronnie Price is the man who told Steel that he had been tripped by officers and his face was smashed and pretty severely. And then he died the next day of a pulmonary embolism. It was a really big deal there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, that case eventually resulted in criminal conviction of three officers who tried to cover up the excessive force. And you know, that this guy was, you know, involved with that unit. That’s that’s very interesting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it is. It is really interesting. And I don’t know much more, you know, about, you know, why he got this position or if he’ll end up being the permanent warden there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. And we did check in with some of our sources who said that this guy is you know, he follows the rules. He’s worked hard. But, you know, he’s a company man. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So anyway, that’s kind of what we know so far about the acting warden. Now, I know, Julie, you talked to Val Senior recently as well. How does Val Senior feel about the warden’s retirement? And also just how is he doing in general? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, in general, like right after the podcast came out, Val Senior, he felt relief for the first time since his son’s death. You know, he got a lot of he felt like he was finally doing something. He got a lot of sympathetic emails and text messages, but he feels that CDCR is not holding the right people accountable. There were some disciplinary actions taken against some of the lower level people involved, other officers. But the warden, he is getting to retire and go on with his life. Meanwhile, Val Senior, you know, continues to suffer. This is not over for him. It will never be over. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. And what about what about Valentino’s widow, Mimy? You know, how’s she doing? Have you talked to her recently? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have talked to her recently. You know, she reached out to me, actually, and, you know, wanted to see what, if anything, had happened since the podcast came out. She is, you know, picking up her life, putting it back together. She has gone back to school, which before she couldn’t concentrate well enough to stay in in her courses. She’s finishing up an undergraduate degree. She she has made a decision, though, that she was going to go into corrections and now she is not because of everything that she and her husband, Valentino, went through and her loss of Valentino. She may still do something in the law, but she seems to becoming interested in making the criminal justice system work better. But it’s really a struggle for her still. You know, she’s still in shock. You know, she’s said that this was not what her life was supposed to be. You know, she should never have ended up here. This was not the way it was supposed to go. She married the love of her life, and days later, he was dead. And it’s hard. It’s hard. How do you move on from that? And. And she doesn’t really even have people to talk to about it because how do you talk to somebody about such a profound loss and with so many questions surrounding it still? So she holds a lot of it in I think. What about some of the incarcerated people that you interviewed? Have you checked in with any of them? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I’ve been in touch with a number of people. You know, Joel Uribe, who listeners will remember from episode four of the podcast, who was, you know, injured in the use of force incident with officers. And he is looking at a potential release date next year and getting ready for that. He’s really excited about that. And one of the things that he’s doing is getting the tattoos removed from his face. Um if listeners remember, this was something that his mom was like a really hard ass with him about and was like, I won’t, you know, see your face. I won’t look at your face while you have those tattoos on it. So I was in touch with Joel. He’s getting those tattoos, you know, starting the process of that. And he said he’s going to do a video call with me as well when he gets them removed so I can see the his new face that he hopes to present to the outside world. Yeah. You know, he is also a little fearful, I think, about something out of prison, like it just is difficult. He’s been kind of in and out of prison for most of his life, and so you get so conditioned to experience there. So I think he’s really excited for that, hoping to get out even sooner. And also, you know, has some trepidation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well, I mean, that’s totally understandable that he would have trepidation. What have you been hearing about what’s been going on in New Folsom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, you know, it was another deadly year there. There were four people that were killed by homicide. CDCR only released very thin information about these incidents. But we do know that one of them was the result of a use of force. This man died after being restrained by officers. And, you know, overall, preliminary numbers that have been posted show that the rates of use of force at New Folsom remain the highest in the state. So sounds like much the same. Now, CDCR says, you know, they they declined to speak to us. We asked them again for an interview with the head of CDCR, the secretary with the outgoing warden, with the incoming warden. They declined all of those requests, but they did send us an email in which they, again, really doubled down on their statement that they’re really trying to reform things and that they don’t tolerate a code of silence and that they are really committed to officer accountability. They did not once again respond to any questions about use of force. And I asked them to at least explain why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. And they also wouldn’t talk about why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. So that continues to be a frustration just in terms of getting information about an issue that’s really, you know, I think high public interest and importance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that’s the latest that we’ve heard, you know, from CDCR officially. But thanks to our lawsuit that’s forced them to produce more documents and recordings, we did recently get something really fascinating. They sent us the interrogation tapes from that internal affairs investigation into Valentino’s harassment. Listeners will remember he really struggled in the investigative services unit because his fellow officers could be quite cruel to him. And he finally told the warden about all this misconduct he said he’d witnessed just six days before his death. So after he died, the Office of Internal Affairs talked to those officers and to higher ups at New Folsom, ostensibly to get to the bottom of things. And that’s what these tapes are from. And it was really interesting to hear from some of the players who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. We’re going to start with someone we’ve been interested in talking to for a while. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Gina Jones. I called her up and she told me to never call her at that number again. I reached her, but she was like, I have nothing to say to you. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So can you remind listeners, you know, who is Gina Jones and what was her role? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, Jones was the second in command at New Folsom, just under Warden Lynch. During our reporting, it was hard to pin down her role exactly in everything that transpired. For listeners, you’ll remember Jones is the person who convinced Valentino to go out on stress leave instead of resigning completely from the department. They had this consequential meeting in which, according to Mimy, Valentino, broke down to her and divulged all the harassment he’d been experiencing, as well as misconduct that he’d witnessed from his colleagues. Here she is talking about that meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> J-O-N-E-S, Chief Deputy Warden, CSP Sacramento. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just a note, you’ll hear some redactions that CDCR made in these tapes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you met with Officer Rodriguez, was anybody else in that meeting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, it was just he and I. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you said it was in ISU? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And and you described in that meeting you talked about [REDACTED]. And and and that the issues that he was having, as you mentioned, that he had some issues with with crime scenes and autopsies, you know, issues related to the work in ISU, that was that the source of his problem? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. I mean, he never said anything other than just cumulatively it was getting to be too much and he couldn’t handle the stress and he wasn’t sleeping. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Jones really makes it sound like the only thing bothering Valentino was this kind of persistent violence and brutality at New Folsom, which is really different from what we heard from Mimy, who said that Valentino came home really in despair and told her that he’d broken down in front of the chief deputy warden about everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, And here’s what Jones says about, you know, the harassment and whether or not she knew anything about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was there anything said during the meeting about Officer Rodriguez being treated inappropriately by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So just based on questions I’ve asked you to this point, is there anything that I haven’t asked you about this matter that you think is important for me to know? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Um there’s been a lot of scuttle going on. Obviously, the situation is pretty taxing. I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you need to take a break that’s fine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Can I? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Yes. Let’s do that. Time is 1513. I’m going to pause the recording and we’re going to take a quick break. Okay. We’re back on the record. Time is 1514. Just for the record, Chief Jones, did I ask you any questions about the case while we were on break? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No you did not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. You were getting ready to say something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, there’s there’s a lot a lot going on and it’s very unfortunate on what happened to this young man. At no time was I ever made aware of any allegation of staff misconduct, inappropriate behavior for this kid. I had a great working relationship with this young man. I was very fond of him and his work. He had a very good work ethic. When I talked to him that day, you know, he was very concerned, you know, he because he enjoyed his job. So he felt like he was letting himself down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we’ve just heard Jones kind of make these pretty strong statements, you know, about what she knew and she didn’t know. And also, you know, about her personal care for Valentino. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s strange. She is so emphatic about not knowing anything about the harassment or anything else. And she sounds like she has some emotion about Valentino’s death. But if Valentino told her about the harassment he was getting, as he had said he did as his supervisor, she was required to investigate any allegations of misconduct. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think there are a few other things that are kind of concerning about this exchange. You know, the Office of Internal Affairs investigator doesn’t even ask her about the allegations regarding planted drugs or weapons. And it’s potentially, you know, potentially they did ask her about it and it’s redacted. But if even so, if they did ask her about it, they really moved away from it very quickly because the entire interview is quite short. And we do know from testimony in front of the state personnel board that Jones was there for that search that happened that happened the day before Valentino died. So it just kind of raises questions about why they don’t ask the questions that I think we would ask or that they should ask if they were really kind of concerned and probing for where the failures were along the way. You know, next up, let’s get into some of the tape about this other guy who had a key role in the story, who didn’t agree to talk to us. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, this guy was the internal affairs sergeant, then he moved up to Lieutenant. I now know that he is working actually for the Office of Internal Affairs at headquarters. So he has since promoted. And he had a had a really kind of key role in how this whole thing played out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. Yeah. He is another person I actually spoke to on the phone, but who refused to talk to me. He said something like, “Why would I talk to you?” Anyway, this was the guy Valentino finally vented to in the text messages, pages of them that are really painful and make these huge allegations, including that everyone from the warden on down could get fired based on what Valentino knew and what he had witnessed. The same series of texts triggered that final conversation with the warden. So here’s what Strohmaier says about that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, uh, back in approximately September of 2020. Did he describe some mistreatment that that he he alleged by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs: \u003c/b>Can you just describe what he told you in that text? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, the text was extremely long. I’m sure you’ve seen it. I read about half of it. He was talking about how he was pretty much being picked on [redacted]. Any little, called names. He was his anxiety was so high that he was throwing up in the restroom for you know being in the bathroom for hours at a time. Vomiting. He didn’t like going to work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie It’s interesting because Strohmaier sounds of two minds in this interview. Remember, he’s the one who took action and passed Valentino’s allegations on to the warden. But in this interview, he doesn’t really want to own that. Like he claims he only read half of Valentino’s texts. And there’s something else like he definitely fudges some things in this interview. For example, he says he forwarded these texts to the warden right away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked if I could call and set up a meeting with the warden to um, because he want to let him know what’s going on in the unit. When I got the phone, I immediately called Jeff Lynch. He said, “No problem I’ll send uh \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who’s the chief deputy to come in for me tomorrow and have him come up here at nine o’clock in the morning.” And that’s what happened. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we know that is not accurate. Like there was at least another three weeks before he sent these to the warden. And then the meeting happened the next day. So I don’t know if he was just sitting on it or considering whether he wanted to forward it or not, but he did end up forwarding it to the warden. But in this interview, he kind of misrepresents the timing on those things. And then, you know, that fateful meeting happens. Here’s what Strohmaier says about the meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mr. Lynch said, “Well, depending on what you tell me, there’s no guarantee no one’s going to get in trouble.” We sat down for about an hour. He went over every little thing that he pretty much said in the text. Reiterated to Mr. Lynch while he took notes, every allegation Rodriguez made, Lynch would write it down and say, “was there a supervisor present?” And he would pretty much say yes [redacted]. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You said you observed Warden Lynch taking notes. Do you know what happened to those notes? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I do not know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This was another point where my jaw kind of dropped when I was first listening to these tapes because Lynch explicitly told OIA that he can’t remember if he wrote notes. Internal Affairs asks him to go take a look for them. He claims he can’t find them. So just the fact that Strohmaier kind of has this very clear memory that he tells Internal Affairs about, of Lynch taking down these meticulous notes and the fact that those were never located just seems like a really big red flag. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And at the end of the interview, despite everything that transpired, he sings the praises of the Investigative Services Unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Anything else that’s come to mind about the things I should know about what’s what, you know, related to the topics that we discussed? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not really, I really I mean, I looked at it as, I mean, I think that was the best ISU unit in the state, you know? And we’ve been told, I mean, there’s all your agents here that uh I get it. There might have been a conflict and maybe locker room gossip talk, you know, who knows? And it’s true. They never did it in front of me they’re not stupid enough to do it in front of their supervisor. But, I don’t know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s kind of incredible, right? Okay. Last but not least at all, we also did get the Office of Internal Affairs interview with the warden with Lynch, in which he answers questions about that final meeting that he had with Valentino shortly before he died. And I’m not going to play that much of it because it’s honestly like he doesn’t say very much that’s new and it just didn’t have that much value. But I’m going to play you a little bit here just so you can kind of hear the tone of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So you mentioned earlier that he had he had talked about making statements have been made that would violate the EEO policy. And you’ve given me a couple examples that would clearly violate that. Were there any others that he brought up that you recall? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The awkward silence is me thinking so I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No that’s okay. That’s okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m sure there were. It’s just not coming right to me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. He gave a pretty sanitized version of Valentino’s harassment allegations. And then he describes how he asked Valentino to write a memo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked for a written statement. He said he wasn’t willing to provide it, that he didn’t want anybody to get in trouble. I explained to him kind of how we operate, how we work. And I encouraged him to give me a written document, particularly from the perspective of the EEO side of things. He was resistant to do it, but said he would at least consider it. But of course, I never saw it. We waited for it for the, you know, through the weekend and then hopefully to see it maybe the first part of the week. And then obviously the whole thing fell apart after that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, most striking is what the investigators don’t push him on. You know, they don’t appear to really question Lynch at all about the choices that he made. You know, his choice not to turn to OIA with those serious allegations of drugs and weapons. You know, the decision to do this search, which exposed Valentino as a whistleblower. They don’t really push him on anything, you know, even about the notes that he clearly, at least should have taken about that meeting. You know, the investigator has this tone that just sounds really deferential. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think they’re very, very careful with wardens. You know, he’s worked his way up through the ranks. He is the face of CDCR. To do anything that would discredit him. It sort of undermines the whole public image of CDCR. And wardens are very powerful. They really control what goes on inside there. And they also control what information gets out about what happened. He or she decides what gets investigated. And also, even though they’ve changed this process a little bit at CDCR to bring in some more outside influence in looking at allegations, it still comes back to the warden at the end of the day. Even if an outside even outside office, a statewide office says, “yeah, we think there’s a problem here, here, warden, do something about this misconduct.” The warden can say, “I agree and I’m going to discipline them,” or, “I don’t agree,” or, “I do agree, but I’m not going to discipline them.” Still has so much power. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, and it seems like they’re given a lot of power. They’re given so much trust, you know, by the agency. They’re these kind of official representatives of it. So if they are found to be doing wrong or if they are found to, you know, be betraying the public’s trust in any way, it really kind of undermines the entire agency it feels like in a different way than just, you know, if if a line officer does and then is fired or something like that. You were mentioning, you know, some of the changes that CDCR has made. And we’re going to get into that in the next section. We’re going to talk with somebody who’s been involved in prison reform in California for decades, been part of a really important effort. And we’re going to bring you that conversation after the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This whole series and our focus on New Folsom in particular began because we noticed this anomaly in the investigative records that we were getting from CDCR. There were so many more of these really serious use of force incidents at this one prison. And one of our first calls to try and understand what these numbers meant was to this law firm, Rosen Bien Galvin & Grunfeld, which has been involved in a class action lawsuit against CDCR since 1994 — 30 years. A result of that have been a number of really widespread reforms ordered by the court that have affected all people in prison, even though the lawsuit is specifically focused on people with disabilities. When we called them up, they said, “We don’t have as many clients at New Folsom, but we have heard about some problems at that prison. And have you guys heard about the two whistleblowers that died there?” That conversation was more than two years and a podcast ago. And so and I wanted to sit down with an attorney with that law firm again to hear what they have been up to and to get their reaction to the series. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hello. Thanks so much for coming in, can you please introduce yourself? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">My name is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Penny Godbold\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I’m an attorney at Rosen Bien Galvin and Grunfeld were a civil rights law firm. And I represent people in prison with disabilities under the Armstrong class action case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And can you describe in your own words the Armstrong class action case? Like, what is the nature of that litigation that your firm brought against CDCR? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a long standing class action that’s about making prisons physically accessible to people with disabilities and making sure that the people who are incarcerated in the state of California, for example, if they need a wheelchair, that they have a wheelchair, if they need hearing aids, that they have hearing aids. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you give me an example of why that would be important and how people’s needs have not been met? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Years ago, the example that came to mind was a case of a person with a disability who was being made to crawl up a flight of stairs in order to have access to the what is now the Board of Parole hearings, in order to be able to argue his case that he should be released on parole. So the state of California has come a long way towards providing basic disability accommodations to people in prison. But there’s still more work to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there anything that you heard in the podcast that jumped out at you in terms of recognizing similar themes to what you’ve heard from your clients? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. One of the aspects of the podcast that has really resonated with me is the difficulty people face in coming forward to report problems in prison. There’s a reluctance to believe incarcerated people. And there was a person who was deaf and use sign language to communicate, failed to follow a verbal order that he didn’t hear that was ordered by staff. And that also resulted in a use of force incident. And he complained and there was no accountability action. So we took these reports, declarations to the court and said this is what’s happening in California prisons and something needs to be done to protect the disability rights. And there’s a lot of people out there who have experienced staff misconduct who were willing to eventually talk to us, who were not willing to come forward and report it to CDCR or report it to a federal court, because there’s a very real risk of retaliation. When somebody files a staff complaint in CDCR, one of the first things that happens is that the staff member is notified that a complaint has been filed against them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you talk a little bit about the kind of spiral of retaliation that can happen for somebody who makes a complaint against a correctional officer? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What we hear from our clients is if you file a staff complaint about the use of force incident that you were involved in, then you get sucked into a cycle of retaliation that starts with receiving a disciplinary write up for something that happened during the use of force incident itself. Typically, assault on a police officer during the course of the officer using force against you. And that starts a chain reaction of negative consequences for an incarcerated person. You’re moved to segregation. You lose your property, including letters and and photos from family members that mean so much to people. Your hearing aids might get lost in the transfer. And that’s just the common example that we hear people talk about. But there’s a lot of other less obvious forms of retaliation that people share with us. Something like an officer failing to release them from their cell to to receive medication — that can be retaliatory. And the officer might be able to say that’s not retaliation. I just wasn’t able to release them from their cell at that moment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What it took to get people to come forward, to tell those stories was tremendous. I would say it it took years to bring the kind of litigation that prompted the most recent orders by the court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the most recent orders. Let’s get into that. This started from events happening in a particular prison, but it’s gotten bigger than that. Can you walk us through what the impetus of that was? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We initially started hearing about reports of staff misconduct at one particular prison. And what we learned over time through talking to other incarcerated people is that that phenomenon of disability related staff misconduct and staff misconduct generally, it’s of course, not limited to one prison. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I know from my reporting that that particular prison you’re referencing is Richard J. Donovan in San Diego. Can you just tell me a little bit more about the types of incidents that were happening there? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There was an extreme amount of force being used and force that was resulting in broken bones and serious bodily injury. And in fact, the Department of Corrections convened a strike team and the strike team went down there and found that there were very serious problems and filed a report and called for changes at the institution. Those changes were not implemented and that was part of the impetus for the court ordering changes. But CDCR’s own findings were that there was a level of violence being reported at that prison. And in particular, people with disabilities and other vulnerabilities were being impacted, and something needed to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But wait a minute, CDCR came to that decision itself, right, that there were these serious problems? So why weren’t those changes implemented? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s a good question. I think at the end of the day, CDCR headquarters would be responsible for receiving a report like that and implementing changes. And I can’t answer the question about why it wasn’t done. That is the question. But, in terms of the the court orders themselves right now, they extend to six different CDCR institutions that house a large number of people with disabilities. The most significant remedy has been the implementation of body worn cameras and fixed cameras at these six prisons. And almost immediately, we started hearing reports from our class members at the institutions where the cameras were implemented that unreported, serious use of force incidents went way down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what’s the latest of what’s going on with the lawsuit? And is there a particular area you’re focusing on now? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the challenges that we’re seeing after implementation of the court orders right now is that there are body worn cameras. There is video evidence at the six prisons. And yet there are a lot of reasons why the video evidence is not preserved or produced for investigations. Video evidence right now under policy is preserved for 90 days. Somebody who’s involved in a staff misconduct incident might want to wait until they’re moved off of a prison yard, particular yard with an officer who they had this problem with. And that might occur after 90 days. So if they wait until they are located somewhere else and then they filed their complaint, the video is lost. So one of the the primary areas where there is a need for significant improvement is extending the preservation time for footage for all footage. Also just attempting to extend the body worn camera requirements statewide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is that something that CDCR has indicated any willingness to do to spread to all the institutions? I mean they have been sort of, “No, we’re not going to do this. Yes, we will do it. Okay. We’ll do it at a few prisons.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I want to give CDCR credit for extending camera coverage at four additional prisons that they were not court ordered to have cameras at. That’s significant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Including New Folsom. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes, there were a lot of staff complaints coming out of New Folsom. They so far have been unwilling to extend body worn cameras beyond those four additional prisons. So that’s something that we continue to push on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things we found in the podcast was, of course, that the incarcerated person will have this write up on them. And even if what the incident is investigated and even if the officers are found to have engaged in misconduct, the write up of the incarcerated person doesn’t disappear. They continue to pay for the thing that didn’t happen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, that’s one area that we have been working really hard to bring to the court’s attention and to the fact that in the same way that the staff misconduct investigations are not complete reports of what happened, neither are these disciplinary charges that people are found guilty of, and yet it remains in their file and they continue to suffer the consequences of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. You know when I step back from this… been reporting on California prisons for almost 20 years and have seen a lot of court orders issued and a lot of evidentiary hearings, and, to prove that court orders are not being followed and subsequent court orders, etc., etc. It can be like the court comes up with a prescription and there’s a new rule, but the spirit of the rule is not followed. I hear this a lot that that CDCR will implement a change, but it’s more like they’re checking off a box. “Yeah, we did this.” But not actually addressing the fundamental underlying problem, which is often a lack of respect and a complete imbalance of power because we are talking about prison and just always assuming the worst of the incarcerated population. Do you have any hope that that will change? The way that prisons are run will actually shift? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I am hopeful, but it’s more than can be accomplished through a court ordering additional training. Staff can go sit in a one hour training once a year and learn that they are required to accommodate people with disabilities. But that has to be put into practice throughout the prisons and supervisors need to model how that’s done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, the governor introduced the California model last year. Can you define it? Do you think it’s going to make a difference? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have to say that I do have hope for change. I have learned the art of having hope from my incarcerated clients, because if they can get out of bed in the morning while they’re, you know, locked in a prison cell and facing 20 years in that situation, if they can have hope, then I can have hope. I do see some shortcomings in the way that California has conceived of the California model, which is largely based on taking some principles from these Scandinavian prison systems and implementing them in California. There are significant differences between the systems. The Scandinavian systems hire differently than California does. Just the the role of the officer is perceived of as something totally different in those systems. So I think there’s a lot more work to be done to make that a reality. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much for sharing your time with us and your expertise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Thanks so much for your work, Penny. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’ve been listening to a bonus episode of On Our Watch from KQED. I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is my co-reporter. Chris Egusa produced this episode. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is our Head of Podcasts. Original Music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsey, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer, Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey and Julie have some news and updates about Valentino Rodriguez Sr., Mimy Rodriguez and some of the key players at New Folsom prison. We also share a recent conversation with an attorney who has been involved in the legal fight for disability rights in California state prisons for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7898353184\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, everyone. We’re back this week with a special bonus episode of On Our Watch. If you’re a new listener to the podcast, welcome. But this episode won’t make a lot of sense. So I suggest you go back to episode one of the season and start from the beginning of what became a really epic journey to trace the footsteps of two whistleblowers at New Folsom Prison. For those of you who’ve been following along, we have some news to share. And we got our hands on some really interesting new tapes where you can hear from some of the key figures at New Folsom who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. Later in the episode, we’re also going to talk to a lawyer who’s played a big part in state reforms, including helping get body cameras into some California prisons. My co-reporter for this series, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is with me today so we can talk about what all these developments mean. Hey, Julie. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, Sukey. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First of all, we want to share that we’ve been writing an article about Sergeant Kevin Steele and Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez, which you can check out on KQED.org, or click the link in the show notes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are some really interesting tidbits in there which will be totally new to even listeners of the podcast. A video of Steele and some of the evidence that we relied on for our reporting. And it’s a summation of the findings that we came to as a result of two years of investigation in a format where you can really review what those findings are and see what the implications are and really understand the journey of Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez Jr. How they affected each other and what that led them to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And the other big news that we have to share is about the warden, Jeff Lynch. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. CDCR announced Warden Jeff Lynch is retiring this month. This is the guy who Steele blamed for failure of leadership at New Folsom Prison and who Val Senior blamed for not protecting his son. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, prison officials wouldn’t comment on Lynch’s retirement, but it is interesting timing I think. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We now know who’s replacing Lynch. Well, what do you think about the incoming warden? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So CDCr just named this new acting warden. And this is a man named Jason Shultz. He used to work at New Folsom from 2008 to 2020. He’s also spent time at the California health care facility in Stockton and California State Prison Solano. He’s a pretty well known actor in New Folsom, and he was, in fact, the head of the facility where the Ronnie Price incident happened, the captain of that facility. So for listeners, if you’ll remember from episode four, Ronnie Price is the man who told Steel that he had been tripped by officers and his face was smashed and pretty severely. And then he died the next day of a pulmonary embolism. It was a really big deal there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, that case eventually resulted in criminal conviction of three officers who tried to cover up the excessive force. And you know, that this guy was, you know, involved with that unit. That’s that’s very interesting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it is. It is really interesting. And I don’t know much more, you know, about, you know, why he got this position or if he’ll end up being the permanent warden there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. And we did check in with some of our sources who said that this guy is you know, he follows the rules. He’s worked hard. But, you know, he’s a company man. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So anyway, that’s kind of what we know so far about the acting warden. Now, I know, Julie, you talked to Val Senior recently as well. How does Val Senior feel about the warden’s retirement? And also just how is he doing in general? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, in general, like right after the podcast came out, Val Senior, he felt relief for the first time since his son’s death. You know, he got a lot of he felt like he was finally doing something. He got a lot of sympathetic emails and text messages, but he feels that CDCR is not holding the right people accountable. There were some disciplinary actions taken against some of the lower level people involved, other officers. But the warden, he is getting to retire and go on with his life. Meanwhile, Val Senior, you know, continues to suffer. This is not over for him. It will never be over. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. And what about what about Valentino’s widow, Mimy? You know, how’s she doing? Have you talked to her recently? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have talked to her recently. You know, she reached out to me, actually, and, you know, wanted to see what, if anything, had happened since the podcast came out. She is, you know, picking up her life, putting it back together. She has gone back to school, which before she couldn’t concentrate well enough to stay in in her courses. She’s finishing up an undergraduate degree. She she has made a decision, though, that she was going to go into corrections and now she is not because of everything that she and her husband, Valentino, went through and her loss of Valentino. She may still do something in the law, but she seems to becoming interested in making the criminal justice system work better. But it’s really a struggle for her still. You know, she’s still in shock. You know, she’s said that this was not what her life was supposed to be. You know, she should never have ended up here. This was not the way it was supposed to go. She married the love of her life, and days later, he was dead. And it’s hard. It’s hard. How do you move on from that? And. And she doesn’t really even have people to talk to about it because how do you talk to somebody about such a profound loss and with so many questions surrounding it still? So she holds a lot of it in I think. What about some of the incarcerated people that you interviewed? Have you checked in with any of them? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I’ve been in touch with a number of people. You know, Joel Uribe, who listeners will remember from episode four of the podcast, who was, you know, injured in the use of force incident with officers. And he is looking at a potential release date next year and getting ready for that. He’s really excited about that. And one of the things that he’s doing is getting the tattoos removed from his face. Um if listeners remember, this was something that his mom was like a really hard ass with him about and was like, I won’t, you know, see your face. I won’t look at your face while you have those tattoos on it. So I was in touch with Joel. He’s getting those tattoos, you know, starting the process of that. And he said he’s going to do a video call with me as well when he gets them removed so I can see the his new face that he hopes to present to the outside world. Yeah. You know, he is also a little fearful, I think, about something out of prison, like it just is difficult. He’s been kind of in and out of prison for most of his life, and so you get so conditioned to experience there. So I think he’s really excited for that, hoping to get out even sooner. And also, you know, has some trepidation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well, I mean, that’s totally understandable that he would have trepidation. What have you been hearing about what’s been going on in New Folsom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, you know, it was another deadly year there. There were four people that were killed by homicide. CDCR only released very thin information about these incidents. But we do know that one of them was the result of a use of force. This man died after being restrained by officers. And, you know, overall, preliminary numbers that have been posted show that the rates of use of force at New Folsom remain the highest in the state. So sounds like much the same. Now, CDCR says, you know, they they declined to speak to us. We asked them again for an interview with the head of CDCR, the secretary with the outgoing warden, with the incoming warden. They declined all of those requests, but they did send us an email in which they, again, really doubled down on their statement that they’re really trying to reform things and that they don’t tolerate a code of silence and that they are really committed to officer accountability. They did not once again respond to any questions about use of force. And I asked them to at least explain why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. And they also wouldn’t talk about why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. So that continues to be a frustration just in terms of getting information about an issue that’s really, you know, I think high public interest and importance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that’s the latest that we’ve heard, you know, from CDCR officially. But thanks to our lawsuit that’s forced them to produce more documents and recordings, we did recently get something really fascinating. They sent us the interrogation tapes from that internal affairs investigation into Valentino’s harassment. Listeners will remember he really struggled in the investigative services unit because his fellow officers could be quite cruel to him. And he finally told the warden about all this misconduct he said he’d witnessed just six days before his death. So after he died, the Office of Internal Affairs talked to those officers and to higher ups at New Folsom, ostensibly to get to the bottom of things. And that’s what these tapes are from. And it was really interesting to hear from some of the players who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. We’re going to start with someone we’ve been interested in talking to for a while. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Gina Jones. I called her up and she told me to never call her at that number again. I reached her, but she was like, I have nothing to say to you. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So can you remind listeners, you know, who is Gina Jones and what was her role? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, Jones was the second in command at New Folsom, just under Warden Lynch. During our reporting, it was hard to pin down her role exactly in everything that transpired. For listeners, you’ll remember Jones is the person who convinced Valentino to go out on stress leave instead of resigning completely from the department. They had this consequential meeting in which, according to Mimy, Valentino, broke down to her and divulged all the harassment he’d been experiencing, as well as misconduct that he’d witnessed from his colleagues. Here she is talking about that meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> J-O-N-E-S, Chief Deputy Warden, CSP Sacramento. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just a note, you’ll hear some redactions that CDCR made in these tapes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you met with Officer Rodriguez, was anybody else in that meeting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, it was just he and I. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you said it was in ISU? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And and you described in that meeting you talked about [REDACTED]. And and and that the issues that he was having, as you mentioned, that he had some issues with with crime scenes and autopsies, you know, issues related to the work in ISU, that was that the source of his problem? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. I mean, he never said anything other than just cumulatively it was getting to be too much and he couldn’t handle the stress and he wasn’t sleeping. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Jones really makes it sound like the only thing bothering Valentino was this kind of persistent violence and brutality at New Folsom, which is really different from what we heard from Mimy, who said that Valentino came home really in despair and told her that he’d broken down in front of the chief deputy warden about everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, And here’s what Jones says about, you know, the harassment and whether or not she knew anything about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was there anything said during the meeting about Officer Rodriguez being treated inappropriately by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So just based on questions I’ve asked you to this point, is there anything that I haven’t asked you about this matter that you think is important for me to know? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Um there’s been a lot of scuttle going on. Obviously, the situation is pretty taxing. I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you need to take a break that’s fine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Can I? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Yes. Let’s do that. Time is 1513. I’m going to pause the recording and we’re going to take a quick break. Okay. We’re back on the record. Time is 1514. Just for the record, Chief Jones, did I ask you any questions about the case while we were on break? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No you did not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. You were getting ready to say something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, there’s there’s a lot a lot going on and it’s very unfortunate on what happened to this young man. At no time was I ever made aware of any allegation of staff misconduct, inappropriate behavior for this kid. I had a great working relationship with this young man. I was very fond of him and his work. He had a very good work ethic. When I talked to him that day, you know, he was very concerned, you know, he because he enjoyed his job. So he felt like he was letting himself down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we’ve just heard Jones kind of make these pretty strong statements, you know, about what she knew and she didn’t know. And also, you know, about her personal care for Valentino. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s strange. She is so emphatic about not knowing anything about the harassment or anything else. And she sounds like she has some emotion about Valentino’s death. But if Valentino told her about the harassment he was getting, as he had said he did as his supervisor, she was required to investigate any allegations of misconduct. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think there are a few other things that are kind of concerning about this exchange. You know, the Office of Internal Affairs investigator doesn’t even ask her about the allegations regarding planted drugs or weapons. And it’s potentially, you know, potentially they did ask her about it and it’s redacted. But if even so, if they did ask her about it, they really moved away from it very quickly because the entire interview is quite short. And we do know from testimony in front of the state personnel board that Jones was there for that search that happened that happened the day before Valentino died. So it just kind of raises questions about why they don’t ask the questions that I think we would ask or that they should ask if they were really kind of concerned and probing for where the failures were along the way. You know, next up, let’s get into some of the tape about this other guy who had a key role in the story, who didn’t agree to talk to us. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, this guy was the internal affairs sergeant, then he moved up to Lieutenant. I now know that he is working actually for the Office of Internal Affairs at headquarters. So he has since promoted. And he had a had a really kind of key role in how this whole thing played out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. Yeah. He is another person I actually spoke to on the phone, but who refused to talk to me. He said something like, “Why would I talk to you?” Anyway, this was the guy Valentino finally vented to in the text messages, pages of them that are really painful and make these huge allegations, including that everyone from the warden on down could get fired based on what Valentino knew and what he had witnessed. The same series of texts triggered that final conversation with the warden. So here’s what Strohmaier says about that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, uh, back in approximately September of 2020. Did he describe some mistreatment that that he he alleged by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs: \u003c/b>Can you just describe what he told you in that text? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, the text was extremely long. I’m sure you’ve seen it. I read about half of it. He was talking about how he was pretty much being picked on [redacted]. Any little, called names. He was his anxiety was so high that he was throwing up in the restroom for you know being in the bathroom for hours at a time. Vomiting. He didn’t like going to work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie It’s interesting because Strohmaier sounds of two minds in this interview. Remember, he’s the one who took action and passed Valentino’s allegations on to the warden. But in this interview, he doesn’t really want to own that. Like he claims he only read half of Valentino’s texts. And there’s something else like he definitely fudges some things in this interview. For example, he says he forwarded these texts to the warden right away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked if I could call and set up a meeting with the warden to um, because he want to let him know what’s going on in the unit. When I got the phone, I immediately called Jeff Lynch. He said, “No problem I’ll send uh \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who’s the chief deputy to come in for me tomorrow and have him come up here at nine o’clock in the morning.” And that’s what happened. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we know that is not accurate. Like there was at least another three weeks before he sent these to the warden. And then the meeting happened the next day. So I don’t know if he was just sitting on it or considering whether he wanted to forward it or not, but he did end up forwarding it to the warden. But in this interview, he kind of misrepresents the timing on those things. And then, you know, that fateful meeting happens. Here’s what Strohmaier says about the meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mr. Lynch said, “Well, depending on what you tell me, there’s no guarantee no one’s going to get in trouble.” We sat down for about an hour. He went over every little thing that he pretty much said in the text. Reiterated to Mr. Lynch while he took notes, every allegation Rodriguez made, Lynch would write it down and say, “was there a supervisor present?” And he would pretty much say yes [redacted]. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You said you observed Warden Lynch taking notes. Do you know what happened to those notes? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I do not know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This was another point where my jaw kind of dropped when I was first listening to these tapes because Lynch explicitly told OIA that he can’t remember if he wrote notes. Internal Affairs asks him to go take a look for them. He claims he can’t find them. So just the fact that Strohmaier kind of has this very clear memory that he tells Internal Affairs about, of Lynch taking down these meticulous notes and the fact that those were never located just seems like a really big red flag. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And at the end of the interview, despite everything that transpired, he sings the praises of the Investigative Services Unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Anything else that’s come to mind about the things I should know about what’s what, you know, related to the topics that we discussed? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not really, I really I mean, I looked at it as, I mean, I think that was the best ISU unit in the state, you know? And we’ve been told, I mean, there’s all your agents here that uh I get it. There might have been a conflict and maybe locker room gossip talk, you know, who knows? And it’s true. They never did it in front of me they’re not stupid enough to do it in front of their supervisor. But, I don’t know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s kind of incredible, right? Okay. Last but not least at all, we also did get the Office of Internal Affairs interview with the warden with Lynch, in which he answers questions about that final meeting that he had with Valentino shortly before he died. And I’m not going to play that much of it because it’s honestly like he doesn’t say very much that’s new and it just didn’t have that much value. But I’m going to play you a little bit here just so you can kind of hear the tone of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So you mentioned earlier that he had he had talked about making statements have been made that would violate the EEO policy. And you’ve given me a couple examples that would clearly violate that. Were there any others that he brought up that you recall? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The awkward silence is me thinking so I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No that’s okay. That’s okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m sure there were. It’s just not coming right to me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. He gave a pretty sanitized version of Valentino’s harassment allegations. And then he describes how he asked Valentino to write a memo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked for a written statement. He said he wasn’t willing to provide it, that he didn’t want anybody to get in trouble. I explained to him kind of how we operate, how we work. And I encouraged him to give me a written document, particularly from the perspective of the EEO side of things. He was resistant to do it, but said he would at least consider it. But of course, I never saw it. We waited for it for the, you know, through the weekend and then hopefully to see it maybe the first part of the week. And then obviously the whole thing fell apart after that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, most striking is what the investigators don’t push him on. You know, they don’t appear to really question Lynch at all about the choices that he made. You know, his choice not to turn to OIA with those serious allegations of drugs and weapons. You know, the decision to do this search, which exposed Valentino as a whistleblower. They don’t really push him on anything, you know, even about the notes that he clearly, at least should have taken about that meeting. You know, the investigator has this tone that just sounds really deferential. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think they’re very, very careful with wardens. You know, he’s worked his way up through the ranks. He is the face of CDCR. To do anything that would discredit him. It sort of undermines the whole public image of CDCR. And wardens are very powerful. They really control what goes on inside there. And they also control what information gets out about what happened. He or she decides what gets investigated. And also, even though they’ve changed this process a little bit at CDCR to bring in some more outside influence in looking at allegations, it still comes back to the warden at the end of the day. Even if an outside even outside office, a statewide office says, “yeah, we think there’s a problem here, here, warden, do something about this misconduct.” The warden can say, “I agree and I’m going to discipline them,” or, “I don’t agree,” or, “I do agree, but I’m not going to discipline them.” Still has so much power. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, and it seems like they’re given a lot of power. They’re given so much trust, you know, by the agency. They’re these kind of official representatives of it. So if they are found to be doing wrong or if they are found to, you know, be betraying the public’s trust in any way, it really kind of undermines the entire agency it feels like in a different way than just, you know, if if a line officer does and then is fired or something like that. You were mentioning, you know, some of the changes that CDCR has made. And we’re going to get into that in the next section. We’re going to talk with somebody who’s been involved in prison reform in California for decades, been part of a really important effort. And we’re going to bring you that conversation after the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This whole series and our focus on New Folsom in particular began because we noticed this anomaly in the investigative records that we were getting from CDCR. There were so many more of these really serious use of force incidents at this one prison. And one of our first calls to try and understand what these numbers meant was to this law firm, Rosen Bien Galvin & Grunfeld, which has been involved in a class action lawsuit against CDCR since 1994 — 30 years. A result of that have been a number of really widespread reforms ordered by the court that have affected all people in prison, even though the lawsuit is specifically focused on people with disabilities. When we called them up, they said, “We don’t have as many clients at New Folsom, but we have heard about some problems at that prison. And have you guys heard about the two whistleblowers that died there?” That conversation was more than two years and a podcast ago. And so and I wanted to sit down with an attorney with that law firm again to hear what they have been up to and to get their reaction to the series. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hello. Thanks so much for coming in, can you please introduce yourself? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">My name is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Penny Godbold\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I’m an attorney at Rosen Bien Galvin and Grunfeld were a civil rights law firm. And I represent people in prison with disabilities under the Armstrong class action case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And can you describe in your own words the Armstrong class action case? Like, what is the nature of that litigation that your firm brought against CDCR? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a long standing class action that’s about making prisons physically accessible to people with disabilities and making sure that the people who are incarcerated in the state of California, for example, if they need a wheelchair, that they have a wheelchair, if they need hearing aids, that they have hearing aids. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you give me an example of why that would be important and how people’s needs have not been met? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Years ago, the example that came to mind was a case of a person with a disability who was being made to crawl up a flight of stairs in order to have access to the what is now the Board of Parole hearings, in order to be able to argue his case that he should be released on parole. So the state of California has come a long way towards providing basic disability accommodations to people in prison. But there’s still more work to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there anything that you heard in the podcast that jumped out at you in terms of recognizing similar themes to what you’ve heard from your clients? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. One of the aspects of the podcast that has really resonated with me is the difficulty people face in coming forward to report problems in prison. There’s a reluctance to believe incarcerated people. And there was a person who was deaf and use sign language to communicate, failed to follow a verbal order that he didn’t hear that was ordered by staff. And that also resulted in a use of force incident. And he complained and there was no accountability action. So we took these reports, declarations to the court and said this is what’s happening in California prisons and something needs to be done to protect the disability rights. And there’s a lot of people out there who have experienced staff misconduct who were willing to eventually talk to us, who were not willing to come forward and report it to CDCR or report it to a federal court, because there’s a very real risk of retaliation. When somebody files a staff complaint in CDCR, one of the first things that happens is that the staff member is notified that a complaint has been filed against them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you talk a little bit about the kind of spiral of retaliation that can happen for somebody who makes a complaint against a correctional officer? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What we hear from our clients is if you file a staff complaint about the use of force incident that you were involved in, then you get sucked into a cycle of retaliation that starts with receiving a disciplinary write up for something that happened during the use of force incident itself. Typically, assault on a police officer during the course of the officer using force against you. And that starts a chain reaction of negative consequences for an incarcerated person. You’re moved to segregation. You lose your property, including letters and and photos from family members that mean so much to people. Your hearing aids might get lost in the transfer. And that’s just the common example that we hear people talk about. But there’s a lot of other less obvious forms of retaliation that people share with us. Something like an officer failing to release them from their cell to to receive medication — that can be retaliatory. And the officer might be able to say that’s not retaliation. I just wasn’t able to release them from their cell at that moment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What it took to get people to come forward, to tell those stories was tremendous. I would say it it took years to bring the kind of litigation that prompted the most recent orders by the court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the most recent orders. Let’s get into that. This started from events happening in a particular prison, but it’s gotten bigger than that. Can you walk us through what the impetus of that was? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We initially started hearing about reports of staff misconduct at one particular prison. And what we learned over time through talking to other incarcerated people is that that phenomenon of disability related staff misconduct and staff misconduct generally, it’s of course, not limited to one prison. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I know from my reporting that that particular prison you’re referencing is Richard J. Donovan in San Diego. Can you just tell me a little bit more about the types of incidents that were happening there? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There was an extreme amount of force being used and force that was resulting in broken bones and serious bodily injury. And in fact, the Department of Corrections convened a strike team and the strike team went down there and found that there were very serious problems and filed a report and called for changes at the institution. Those changes were not implemented and that was part of the impetus for the court ordering changes. But CDCR’s own findings were that there was a level of violence being reported at that prison. And in particular, people with disabilities and other vulnerabilities were being impacted, and something needed to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But wait a minute, CDCR came to that decision itself, right, that there were these serious problems? So why weren’t those changes implemented? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s a good question. I think at the end of the day, CDCR headquarters would be responsible for receiving a report like that and implementing changes. And I can’t answer the question about why it wasn’t done. That is the question. But, in terms of the the court orders themselves right now, they extend to six different CDCR institutions that house a large number of people with disabilities. The most significant remedy has been the implementation of body worn cameras and fixed cameras at these six prisons. And almost immediately, we started hearing reports from our class members at the institutions where the cameras were implemented that unreported, serious use of force incidents went way down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what’s the latest of what’s going on with the lawsuit? And is there a particular area you’re focusing on now? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the challenges that we’re seeing after implementation of the court orders right now is that there are body worn cameras. There is video evidence at the six prisons. And yet there are a lot of reasons why the video evidence is not preserved or produced for investigations. Video evidence right now under policy is preserved for 90 days. Somebody who’s involved in a staff misconduct incident might want to wait until they’re moved off of a prison yard, particular yard with an officer who they had this problem with. And that might occur after 90 days. So if they wait until they are located somewhere else and then they filed their complaint, the video is lost. So one of the the primary areas where there is a need for significant improvement is extending the preservation time for footage for all footage. Also just attempting to extend the body worn camera requirements statewide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is that something that CDCR has indicated any willingness to do to spread to all the institutions? I mean they have been sort of, “No, we’re not going to do this. Yes, we will do it. Okay. We’ll do it at a few prisons.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I want to give CDCR credit for extending camera coverage at four additional prisons that they were not court ordered to have cameras at. That’s significant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Including New Folsom. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes, there were a lot of staff complaints coming out of New Folsom. They so far have been unwilling to extend body worn cameras beyond those four additional prisons. So that’s something that we continue to push on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things we found in the podcast was, of course, that the incarcerated person will have this write up on them. And even if what the incident is investigated and even if the officers are found to have engaged in misconduct, the write up of the incarcerated person doesn’t disappear. They continue to pay for the thing that didn’t happen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, that’s one area that we have been working really hard to bring to the court’s attention and to the fact that in the same way that the staff misconduct investigations are not complete reports of what happened, neither are these disciplinary charges that people are found guilty of, and yet it remains in their file and they continue to suffer the consequences of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. You know when I step back from this… been reporting on California prisons for almost 20 years and have seen a lot of court orders issued and a lot of evidentiary hearings, and, to prove that court orders are not being followed and subsequent court orders, etc., etc. It can be like the court comes up with a prescription and there’s a new rule, but the spirit of the rule is not followed. I hear this a lot that that CDCR will implement a change, but it’s more like they’re checking off a box. “Yeah, we did this.” But not actually addressing the fundamental underlying problem, which is often a lack of respect and a complete imbalance of power because we are talking about prison and just always assuming the worst of the incarcerated population. Do you have any hope that that will change? The way that prisons are run will actually shift? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I am hopeful, but it’s more than can be accomplished through a court ordering additional training. Staff can go sit in a one hour training once a year and learn that they are required to accommodate people with disabilities. But that has to be put into practice throughout the prisons and supervisors need to model how that’s done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, the governor introduced the California model last year. Can you define it? Do you think it’s going to make a difference? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have to say that I do have hope for change. I have learned the art of having hope from my incarcerated clients, because if they can get out of bed in the morning while they’re, you know, locked in a prison cell and facing 20 years in that situation, if they can have hope, then I can have hope. I do see some shortcomings in the way that California has conceived of the California model, which is largely based on taking some principles from these Scandinavian prison systems and implementing them in California. There are significant differences between the systems. The Scandinavian systems hire differently than California does. Just the the role of the officer is perceived of as something totally different in those systems. So I think there’s a lot more work to be done to make that a reality. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much for sharing your time with us and your expertise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Thanks so much for your work, Penny. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’ve been listening to a bonus episode of On Our Watch from KQED. I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is my co-reporter. Chris Egusa produced this episode. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is our Head of Podcasts. Original Music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsey, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer, Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]an Mateo County supervisors are attempting a historic feat in the state: removing an elected sheriff via charter amendment and a simultaneous recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether both have been levied against a California sheriff before, but removing a county’s top law enforcement officer has rarely been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016688/san-mateo-county-will-ask-voters-for-power-to-remove-the-sheriff\">asking voters in March\u003c/a> to give them the temporary authority to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus two years into her first term after “unprecedented complaints.” An \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">independent investigation\u003c/a> found the hallmarks of her administration weren’t the transparency and accountability she promised voters, but rather “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus has remained steadfast that she would not step down, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015360/embattled-san-mateo-county-sheriff-faces-mounting-calls-resign\">mounting calls for her to resign\u003c/a> from state and federal lawmakers, so county officials are taking a two-pronged approach to remove her before she’s up for re-election in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall elections in the Bay Area have been surprisingly successful in the last two election cycles, including the recalls of three school board members and District Attorney Chesa Boudin in San Francisco in 2022 and this year’s recall of Oakland Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is interesting about the sheriff is that, historically, recalls haven’t gone after law enforcement officials until now, until the DA recall,” said Joshua Spivak, a senior research fellow at Berkeley Law’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/research/california-constitution-center/\">California Constitution Center\u003c/a> and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Recall-Elections-Alexander-Hamilton-Newsom/dp/B09DJ1BWN8\">\u003cem>Recall Elections: From Alexander Hamilton to Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sheriffs across the country have largely been spared the wrath of a recall, namely because those campaigns have failed before making it to the ballot or, in some cases, the sheriff resigns before a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sheriff recalls are actually so rare that it’s pretty hard to come up with a very consistent typology or information about recalls,” said Jessica Pishko, a journalist, attorney and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/707263/the-highest-law-in-the-land-by-jessica-pishko/\">\u003cem>The Highest Law in the Land: How the Unchecked Power of Sheriffs Threatens Democracy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike a recall, San Mateo required only a vote by its supervisors to place the amendment on the ballot. If approved by a simple majority of voters, the measure would grant supervisors the authority to remove Corpus with an 80% vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus was the first female and first Latina candidate for sheriff in county history. When she was elected in 2022, she became one of the first Latina sheriffs in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ousting a sheriff by charter amendment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2001, then-Attorney General Bill Lockyer \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/opinions/pdfs/01-408.pdf\">issued an opinion \u003c/a>affirming that supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/general-information/county-structure-0\">California’s 14 charter counties\u003c/a> — those with greater autonomy over their elections and elected officials — could adopt ordinances allowing for the removal of a sheriff, district attorney or other elected official for cause. The process requires a four-fifths vote by the county board after providing the impacted person written notice and a chance to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, San Bernardino County, a charter county, did just that, and although its board didn’t try to use its new powers against him, Sheriff Gary Penrod asked a judge for an injunction. He alleged the move was an “unconstitutional ‘removal’ of the constitutionally mandated, elected sheriff” that could also interfere with investigative and prosecutorial functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legal battle ensued, ending up at the Fourth District Court of Appeals, where judges found in 2005 that the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1445637.html\">ordinance was constitutional\u003c/a>. They didn’t, however, decide whether the majority board vote to remove the sheriff might violate the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/members/peace-officer-bill-of-rights/\">Peace Officers Bill of Rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently in 2022, Los Angeles County voters overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_County,_Measure_A,_Removal_of_Sheriff_for_Cause_Amendment_(November_2022)\">approved an identical charter amendment\u003c/a> to allow the board to remove a sheriff. Two years earlier, LA supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-03-31/supervisors-vote-remove-sheriff-emergency-operations\">removed Sheriff Alex Villanueva\u003c/a> as the head of the county’s emergency operations through a board vote due to several ongoing scandals, including a \u003ca href=\"https://knock-la.com/tradition-of-violence-lasd-gang-history/\">history of deputy gangs inside the department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board vote ultimately was unnecessary, as Villanueva overwhelmingly lost his re-election bid to an internal challenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932401\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932401\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1244809714-scaled-e1668610347274.jpg\" alt=\"Villanueva stands at a podium, his hands hold the sides of the podium and it appears as though he's bracing himself. The outgoing sheriff looks down, seemingly dejected.\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LA County Sheriff Alex Villanueva details his accomplishments during a press conference at the Hall of Justice where he conceded the election to Robert Luna on Nov. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s charter has similar authority, requiring at least nine of the 11 supervisors to vote in favor of removing a sheriff or other public official for misconduct. A vote was brought against then-Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi in 2012 after he pleaded guilty of one count of misdemeanor false imprisonment of his wife. The city’s ethics commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/73516/does-mirkarimi-have-the-3-votes-he-needs-on-the-board-of-supervisors\">found that Mirkarimi committed official misconduct\u003c/a> and Mayor Ed Lee suspended him. Mirkarimi was ultimately reinstated when \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Ross-Mirkarimi-to-keep-job-supes-decide-3934169.php\">only seven supervisors voted in favor\u003c/a> of removing him permanently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, Corpus has alleged she believes the board is overstepping its authority by asking voters to approve a charter amendment. An argument filed \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7598/download?attachment\">against the measure\u003c/a> calls it “an illegal maneuver that will not survive a court challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Dec. 2 meeting where the board approved putting the measure up for a special election, Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco, an attorney appearing on behalf of Corpus, asked the board for a delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty about the process. I ask that you continue this matter to protect the sheriff’s rights, because it’s the right thing to do,” he said. “This is premature for you to usurp the authority of the voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo supervisors did not delay, adding the \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/elections/march-4-2025-special-election\">amendment measure to the March 2025 ballot\u003c/a>, with signatures from U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo Sheriff’s Office in favor of her removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eliot Storch, secretary of the San Mateo County Deputy Sheriff’s Association, said the union is supporting the amendment through its political action committee, \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/Law-Enforcement-Against-Corruption-by-San-Mateo-Deputy-Sheriffs-Association_fppc410_201_09-12-2024.pdf\">Law Enforcement Against Corruption\u003c/a>. He expects people to turn out to vote, even though they just went through a presidential election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t something that’s a distant thing in Washington, D.C. This is something right here,” Storch said. “The people who live here and who interact with the sheriff’s office and our deputies and correctional officers, they’re the ones who are affected by this, and so we want them to understand what’s going on, why Sheriff Corpus’ behavior is so bad and why she needs to be removed, and hope that they will then vote accordingly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Storch said people are still “holding out hope” that Corpus “will see the light” and resign before the amendment or recall are put to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the previous legal challenge out of San Bernardino County, the \u003ca href=\"https://scocablog.com/sheriff-removal-procedures/\">California Constitution Center in 2021\u003c/a> examined the ways counties can remove sheriffs and found a charter amendment with a four-fifths board vote and simultaneous recall is legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multiple means of removing a sheriff are not conflicting, or mutually exclusive. So while general law counties must use the state’s existing recall procedure (and are probably limited to that remedy), charter counties… have far greater flexibility to use the recall or some other removal procedure. The bottom line is that California sheriffs are not exempt from removal before their term expires,” the center concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that rarely happens, as sheriffs can’t be recalled just for any reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015628\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 475px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"475\" height=\"319\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png 475w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 475px) 100vw, 475px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture from retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell’s report shows President-elect Donald Trump posing for a photo with San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office Executive Director Victor Aenlle on Sept. 13, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually it’s some kind of dereliction of duty, or it has to be a violation of the oath of office, and that’s where a lot of recalls run into trouble,” Pishko said. “Most recalls are either for some kind of failure to investigate crime or the sheriff has lied about corruption. You don’t ever get a recall because the sheriff has been too violent, too tough, or has killed too many people or their officers are committing misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her investigation, retired Judge LaDoris Cordell had \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/county-supervisors-consider-seeking-sheriffs-immediate-resignation-over-findings\">several sustained findings\u003c/a> against Corpus, including Corpus using racial and homophobic slurs in the workplace; she and her executive team engaging in retaliation and intimidation; and she and former Executive Director Victor Aenlle are in a romantic relationship that creates a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalling a California sheriff is a rare feat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Mateo supervisors have also announced that a recall campaign against Corpus is underway, which will require about 46,000 signatures to get on the ballot. County officials estimate it wouldn’t be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">until April 2026\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall campaigns against sheriffs died due to a lack of signatures in both Shasta and Santa Cruz counties in 2012. An \u003ca href=\"https://recallelections.blogspot.com/2013/09/california-high-failure-rate-results-in.html\">analysis of a failed sheriff recall\u003c/a> in Lake County in 2013 found the most common reason signatures were invalidated — 8.6% of all signatures — was because the signee was not registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recall effort against San Francisco’s Mirkarimi was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Sheriff-Ross-Mirkarimi-recall-in-works-4018582.php#ixzz2BlSRiyKl\">hinted at in 2012\u003c/a> but never materialized, along with one \u003ca href=\"https://voicesofmontereybay.org/2021/02/26/bernal-target-of-recall/\">in Monterey County in 2021\u003c/a>, when Sheriff Steve Bernal chose to retire. Monterey County supervisors censured him over allegations he misused funds but, as a non-charter county, they couldn’t remove him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time citizens tried to recall a California sheriff was in Sonoma County in 2017. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/sonoma-county-sheriff-steve-freitas-announces-early-retirement/\">Then-Sheriff Steve Freitas resigned\u003c/a>, citing medical issues, before the deadline for the recall to collect 35,000 valid signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes sheriffs just resign rather than go through the process,” Pishko said. “If the situation is bad enough, the sheriff will simply resign and then no recall is necessary.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='recall-election' label='More Recall Coverage']\u003c/span>A search of newspaper archives found just one successful recall campaign against a California sheriff. In December 1974, Plumas County Sheriff W.C. “Abby” Abernethy “retired” for six days before being sworn in for his sixth term, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/image/162352450/?match=1&terms=Sheriff%20W.C.%20%E2%80%9CAbby%E2%80%9D%20Abernethy%20recall\">Feather River Bulletin\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. The move allowed him to collect his pension while drawing a salary of $29,346 a year, $178,390 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some taxpayers didn’t like the double-dipping, so they gathered the required 500 signatures to put the recall on a 1976 ballot. After 21 years in office, Abernethy was recalled, losing by just 2% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spivak said it’s not surprising that there aren’t many recalls against sheriffs, because of two main reasons. One, there’s only 58 serving in the state at a time, compared to the thousands of people serving on school boards or city councils across the state, so other offices are more likely to face a recall based on sheer numbers alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other problem is that, because there’s one sheriff, that means they’re elected by the whole county, so you need a lot more signatures,” he said. “You need just an enormous number of signatures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Mateo County officials have estimated they need 46,000 signatures to get Corpus’ recall onto a 2026 ballot, Spivak projects they should plan to gather around 54,000 if they want to be successful, as 20% of signatures submitted for recalls typically don’t meet the requirements and are tossed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing of the election also impacts a recall’s success. Spivak said of the more than 1,000 recall elections in the U.S. since he began tracking them in 2011, 67% succeeded on a general or primary election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spivak said San Mateo is right to use its authority as a charter county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That makes a lot of sense to go with a charter amendment,” he said. “If you can, it’s much easier and a lot less costly.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Supervisors are trying two different ways to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus from office — one has never been successfully used and the other hasn’t happened in nearly half a century.",
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"title": "California Sheriffs Are Rarely Removed From Office. San Mateo Is Trying Anyway | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>an Mateo County supervisors are attempting a historic feat in the state: removing an elected sheriff via charter amendment and a simultaneous recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether both have been levied against a California sheriff before, but removing a county’s top law enforcement officer has rarely been successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016688/san-mateo-county-will-ask-voters-for-power-to-remove-the-sheriff\">asking voters in March\u003c/a> to give them the temporary authority to remove Sheriff Christina Corpus two years into her first term after “unprecedented complaints.” An \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">independent investigation\u003c/a> found the hallmarks of her administration weren’t the transparency and accountability she promised voters, but rather “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus has remained steadfast that she would not step down, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015360/embattled-san-mateo-county-sheriff-faces-mounting-calls-resign\">mounting calls for her to resign\u003c/a> from state and federal lawmakers, so county officials are taking a two-pronged approach to remove her before she’s up for re-election in 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall elections in the Bay Area have been surprisingly successful in the last two election cycles, including the recalls of three school board members and District Attorney Chesa Boudin in San Francisco in 2022 and this year’s recall of Oakland Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a> and Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is interesting about the sheriff is that, historically, recalls haven’t gone after law enforcement officials until now, until the DA recall,” said Joshua Spivak, a senior research fellow at Berkeley Law’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/research/california-constitution-center/\">California Constitution Center\u003c/a> and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Recall-Elections-Alexander-Hamilton-Newsom/dp/B09DJ1BWN8\">\u003cem>Recall Elections: From Alexander Hamilton to Gavin Newsom\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sheriffs across the country have largely been spared the wrath of a recall, namely because those campaigns have failed before making it to the ballot or, in some cases, the sheriff resigns before a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sheriff recalls are actually so rare that it’s pretty hard to come up with a very consistent typology or information about recalls,” said Jessica Pishko, a journalist, attorney and author of \u003ca href=\"https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/707263/the-highest-law-in-the-land-by-jessica-pishko/\">\u003cem>The Highest Law in the Land: How the Unchecked Power of Sheriffs Threatens Democracy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike a recall, San Mateo required only a vote by its supervisors to place the amendment on the ballot. If approved by a simple majority of voters, the measure would grant supervisors the authority to remove Corpus with an 80% vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus was the first female and first Latina candidate for sheriff in county history. When she was elected in 2022, she became one of the first Latina sheriffs in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ousting a sheriff by charter amendment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2001, then-Attorney General Bill Lockyer \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/opinions/pdfs/01-408.pdf\">issued an opinion \u003c/a>affirming that supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/general-information/county-structure-0\">California’s 14 charter counties\u003c/a> — those with greater autonomy over their elections and elected officials — could adopt ordinances allowing for the removal of a sheriff, district attorney or other elected official for cause. The process requires a four-fifths vote by the county board after providing the impacted person written notice and a chance to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, San Bernardino County, a charter county, did just that, and although its board didn’t try to use its new powers against him, Sheriff Gary Penrod asked a judge for an injunction. He alleged the move was an “unconstitutional ‘removal’ of the constitutionally mandated, elected sheriff” that could also interfere with investigative and prosecutorial functions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A legal battle ensued, ending up at the Fourth District Court of Appeals, where judges found in 2005 that the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1445637.html\">ordinance was constitutional\u003c/a>. They didn’t, however, decide whether the majority board vote to remove the sheriff might violate the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/members/peace-officer-bill-of-rights/\">Peace Officers Bill of Rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently in 2022, Los Angeles County voters overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_County,_Measure_A,_Removal_of_Sheriff_for_Cause_Amendment_(November_2022)\">approved an identical charter amendment\u003c/a> to allow the board to remove a sheriff. Two years earlier, LA supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-03-31/supervisors-vote-remove-sheriff-emergency-operations\">removed Sheriff Alex Villanueva\u003c/a> as the head of the county’s emergency operations through a board vote due to several ongoing scandals, including a \u003ca href=\"https://knock-la.com/tradition-of-violence-lasd-gang-history/\">history of deputy gangs inside the department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board vote ultimately was unnecessary, as Villanueva overwhelmingly lost his re-election bid to an internal challenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11932401\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11932401\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1244809714-scaled-e1668610347274.jpg\" alt=\"Villanueva stands at a podium, his hands hold the sides of the podium and it appears as though he's bracing himself. The outgoing sheriff looks down, seemingly dejected.\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LA County Sheriff Alex Villanueva details his accomplishments during a press conference at the Hall of Justice where he conceded the election to Robert Luna on Nov. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s charter has similar authority, requiring at least nine of the 11 supervisors to vote in favor of removing a sheriff or other public official for misconduct. A vote was brought against then-Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi in 2012 after he pleaded guilty of one count of misdemeanor false imprisonment of his wife. The city’s ethics commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/73516/does-mirkarimi-have-the-3-votes-he-needs-on-the-board-of-supervisors\">found that Mirkarimi committed official misconduct\u003c/a> and Mayor Ed Lee suspended him. Mirkarimi was ultimately reinstated when \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Ross-Mirkarimi-to-keep-job-supes-decide-3934169.php\">only seven supervisors voted in favor\u003c/a> of removing him permanently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, Corpus has alleged she believes the board is overstepping its authority by asking voters to approve a charter amendment. An argument filed \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7598/download?attachment\">against the measure\u003c/a> calls it “an illegal maneuver that will not survive a court challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Dec. 2 meeting where the board approved putting the measure up for a special election, Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco, an attorney appearing on behalf of Corpus, asked the board for a delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty about the process. I ask that you continue this matter to protect the sheriff’s rights, because it’s the right thing to do,” he said. “This is premature for you to usurp the authority of the voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo supervisors did not delay, adding the \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/elections/march-4-2025-special-election\">amendment measure to the March 2025 ballot\u003c/a>, with signatures from U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo Sheriff’s Office in favor of her removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eliot Storch, secretary of the San Mateo County Deputy Sheriff’s Association, said the union is supporting the amendment through its political action committee, \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/Law-Enforcement-Against-Corruption-by-San-Mateo-Deputy-Sheriffs-Association_fppc410_201_09-12-2024.pdf\">Law Enforcement Against Corruption\u003c/a>. He expects people to turn out to vote, even though they just went through a presidential election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t something that’s a distant thing in Washington, D.C. This is something right here,” Storch said. “The people who live here and who interact with the sheriff’s office and our deputies and correctional officers, they’re the ones who are affected by this, and so we want them to understand what’s going on, why Sheriff Corpus’ behavior is so bad and why she needs to be removed, and hope that they will then vote accordingly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Storch said people are still “holding out hope” that Corpus “will see the light” and resign before the amendment or recall are put to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing the previous legal challenge out of San Bernardino County, the \u003ca href=\"https://scocablog.com/sheriff-removal-procedures/\">California Constitution Center in 2021\u003c/a> examined the ways counties can remove sheriffs and found a charter amendment with a four-fifths board vote and simultaneous recall is legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multiple means of removing a sheriff are not conflicting, or mutually exclusive. So while general law counties must use the state’s existing recall procedure (and are probably limited to that remedy), charter counties… have far greater flexibility to use the recall or some other removal procedure. The bottom line is that California sheriffs are not exempt from removal before their term expires,” the center concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that rarely happens, as sheriffs can’t be recalled just for any reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015628\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 475px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"475\" height=\"319\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png 475w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 475px) 100vw, 475px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture from retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell’s report shows President-elect Donald Trump posing for a photo with San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office Executive Director Victor Aenlle on Sept. 13, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Usually it’s some kind of dereliction of duty, or it has to be a violation of the oath of office, and that’s where a lot of recalls run into trouble,” Pishko said. “Most recalls are either for some kind of failure to investigate crime or the sheriff has lied about corruption. You don’t ever get a recall because the sheriff has been too violent, too tough, or has killed too many people or their officers are committing misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her investigation, retired Judge LaDoris Cordell had \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/county-supervisors-consider-seeking-sheriffs-immediate-resignation-over-findings\">several sustained findings\u003c/a> against Corpus, including Corpus using racial and homophobic slurs in the workplace; she and her executive team engaging in retaliation and intimidation; and she and former Executive Director Victor Aenlle are in a romantic relationship that creates a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalling a California sheriff is a rare feat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Mateo supervisors have also announced that a recall campaign against Corpus is underway, which will require about 46,000 signatures to get on the ballot. County officials estimate it wouldn’t be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">until April 2026\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recall campaigns against sheriffs died due to a lack of signatures in both Shasta and Santa Cruz counties in 2012. An \u003ca href=\"https://recallelections.blogspot.com/2013/09/california-high-failure-rate-results-in.html\">analysis of a failed sheriff recall\u003c/a> in Lake County in 2013 found the most common reason signatures were invalidated — 8.6% of all signatures — was because the signee was not registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recall effort against San Francisco’s Mirkarimi was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Sheriff-Ross-Mirkarimi-recall-in-works-4018582.php#ixzz2BlSRiyKl\">hinted at in 2012\u003c/a> but never materialized, along with one \u003ca href=\"https://voicesofmontereybay.org/2021/02/26/bernal-target-of-recall/\">in Monterey County in 2021\u003c/a>, when Sheriff Steve Bernal chose to retire. Monterey County supervisors censured him over allegations he misused funds but, as a non-charter county, they couldn’t remove him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time citizens tried to recall a California sheriff was in Sonoma County in 2017. \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/sonoma-county-sheriff-steve-freitas-announces-early-retirement/\">Then-Sheriff Steve Freitas resigned\u003c/a>, citing medical issues, before the deadline for the recall to collect 35,000 valid signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes sheriffs just resign rather than go through the process,” Pishko said. “If the situation is bad enough, the sheriff will simply resign and then no recall is necessary.”\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>A search of newspaper archives found just one successful recall campaign against a California sheriff. In December 1974, Plumas County Sheriff W.C. “Abby” Abernethy “retired” for six days before being sworn in for his sixth term, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/image/162352450/?match=1&terms=Sheriff%20W.C.%20%E2%80%9CAbby%E2%80%9D%20Abernethy%20recall\">Feather River Bulletin\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. The move allowed him to collect his pension while drawing a salary of $29,346 a year, $178,390 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some taxpayers didn’t like the double-dipping, so they gathered the required 500 signatures to put the recall on a 1976 ballot. After 21 years in office, Abernethy was recalled, losing by just 2% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spivak said it’s not surprising that there aren’t many recalls against sheriffs, because of two main reasons. One, there’s only 58 serving in the state at a time, compared to the thousands of people serving on school boards or city councils across the state, so other offices are more likely to face a recall based on sheer numbers alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other problem is that, because there’s one sheriff, that means they’re elected by the whole county, so you need a lot more signatures,” he said. “You need just an enormous number of signatures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While San Mateo County officials have estimated they need 46,000 signatures to get Corpus’ recall onto a 2026 ballot, Spivak projects they should plan to gather around 54,000 if they want to be successful, as 20% of signatures submitted for recalls typically don’t meet the requirements and are tossed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timing of the election also impacts a recall’s success. Spivak said of the more than 1,000 recall elections in the U.S. since he began tracking them in 2011, 67% succeeded on a general or primary election day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spivak said San Mateo is right to use its authority as a charter county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That makes a lot of sense to go with a charter amendment,” he said. “If you can, it’s much easier and a lot less costly.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "police-say-unitedhealthcares-ceo-was-likely-killed-with-a-ghost-gun-what-are-they",
"title": "Police say UnitedHealthcare's CEO Was Likely Killed With a Ghost Gun. What Are They?",
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"headTitle": "Police say UnitedHealthcare’s CEO Was Likely Killed With a Ghost Gun. What Are They? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Luigi Mangione, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/10/nx-s1-5223302/latest-unitedhealthcare-ceo-shooting-case\">the suspect charged\u003c/a> in the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, was carrying a “ghost gun” at the time of his arrest, authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old was “in possession of a ghost gun that had the capability of firing a 9 millimeter round” when he was arrested in Altoona, Pennsylvania, on Monday, New York Police Department (NYPD) Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny said at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UdaqEezK2Ks\">press briefing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The NYPD said the gun, which is “consistent with the weapon used in the murder,” may have been made on a 3D printer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no tolerance, nor should anyone, for one man using an illegal ghost gun to murder someone because he thinks his opinion matters most,” Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1866273624711193077\">said on Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghost guns, also known as privately made firearms, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/12/1092063600/what-are-ghost-guns-explained\">assembled by their owners\u003c/a>, either from scratch or through weapon parts kits. They are not marked with serial numbers, making them easy for criminals to acquire and difficult, if not impossible, for law enforcement to trace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives said in 2022 that within the previous five years, it was only able to successfully trace 0.98% of suspected “ghost guns” back to their individual purchaser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, a growing number of ghost guns have been recovered from crime scenes across the U.S., worrying many authorities. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.bradyunited.org/resources/issues/what-are-ghost-guns\">have been used\u003c/a> in homicides, domestic violence, robberies, killings of law enforcement officers, mass shootings and school shootings, including one that wounded two kindergarteners at a religious school in Oroville in Butte County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/butte-county-california-school-shooting-1a183fcd1670d47dedeff81d9f1ce492\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization Everytown for Gun Safety \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/report/ghost-guns-recoveries-and-shootings/?_gl=1*1i0s6ir*_ga*NTg3MDQzNDY4LjE3MzM4MzQwNDA.*_ga_68QYBV181T*MTczMzgzNDAzOS4xLjEuMTczMzgzNDEyOS4wLjAuMA..*_ga_1FTV9KT752*MTczMzgzNDAzOS4xLjAuMTczMzgzNDAzOS4wLjAuMA..\">has called them\u003c/a> “the fastest growing gun safety problem in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it is legal in the U.S. to build a firearm for personal use, the Biden administration, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/rankings/law/ghost-guns-regulated/\">more than a dozen states\u003c/a>, have tried with varying degrees of success to regulate ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are ghost guns made?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are several main methods for assembling a ghost gun, a process that \u003ca href=\"https://www.everytown.org/arent-ghost-gun-build-kits-expensive/\">gun control advocates\u003c/a> say can take less than an hour and costs only a few hundred dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is to \u003ca href=\"https://thesoufancenter.org/intelbrief-2024-september-20/\">use a 3D printer\u003c/a> — with the instruction manuals and videos easily available online — to create some or most of the parts from scratch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People can also buy the necessary components online, either piece by piece or all together, in what are called buy-build-shoot kits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Buy-build-shoot kits are weapon parts kits that are essentially pre-manufactured, [disassembled], complete firearms (a firearm in a box),” the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1493431/dl\">Department of Justice said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was legal for retailers to sell those kits without running background checks until 2022, when the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/frame-and-receiver-rule-goes-effect\">passed a rule\u003c/a> aimed at curbing the growing use of ghost guns in crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How prevalent are ghost guns?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ghost guns seized in federal law enforcement actions are displayed at the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives field office in California in 2022. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ghost guns have been around in the U.S. at least since the 1990s but have proliferated over the last decade or so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ATF said it received approximately 45,000 reports of suspected ghost guns recovered by law enforcement in criminal investigations between January 2016 and December 2021. Of those investigations, 692 involved homicides or attempted homicides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data from the bureau shows the number of suspected ghost guns \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-new-rule-modernize-firearm-definitions\">rising steadily each year\u003c/a> over that period, from 1,758 in 2016 to 19,344 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State- and city-specific data also sheds light on the growing prevalence of ghost guns in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ogvp-report-ghost-guns.pdf\">data released in October\u003c/a> shows that 8,340 ghost guns were recovered in the state in 2023, compared to just three in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia police recovered 575 ghost guns in 2022, reporting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/at-hearing-state-legislators-learn-ghost-gun-use-growing-on-phillys-streets/3792694/\">311% increase\u003c/a> in their use since 2019. The NYPD reported that officers seized \u003ca href=\"https://ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/public-safety/2023/09/20/nypd-unit-combatting-the-growing-problem-of-ghost-guns\">463 ghost guns\u003c/a> in 2022, up from 263 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are extremely dangerous, and we must do more on the federal level to clamp down on the availability of ghost guns,” New York City Mayor Eric Adams said at Monday’s briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are ghost guns regulated?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Private U.S. citizens are allowed to build guns for personal use under the Gun Control Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, some state and federal authorities are taking steps to crack down on ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen states \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/rankings/law/ghost-guns-regulated/\">have passed laws\u003c/a> to regulate them, with many requiring serial numbers and background checks for component parts and others — including New York — going a step further by requiring ghost guns to be reported to authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='gun-laws' label='More Coverage' ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a Justice Department rule took effect that made weapons parts kits subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/frame-and-receiver-rule-goes-effect\">same regulations\u003c/a> as traditional firearms, including requiring commercial sellers to become federally licensed, mark certain parts with serial numbers and run background checks on purchasers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule also aims to regulate some of the ghost guns already in circulation by requiring federally licensed dealers and gunsmiths to put serial numbers on any guns they take into inventory that don’t already have them before selling them to another customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime [with a] ghost gun, not only are state and local prosecutors going to come after you, but expect federal charges and federal prosecution as well,” President \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/02/03/remarks-by-president-biden-at-a-gun-violence-prevention-task-force-meeting/\">Biden said\u003c/a> that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kit manufacturers and sellers challenged the rule in court, arguing the ATF exceeded its authority. The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/10/16/1206245991/supreme-court-ghost-guns\">allowed the rule to remain\u003c/a> in place pending litigation and heard the case in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has not yet made a decision, though NPR’s Nina Totenberg reported that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/08/nx-s1-5145914/supreme-court-ghost-guns\">justices seemed inclined\u003c/a> to side with the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Luigi Mangione, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/10/nx-s1-5223302/latest-unitedhealthcare-ceo-shooting-case\">the suspect charged\u003c/a> in the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, was carrying a “ghost gun” at the time of his arrest, authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 26-year-old was “in possession of a ghost gun that had the capability of firing a 9 millimeter round” when he was arrested in Altoona, Pennsylvania, on Monday, New York Police Department (NYPD) Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny said at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UdaqEezK2Ks\">press briefing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The NYPD said the gun, which is “consistent with the weapon used in the murder,” may have been made on a 3D printer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no tolerance, nor should anyone, for one man using an illegal ghost gun to murder someone because he thinks his opinion matters most,” Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1866273624711193077\">said on Monday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghost guns, also known as privately made firearms, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/04/12/1092063600/what-are-ghost-guns-explained\">assembled by their owners\u003c/a>, either from scratch or through weapon parts kits. They are not marked with serial numbers, making them easy for criminals to acquire and difficult, if not impossible, for law enforcement to trace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives said in 2022 that within the previous five years, it was only able to successfully trace 0.98% of suspected “ghost guns” back to their individual purchaser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, a growing number of ghost guns have been recovered from crime scenes across the U.S., worrying many authorities. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.bradyunited.org/resources/issues/what-are-ghost-guns\">have been used\u003c/a> in homicides, domestic violence, robberies, killings of law enforcement officers, mass shootings and school shootings, including one that wounded two kindergarteners at a religious school in Oroville in Butte County \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/butte-county-california-school-shooting-1a183fcd1670d47dedeff81d9f1ce492\">last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization Everytown for Gun Safety \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/report/ghost-guns-recoveries-and-shootings/?_gl=1*1i0s6ir*_ga*NTg3MDQzNDY4LjE3MzM4MzQwNDA.*_ga_68QYBV181T*MTczMzgzNDAzOS4xLjEuMTczMzgzNDEyOS4wLjAuMA..*_ga_1FTV9KT752*MTczMzgzNDAzOS4xLjAuMTczMzgzNDAzOS4wLjAuMA..\">has called them\u003c/a> “the fastest growing gun safety problem in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it is legal in the U.S. to build a firearm for personal use, the Biden administration, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/rankings/law/ghost-guns-regulated/\">more than a dozen states\u003c/a>, have tried with varying degrees of success to regulate ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are ghost guns made?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are several main methods for assembling a ghost gun, a process that \u003ca href=\"https://www.everytown.org/arent-ghost-gun-build-kits-expensive/\">gun control advocates\u003c/a> say can take less than an hour and costs only a few hundred dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One is to \u003ca href=\"https://thesoufancenter.org/intelbrief-2024-september-20/\">use a 3D printer\u003c/a> — with the instruction manuals and videos easily available online — to create some or most of the parts from scratch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People can also buy the necessary components online, either piece by piece or all together, in what are called buy-build-shoot kits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Buy-build-shoot kits are weapon parts kits that are essentially pre-manufactured, [disassembled], complete firearms (a firearm in a box),” the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/1493431/dl\">Department of Justice said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was legal for retailers to sell those kits without running background checks until 2022, when the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/frame-and-receiver-rule-goes-effect\">passed a rule\u003c/a> aimed at curbing the growing use of ghost guns in crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How prevalent are ghost guns?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017476\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/NPR2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ghost guns seized in federal law enforcement actions are displayed at the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives field office in California in 2022. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ghost guns have been around in the U.S. at least since the 1990s but have proliferated over the last decade or so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ATF said it received approximately 45,000 reports of suspected ghost guns recovered by law enforcement in criminal investigations between January 2016 and December 2021. Of those investigations, 692 involved homicides or attempted homicides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data from the bureau shows the number of suspected ghost guns \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-new-rule-modernize-firearm-definitions\">rising steadily each year\u003c/a> over that period, from 1,758 in 2016 to 19,344 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State- and city-specific data also sheds light on the growing prevalence of ghost guns in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ogvp-report-ghost-guns.pdf\">data released in October\u003c/a> shows that 8,340 ghost guns were recovered in the state in 2023, compared to just three in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia police recovered 575 ghost guns in 2022, reporting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/at-hearing-state-legislators-learn-ghost-gun-use-growing-on-phillys-streets/3792694/\">311% increase\u003c/a> in their use since 2019. The NYPD reported that officers seized \u003ca href=\"https://ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/public-safety/2023/09/20/nypd-unit-combatting-the-growing-problem-of-ghost-guns\">463 ghost guns\u003c/a> in 2022, up from 263 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are extremely dangerous, and we must do more on the federal level to clamp down on the availability of ghost guns,” New York City Mayor Eric Adams said at Monday’s briefing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How are ghost guns regulated?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Private U.S. citizens are allowed to build guns for personal use under the Gun Control Act of 1968.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, some state and federal authorities are taking steps to crack down on ghost guns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen states \u003ca href=\"https://everytownresearch.org/rankings/law/ghost-guns-regulated/\">have passed laws\u003c/a> to regulate them, with many requiring serial numbers and background checks for component parts and others — including New York — going a step further by requiring ghost guns to be reported to authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a Justice Department rule took effect that made weapons parts kits subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/frame-and-receiver-rule-goes-effect\">same regulations\u003c/a> as traditional firearms, including requiring commercial sellers to become federally licensed, mark certain parts with serial numbers and run background checks on purchasers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rule also aims to regulate some of the ghost guns already in circulation by requiring federally licensed dealers and gunsmiths to put serial numbers on any guns they take into inventory that don’t already have them before selling them to another customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you commit a crime [with a] ghost gun, not only are state and local prosecutors going to come after you, but expect federal charges and federal prosecution as well,” President \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/02/03/remarks-by-president-biden-at-a-gun-violence-prevention-task-force-meeting/\">Biden said\u003c/a> that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kit manufacturers and sellers challenged the rule in court, arguing the ATF exceeded its authority. The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/10/16/1206245991/supreme-court-ghost-guns\">allowed the rule to remain\u003c/a> in place pending litigation and heard the case in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has not yet made a decision, though NPR’s Nina Totenberg reported that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/08/nx-s1-5145914/supreme-court-ghost-guns\">justices seemed inclined\u003c/a> to side with the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "he-played-with-peoples-minds-fresno-priest-left-a-trail-of-sexual-abuse-allegations",
"title": "'He Played With People's Minds': Fresno Priest Left a Trail of Sexual Abuse Allegations",
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"headTitle": "‘He Played With People’s Minds’: Fresno Priest Left a Trail of Sexual Abuse Allegations | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Reader advisory: Some accounts of sexual assault in this story contain explicit details and strong language that some may find upsetting or objectionable.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882683/jugo-con-la-mente-de-la-gente-un-sacerdote-de-fresno-dejo-un-rastro-de-acusaciones-de-abuso-sexual\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Dec. 6, 2024\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since this story first published in 2020, Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna pleaded no contest to nine counts of sexual battery and one count of attempt to dissuade a witness. The rest of the charges were dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing in Fresno County Superior Court in April, he apologized to the survivors and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ask that they forgive me for what I did,” Castañeda said through a translator. “I did not know of the impact that it was to them, because of everything that I caused them, emotionally, humanly and as a Christian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge had ordered the priest be sent to prison for up to 90 days for an evaluation to determine whether he should be given probation or serve prison time, a process that considers public safety as well as what’s best for the defendant when recommending an ultimate sentence to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the prosecution, officials at Wasco State Prison wrote that Castañeda displayed poor judgment, had impulse control issues and had made poor choices leading to recurring problematic behavior over several years. They unanimously recommended that he go to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, he was sentenced to 365 days in the Fresno County Jail and five years of probation. With credit for time served, he is expected to be released in late December after serving a total of six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally when you have multiple victims over a long period of time and an abuse of authority and power, I would say probation is a rarity,” said Fresno County Senior Deputy District Attorney Kelly Smith, who prosecuted the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said he was surprised when the judge indicated he might give a sentence of probation. But when asked, the survivors in this case said they were OK with the resolution. The important thing was that Castañeda took responsibility, and that the case was finally coming to an end, they said, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see that he’s not above the law, he can also go to jail. I felt like there was justice,” said Maria Estevez, one of Castañeda’s former followers who said she was glad that he won’t be able to serve as a priest while he’s on probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God will deal with him,” she said. “We don’t even think we have the power or the ability to say this is what should happen to him.”\u003cbr>\nEstevez, who recently rejoined the church, said Castañeda rarely comes up in conversations with other parishioners. People just want to move on, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the survivors had said they wanted Castañeda to go to prison, Smith said he believes there would have likely been a different outcome in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately that’s what swayed the court,” he said. “Ultimately these particular survivors gave the mercy to Mr. Serna that he didn’t give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, July 23, 2021\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since this story was first published, several former parishioners who spoke to KQED filed a lawsuit against Fresno priest Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, alleging Castañeda had sexually assaulted them. That lawsuit was settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten more people filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21012428-20210602094804722\">another lawsuit\u003c/a> against the priest and his former employer in April 2021, alleging the priest sexually assaulted them, or attempted to. One of them says she was a minor at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda continues to preach to followers in Fresno, either via Facebook Live or in person at private events, former church members said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of late June, he still belonged to the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches, an organization with headquarters in the United Kingdom that accepted him as a priest in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fr. Antonio’s status remains unchanged. We await the conclusion of due process in this case,” Bruce Taylor, the group’s archbishop of North America, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda remains out on bond, awaiting a trial scheduled for March 2022. His defense attorney, Ralph Torres, declined to comment on the lawsuit filed earlier this year. Further attempts to reach Castañeda were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nLuis said he couldn’t tell the doctor what had really happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had been several days since he first noticed the blood in his urine and the bruising around his groin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old native of Jalisco, Mexico, had been meeting with a popular local priest in Fresno, Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, who went by the name Father Antonio. His family had introduced him to Father Antonio in hope of the priest helping Luis, who had struggled with an addiction to meth, get back on his feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people would come looking for him,” said Luis, which is not his real name. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story. “They said it was something … like a gift from God he had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Father Antonio was lead pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin. The priest’s charismatic leadership drew in hundreds from Fresno’s Latino community and his rumored healing abilities had earned him the nickname “el padrecito que hace milagros” — the priest who performs miracles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During sessions in Father Antonio’s office that Luis said took place over the course of several years, he would lie down on a bench or massage table wearing only his boxers, while Father Antonio prayed and rubbed oil onto his skin. The intensity of the massage was so forceful that the priest often left bruises, Luis later testified.[pullquote]A KQED investigation found Castañeda had been accused before and has moved from the Catholic Church to the Anglican Church and then to another religious group without undergoing complete background checks — or any at all.[/pullquote]He had told his mom and girlfriend that he had been hurt at his construction job. It seemed easier that way, he said. And now, at the medical clinic, the doctor asked more questions — questions that Luis said he didn’t feel comfortable answering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t tell [the doctor] that someone had touched me,” Luis told KQED in November 2019. “It’s difficult. A man touches another adult … what was I going to say — he touched me? It’s a little ridiculous. Because people wouldn’t have believed me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis eventually told authorities that it was during these massages — which the priest said he needed to expel a curse from his body — that Father Antonio sexually assaulted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826082 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Luis was one of at least two men who told Anglican church officials that Father Antonio Castañeda had sexually assaulted them for years during healing rituals involving prayer and massage that the priest said could heal them of their sexual sins. (Luis is a pseudonym. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story.)\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis was one of at least 2 men who told Anglican church officials that Father Antonio Castañeda had sexually assaulted them for years during healing rituals involving prayer and massage that the priest said could heal them of their sexual sins. (Luis is a pseudonym. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story.) \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A cure for curses and sexual sins\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, several men came forward with allegations that Castañeda had sexually abused parishioners during massages that he said could heal them physically or spiritually, said Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the victims that I met with at the beginning were undocumented men and so going to the police was a scary prospect,” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in early 2018, Luis and another man agreed to be interviewed by detectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other alleged victim told police that Castañeda instructed him to masturbate in front of him on multiple occasions, according to a declaration by a Fresno police investigator to support an arrest warrant. He said the priest told him that he needed to see his semen to determine the exact curse or illness afflicting him. In one instance, the man said, Castañeda hugged him and told him he loved him “as a man loves a woman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was arrested in February 2019 and released the next day on bond. Over 40 parishioners told church officials that they, or someone they knew, had been abused by Castañeda, Menees told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nine people — eight men, including Luis, and one woman — have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case, according to court testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda faces \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6951672-AC-UPDATED-COMPLAINT.html\">22 counts\u003c/a> of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempting to dissuade a witness. His case, which was expected to go to trial this year, has been delayed because of the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED investigation found Castañeda had been accused before and has moved from the Catholic Church to the Anglican Church and then to another religious group without undergoing complete background checks — or any at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he awaits trial, Castañeda has opened a new church where he continues to lead services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda has denied all charges through his attorney, Ralph Torres, who said the priest’s accusers have misinterpreted an accepted form of traditional healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a cultural thing,” Torres said. “This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that. You may have a misunderstanding, something that wasn’t appreciated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said his client never sexually abused parishioners and that “the truth will come out at trial.” Torres declined KQED’s request to interview his client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses who testified at a fall 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781717/fresno-priest-accused-of-sexual-abuse-of-immigrant-parishioners-to-stand-trial\">preliminary hearing\u003c/a> said the priest told them they were cursed, rubbed oil on their genitals or convinced them they had to masturbate in front of him to be healed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825816\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825816\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the alleged victims in the criminal case testified that he came to this office with his ex-wife to receive counseling from Father Antonio Castañeda and was taken to a conference room and abused by the priest.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the alleged victims in the criminal case testified that he came to this office in Fresno with his ex-wife to receive counseling from Father Antonio Castañeda and was taken to a conference room and abused by the priest. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some said they sought Castañeda’s guidance in times of difficulty in their lives: the end of a relationship, addiction to alcohol or drugs, and in one case, the death of a child, according to court testimony. Often ashamed and confused about the sessions in his office, but hopeful he could help them, some parishioners said they went back to Castañeda over and over for years. Others kept the alleged abuse hidden from their own family members who, they later discovered, were also alleged victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case raises questions about the vulnerability of adults, including undocumented immigrants, to sexual abuse in the church, and reveals how religious institutions are struggling to respond — decades after the systemic cover-up of sexual abuse in the Catholic Church first came to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You feel like — am I still a man? Or am I even man enough?” one alleged victim in the case told KQED. “I let another guy touch me. You feel like they stole your identity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Where can I find the priest who performs miracles?’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former parishioners told KQED that they believed Castañeda truly healed people, which is why many have struggled to accept the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda came to Fresno around 2007 and began preparing to become an Anglican priest. Parishioners said he subscribed to healing practices that included laying hands on the body to cure illnesses and performed cleansing rituals involving white candles, sheets and rubbing oil and salt on the body.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rosalina Rodriguez, former parishioner of Our Lady of Guadalupe\"]‘He played with people’s minds. He would say, ‘You have cancer,’ or ‘You have this illness, you have this or that.’ And he was always putting illnesses on people, so that he could then cure them.’[/pullquote]Under Castañeda’s leadership, parishioners of Our Lady said they witnessed phenomena they still can’t explain: There was the story of the dying patient he brought back from life support, the man who parishioners said levitated off the floor while they prayed for him in an apparent exorcism led by the priest, and the woman whose cancer Castañeda said he had cured — purportedly removing a mass from her body — in front of the whole congregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At healing masses, Castañeda would place his hands above a parishioner’s head and they would fall to the ground, or “rest in the spirit” — having been overtaken by the Holy Spirit, former parishioners said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would form these huge lines for him to massage them and for him to cure them. Because he cured everything,” Rosa Reynaga, one of Castañeda’s former assistants, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once, at a church yard sale, former parishioner Rosalina Rodriguez said she remembered overhearing a woman ask, “Where can I find the priest who performs miracles?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez said she heard Castañeda reply, “There is no priest here who performs miracles. It’s God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a parishioner needed healing, Castañeda would meet with them privately in his office, several past congregants said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynaga said she and other parishioners would often accompany Castañeda to people’s homes so he could pray for them. She said the priest told her some men needed healing because a former wife or girlfriend had cursed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d say that their intimate parts were ‘tied’ so he had to massage them,” said Reynaga, adding that the priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825818\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825818\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Rosa Reynaga, a former assistant to Father Antonio Castañeda said she and other parishioners would often accompany him to people’s homes so he could pray for them. The priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosa Reynaga, a former assistant to Father Antonio Castañeda, said she and other parishioners would often accompany him to people’s homes so he could pray for them. The priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some alleged victims said that Castañeda would have another person in the room assisting him during the so-called prayer massages. Witnesses to Castañeda’s healing rituals said the priest would claim to pull out yellow or black substances from people’s bodies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parishioners said Castañeda also told them he was a licensed psychologist. Attempts to find any record of Castañeda being licensed to practice psychology were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He played with people’s minds,” Rodriguez said. “He would say, ‘You have cancer,’ or ‘You have this illness, you have this or that.’ And he was always putting illnesses on people, so that he could then cure them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show one former parishioner, José Magaña, told police that in 2015, Castañeda asked him to accompany the priest as he prayed for a young man suffering from drug addiction. Magaña said he witnessed Castañeda reach his hand up one of the leg holes of the man’s boxers and pull on his genitals as the man screamed. Magaña told police he left feeling confused and spiritually injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magaña said he later told fellow parishioners about the incident. “I told them, you know, this happened. [They said] ‘Oh yeah, don’t worry. Yes, he does it. But it’s part of the prayer,’” Magaña said. “And I said, ‘But it’s not necessary.’”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Prof. Kristy Nabhan-Warren, Chair of Catholic Studies, University of Iowa\"]‘Folks might say, well, it’s a problem with just the Catholic Church. I would say that it’s a problem of concentration of power and lack of oversight.’[/pullquote]In the Pentecostal and charismatic Catholic traditions, it is common for a faith leader to advertise himself as an instrument of God, said professor Kristy Nabhan-Warren, chair of Catholic studies at the University of Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever you have an intense patriarchy or intense concentration of power in any institution — Penn State, Michigan State, gymnastics with [Larry] Nassar — you will have abuse,” she said. “Folks might say, well, it’s a problem with just the Catholic Church. I would say that it’s a problem of concentration of power and lack of oversight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>An earlier accusation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Years before anyone came forward in Fresno, the Catholic Church in Washington state had grappled with an accusation of misconduct against Castañeda. Records obtained by KQED show a former church volunteer claimed Castañeda had touched him inappropriately when Castañeda was pastor of St. Juan Diego parish, in Cowiche, a 20-minute drive northwest of Yakima, Washington, from 2003 to 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, when the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin was considering hiring Castañeda, they contracted Oxford Document Management Company to perform a background check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company sent a questionnaire to the Catholic Diocese of Yakima, Castañeda’s former employer, asking questions including whether he had ever had sexual contact in a professional context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla of the Yakima Diocese \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6957627-Diocese-Corr-AC-May-24-2007-Re-AC-Questionaire.html\">replied\u003c/a>, saying he could not complete the questionnaire, but that Castañeda had been dismissed from the clerical state in the Catholic Church for “substantive and grave reasons.” A \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6957642-Fax-and-Memo.html\">follow-up letter\u003c/a> gave additional detail: Castañeda had been accused of violating the seal of confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was ordained by the Anglican Diocese anyway in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1vqpvIacwxNDmaJ6fl5gOk9zZmuTLtN_vOABkQHUNxE0&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=650\" width=\"100%\" height=\"650\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Catholic Diocese eventually looked into the former church volunteer’s allegation, according to an internal memo obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6952052-Yakima-Investigator-Memo-4.html\">document\u003c/a>, which is heavily redacted, summarizes a phone conversation between a private investigator and the man, who said he feared Castañeda because he “had a bad experience” with him. He told the investigator that Castañeda “abused his power” and would sometimes try to be “sexually aggressive” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man said that Castañeda had asked to examine him after he informed the priest that he had discovered a tumor in his testicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Victim told him that he had already been to a doctor at which point Fr. Castañeda stated, ‘I’m a doctor and I am responsible for your health. You must let me see it,’” the document states. “Victim stated that, ‘Fr. Castañeda started touching me and telling me to let him check my testicles.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the investigator asked whether Castañeda touched the man’s penis, he stated, “Yes, there and all over my testicles and then he said that everything looked okay,” according to the document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man said he became very upset with Castañeda, and “asked him if he was happy now,” the document states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigator’s interview with the former church volunteer, the Catholic Diocese in Yakima \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6929503-Informing-of-Allegation.html\">notified\u003c/a> the Anglican Diocese in Fresno in August 2009 of the allegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Anglican bishop at the time, John-David Schofield, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6954448-Corr-W-Anglicans-Re-AC-July-Sept-2009-4.html\">responded\u003c/a> by saying he had interviewed Castañeda and that, “to the best of my ability, it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear if diocesan officials in Fresno ever told parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe about the allegation. Fifteen current and former parishioners — out of the 23 interviewed for this story — said they were never informed a past allegation was lodged against Castañeda. The remaining eight parishioners didn’t respond to follow-up calls about whether they had been informed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether parishioners were notified of the allegation, the diocese’s current bishop, Menees, said in an email, “Due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, I have been advised by counsel to make no comment.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Luis (Luis is a pseudonym. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story.)\"]‘I started realizing that, well, this wasn’t OK. I had no idea how many people were going through the same thing as me.’[/pullquote]Three people have also filed a lawsuit against Castañeda and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin. They allege Castañeda sexually assaulted them and that the priest and the church violated their trust. The lawsuit claims the church was negligent in hiring and supervising Castañeda, resulting in infliction of emotional distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, when the Yakima Diocese released its \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6774404-Yakima-Diocese-Abuse-Disclosure-List-07-09-19.html\">list of credibly accused priests\u003c/a>, Castañeda was not on it. Msgr. Robert Siler explained that’s because Castañeda was never accused of abusing a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our legal system recognizes that adults have more capacity to say, ‘No,’ and to make reports and to come forward,” he said. “Now, we’re very concerned that culturally in the Hispanic community that there is a bigger problem in people’s reluctance to come forward or their inability to say ‘No.’ Certainly we need to pay attention to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Siler said the responsibility to not reoffend lies with Castañeda — not a church that previously employed him — and that “we did the best we could” to warn the Anglican Diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign for example saying, ‘Don’t go near this man,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I wanted to be OK, so I went back’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in Fresno, Luis thought he was finally earning his family’s trust back by staying involved with the church and going to Castañeda’s office for the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis said the priest told him that because he had been with so many women, he was cursed. To figure out how he needed to be healed, he said, Castañeda told him he needed to see his semen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘I have to see it, my boy. I have to cure whatever it is you have.’ … And I said, ‘No,’” Luis said, adding that the priest began requesting he remove his boxers for the sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one massage, Luis testified, Castañeda placed a towel over his lap and reached under the cloth — abruptly yanking hard on his penis. Luis said he abruptly doubled over in pain and tried to grab at Castañeda, but couldn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told Castañeda not to touch him there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Luis left the office, he said, his boxers were stained with blood. Luis said he felt that Castañeda manipulated him and other parishioners who were “anxious to be OK in our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826162\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11826162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis had struggled with meth addiction and hoped he could earn back his family’s trust by staying involved with the church and going to Father Antonio Castañeda’s office for prayer massages. Luis said the priest told him that because he had been with so many women, he was cursed. To figure out how he needed to be healed, he said the priest told him he needed to see his semen. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Luis would later testify the sessions with Castañeda took place over the course of several years, beginning in approximately 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had this gut feeling that I’m bad and I’m falling into the same things again. And I didn’t want that. I wanted to be OK,” Luis said. “So I went back again to his sessions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But being off drugs had given Luis a sense of clarity, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started realizing that, well, this wasn’t OK,” he said. “I had no idea how many people were going through the same thing as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Defrocked again\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe told Bishop Menees about Castañeda’s healing ministry in fall 2017, he said he confronted the priest about the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His immediate response was to say, ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’” Menees said in a June 2019 interview before he declined to comment further. “And I just said, ‘No, you didn’t.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees said priests often anoint parishioners by making the sign of the cross on the forehead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touching anywhere else — and certainly disrobing — would always be absolutely forbidden,” he added.[aside tag=\"catholic-church-sexual-abuse\" label=\"related coverage\"]While it is common in some Latin American countries and in immigrant communities in the U.S. to consult a traditional healer who uses massage, the contact is more about helping with tense muscles or a sprain, and never involves touching genitals, said Mario Gonzalez, deputy director of Centro la Familia, a nonprofit working with the Fresno County District Attorney’s Office to assist victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a reason why a [healer] would make contact with that private area,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because there isn’t one, said UCLA psychology professor Paul R. Abramson, who works as an expert witness in civil and criminal sex abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s on the genitals, the intent is sexual. He’s targeting people who won’t go to the police,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the men came forward, the Anglican Diocese immediately suspended Castañeda from priestly duties. Menees said Castañeda signed a statement admitting to some of what was alleged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show another priest with the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin told police that Castañeda agreed to make an announcement taking responsibility for his actions at an upcoming Sunday mass, but didn’t show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was permanently removed from the Anglican Church shortly thereafter, Menees said, adding that Castañeda later retracted his statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno police investigated Castañeda for over a year and arrested him in February 2019. The following day, police and prosecutors held a press conference urging more victims to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The victims that have been contacted thus far [are] Spanish-speaking for the most part, and they are undocumented,” said Jerry Dyer, Fresno’s police chief at the time. “That seems to be who he is preying upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference, Dyer said detectives believed Castañeda had sexually abused hundreds of people. Officers came up with the estimate by looking at the number of people who had come forward so far, times the number of years Castañeda had been an active priest in California and Washington, Dyer said later in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parishioner Magaña said he spoke with several men who revealed they were abused after allegations against Castañeda were made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked them, how did you allow it?” Magaña said. “They wanted to heal. They were sick and they wanted to heal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825821\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825821\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Luis is one of at least nine people who have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case against Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, or Father Antonio Castañeda. Castañeda faces 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis is one of at least 9 people who have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case against Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, or Father Antonio Castañeda. Castañeda faces 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The reinvented priest\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several months after Castañeda was bailed out of jail, he held Sunday mass inside a rented space in Fresno at his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being defrocked by the Catholic and Anglican churches, he had been ordained a minister by the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The organization’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">website\u003c/a> says it’s open to ordain bishops, priests and deacons who “have failed previously in church leadership,” regardless of their “history, status and damage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees said many former members of Our Lady followed Castañeda to his new church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never touched anybody,” said Flor Hernandez, who along with her husband, Javier Hernandez, left the Anglican church to follow him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, who has collected letters of support for the priest, said she was in the room once or twice when Castañeda met one-on-one with parishioners and never witnessed abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he held mass, it was overcrowded,” she said while showing a photo of a church filled to capacity and Castañeda holding his hands over a woman’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the priest’s preliminary court hearing in fall 2019, his supporters attended and audibly chuckled, scoffed and shook their heads during witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, all of this that happened was because of jealousy,” parishioner Imelda Cruz said after one of Castañeda’s Sunday services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s supporters have repeatedly pointed out that some accusers were once the priest’s closest allies and helped him with his healing ministry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Taylor, the North America archbishop of Castañeda’s current church, said the organization did not run a background check on Castañeda before hiring him because he had already been ordained and screened by two other dioceses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said Castañeda underwent a psychological evaluation, and he required that the priest be interviewed by three women who he said had been sexually abused as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women who have that kind of history have a sixth sense,” Taylor said. “They called me back and said, ‘No, he’s not like that. No, he couldn’t have done this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor suggested that the priest’s accusers could be making false allegations to obtain legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Illegal immigrants can become legal if a crime is committed against them. This could be a factor motivating false accusations being made against Fr. Antonio,” Taylor told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s attorney Torres, has also asked witnesses in court whether they applied to change their immigration status in exchange for testifying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear how many of the alleged victims have applied for U visas — for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. But community advocates and police have pushed back, saying coming forward puts accusers under even more scrutiny by federal officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would make up such a lie just to get a document? Who would expose themselves to court cases, to criminal background checks, to the discretion of USCIS (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services)?” said Gonzalez of Centro la Familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Castañeda’s parishioners continue to flock to his services. Since California’s stay-at-home order brought a temporary halt to in-person religious services, the priest has delivered sermons to parishioners who attend both in person and virtually via Facebook Live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have faith that the truth is going to come out,” said Flor Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Do you have information or story tips you would like to share?\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Email the reporter: \u003ca href=\"mailto:ahall@kqed.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ahall@kqed.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/chalexhall\">@chalexhall\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A Fresno priest was accused of sexually touching at least nine adult parishioners during healing rituals he said could cure them of curses and sexual sins. He may end up serving just six months in jail.",
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"title": "'He Played With People's Minds': Fresno Priest Left a Trail of Sexual Abuse Allegations | KQED",
"description": "A Fresno priest was accused of sexually touching at least nine adult parishioners during healing rituals he said could cure them of curses and sexual sins. He may end up serving just six months in jail.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Reader advisory: Some accounts of sexual assault in this story contain explicit details and strong language that some may find upsetting or objectionable.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882683/jugo-con-la-mente-de-la-gente-un-sacerdote-de-fresno-dejo-un-rastro-de-acusaciones-de-abuso-sexual\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Dec. 6, 2024\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since this story first published in 2020, Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna pleaded no contest to nine counts of sexual battery and one count of attempt to dissuade a witness. The rest of the charges were dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing in Fresno County Superior Court in April, he apologized to the survivors and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ask that they forgive me for what I did,” Castañeda said through a translator. “I did not know of the impact that it was to them, because of everything that I caused them, emotionally, humanly and as a Christian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge had ordered the priest be sent to prison for up to 90 days for an evaluation to determine whether he should be given probation or serve prison time, a process that considers public safety as well as what’s best for the defendant when recommending an ultimate sentence to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the prosecution, officials at Wasco State Prison wrote that Castañeda displayed poor judgment, had impulse control issues and had made poor choices leading to recurring problematic behavior over several years. They unanimously recommended that he go to prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, he was sentenced to 365 days in the Fresno County Jail and five years of probation. With credit for time served, he is expected to be released in late December after serving a total of six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Normally when you have multiple victims over a long period of time and an abuse of authority and power, I would say probation is a rarity,” said Fresno County Senior Deputy District Attorney Kelly Smith, who prosecuted the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said he was surprised when the judge indicated he might give a sentence of probation. But when asked, the survivors in this case said they were OK with the resolution. The important thing was that Castañeda took responsibility, and that the case was finally coming to an end, they said, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see that he’s not above the law, he can also go to jail. I felt like there was justice,” said Maria Estevez, one of Castañeda’s former followers who said she was glad that he won’t be able to serve as a priest while he’s on probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God will deal with him,” she said. “We don’t even think we have the power or the ability to say this is what should happen to him.”\u003cbr>\nEstevez, who recently rejoined the church, said Castañeda rarely comes up in conversations with other parishioners. People just want to move on, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the survivors had said they wanted Castañeda to go to prison, Smith said he believes there would have likely been a different outcome in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately that’s what swayed the court,” he said. “Ultimately these particular survivors gave the mercy to Mr. Serna that he didn’t give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, July 23, 2021\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since this story was first published, several former parishioners who spoke to KQED filed a lawsuit against Fresno priest Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin, alleging Castañeda had sexually assaulted them. That lawsuit was settled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten more people filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21012428-20210602094804722\">another lawsuit\u003c/a> against the priest and his former employer in April 2021, alleging the priest sexually assaulted them, or attempted to. One of them says she was a minor at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda continues to preach to followers in Fresno, either via Facebook Live or in person at private events, former church members said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of late June, he still belonged to the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches, an organization with headquarters in the United Kingdom that accepted him as a priest in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fr. Antonio’s status remains unchanged. We await the conclusion of due process in this case,” Bruce Taylor, the group’s archbishop of North America, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda remains out on bond, awaiting a trial scheduled for March 2022. His defense attorney, Ralph Torres, declined to comment on the lawsuit filed earlier this year. Further attempts to reach Castañeda were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nLuis said he couldn’t tell the doctor what had really happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It had been several days since he first noticed the blood in his urine and the bruising around his groin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 40-year-old native of Jalisco, Mexico, had been meeting with a popular local priest in Fresno, Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, who went by the name Father Antonio. His family had introduced him to Father Antonio in hope of the priest helping Luis, who had struggled with an addiction to meth, get back on his feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people would come looking for him,” said Luis, which is not his real name. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story. “They said it was something … like a gift from God he had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Father Antonio was lead pastor of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a Spanish-language congregation of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin. The priest’s charismatic leadership drew in hundreds from Fresno’s Latino community and his rumored healing abilities had earned him the nickname “el padrecito que hace milagros” — the priest who performs miracles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During sessions in Father Antonio’s office that Luis said took place over the course of several years, he would lie down on a bench or massage table wearing only his boxers, while Father Antonio prayed and rubbed oil onto his skin. The intensity of the massage was so forceful that the priest often left bruises, Luis later testified.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He had told his mom and girlfriend that he had been hurt at his construction job. It seemed easier that way, he said. And now, at the medical clinic, the doctor asked more questions — questions that Luis said he didn’t feel comfortable answering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t tell [the doctor] that someone had touched me,” Luis told KQED in November 2019. “It’s difficult. A man touches another adult … what was I going to say — he touched me? It’s a little ridiculous. Because people wouldn’t have believed me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis eventually told authorities that it was during these massages — which the priest said he needed to expel a curse from his body — that Father Antonio sexually assaulted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11826082 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Luis was one of at least two men who told Anglican church officials that Father Antonio Castañeda had sexually assaulted them for years during healing rituals involving prayer and massage that the priest said could heal them of their sexual sins. (Luis is a pseudonym. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story.)\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41170_IMG_6437-qut_v2.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis was one of at least 2 men who told Anglican church officials that Father Antonio Castañeda had sexually assaulted them for years during healing rituals involving prayer and massage that the priest said could heal them of their sexual sins. (Luis is a pseudonym. KQED is not using the real names of alleged sexual assault survivors in this story.) \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A cure for curses and sexual sins\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, several men came forward with allegations that Castañeda had sexually abused parishioners during massages that he said could heal them physically or spiritually, said Bishop Eric Menees of the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the victims that I met with at the beginning were undocumented men and so going to the police was a scary prospect,” Menees said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, in early 2018, Luis and another man agreed to be interviewed by detectives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other alleged victim told police that Castañeda instructed him to masturbate in front of him on multiple occasions, according to a declaration by a Fresno police investigator to support an arrest warrant. He said the priest told him that he needed to see his semen to determine the exact curse or illness afflicting him. In one instance, the man said, Castañeda hugged him and told him he loved him “as a man loves a woman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was arrested in February 2019 and released the next day on bond. Over 40 parishioners told church officials that they, or someone they knew, had been abused by Castañeda, Menees told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nine people — eight men, including Luis, and one woman — have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case, according to court testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda faces \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6951672-AC-UPDATED-COMPLAINT.html\">22 counts\u003c/a> of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempting to dissuade a witness. His case, which was expected to go to trial this year, has been delayed because of the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED investigation found Castañeda had been accused before and has moved from the Catholic Church to the Anglican Church and then to another religious group without undergoing complete background checks — or any at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he awaits trial, Castañeda has opened a new church where he continues to lead services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda has denied all charges through his attorney, Ralph Torres, who said the priest’s accusers have misinterpreted an accepted form of traditional healing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a cultural thing,” Torres said. “This type of healing massage happens all over Latin America, Mexico and in the United States. Nothing unusual about that. You may have a misunderstanding, something that wasn’t appreciated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said his client never sexually abused parishioners and that “the truth will come out at trial.” Torres declined KQED’s request to interview his client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses who testified at a fall 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11781717/fresno-priest-accused-of-sexual-abuse-of-immigrant-parishioners-to-stand-trial\">preliminary hearing\u003c/a> said the priest told them they were cursed, rubbed oil on their genitals or convinced them they had to masturbate in front of him to be healed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825816\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825816\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"One of the alleged victims in the criminal case testified that he came to this office with his ex-wife to receive counseling from Father Antonio Castañeda and was taken to a conference room and abused by the priest.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/016_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the alleged victims in the criminal case testified that he came to this office in Fresno with his ex-wife to receive counseling from Father Antonio Castañeda and was taken to a conference room and abused by the priest. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some said they sought Castañeda’s guidance in times of difficulty in their lives: the end of a relationship, addiction to alcohol or drugs, and in one case, the death of a child, according to court testimony. Often ashamed and confused about the sessions in his office, but hopeful he could help them, some parishioners said they went back to Castañeda over and over for years. Others kept the alleged abuse hidden from their own family members who, they later discovered, were also alleged victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case raises questions about the vulnerability of adults, including undocumented immigrants, to sexual abuse in the church, and reveals how religious institutions are struggling to respond — decades after the systemic cover-up of sexual abuse in the Catholic Church first came to light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You feel like — am I still a man? Or am I even man enough?” one alleged victim in the case told KQED. “I let another guy touch me. You feel like they stole your identity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Where can I find the priest who performs miracles?’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former parishioners told KQED that they believed Castañeda truly healed people, which is why many have struggled to accept the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda came to Fresno around 2007 and began preparing to become an Anglican priest. Parishioners said he subscribed to healing practices that included laying hands on the body to cure illnesses and performed cleansing rituals involving white candles, sheets and rubbing oil and salt on the body.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Under Castañeda’s leadership, parishioners of Our Lady said they witnessed phenomena they still can’t explain: There was the story of the dying patient he brought back from life support, the man who parishioners said levitated off the floor while they prayed for him in an apparent exorcism led by the priest, and the woman whose cancer Castañeda said he had cured — purportedly removing a mass from her body — in front of the whole congregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At healing masses, Castañeda would place his hands above a parishioner’s head and they would fall to the ground, or “rest in the spirit” — having been overtaken by the Holy Spirit, former parishioners said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would form these huge lines for him to massage them and for him to cure them. Because he cured everything,” Rosa Reynaga, one of Castañeda’s former assistants, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once, at a church yard sale, former parishioner Rosalina Rodriguez said she remembered overhearing a woman ask, “Where can I find the priest who performs miracles?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez said she heard Castañeda reply, “There is no priest here who performs miracles. It’s God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a parishioner needed healing, Castañeda would meet with them privately in his office, several past congregants said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reynaga said she and other parishioners would often accompany Castañeda to people’s homes so he could pray for them. She said the priest told her some men needed healing because a former wife or girlfriend had cursed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d say that their intimate parts were ‘tied’ so he had to massage them,” said Reynaga, adding that the priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825818\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825818\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Rosa Reynaga, a former assistant to Father Antonio Castañeda said she and other parishioners would often accompany him to people’s homes so he could pray for them. The priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/025_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rosa Reynaga, a former assistant to Father Antonio Castañeda, said she and other parishioners would often accompany him to people’s homes so he could pray for them. The priest would ask her to leave the room at a certain point during the prayer. She said she never saw him improperly touch anyone. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some alleged victims said that Castañeda would have another person in the room assisting him during the so-called prayer massages. Witnesses to Castañeda’s healing rituals said the priest would claim to pull out yellow or black substances from people’s bodies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parishioners said Castañeda also told them he was a licensed psychologist. Attempts to find any record of Castañeda being licensed to practice psychology were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He played with people’s minds,” Rodriguez said. “He would say, ‘You have cancer,’ or ‘You have this illness, you have this or that.’ And he was always putting illnesses on people, so that he could then cure them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show one former parishioner, José Magaña, told police that in 2015, Castañeda asked him to accompany the priest as he prayed for a young man suffering from drug addiction. Magaña said he witnessed Castañeda reach his hand up one of the leg holes of the man’s boxers and pull on his genitals as the man screamed. Magaña told police he left feeling confused and spiritually injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magaña said he later told fellow parishioners about the incident. “I told them, you know, this happened. [They said] ‘Oh yeah, don’t worry. Yes, he does it. But it’s part of the prayer,’” Magaña said. “And I said, ‘But it’s not necessary.’”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Folks might say, well, it’s a problem with just the Catholic Church. I would say that it’s a problem of concentration of power and lack of oversight.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the Pentecostal and charismatic Catholic traditions, it is common for a faith leader to advertise himself as an instrument of God, said professor Kristy Nabhan-Warren, chair of Catholic studies at the University of Iowa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever you have an intense patriarchy or intense concentration of power in any institution — Penn State, Michigan State, gymnastics with [Larry] Nassar — you will have abuse,” she said. “Folks might say, well, it’s a problem with just the Catholic Church. I would say that it’s a problem of concentration of power and lack of oversight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>An earlier accusation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Years before anyone came forward in Fresno, the Catholic Church in Washington state had grappled with an accusation of misconduct against Castañeda. Records obtained by KQED show a former church volunteer claimed Castañeda had touched him inappropriately when Castañeda was pastor of St. Juan Diego parish, in Cowiche, a 20-minute drive northwest of Yakima, Washington, from 2003 to 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, when the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin was considering hiring Castañeda, they contracted Oxford Document Management Company to perform a background check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company sent a questionnaire to the Catholic Diocese of Yakima, Castañeda’s former employer, asking questions including whether he had ever had sexual contact in a professional context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla of the Yakima Diocese \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6957627-Diocese-Corr-AC-May-24-2007-Re-AC-Questionaire.html\">replied\u003c/a>, saying he could not complete the questionnaire, but that Castañeda had been dismissed from the clerical state in the Catholic Church for “substantive and grave reasons.” A \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6957642-Fax-and-Memo.html\">follow-up letter\u003c/a> gave additional detail: Castañeda had been accused of violating the seal of confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda was ordained by the Anglican Diocese anyway in 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv style=\"width: 100%\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1vqpvIacwxNDmaJ6fl5gOk9zZmuTLtN_vOABkQHUNxE0&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=650\" width=\"100%\" height=\"650\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Catholic Diocese eventually looked into the former church volunteer’s allegation, according to an internal memo obtained by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6952052-Yakima-Investigator-Memo-4.html\">document\u003c/a>, which is heavily redacted, summarizes a phone conversation between a private investigator and the man, who said he feared Castañeda because he “had a bad experience” with him. He told the investigator that Castañeda “abused his power” and would sometimes try to be “sexually aggressive” with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man said that Castañeda had asked to examine him after he informed the priest that he had discovered a tumor in his testicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Victim told him that he had already been to a doctor at which point Fr. Castañeda stated, ‘I’m a doctor and I am responsible for your health. You must let me see it,’” the document states. “Victim stated that, ‘Fr. Castañeda started touching me and telling me to let him check my testicles.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the investigator asked whether Castañeda touched the man’s penis, he stated, “Yes, there and all over my testicles and then he said that everything looked okay,” according to the document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man said he became very upset with Castañeda, and “asked him if he was happy now,” the document states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the investigator’s interview with the former church volunteer, the Catholic Diocese in Yakima \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6929503-Informing-of-Allegation.html\">notified\u003c/a> the Anglican Diocese in Fresno in August 2009 of the allegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Anglican bishop at the time, John-David Schofield, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6954448-Corr-W-Anglicans-Re-AC-July-Sept-2009-4.html\">responded\u003c/a> by saying he had interviewed Castañeda and that, “to the best of my ability, it appears to me Fr. Antonio has been wrongly accused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear if diocesan officials in Fresno ever told parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe about the allegation. Fifteen current and former parishioners — out of the 23 interviewed for this story — said they were never informed a past allegation was lodged against Castañeda. The remaining eight parishioners didn’t respond to follow-up calls about whether they had been informed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether parishioners were notified of the allegation, the diocese’s current bishop, Menees, said in an email, “Due to the pending criminal and civil proceedings, I have been advised by counsel to make no comment.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Three people have also filed a lawsuit against Castañeda and the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin. They allege Castañeda sexually assaulted them and that the priest and the church violated their trust. The lawsuit claims the church was negligent in hiring and supervising Castañeda, resulting in infliction of emotional distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, when the Yakima Diocese released its \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6774404-Yakima-Diocese-Abuse-Disclosure-List-07-09-19.html\">list of credibly accused priests\u003c/a>, Castañeda was not on it. Msgr. Robert Siler explained that’s because Castañeda was never accused of abusing a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think our legal system recognizes that adults have more capacity to say, ‘No,’ and to make reports and to come forward,” he said. “Now, we’re very concerned that culturally in the Hispanic community that there is a bigger problem in people’s reluctance to come forward or their inability to say ‘No.’ Certainly we need to pay attention to that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Siler said the responsibility to not reoffend lies with Castañeda — not a church that previously employed him — and that “we did the best we could” to warn the Anglican Diocese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine the Diocese of Yakima having the resources to follow him around with a sign for example saying, ‘Don’t go near this man,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I wanted to be OK, so I went back’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in Fresno, Luis thought he was finally earning his family’s trust back by staying involved with the church and going to Castañeda’s office for the prayer massages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis said the priest told him that because he had been with so many women, he was cursed. To figure out how he needed to be healed, he said, Castañeda told him he needed to see his semen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He said, ‘I have to see it, my boy. I have to cure whatever it is you have.’ … And I said, ‘No,’” Luis said, adding that the priest began requesting he remove his boxers for the sessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During one massage, Luis testified, Castañeda placed a towel over his lap and reached under the cloth — abruptly yanking hard on his penis. Luis said he abruptly doubled over in pain and tried to grab at Castañeda, but couldn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told Castañeda not to touch him there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Luis left the office, he said, his boxers were stained with blood. Luis said he felt that Castañeda manipulated him and other parishioners who were “anxious to be OK in our lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11826162\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11826162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/011_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_BW_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis had struggled with meth addiction and hoped he could earn back his family’s trust by staying involved with the church and going to Father Antonio Castañeda’s office for prayer massages. Luis said the priest told him that because he had been with so many women, he was cursed. To figure out how he needed to be healed, he said the priest told him he needed to see his semen. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Luis would later testify the sessions with Castañeda took place over the course of several years, beginning in approximately 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had this gut feeling that I’m bad and I’m falling into the same things again. And I didn’t want that. I wanted to be OK,” Luis said. “So I went back again to his sessions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But being off drugs had given Luis a sense of clarity, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I started realizing that, well, this wasn’t OK,” he said. “I had no idea how many people were going through the same thing as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Defrocked again\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After parishioners of Our Lady of Guadalupe told Bishop Menees about Castañeda’s healing ministry in fall 2017, he said he confronted the priest about the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His immediate response was to say, ‘Yes, I learned this healing ministry in India,’” Menees said in a June 2019 interview before he declined to comment further. “And I just said, ‘No, you didn’t.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees said priests often anoint parishioners by making the sign of the cross on the forehead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touching anywhere else — and certainly disrobing — would always be absolutely forbidden,” he added.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While it is common in some Latin American countries and in immigrant communities in the U.S. to consult a traditional healer who uses massage, the contact is more about helping with tense muscles or a sprain, and never involves touching genitals, said Mario Gonzalez, deputy director of Centro la Familia, a nonprofit working with the Fresno County District Attorney’s Office to assist victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see a reason why a [healer] would make contact with that private area,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because there isn’t one, said UCLA psychology professor Paul R. Abramson, who works as an expert witness in civil and criminal sex abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s on the genitals, the intent is sexual. He’s targeting people who won’t go to the police,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the men came forward, the Anglican Diocese immediately suspended Castañeda from priestly duties. Menees said Castañeda signed a statement admitting to some of what was alleged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court records show another priest with the Anglican Diocese of San Joaquin told police that Castañeda agreed to make an announcement taking responsibility for his actions at an upcoming Sunday mass, but didn’t show up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was permanently removed from the Anglican Church shortly thereafter, Menees said, adding that Castañeda later retracted his statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno police investigated Castañeda for over a year and arrested him in February 2019. The following day, police and prosecutors held a press conference urging more victims to come forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The victims that have been contacted thus far [are] Spanish-speaking for the most part, and they are undocumented,” said Jerry Dyer, Fresno’s police chief at the time. “That seems to be who he is preying upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference, Dyer said detectives believed Castañeda had sexually abused hundreds of people. Officers came up with the estimate by looking at the number of people who had come forward so far, times the number of years Castañeda had been an active priest in California and Washington, Dyer said later in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parishioner Magaña said he spoke with several men who revealed they were abused after allegations against Castañeda were made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked them, how did you allow it?” Magaña said. “They wanted to heal. They were sick and they wanted to heal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11825821\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11825821\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Luis is one of at least nine people who have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case against Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, or Father Antonio Castañeda. Castañeda faces 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/060_KQED_Fresno_RestinSpirit_05232020.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luis is one of at least 9 people who have been listed as alleged victims in the criminal case against Jesús Antonio Castañeda Serna, or Father Antonio Castañeda. Castañeda faces 22 counts of battery, sexual battery, attempted sexual battery and attempt to dissuade a witness. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The reinvented priest\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several months after Castañeda was bailed out of jail, he held Sunday mass inside a rented space in Fresno at his new church, Iglesia del Espíritu Santo, or Holy Spirit Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being defrocked by the Catholic and Anglican churches, he had been ordained a minister by the World Communion of Christian Celtic Convergence Churches, headquartered in the United Kingdom. The organization’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.celticconvergencechurch.org/\">website\u003c/a> says it’s open to ordain bishops, priests and deacons who “have failed previously in church leadership,” regardless of their “history, status and damage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menees said many former members of Our Lady followed Castañeda to his new church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He never touched anybody,” said Flor Hernandez, who along with her husband, Javier Hernandez, left the Anglican church to follow him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez, who has collected letters of support for the priest, said she was in the room once or twice when Castañeda met one-on-one with parishioners and never witnessed abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he held mass, it was overcrowded,” she said while showing a photo of a church filled to capacity and Castañeda holding his hands over a woman’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the priest’s preliminary court hearing in fall 2019, his supporters attended and audibly chuckled, scoffed and shook their heads during witness testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, all of this that happened was because of jealousy,” parishioner Imelda Cruz said after one of Castañeda’s Sunday services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s supporters have repeatedly pointed out that some accusers were once the priest’s closest allies and helped him with his healing ministry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Taylor, the North America archbishop of Castañeda’s current church, said the organization did not run a background check on Castañeda before hiring him because he had already been ordained and screened by two other dioceses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said Castañeda underwent a psychological evaluation, and he required that the priest be interviewed by three women who he said had been sexually abused as children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women who have that kind of history have a sixth sense,” Taylor said. “They called me back and said, ‘No, he’s not like that. No, he couldn’t have done this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor suggested that the priest’s accusers could be making false allegations to obtain legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Illegal immigrants can become legal if a crime is committed against them. This could be a factor motivating false accusations being made against Fr. Antonio,” Taylor told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castañeda’s attorney Torres, has also asked witnesses in court whether they applied to change their immigration status in exchange for testifying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear how many of the alleged victims have applied for U visas — for victims of crimes who cooperate with law enforcement in investigating or prosecuting a criminal case. But community advocates and police have pushed back, saying coming forward puts accusers under even more scrutiny by federal officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would make up such a lie just to get a document? Who would expose themselves to court cases, to criminal background checks, to the discretion of USCIS (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services)?” said Gonzalez of Centro la Familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Castañeda’s parishioners continue to flock to his services. Since California’s stay-at-home order brought a temporary halt to in-person religious services, the priest has delivered sermons to parishioners who attend both in person and virtually via Facebook Live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have faith that the truth is going to come out,” said Flor Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Do you have information or story tips you would like to share?\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Email the reporter: \u003ca href=\"mailto:ahall@kqed.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ahall@kqed.org\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Twitter \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/chalexhall\">@chalexhall\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "ice-plans-new-detention-center-near-san-francisco-can-california-stop-it",
"title": "ICE Plans New Detention Center Near San Francisco. Can California Stop It?",
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"headTitle": "ICE Plans New Detention Center Near San Francisco. Can California Stop It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal immigration authorities are looking for a potential new detention center in Northern California, an effort that alarms advocates and some Democratic state lawmakers as President-elect Donald Trump gears up to unleash his mass deportation plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issued a request for information to identify additional detention bed space in the state as other federal agencies intensified border enforcement. The effort began in the wake of the Biden administration’s sweeping asylum ban, implemented in June, for migrants caught crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside designated entry points. Under the ban, border agents can deport such migrants within hours or days without considering their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say an expansion of detention space would give Trump a runway to carry out more mass deportations in California. Immigrants in counties with more detention space are more likely to be arrested and detained, according to research by advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in Texas, where state officials are offering up land to the Trump administration to facilitate mass deportations, California tried to ban new federal immigrant detention centers from opening during the first Trump administration. The court blocked that, ruling that the state was unconstitutionally overstepping on federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta told CalMatters that the state may be powerless to stop the possibility of a new facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ICE’s expansion plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Federal documents show ICE issued the request for information on Aug. 14. Such requests can pave the way for federal contracts, in this case to obtain “available detention facilities for single adult populations (male and female)” in Arizona, New Mexico, Washington, Oregon, and California. Its request says the facilities should each have from 850 to 950 detention beds and “may be publicly or privately owned and publicly or privately operated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the facilities should be within a two-hour drive of the San Francisco field office, the documents state. The request also seeks facilities near field offices in Phoenix, El Paso, and Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE has identified a need for immigration detention services within the Western U.S. area of responsibility,” ICE spokesman Richard Beam wrote in an email to CalMatters. “The proposed services are part of ICE’s effort to continually review its detention requirements and explore options that will afford ICE the operational flexibility needed to house the full range of detainees in the agency’s custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, ICE detains roughly 38,000 people every day in about 120 immigration jails across the country. In California, that number is just under 3,000 detainees each day, held in six facilities, according to the most recently available immigration data maintained by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the third-largest population of detained immigrants in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE, the federal agency responsible for immigration enforcement, owns and operates a very small number of facilities nationwide, it mostly contracts with private prison operators such as CoreCivic, GEO Group, and Management and Training Corp. Their detention facilities house 80% of ICE’s detainees. Stock for CoreCivic and GEO Group soared upon Trump’s win last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, private, for-profit prison companies run all six ICE detention facilities – the Golden State Annex and Mesa Verde detention facilities in Kern County; the Adelanto Detention Facility and Desert View Annex, both in San Bernardino County; the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County; and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility in Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across all six, the federal government has the capacity to detain up to 7,188 people statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015881\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12015881 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1696\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1536x1017.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-2048x1357.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1920x1272.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former US President Donald Trump speaks about immigration and border security near Coronado National Memorial in Montezuma Pass, Arizona, Aug. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Olivier Touron/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, said she was concerned about the potential economic impacts of ICE having an increased capacity for detention and, therefore, deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The expansion of detention in California concerns everyone in our state. Expanding detention correlates with increased ICE raids and family separation, all of which has devastating social and economic impacts for California,” she said. “In addition, these facilities are run by private for-profit companies that consistently place their bottom-line profit above the health and safety of those who work in or are detained in these facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that detention expansions lead to human rights abuses and undermine community safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An expansion of ICE detention operations within the Bay Area and Northern California is going to be part of a reign of terror on our communities the Trump administration is threatening,” said Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney on the Immigrants’ Rights team at the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California. “We already know from existing facilities within California that ICE does not and cannot maintain safe and or healthy standards of confinement for people inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is suing to learn more about the federal agency’s expanded detention plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger was referring to issues like complaints of sexually abusive pat downs. Also, in 2023, ICE allegedly retaliated against hunger strikers by storming into their cells, violently dragging them, threatening them with forced feedings, and then providing food that was not appropriate for breaking a 21-day fast, prompting a medical condition in at least one inmate, according to a claim filed by the inmate, who was represented by two advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the civil liberties organization released a 34-page report detailing 485 grievances filed by detainees across six immigration detention facilities in California between 2023 and June 2024. Those grievances included allegations of hazardous facilities, inhumane treatment, medical neglect, and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California failed to ban for-profit federal detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In December 2019, California passed a law that would have banned private immigration detention centers. It was part of a wave of resistance by California Democrats to the first Trump administration. It also prohibited the state from using for-profit prisons for any inmates starting in 2028. The for-profit facilities “contribute to over-incarceration” and “do not reflect our values,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement when signing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the law was set to go into effect, ICE signed new contracts for its facilities in California. The federal 9th Circuit Court of Appeals later overturned the state’s ban on private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013478\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12013478 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks with KQED politics reporters Marisa Lagos and Scott Shafer for Political Breakdown at the KQED offices in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who wrote the unsuccessful ban as an Oakland Assembly member, told CalMatters in November that the state might not be able to stop ICE from opening another detention facility outside of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a matter of federal jurisdiction,” Bonta said. “It’s federal. I disagree, but my office’s disagreement was considered, and the court determined that it was a federal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A possible migrant detention facility within two hours of San Francisco has some lawmakers concerned.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal immigration authorities are looking for a potential new detention center in Northern California, an effort that alarms advocates and some Democratic state lawmakers as President-elect Donald Trump gears up to unleash his mass deportation plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issued a request for information to identify additional detention bed space in the state as other federal agencies intensified border enforcement. The effort began in the wake of the Biden administration’s sweeping asylum ban, implemented in June, for migrants caught crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside designated entry points. Under the ban, border agents can deport such migrants within hours or days without considering their asylum claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say an expansion of detention space would give Trump a runway to carry out more mass deportations in California. Immigrants in counties with more detention space are more likely to be arrested and detained, according to research by advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in Texas, where state officials are offering up land to the Trump administration to facilitate mass deportations, California tried to ban new federal immigrant detention centers from opening during the first Trump administration. The court blocked that, ruling that the state was unconstitutionally overstepping on federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta told CalMatters that the state may be powerless to stop the possibility of a new facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ICE’s expansion plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Federal documents show ICE issued the request for information on Aug. 14. Such requests can pave the way for federal contracts, in this case to obtain “available detention facilities for single adult populations (male and female)” in Arizona, New Mexico, Washington, Oregon, and California. Its request says the facilities should each have from 850 to 950 detention beds and “may be publicly or privately owned and publicly or privately operated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the facilities should be within a two-hour drive of the San Francisco field office, the documents state. The request also seeks facilities near field offices in Phoenix, El Paso, and Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ICE has identified a need for immigration detention services within the Western U.S. area of responsibility,” ICE spokesman Richard Beam wrote in an email to CalMatters. “The proposed services are part of ICE’s effort to continually review its detention requirements and explore options that will afford ICE the operational flexibility needed to house the full range of detainees in the agency’s custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, ICE detains roughly 38,000 people every day in about 120 immigration jails across the country. In California, that number is just under 3,000 detainees each day, held in six facilities, according to the most recently available immigration data maintained by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the third-largest population of detained immigrants in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE, the federal agency responsible for immigration enforcement, owns and operates a very small number of facilities nationwide, it mostly contracts with private prison operators such as CoreCivic, GEO Group, and Management and Training Corp. Their detention facilities house 80% of ICE’s detainees. Stock for CoreCivic and GEO Group soared upon Trump’s win last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, private, for-profit prison companies run all six ICE detention facilities – the Golden State Annex and Mesa Verde detention facilities in Kern County; the Adelanto Detention Facility and Desert View Annex, both in San Bernardino County; the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego County; and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility in Imperial County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across all six, the federal government has the capacity to detain up to 7,188 people statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015881\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12015881 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1696\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1536x1017.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-2048x1357.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-2167160569-1920x1272.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former US President Donald Trump speaks about immigration and border security near Coronado National Memorial in Montezuma Pass, Arizona, Aug. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Olivier Touron/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, said she was concerned about the potential economic impacts of ICE having an increased capacity for detention and, therefore, deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The expansion of detention in California concerns everyone in our state. Expanding detention correlates with increased ICE raids and family separation, all of which has devastating social and economic impacts for California,” she said. “In addition, these facilities are run by private for-profit companies that consistently place their bottom-line profit above the health and safety of those who work in or are detained in these facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates argue that detention expansions lead to human rights abuses and undermine community safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An expansion of ICE detention operations within the Bay Area and Northern California is going to be part of a reign of terror on our communities the Trump administration is threatening,” said Bree Bernwanger, a senior staff attorney on the Immigrants’ Rights team at the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California. “We already know from existing facilities within California that ICE does not and cannot maintain safe and or healthy standards of confinement for people inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is suing to learn more about the federal agency’s expanded detention plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bernwanger was referring to issues like complaints of sexually abusive pat downs. Also, in 2023, ICE allegedly retaliated against hunger strikers by storming into their cells, violently dragging them, threatening them with forced feedings, and then providing food that was not appropriate for breaking a 21-day fast, prompting a medical condition in at least one inmate, according to a claim filed by the inmate, who was represented by two advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the civil liberties organization released a 34-page report detailing 485 grievances filed by detainees across six immigration detention facilities in California between 2023 and June 2024. Those grievances included allegations of hazardous facilities, inhumane treatment, medical neglect, and retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE declined to comment on the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California failed to ban for-profit federal detention centers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In December 2019, California passed a law that would have banned private immigration detention centers. It was part of a wave of resistance by California Democrats to the first Trump administration. It also prohibited the state from using for-profit prisons for any inmates starting in 2028. The for-profit facilities “contribute to over-incarceration” and “do not reflect our values,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement when signing the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the law was set to go into effect, ICE signed new contracts for its facilities in California. The federal 9th Circuit Court of Appeals later overturned the state’s ban on private prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013478\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12013478 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241107-ATTORNEYGENERALBONTA-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney General Rob Bonta speaks with KQED politics reporters Marisa Lagos and Scott Shafer for Political Breakdown at the KQED offices in San Francisco on Nov. 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta, who wrote the unsuccessful ban as an Oakland Assembly member, told CalMatters in November that the state might not be able to stop ICE from opening another detention facility outside of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a matter of federal jurisdiction,” Bonta said. “It’s federal. I disagree, but my office’s disagreement was considered, and the court determined that it was a federal issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "ricci-wynne-exploited-sfs-ills-for-online-clout-some-say-his-arrest-draws-new-scrutiny",
"title": "Ricci Wynne Exploited SF’s Ills for Online Clout, Some Say. His Arrest Draws New Scrutiny",
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"headTitle": "Ricci Wynne Exploited SF’s Ills for Online Clout, Some Say. His Arrest Draws New Scrutiny | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Social media provocateur Ricci Wynne gained his following by sharing stark — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910500/advocacy-or-exploitation-the-ethical-concerns-around-posting-images-of-poverty-and-addiction-in-the-tenderloin\">some would say exploitative\u003c/a> — views of a San Francisco in decline, seeing himself as a watchdog for crime. Now, he is charged with committing a serious one of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wynne, 39, pleaded not guilty to felony pimping charges Wednesday afternoon, two days after his arrest at San Francisco International Airport garnered national media attention. He was found in possession of phones with evidence of sex advertisements for a woman, communications saying the woman was available for sex in exchange for money, and messages collecting money, according to the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has brought renewed scrutiny to a notorious network of so-called truth tellers on X who post videos of people using drugs and struggling on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After serving a two-year prison sentence for drug and weapons charges that began in 2019, Wynne rose to internet micro-celebrity by posting a video parodying Mr. Rogers on X in 2022. In it, he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RawRicci415/status/1607859438001717248?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1607859438001717248%7Ctwgr%5E3106d2d842eb07d6964e932e3670ca0f50e9bc83%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fsfstandard.com%2F2022%2F12%2F29%2Fanti-drug-activist-skips-through-tenderloin-homeless-encampment-trolling-sf-in-mr-rogers-parody%2F\">skips through a homeless encampment\u003c/a> in the Tenderloin, smiling and panning the camera to tents and tarp structures scattered on the sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, he has become known for his videos of people passed out on the streets, in the depths of mental health episodes, or selling drugs. He has also appeared on Fox News multiple times to trash San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others say they share their content in the name of exposing the issues the city faces and putting pressure on elected officials to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to get the information out, to make sure the public is aware this is what’s happening,” said Erica Sandberg, a consumer finance reporter who shares similar content \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EricaJSandberg\">with her 20,000 followers\u003c/a> on the social media platform. “This is what we see. This is what people are experiencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates who work in the Tenderloin aren’t sure the videos do much but hurt the people in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Discepola, the director of health services at social service nonprofit GLIDE, said that even if some of these social media users have good intentions, their content can have negative effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unkind to violate people’s privacy and show them in conditions that may not be at their best, where they may be struggling, and obviously, it has impact on people’s ability to feel good about themselves,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living on the streets often feel vilified or judged, which only causes them to turn away from services or support, Discepola said, adding that this kind of content can perpetuate that cycle.[aside postID=news_11910500 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS54979_010_KQED_TraceyHeltonMitchell_04052022-qut.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandberg, who also appeared on Fox earlier this year, said she doesn’t like accounts that have a “salacious” slant. When the content is aimed at getting attention from elected officials and holding their feet to the fire, though? “Brilliant,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What started me many years ago on this path was that I wasn’t seeing in the media the truth,” she said. “It was always, ‘We’re doing better,’ and nothing was making sense. Two plus two was not equaling four. So it was really important to me to get that information out in a way that I found to be accurate and respectful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s praised Wynne and other accounts like “bettersoma” and “jj smith” for their posts, which display similarly controversial content. Adam Mesnick, who owns Deli Board and runs @bettersoma, declined to be interviewed by KQED, saying the backlash he receives for his content is too impactful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Mesnick and the man known as “jj smith” share photos of people using drugs, passed out on city streets, receiving overdose-reversing care, and even deceased. Mesnick also checks to see if people who look unconscious are breathing and has called 911 to get them help, he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/food/restaurants/article/deli-board-better-soma-twitter-18166543.php\">the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in 2023. When he’s out photographing, he carries Narcan, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discepola agrees that there can be value in showing the conditions of the streets — but a better way to do it might be to humanize those being photographed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/hwilliamsjrphoto/\">Harry Williams\u003c/a>, a photographer who started a project photographing the corner of Ellis and Jones streets in the Tenderloin, has done that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I photograph the people that I meet, the random people that kind of come through there, but also just like the day-to-day kind of things that happen,” he said. “There are people who are homeless, and there are people using drugs, and sometimes that’s going on when I’m there and I’m capturing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his images also capture more human elements of people who live in the Tenderloin. One shows four people sitting around — in wheelchairs and on overturned five-gallon buckets — deep in conversation and laughing. Another shows a woman gazing down at an older man lying next to a shopping cart stuffed with his clothes and personal belongings. Littered needles and tinfoil are in the background of many of the images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to show like, ‘This is a reality that a family who lives there might be walking by every day,’ but not in their face,” Williams told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the biggest difference between his work and the man-on-the-street style videos that go viral on social media is the relationship he’s formed with the people he photographs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost daily, people living in nearby single-room occupancy housing or who are unhoused in the Tenderloin will gather on Ellis and Jones. Williams, who plasters his portraits onto a rotating collage on the corner building there, often joins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he photographs someone, he’ll bring them a copy of the image. He’s gained the trust of people who at first refused to be photographed or yelled at him to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the people have said to me once I put their images on the wall … ‘Now when people come through here and try to snap pictures of us, they see beautiful pictures of us on the wall and we’re larger than life,’” Williams said. “‘They’re looking up at us now and not looking down at us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Ricci Wynne Exploited SF’s Ills for Online Clout, Some Say. His Arrest Draws New Scrutiny",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Social media provocateur Ricci Wynne gained his following by sharing stark — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910500/advocacy-or-exploitation-the-ethical-concerns-around-posting-images-of-poverty-and-addiction-in-the-tenderloin\">some would say exploitative\u003c/a> — views of a San Francisco in decline, seeing himself as a watchdog for crime. Now, he is charged with committing a serious one of his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wynne, 39, pleaded not guilty to felony pimping charges Wednesday afternoon, two days after his arrest at San Francisco International Airport garnered national media attention. He was found in possession of phones with evidence of sex advertisements for a woman, communications saying the woman was available for sex in exchange for money, and messages collecting money, according to the district attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has brought renewed scrutiny to a notorious network of so-called truth tellers on X who post videos of people using drugs and struggling on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After serving a two-year prison sentence for drug and weapons charges that began in 2019, Wynne rose to internet micro-celebrity by posting a video parodying Mr. Rogers on X in 2022. In it, he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RawRicci415/status/1607859438001717248?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1607859438001717248%7Ctwgr%5E3106d2d842eb07d6964e932e3670ca0f50e9bc83%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fsfstandard.com%2F2022%2F12%2F29%2Fanti-drug-activist-skips-through-tenderloin-homeless-encampment-trolling-sf-in-mr-rogers-parody%2F\">skips through a homeless encampment\u003c/a> in the Tenderloin, smiling and panning the camera to tents and tarp structures scattered on the sidewalks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, he has become known for his videos of people passed out on the streets, in the depths of mental health episodes, or selling drugs. He has also appeared on Fox News multiple times to trash San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others say they share their content in the name of exposing the issues the city faces and putting pressure on elected officials to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to get the information out, to make sure the public is aware this is what’s happening,” said Erica Sandberg, a consumer finance reporter who shares similar content \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/EricaJSandberg\">with her 20,000 followers\u003c/a> on the social media platform. “This is what we see. This is what people are experiencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates who work in the Tenderloin aren’t sure the videos do much but hurt the people in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Discepola, the director of health services at social service nonprofit GLIDE, said that even if some of these social media users have good intentions, their content can have negative effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unkind to violate people’s privacy and show them in conditions that may not be at their best, where they may be struggling, and obviously, it has impact on people’s ability to feel good about themselves,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living on the streets often feel vilified or judged, which only causes them to turn away from services or support, Discepola said, adding that this kind of content can perpetuate that cycle.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandberg, who also appeared on Fox earlier this year, said she doesn’t like accounts that have a “salacious” slant. When the content is aimed at getting attention from elected officials and holding their feet to the fire, though? “Brilliant,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What started me many years ago on this path was that I wasn’t seeing in the media the truth,” she said. “It was always, ‘We’re doing better,’ and nothing was making sense. Two plus two was not equaling four. So it was really important to me to get that information out in a way that I found to be accurate and respectful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s praised Wynne and other accounts like “bettersoma” and “jj smith” for their posts, which display similarly controversial content. Adam Mesnick, who owns Deli Board and runs @bettersoma, declined to be interviewed by KQED, saying the backlash he receives for his content is too impactful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Mesnick and the man known as “jj smith” share photos of people using drugs, passed out on city streets, receiving overdose-reversing care, and even deceased. Mesnick also checks to see if people who look unconscious are breathing and has called 911 to get them help, he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/food/restaurants/article/deli-board-better-soma-twitter-18166543.php\">the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in 2023. When he’s out photographing, he carries Narcan, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discepola agrees that there can be value in showing the conditions of the streets — but a better way to do it might be to humanize those being photographed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/hwilliamsjrphoto/\">Harry Williams\u003c/a>, a photographer who started a project photographing the corner of Ellis and Jones streets in the Tenderloin, has done that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I photograph the people that I meet, the random people that kind of come through there, but also just like the day-to-day kind of things that happen,” he said. “There are people who are homeless, and there are people using drugs, and sometimes that’s going on when I’m there and I’m capturing it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his images also capture more human elements of people who live in the Tenderloin. One shows four people sitting around — in wheelchairs and on overturned five-gallon buckets — deep in conversation and laughing. Another shows a woman gazing down at an older man lying next to a shopping cart stuffed with his clothes and personal belongings. Littered needles and tinfoil are in the background of many of the images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to show like, ‘This is a reality that a family who lives there might be walking by every day,’ but not in their face,” Williams told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the biggest difference between his work and the man-on-the-street style videos that go viral on social media is the relationship he’s formed with the people he photographs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost daily, people living in nearby single-room occupancy housing or who are unhoused in the Tenderloin will gather on Ellis and Jones. Williams, who plasters his portraits onto a rotating collage on the corner building there, often joins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he photographs someone, he’ll bring them a copy of the image. He’s gained the trust of people who at first refused to be photographed or yelled at him to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the people have said to me once I put their images on the wall … ‘Now when people come through here and try to snap pictures of us, they see beautiful pictures of us on the wall and we’re larger than life,’” Williams said. “‘They’re looking up at us now and not looking down at us.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:25 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, already facing a possible breakup of the company \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">over its ubiquitous search engine\u003c/a>, is fighting to beat back another attack by the U.S. Department of Justice alleging monopolistic conduct, this time over technology that puts \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/marketing-and-advertising\">online advertising\u003c/a> in front of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Google made closing arguments Monday in a trial alleging Google’s advertising technology constitutes an illegal monopoly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in Alexandria, Virginia, will decide the case and is expected to issue a written ruling by the end of the year. If Brinkema finds Google has engaged in illegal, monopolistic conduct, she will then hold further hearings to explore what remedies should be imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, along with a coalition of states, has already said it believes Google should be forced to sell off parts of its ad tech business, which generates tens of billions of dollars annually for the Mountain View, California-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After roughly a month of trial testimony earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-ad-tech-virginia-opening-7a19f525287f782609a5316b1fdb08f0\">the arguments in the case remain\u003c/a> the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During three hours of arguments Monday, Brinkema, who sometimes tips her hand during legal arguments, did little to indicate how she might rule. She did, though, question the applicability of a key antitrust case Google cites in its defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends Google built and maintained a monopoly in “open-web display advertising,” essentially the rectangular ads that appear on the top and right-hand side of the page when one browses websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google dominates all facets of the market. A technology called DoubleClick is used pervasively by news sites and other online publishers, while Google Ads maintains a cache of advertisers large and small looking to place their ads on the right webpage in front of the right consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between is another Google product, AdExchange, that conducts nearly instantaneous auctions matching advertisers to publishers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court papers, Justice Department lawyers say Google “is more concerned with acquiring and preserving its trifecta of monopolies than serving its own publisher and advertiser customers or winning on the merits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, content providers and news organizations have never been able to generate the online revenue they should due to Google’s excessive fees for brokering transactions between advertisers and publishers, the government says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google argues \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-case-advertising-technology-64dc88ff8ede9db77f80b243ba3605a3\">the government’s case improperly focuses\u003c/a> on a narrow niche of online advertising. If one looks more broadly at online advertising to include social media, streaming TV services, and app-based advertising, Google says it controls as little as 10% of the market, a share that is dwindling as it faces increased and evolving competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google alleges in court papers that the government’s lawsuit “boil(s) down to the persistent complaints of a handful of Google’s rivals and several mammoth publishers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google also says it has invested billions in technology that facilitates the efficient match of advertisers to interested consumers and it should not be forced to share its technology and success with competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Requiring a company to do further engineering work to make its technology and customers accessible by all of its competitors on their preferred terms has never been compelled by U.S. antitrust law,” the company wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brinkema, during Monday’s arguments, also sought clarity on Google’s market share, a number the two sides dispute, depending on how broadly the market is defined.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12008707,forum_2010101906758,news_11999009\"]Historically, courts have been unwilling to declare an illegal monopoly in markets in which a company holds less than a 70% market share. Google says that when online display advertising is viewed as a whole, it holds only a 10% market share, and dwindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends, though, that when focusing on open-web display advertising, Google controls 91% of the market for publisher ad servers and 87% of the market for advertiser ad networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says that the “open web display advertising” market is gerrymandered by the Justice Department to make Google look bad, and that nobody in the industry looks at that category of ads without considering the ability of advertisers to switch to other forms of advertising, like in mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also contends that the public is harmed by the excessive rates Google charges to facilitate ad purchases, saying the company takes 36 cents on the dollar when it facilitates the transaction end to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says its “take rate” has dropped to 31% and continues to decrease, and it says that rate is lower than that of its competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have an integrated system, one of the benefits is lower prices,” Google lawyer Karen Dunn said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia case is separate from an ongoing lawsuit brought against Google in the District of Columbia over its namesake search engine. In that case, the judge determined it constitutes an illegal monopoly but has not decided what remedy to impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said last week it will seek to force Google to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">sell its Chrome web browser\u003c/a>, among a host of other penalties. Google has said the department’s request is overkill and unhinged from legitimate regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monday’s arguments, Justice Department lawyer Aaron Teitelbaum cited the search engine case when he highlighted an email from a Google executive, David Rosenblatt, who said in a 2009 email that Google’s goal was to “do to display what Google did to search,” which Teitelbaum said showed the company’s intent to achieve market dominance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google did not achieve its trifecta of monopolies by accident,” Teitelbaum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:25 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, already facing a possible breakup of the company \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">over its ubiquitous search engine\u003c/a>, is fighting to beat back another attack by the U.S. Department of Justice alleging monopolistic conduct, this time over technology that puts \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/marketing-and-advertising\">online advertising\u003c/a> in front of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Google made closing arguments Monday in a trial alleging Google’s advertising technology constitutes an illegal monopoly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in Alexandria, Virginia, will decide the case and is expected to issue a written ruling by the end of the year. If Brinkema finds Google has engaged in illegal, monopolistic conduct, she will then hold further hearings to explore what remedies should be imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, along with a coalition of states, has already said it believes Google should be forced to sell off parts of its ad tech business, which generates tens of billions of dollars annually for the Mountain View, California-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After roughly a month of trial testimony earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-ad-tech-virginia-opening-7a19f525287f782609a5316b1fdb08f0\">the arguments in the case remain\u003c/a> the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During three hours of arguments Monday, Brinkema, who sometimes tips her hand during legal arguments, did little to indicate how she might rule. She did, though, question the applicability of a key antitrust case Google cites in its defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends Google built and maintained a monopoly in “open-web display advertising,” essentially the rectangular ads that appear on the top and right-hand side of the page when one browses websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google dominates all facets of the market. A technology called DoubleClick is used pervasively by news sites and other online publishers, while Google Ads maintains a cache of advertisers large and small looking to place their ads on the right webpage in front of the right consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between is another Google product, AdExchange, that conducts nearly instantaneous auctions matching advertisers to publishers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court papers, Justice Department lawyers say Google “is more concerned with acquiring and preserving its trifecta of monopolies than serving its own publisher and advertiser customers or winning on the merits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, content providers and news organizations have never been able to generate the online revenue they should due to Google’s excessive fees for brokering transactions between advertisers and publishers, the government says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google argues \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-case-advertising-technology-64dc88ff8ede9db77f80b243ba3605a3\">the government’s case improperly focuses\u003c/a> on a narrow niche of online advertising. If one looks more broadly at online advertising to include social media, streaming TV services, and app-based advertising, Google says it controls as little as 10% of the market, a share that is dwindling as it faces increased and evolving competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google alleges in court papers that the government’s lawsuit “boil(s) down to the persistent complaints of a handful of Google’s rivals and several mammoth publishers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google also says it has invested billions in technology that facilitates the efficient match of advertisers to interested consumers and it should not be forced to share its technology and success with competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Requiring a company to do further engineering work to make its technology and customers accessible by all of its competitors on their preferred terms has never been compelled by U.S. antitrust law,” the company wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brinkema, during Monday’s arguments, also sought clarity on Google’s market share, a number the two sides dispute, depending on how broadly the market is defined.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Historically, courts have been unwilling to declare an illegal monopoly in markets in which a company holds less than a 70% market share. Google says that when online display advertising is viewed as a whole, it holds only a 10% market share, and dwindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends, though, that when focusing on open-web display advertising, Google controls 91% of the market for publisher ad servers and 87% of the market for advertiser ad networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says that the “open web display advertising” market is gerrymandered by the Justice Department to make Google look bad, and that nobody in the industry looks at that category of ads without considering the ability of advertisers to switch to other forms of advertising, like in mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also contends that the public is harmed by the excessive rates Google charges to facilitate ad purchases, saying the company takes 36 cents on the dollar when it facilitates the transaction end to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says its “take rate” has dropped to 31% and continues to decrease, and it says that rate is lower than that of its competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have an integrated system, one of the benefits is lower prices,” Google lawyer Karen Dunn said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia case is separate from an ongoing lawsuit brought against Google in the District of Columbia over its namesake search engine. In that case, the judge determined it constitutes an illegal monopoly but has not decided what remedy to impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said last week it will seek to force Google to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">sell its Chrome web browser\u003c/a>, among a host of other penalties. Google has said the department’s request is overkill and unhinged from legitimate regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monday’s arguments, Justice Department lawyer Aaron Teitelbaum cited the search engine case when he highlighted an email from a Google executive, David Rosenblatt, who said in a 2009 email that Google’s goal was to “do to display what Google did to search,” which Teitelbaum said showed the company’s intent to achieve market dominance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google did not achieve its trifecta of monopolies by accident,” Teitelbaum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Lies, Secrecy, Intimidation': Tracking the Mounting Crisis Engulfing San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus",
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"headTitle": "‘Lies, Secrecy, Intimidation’: Tracking the Mounting Crisis Engulfing San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Embattled San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus and her inner circle have come under intense fire in recent weeks amid mounting accusations that she and her executive director — and alleged lover — have consistently abused their power since taking office less than two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, the department’s five remaining captains \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015360/embattled-san-mateo-county-sheriff-faces-mounting-calls-resign\">called on her and Undersheriff Dan Perea\u003c/a> — the only remaining member of her executive team — to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The two are literally left standing alone in the sheriff’s department,” County Supervisor Ray Mueller said at a press conference on Thursday. “The sheriff has lost the faith and trust of her team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a whirlwind two weeks, Corpus’ office arrested the president of the deputies’ union and promoted Executive Director Victor Aenlle to a sworn position that officials say he’s not legally allowed to fill. County supervisors, meanwhile, are now pursuing a charter amendment to remove Corpus from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sense of it all, KQED has stitched together a timeline to illustrate how Corpus went from a trailblazing candidate who promised transparency and accountability to a sheriff accused of dubious behavior and blatant nepotism, running a department plagued with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority,” according to a recent independent investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page “independent fact-finding investigation”\u003c/a> — on which this timeline is largely based — was commissioned by county officials in July following an “unprecedented” number of complaints about Aenlle. Conducted by retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell and released earlier this month, the sprawling report details a litany of transgressions, starting from when Corpus was a candidate for sheriff to as recently as this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2021–2022: Early warning signs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/news/2022/05/11/voter-guide-christina-corpus-aims-to-change-sheriffs-office-culture-through-community-based-policing-and-transparency/\">started her law enforcement career\u003c/a> as a caseworker for the San Mateo County District Attorney’s Office and later as a corrections officer. She became a deputy sheriff in 2005, rising to the rank of captain and serving Millbrae’s chief of police until becoming sheriff in January 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus announced she was running for sheriff in July 2021, challenging her boss, then-Sheriff Carlos Bolanos. She was the first female and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. Running on the promise of bringing a “culture change” to the office, she ousted Bolanos, winning 55% of the vote in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/californias-first-two-latina-sheriffs-beat-incumbents-in-stunning-upset\">primaries in June 2022\u003c/a> and became \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcsheriff.com/sheriff-christina-corpus\">one of the first Latina sheriffs in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during her campaign, several sheriff’s office employees said they started noticing signs that Corpus had a more-than-friendly relationship with Aenlle, her campaign manager, a real estate agent and once reserve deputy with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees would later tell Cordell that they’d see the sheriff and Aenlle massaging each other at the Millbrae station, “pecking” each other on the lips and texting each other inappropriate messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus allegedly described Aenlle to one employee as “jealous and protective,” but “If he ever leaves me, I don’t know how I’ll make it. I won’t survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Corpus and Aenlle regularly denied their extramarital relationship existed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some employees also later reported witnessing disturbing behavior, including an instance in early 2022, when Corpus, then a captain, allegedly used the N-word twice to describe Bolanos in front of a civilian employee, and, in separate incidents, used “a homophobic slur” to refer to a local elected official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe a sheriff who makes homophobic slurs like that is not fit for office, period,” Mueller said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after her victory, Corpus made an “unprecedented” request for a transition team, which included Aenlle. At one of their first meetings, Aenlle required team members to use the encrypted messaging system \u003cem>Signal\u003c/em> and sign nondisclosure agreements (NDAs), warning that if anyone leaked information, “We’ll come after you; you’ll get sued,” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2022, soon after a former sheriff’s department employee spotted Corpus and Aenlle at SFO boarding a flight together to Maui, \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/profile/mike-callagy\">County Executive Officer Mike Callagy\u003c/a> confronted her about the trip. Corpus said she and Aenlle were “good friends” and that he came to help with her kids. “It’s the good ole’ boys spreading rumors about me because I’m Latina,” she allegedly told Callagy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callagy disagreed, saying if he knew they were friends, he wouldn’t have approved Aenlle’s contract, so he terminated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corpus and Aenlle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Corpus was sworn in as sheriff, Aenlle signed a $92-an-hour one-year contract with her office. Three months later, Corpus assigned him an “extra help” position, paying him an additional $73 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus then created the position of executive director of administration with an annual salary of almost $247,000. The job wasn’t publicly advertised, and no one but Aenlle applied. Corpus hired him in July 2023. She later went on to request pay raises for him on three occasions, all of which the county rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>September 2023: The county signed a $44,000-a-month, 10-year lease for a building in Redwood City to use as a new substation and child care facility. Aenlle — an associate broker for Coldwell Banker — was heavily involved in the negotiations, something Cordell found could be a conflict of interest because Coldwell Banker brokered the deal. (Callagy froze the project \u003ca href=\"https://padailypost.com/2024/11/09/sheriffs-plans-for-childcare-center-and-substation-are-put-on-hold/\">earlier this month\u003c/a>, saying Corpus’ office didn’t follow protocol, resulting in $750,000 on a building that’s still empty.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people objected to Aenlle’s position in the department, including sworn employees who Corpus brought into her office, like then-Undersheriff Chris Hsiung, who said Aenlle “treats people like shit and makes them feel like garbage.” Hsiung resigned from the department in June 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aenlle also showed particular hostility toward the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanmateocountydsa.com/\">Deputy Sheriff’s Association (DSA)\u003c/a>, even encouraging members to vote out their board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/04/02/former-deputy-sues-san-mateo-county-sheriff-christina-corpus-claims-retaliation-for-lack-of-endorsement/?clearUserState=true\">One lawsuit filed against Corpus and Aenlle\u003c/a> earlier this year by David Wozniak — a former president of the deputies’ union — alleging his work with the DSA was a “problem” and a “headache” for the sheriff’s office, and he was demoted shortly after Corpus was sworn in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘poor representation of your office’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In September, Corpus designated two people to be photographed with then-presidential candidate Donald Trump at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004699/bay-area-trump-supporters-rally-ahead-of-his-arrival-in-the-democratic-stronghold\">campaign event in Woodside\u003c/a>. Aenlle “made a scene” while demanding he get one of the photos with Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015628\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 475px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"475\" height=\"319\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png 475w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 475px) 100vw, 475px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture from retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell’s report shows President-elect Donald Trump posing for a photo with San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office Executive Director Victor Aenlle on Sept. 13, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An FBI agent in San Francisco described Aenlle’s behavior to then-Assistant Sheriff Ryan Monaghan as “one of the most arrogant pricks I’ve ever seen” and a “poor representation of your office,” according to Cordell’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After learning that Monaghan spoke with Cordell for her investigation, Corpus fired him, saying she no longer trusted him, according to Cordell’s report. He, too, was brought into the office under Corpus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monaghan believes that Sheriff Corpus fired him in retaliation for cooperating with the investigation and for standing up to Aenlle,” Cordell wrote, a sentiment \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/statement-sheriffs-office-investigation-san-mateo-county-supervisor-ray-mueller-behalf\">echoed by Supervisor Ray Mueller\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 2-week storm in November\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, DSA President Carlos Tapia turned himself in to the sheriff’s office related to alleged time-card theft. He accused Corpus of targeting him for being a vocal critic of her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capt. Brian Philip — another Corpus hire — was told to arrest Tapia but resigned instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference hours after Tapia’s arrest, Supervisor Noelia Corzo said it was “highly irregular” for the sheriff’s office to investigate and arrest a member of their own department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe told KQED that his office is reviewing the case “to determine whether criminal charges for time card fraud are warranted” and has requested additional investigation by the Sheriff’s Office. He plans to make a charging decision before Tapia’s arraignment on Dec. 9.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12015360,news_12014310,news_11969550\"]The following day, the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014310/san-mateo-county-supervisors-to-hold-vote-of-no-confidence-in-sheriff-christina-corpus\">unanimously cast a vote of no confidence in the sheriff\u003c/a> and terminated Aenlle’s executive director position. Corpus appeared briefly at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened the last few days is disgusting. I will not allow the board to threaten me and attempt to fire my chief of staff without cause,” she said, announcing she was appointing Aenlle to be an assistant sheriff “effective immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That Thursday, Acting Assistant Sheriff Matthew Fox, who Corpus brought into her office, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undersheriff Dan Perea sent Corpus a memo saying that Aenlle asked him to change the code on the safe that held the executive team’s suppressed rifles, but Perea allegedly said “no” and told Aenlle not to contact him again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, several \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/county-supervisors-respond-federal-and-state-representatives-calling-sheriff-resign\">federal and state representatives from the region called on Corpus to resign\u003c/a>, including U.S. Rep. Kevin Mullin and State Sen. Josh Becker, who originally endorsed her for sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following day, the Board of Supervisors unanimously approved the first steps in creating a charter amendment that would give them the authority to remove a sheriff from office with a 4/5ths vote. If passed at a second reading on Dec. 5, voters could approve the charter amendment in a special election in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Captains Eamonn Allen and Mark Myers announced that the five remaining captains on Corpus’ staff had unanimously approved a vote of no confidence in the leadership of Corpus, Perea and Aenlle and demanded they resign immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Embattled San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus and her inner circle have come under intense fire in recent weeks amid mounting accusations that she and her executive director — and alleged lover — have consistently abused their power since taking office less than two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, the department’s five remaining captains \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015360/embattled-san-mateo-county-sheriff-faces-mounting-calls-resign\">called on her and Undersheriff Dan Perea\u003c/a> — the only remaining member of her executive team — to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The two are literally left standing alone in the sheriff’s department,” County Supervisor Ray Mueller said at a press conference on Thursday. “The sheriff has lost the faith and trust of her team.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a whirlwind two weeks, Corpus’ office arrested the president of the deputies’ union and promoted Executive Director Victor Aenlle to a sworn position that officials say he’s not legally allowed to fill. County supervisors, meanwhile, are now pursuing a charter amendment to remove Corpus from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sense of it all, KQED has stitched together a timeline to illustrate how Corpus went from a trailblazing candidate who promised transparency and accountability to a sheriff accused of dubious behavior and blatant nepotism, running a department plagued with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority,” according to a recent independent investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page “independent fact-finding investigation”\u003c/a> — on which this timeline is largely based — was commissioned by county officials in July following an “unprecedented” number of complaints about Aenlle. Conducted by retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell and released earlier this month, the sprawling report details a litany of transgressions, starting from when Corpus was a candidate for sheriff to as recently as this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2021–2022: Early warning signs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Corpus \u003ca href=\"https://www.almanacnews.com/news/2022/05/11/voter-guide-christina-corpus-aims-to-change-sheriffs-office-culture-through-community-based-policing-and-transparency/\">started her law enforcement career\u003c/a> as a caseworker for the San Mateo County District Attorney’s Office and later as a corrections officer. She became a deputy sheriff in 2005, rising to the rank of captain and serving Millbrae’s chief of police until becoming sheriff in January 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus announced she was running for sheriff in July 2021, challenging her boss, then-Sheriff Carlos Bolanos. She was the first female and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. Running on the promise of bringing a “culture change” to the office, she ousted Bolanos, winning 55% of the vote in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/californias-first-two-latina-sheriffs-beat-incumbents-in-stunning-upset\">primaries in June 2022\u003c/a> and became \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcsheriff.com/sheriff-christina-corpus\">one of the first Latina sheriffs in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during her campaign, several sheriff’s office employees said they started noticing signs that Corpus had a more-than-friendly relationship with Aenlle, her campaign manager, a real estate agent and once reserve deputy with the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees would later tell Cordell that they’d see the sheriff and Aenlle massaging each other at the Millbrae station, “pecking” each other on the lips and texting each other inappropriate messages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus allegedly described Aenlle to one employee as “jealous and protective,” but “If he ever leaves me, I don’t know how I’ll make it. I won’t survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Corpus and Aenlle regularly denied their extramarital relationship existed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some employees also later reported witnessing disturbing behavior, including an instance in early 2022, when Corpus, then a captain, allegedly used the N-word twice to describe Bolanos in front of a civilian employee, and, in separate incidents, used “a homophobic slur” to refer to a local elected official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe a sheriff who makes homophobic slurs like that is not fit for office, period,” Mueller said Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after her victory, Corpus made an “unprecedented” request for a transition team, which included Aenlle. At one of their first meetings, Aenlle required team members to use the encrypted messaging system \u003cem>Signal\u003c/em> and sign nondisclosure agreements (NDAs), warning that if anyone leaked information, “We’ll come after you; you’ll get sued,” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2022, soon after a former sheriff’s department employee spotted Corpus and Aenlle at SFO boarding a flight together to Maui, \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/profile/mike-callagy\">County Executive Officer Mike Callagy\u003c/a> confronted her about the trip. Corpus said she and Aenlle were “good friends” and that he came to help with her kids. “It’s the good ole’ boys spreading rumors about me because I’m Latina,” she allegedly told Callagy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callagy disagreed, saying if he knew they were friends, he wouldn’t have approved Aenlle’s contract, so he terminated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corpus and Aenlle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Corpus was sworn in as sheriff, Aenlle signed a $92-an-hour one-year contract with her office. Three months later, Corpus assigned him an “extra help” position, paying him an additional $73 per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus then created the position of executive director of administration with an annual salary of almost $247,000. The job wasn’t publicly advertised, and no one but Aenlle applied. Corpus hired him in July 2023. She later went on to request pay raises for him on three occasions, all of which the county rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>September 2023: The county signed a $44,000-a-month, 10-year lease for a building in Redwood City to use as a new substation and child care facility. Aenlle — an associate broker for Coldwell Banker — was heavily involved in the negotiations, something Cordell found could be a conflict of interest because Coldwell Banker brokered the deal. (Callagy froze the project \u003ca href=\"https://padailypost.com/2024/11/09/sheriffs-plans-for-childcare-center-and-substation-are-put-on-hold/\">earlier this month\u003c/a>, saying Corpus’ office didn’t follow protocol, resulting in $750,000 on a building that’s still empty.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people objected to Aenlle’s position in the department, including sworn employees who Corpus brought into her office, like then-Undersheriff Chris Hsiung, who said Aenlle “treats people like shit and makes them feel like garbage.” Hsiung resigned from the department in June 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aenlle also showed particular hostility toward the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanmateocountydsa.com/\">Deputy Sheriff’s Association (DSA)\u003c/a>, even encouraging members to vote out their board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/04/02/former-deputy-sues-san-mateo-county-sheriff-christina-corpus-claims-retaliation-for-lack-of-endorsement/?clearUserState=true\">One lawsuit filed against Corpus and Aenlle\u003c/a> earlier this year by David Wozniak — a former president of the deputies’ union — alleging his work with the DSA was a “problem” and a “headache” for the sheriff’s office, and he was demoted shortly after Corpus was sworn in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘poor representation of your office’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In September, Corpus designated two people to be photographed with then-presidential candidate Donald Trump at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004699/bay-area-trump-supporters-rally-ahead-of-his-arrival-in-the-democratic-stronghold\">campaign event in Woodside\u003c/a>. Aenlle “made a scene” while demanding he get one of the photos with Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015628\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 475px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"475\" height=\"319\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320.png 475w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/image1-e1732313039320-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 475px) 100vw, 475px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture from retired Superior Court Judge LaDoris H. Cordell’s report shows President-elect Donald Trump posing for a photo with San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office Executive Director Victor Aenlle on Sept. 13, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An FBI agent in San Francisco described Aenlle’s behavior to then-Assistant Sheriff Ryan Monaghan as “one of the most arrogant pricks I’ve ever seen” and a “poor representation of your office,” according to Cordell’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After learning that Monaghan spoke with Cordell for her investigation, Corpus fired him, saying she no longer trusted him, according to Cordell’s report. He, too, was brought into the office under Corpus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Monaghan believes that Sheriff Corpus fired him in retaliation for cooperating with the investigation and for standing up to Aenlle,” Cordell wrote, a sentiment \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/statement-sheriffs-office-investigation-san-mateo-county-supervisor-ray-mueller-behalf\">echoed by Supervisor Ray Mueller\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A 2-week storm in November\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, DSA President Carlos Tapia turned himself in to the sheriff’s office related to alleged time-card theft. He accused Corpus of targeting him for being a vocal critic of her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Capt. Brian Philip — another Corpus hire — was told to arrest Tapia but resigned instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference hours after Tapia’s arrest, Supervisor Noelia Corzo said it was “highly irregular” for the sheriff’s office to investigate and arrest a member of their own department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe told KQED that his office is reviewing the case “to determine whether criminal charges for time card fraud are warranted” and has requested additional investigation by the Sheriff’s Office. He plans to make a charging decision before Tapia’s arraignment on Dec. 9.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The following day, the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014310/san-mateo-county-supervisors-to-hold-vote-of-no-confidence-in-sheriff-christina-corpus\">unanimously cast a vote of no confidence in the sheriff\u003c/a> and terminated Aenlle’s executive director position. Corpus appeared briefly at the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened the last few days is disgusting. I will not allow the board to threaten me and attempt to fire my chief of staff without cause,” she said, announcing she was appointing Aenlle to be an assistant sheriff “effective immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That Thursday, Acting Assistant Sheriff Matthew Fox, who Corpus brought into her office, resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undersheriff Dan Perea sent Corpus a memo saying that Aenlle asked him to change the code on the safe that held the executive team’s suppressed rifles, but Perea allegedly said “no” and told Aenlle not to contact him again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, several \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/county-supervisors-respond-federal-and-state-representatives-calling-sheriff-resign\">federal and state representatives from the region called on Corpus to resign\u003c/a>, including U.S. Rep. Kevin Mullin and State Sen. Josh Becker, who originally endorsed her for sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following day, the Board of Supervisors unanimously approved the first steps in creating a charter amendment that would give them the authority to remove a sheriff from office with a 4/5ths vote. If passed at a second reading on Dec. 5, voters could approve the charter amendment in a special election in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Captains Eamonn Allen and Mark Myers announced that the five remaining captains on Corpus’ staff had unanimously approved a vote of no confidence in the leadership of Corpus, Perea and Aenlle and demanded they resign immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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