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"content": "\u003cp>Police in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> are more likely to handcuff Black children experiencing a mental health crisis — particularly girls — than children of other races, according to a new study out of UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a parent calls 911 because their child is experiencing severe emotional distress, police often arrive before an ambulance, lead study author Dr. Kenshata Watkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police aren’t really trained to handle these types of emergencies, right?” Watkins said. “And so they get there, and they \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=itYl07TqrDg\">do what police do\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, according to the study data, police handcuffed a child experiencing a mental health crisis more than twice a week in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published last week \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2825944\">in the journal JAMA Network Open\u003c/a>, looked at over 10,400 youth behavioral health emergencies handled by the county’s Emergency Medical Services Agency between 2012 and mid-2019. Of those cases for which researchers had race and location data, 7.6% of children were handcuffed before an ambulance arrived, but rates were disproportionately high for Black children and those in more disadvantaged neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a UCSF pediatric emergency physician, Watkins was interested in what happens before a child ends up in the hospital, a context he refers to as “social determinants of health,” but he said law enforcement response, such as handcuffing, is largely invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t show up really at the hospital because those handcuffs are gone,” Watkins said.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014858 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-OaklandPDDrunkDriving-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For clues, Watkins’ team shifted their focus to Emergency Medical Services. As the first medical responders on scene, EMS staff take notes on a child’s blood pressure and heart rate, as well as a short description of what was happening when they arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By analyzing tens of thousands of these narratives and searching for terms related to handcuffing, the researchers found 833 handcuffing events involving \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926978/many-california-families-cant-access-mental-health-care-for-kids-this-east-palo-alto-mom-found-a-way\">kids in crisis\u003c/a>. Police were 1.8 times more likely to handcuff Black children than their white counterparts — a disparity that climbed to 2.6 times more likely for Black girls — and they were 1.5 times more likely to do so in disadvantaged neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anyone else were doing it, it would be a form of child abuse — it would be recognized as such,” said UC Berkeley African American studies professor Nikki Jones, a sociologist-criminologist who’s spent a decade studying policing and violence in urban neighborhoods. “But because the police are doing it and because they have this logic that’s based on their expertise, then we are supposed to read it as something other than extremely damaging to a child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones rode along with police in an unnamed California jurisdiction as part of her own Army Office of Research-funded \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15356841221123820\">study on race and law enforcement attitudes\u003c/a> published last year. Jones said police often view children of color as older and less vulnerable than they are and focus on obedience — a tall order when a child is mentally unwell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they’re in field training and once they begin to do the work of policing, they develop what they consider to be their own expertise,” Jones said. “Officers responding in a more aggressive way to people who live in certain neighborhoods — they don’t think about that as biased. They think about that as the kind of expertise that a morally competent police officer would have.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study recommends taking an alternative approach to responding to mental health emergencies by expanding programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985965/we-approach-in-peace-are-barts-outreach-efforts-to-help-people-in-crisis-working\">send out mental health experts\u003c/a> instead, such as Alameda County’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.acbhcs.org/acute-integrated-health-care/acute-crisis-services/\">Mobile Crisis Team\u003c/a> and San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/street-crisis-response-team\">Street Crisis Response Team\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, UCSF researchers hope to undertake a follow-up study examining the longer-term outcomes of children who are handcuffed during mental and behavioral health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 20: This article was updated to clarify which program in Alameda County sends mental health experts to emergency calls as an alternative to police.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Police in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> are more likely to handcuff Black children experiencing a mental health crisis — particularly girls — than children of other races, according to a new study out of UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a parent calls 911 because their child is experiencing severe emotional distress, police often arrive before an ambulance, lead study author Dr. Kenshata Watkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police aren’t really trained to handle these types of emergencies, right?” Watkins said. “And so they get there, and they \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=itYl07TqrDg\">do what police do\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On average, according to the study data, police handcuffed a child experiencing a mental health crisis more than twice a week in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published last week \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2825944\">in the journal JAMA Network Open\u003c/a>, looked at over 10,400 youth behavioral health emergencies handled by the county’s Emergency Medical Services Agency between 2012 and mid-2019. Of those cases for which researchers had race and location data, 7.6% of children were handcuffed before an ambulance arrived, but rates were disproportionately high for Black children and those in more disadvantaged neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a UCSF pediatric emergency physician, Watkins was interested in what happens before a child ends up in the hospital, a context he refers to as “social determinants of health,” but he said law enforcement response, such as handcuffing, is largely invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t show up really at the hospital because those handcuffs are gone,” Watkins said.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For clues, Watkins’ team shifted their focus to Emergency Medical Services. As the first medical responders on scene, EMS staff take notes on a child’s blood pressure and heart rate, as well as a short description of what was happening when they arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By analyzing tens of thousands of these narratives and searching for terms related to handcuffing, the researchers found 833 handcuffing events involving \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11926978/many-california-families-cant-access-mental-health-care-for-kids-this-east-palo-alto-mom-found-a-way\">kids in crisis\u003c/a>. Police were 1.8 times more likely to handcuff Black children than their white counterparts — a disparity that climbed to 2.6 times more likely for Black girls — and they were 1.5 times more likely to do so in disadvantaged neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anyone else were doing it, it would be a form of child abuse — it would be recognized as such,” said UC Berkeley African American studies professor Nikki Jones, a sociologist-criminologist who’s spent a decade studying policing and violence in urban neighborhoods. “But because the police are doing it and because they have this logic that’s based on their expertise, then we are supposed to read it as something other than extremely damaging to a child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones rode along with police in an unnamed California jurisdiction as part of her own Army Office of Research-funded \u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15356841221123820\">study on race and law enforcement attitudes\u003c/a> published last year. Jones said police often view children of color as older and less vulnerable than they are and focus on obedience — a tall order when a child is mentally unwell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they’re in field training and once they begin to do the work of policing, they develop what they consider to be their own expertise,” Jones said. “Officers responding in a more aggressive way to people who live in certain neighborhoods — they don’t think about that as biased. They think about that as the kind of expertise that a morally competent police officer would have.\u003cem>”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study recommends taking an alternative approach to responding to mental health emergencies by expanding programs that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985965/we-approach-in-peace-are-barts-outreach-efforts-to-help-people-in-crisis-working\">send out mental health experts\u003c/a> instead, such as Alameda County’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.acbhcs.org/acute-integrated-health-care/acute-crisis-services/\">Mobile Crisis Team\u003c/a> and San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/street-crisis-response-team\">Street Crisis Response Team\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, UCSF researchers hope to undertake a follow-up study examining the longer-term outcomes of children who are handcuffed during mental and behavioral health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 20: This article was updated to clarify which program in Alameda County sends mental health experts to emergency calls as an alternative to police.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> conceded her recall election on Monday, speaking publicly about the results for the first time since Election Day and accepting a defeat that had appeared all but certain for over a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 63% of Alameda County voters chose to remove her from office just two years into her term. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013442/alameda-county-voters-recall-district-attorney-pamela-price\">called the race on Nov. 8\u003c/a>, when the pro-recall vote hovered around 65%, but Price remained defiant as she urged supporters to await fuller results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s recall comes amid a slew of election outcomes that show Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013987/after-voter-backlash-whats-next-for-the-criminal-justice-reform-movement\">turning against progressive criminal justice\u003c/a> measures and candidates that won in recent years. Price told supporters, though, that the fight for change isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is up to you and me to make sure that future leaders of this office remain independent decision makers and stay the course of holding public officials accountable and law enforcement officers accountable for their actions,” she said Monday, flanked by more than a dozen supporters, some donning her original 2022 campaign shirts. “Our challenges are too great to be divided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s ouster comes just two years after San Francisco recalled its progressive district attorney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>, and as Oakland voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012357/sheng-thao-accepts-defeat-in-contentious-oakland-mayoral-recall\">recalled Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>. Statewide, voters overwhelmingly passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012656/proposition-36-californias-newest-tough-on-crime-measure-appears-headed-for-victory\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, which rolls back lower penalties for certain petty theft and drug possession crimes that voters had passed a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the somber press conference, Price spoke about her administration’s efforts to push forward reform during its two years. Under Price, the Alameda County district attorney’s office secured its first-ever indictment against a corporate polluter in connection to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996994/west-oakland-steel-recycler-charged-with-10-crimes-after-toxic-fire-last-summer\">toxic fire\u003c/a> last year. She also touted the creation of a public accountability unit to review cases of police misconduct and an investigation into past administrations’ practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995937/alameda-county-da-seeks-new-sentences-for-3-people-on-death-row-amid-misconduct-record-destruction-claims\">excluding Black and Jewish jurors\u003c/a> from death penalty cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In November of 2022, Alameda County took a huge step forward toward a better criminal legal system,” she told reporters. “In January of 2023, I took office, and since then, I’ve fought to bring change and help to a broken criminal justice system. Under my leadership as district attorney, we made incredible strides towards serving the victims in this county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her tenure, Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011550/as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term\">faced scrutiny\u003c/a> for allowing the statute of limitations to expire on at least hundreds of misdemeanor cases. She also recently came under fire after her office missed the deadline to charge two officers in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009076/mario-gonzalez-supporters-call-das-error-a-shame-as-2-officers-avoid-charges\">death of Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a>, an unarmed man who died after being pinned to the ground by police in 2021. His was one of the cases her office reopened under the new accountability unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014282 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240830-AAPIVOTERS-JY-004-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Laurie Manning of Skyline Community Church and Jean Moses, a representative of the Interfaith Coalition for Justice in our Jails, spoke about Price’s work to bring charges against Santa Rita Jail staffers accused of negligence that led to the death of an inmate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014238/11-charged-in-alameda-county-jail-death-but-recall-leaves-case-up-in-the-air\">Maurice Monk\u003c/a>, in 2021. They applauded Price’s commitment to exposing a pattern of misconduct and cover-up at the infamously dangerous jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Assistant District Attorney Royl Roberts will take over as interim district attorney when the election results are certified, which will happen sometime before Dec. 5. He will serve while the Board of Supervisors works to select a replacement to serve until 2026 when voters will elect a district attorney to serve out the remainder of Price’s term — which had been set for a longer-than-usual six years to align district attorney elections with the presidential cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going forward, we are hoping that the Board of Supervisors really weighs what is going to be needed to get the department on the level of functionality because right now it is not,” recall organizer Brenda Grisham said, adding that she and the other leaders of the recall campaign would be weighing in on the selection, but that the decision would ultimately be up to the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do wish her well in whatever her next position is,” Grisham told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her team is “working internally to ensure a smooth transition and with the responsible county officials to provide my successor with as much information as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate the opportunity to serve my community and to have made history in Alameda County, and I leave this office in a much better place than how we found it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Price’s recall in the East Bay, which appeared all but certain for over a week, comes amid a wave of voter backlash against progressive criminal justice measures and candidates.",
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"title": "Alameda County DA Pamela Price Concedes Recall Defeat After Long Holdout | KQED",
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"headline": "Alameda County DA Pamela Price Concedes Recall Defeat After Long Holdout",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> conceded her recall election on Monday, speaking publicly about the results for the first time since Election Day and accepting a defeat that had appeared all but certain for over a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 63% of Alameda County voters chose to remove her from office just two years into her term. The \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013442/alameda-county-voters-recall-district-attorney-pamela-price\">called the race on Nov. 8\u003c/a>, when the pro-recall vote hovered around 65%, but Price remained defiant as she urged supporters to await fuller results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s recall comes amid a slew of election outcomes that show Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013987/after-voter-backlash-whats-next-for-the-criminal-justice-reform-movement\">turning against progressive criminal justice\u003c/a> measures and candidates that won in recent years. Price told supporters, though, that the fight for change isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is up to you and me to make sure that future leaders of this office remain independent decision makers and stay the course of holding public officials accountable and law enforcement officers accountable for their actions,” she said Monday, flanked by more than a dozen supporters, some donning her original 2022 campaign shirts. “Our challenges are too great to be divided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s ouster comes just two years after San Francisco recalled its progressive district attorney, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">Chesa Boudin\u003c/a>, and as Oakland voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012357/sheng-thao-accepts-defeat-in-contentious-oakland-mayoral-recall\">recalled Mayor Sheng Thao\u003c/a>. Statewide, voters overwhelmingly passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012656/proposition-36-californias-newest-tough-on-crime-measure-appears-headed-for-victory\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, which rolls back lower penalties for certain petty theft and drug possession crimes that voters had passed a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the somber press conference, Price spoke about her administration’s efforts to push forward reform during its two years. Under Price, the Alameda County district attorney’s office secured its first-ever indictment against a corporate polluter in connection to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996994/west-oakland-steel-recycler-charged-with-10-crimes-after-toxic-fire-last-summer\">toxic fire\u003c/a> last year. She also touted the creation of a public accountability unit to review cases of police misconduct and an investigation into past administrations’ practice of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995937/alameda-county-da-seeks-new-sentences-for-3-people-on-death-row-amid-misconduct-record-destruction-claims\">excluding Black and Jewish jurors\u003c/a> from death penalty cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In November of 2022, Alameda County took a huge step forward toward a better criminal legal system,” she told reporters. “In January of 2023, I took office, and since then, I’ve fought to bring change and help to a broken criminal justice system. Under my leadership as district attorney, we made incredible strides towards serving the victims in this county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her tenure, Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011550/as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term\">faced scrutiny\u003c/a> for allowing the statute of limitations to expire on at least hundreds of misdemeanor cases. She also recently came under fire after her office missed the deadline to charge two officers in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009076/mario-gonzalez-supporters-call-das-error-a-shame-as-2-officers-avoid-charges\">death of Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a>, an unarmed man who died after being pinned to the ground by police in 2021. His was one of the cases her office reopened under the new accountability unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Laurie Manning of Skyline Community Church and Jean Moses, a representative of the Interfaith Coalition for Justice in our Jails, spoke about Price’s work to bring charges against Santa Rita Jail staffers accused of negligence that led to the death of an inmate, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014238/11-charged-in-alameda-county-jail-death-but-recall-leaves-case-up-in-the-air\">Maurice Monk\u003c/a>, in 2021. They applauded Price’s commitment to exposing a pattern of misconduct and cover-up at the infamously dangerous jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief Assistant District Attorney Royl Roberts will take over as interim district attorney when the election results are certified, which will happen sometime before Dec. 5. He will serve while the Board of Supervisors works to select a replacement to serve until 2026 when voters will elect a district attorney to serve out the remainder of Price’s term — which had been set for a longer-than-usual six years to align district attorney elections with the presidential cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going forward, we are hoping that the Board of Supervisors really weighs what is going to be needed to get the department on the level of functionality because right now it is not,” recall organizer Brenda Grisham said, adding that she and the other leaders of the recall campaign would be weighing in on the selection, but that the decision would ultimately be up to the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do wish her well in whatever her next position is,” Grisham told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price said her team is “working internally to ensure a smooth transition and with the responsible county officials to provide my successor with as much information as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate the opportunity to serve my community and to have made history in Alameda County, and I leave this office in a much better place than how we found it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "it-used-to-be-a-notoriously-violent-prison-now-its-home-to-a-first-of-its-kind-education-program",
"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program",
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"content": "\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Cal Poly Humboldt’s bachelor’s program offers new opportunity to people incarcerated at maximum-security Pelican Bay State Prison",
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"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More Related Stories.\"]The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge on Thursday struck down a Biden administration policy that aimed to ease a path to citizenship for some immigrants lacking permanent legal status who are married to U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, lauded as one of the biggest presidential actions to help immigrant families in years, allowed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-biden-spouses-citizenship-registration-da37d9cbdb45a4baca837f6dc2a09aba\">undocumented spouses and stepchildren\u003c/a> of U.S. citizens to apply for a green card without first having to leave the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary relief from deportation brought a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-texas-biden-spouses-9b282ce79793004d43e393f75081f331\">brief sense of security\u003c/a> to some 500,000 immigrants estimated to benefit from the program before Texas-based U.S. District Judge J. Campbell Barker \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-spouses-biden-program-hault-80df0dafd913a22fd7a9074d31eeab65\">put it on hold\u003c/a> in August, days after applicants filed their paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barker ruled Thursday that the Biden administration had overstepped its authority by implementing the program and had stretched the legal interpretation of relevant immigration law “past its breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The short-lived Biden administration initiative known as “Keeping Families Together” would have been unlikely to remain in place after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> took office in January. But its early termination creates greater uncertainty for immigrant families as many are bracing for Trump’s return to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s election victory this week sets the stage for a swift crackdown on individuals lacking permanent legal status after the Republican ran on promises of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-immigration-border-asylum-mass-deportation-a681c4980ef25e2b3a7ae670c9094f4a\">“mass deportation.”\u003c/a> The president-elect energized his supporters on the campaign trail with a litany of anti-immigrant statements, including that immigrants were “poisoning the blood” of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term, Trump appointed Barker as a judge in Tyler, Texas, which lies in the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, a favored venue for advocates pushing conservative arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barker had placed the immigration initiative on hold after Texas and 15 other states, led by their Republican attorneys general, filed a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-citizen-spouse-biden-d02243b21b8490c912008b896a83bcd2\">legal challenge\u003c/a> accusing the executive branch of bypassing Congress to help immigrant families for “blatant political purposes.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11928042,news_11923873,news_11918450\"]Republicans argued the initiative created costs for their states and could draw more migrants to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy would have applied to people who have been living continuously in the U.S. for at least 10 years, do not pose a security threat and have utilized the existing legal authority known as “parole in place” that offers deportation protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those married to a citizen by June 17, the day before the program was announced, could pay a $580 application fee and fill out a lengthy application explaining why they deserve humanitarian parole. If approved, applicants would have three years to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/president-joe-biden-immigration-border-immigrants-11486c86ba620a04ae9dc66a3d44f346\">seek permanent residency\u003c/a> and obtain work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear Thursday whether anyone had received approval under the program, which only accepted applications for about a week before the judge placed it on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizen spouses are already eligible for legal status but often have to apply from their home countries. The process typically includes a yearslong wait outside of the U.S., which can separate family members with different immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The 'Keeping Families Together' initiative allowed undocumented spouses and stepchildren of U.S. citizens to apply for a green card without first having to leave the country. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge on Thursday struck down a Biden administration policy that aimed to ease a path to citizenship for some immigrants lacking permanent legal status who are married to U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, lauded as one of the biggest presidential actions to help immigrant families in years, allowed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-biden-spouses-citizenship-registration-da37d9cbdb45a4baca837f6dc2a09aba\">undocumented spouses and stepchildren\u003c/a> of U.S. citizens to apply for a green card without first having to leave the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary relief from deportation brought a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-texas-biden-spouses-9b282ce79793004d43e393f75081f331\">brief sense of security\u003c/a> to some 500,000 immigrants estimated to benefit from the program before Texas-based U.S. District Judge J. Campbell Barker \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-spouses-biden-program-hault-80df0dafd913a22fd7a9074d31eeab65\">put it on hold\u003c/a> in August, days after applicants filed their paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barker ruled Thursday that the Biden administration had overstepped its authority by implementing the program and had stretched the legal interpretation of relevant immigration law “past its breaking point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The short-lived Biden administration initiative known as “Keeping Families Together” would have been unlikely to remain in place after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> took office in January. But its early termination creates greater uncertainty for immigrant families as many are bracing for Trump’s return to the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s election victory this week sets the stage for a swift crackdown on individuals lacking permanent legal status after the Republican ran on promises of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-immigration-border-asylum-mass-deportation-a681c4980ef25e2b3a7ae670c9094f4a\">“mass deportation.”\u003c/a> The president-elect energized his supporters on the campaign trail with a litany of anti-immigrant statements, including that immigrants were “poisoning the blood” of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term, Trump appointed Barker as a judge in Tyler, Texas, which lies in the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, a favored venue for advocates pushing conservative arguments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barker had placed the immigration initiative on hold after Texas and 15 other states, led by their Republican attorneys general, filed a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-citizen-spouse-biden-d02243b21b8490c912008b896a83bcd2\">legal challenge\u003c/a> accusing the executive branch of bypassing Congress to help immigrant families for “blatant political purposes.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republicans argued the initiative created costs for their states and could draw more migrants to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy would have applied to people who have been living continuously in the U.S. for at least 10 years, do not pose a security threat and have utilized the existing legal authority known as “parole in place” that offers deportation protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those married to a citizen by June 17, the day before the program was announced, could pay a $580 application fee and fill out a lengthy application explaining why they deserve humanitarian parole. If approved, applicants would have three years to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/president-joe-biden-immigration-border-immigrants-11486c86ba620a04ae9dc66a3d44f346\">seek permanent residency\u003c/a> and obtain work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear Thursday whether anyone had received approval under the program, which only accepted applications for about a week before the judge placed it on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizen spouses are already eligible for legal status but often have to apply from their home countries. The process typically includes a yearslong wait outside of the U.S., which can separate family members with different immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Omar Torres Faces 3 Felonies, Including Child Molestation",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This story has been updated to include Wednesday’s arraignment and details from the charging documents.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Councilmember Omar Torres, who resigned Tuesday under multiple active police investigations, is facing three charges of child molestation stemming from when he was a young man, authorities said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres is accused of sexually assaulting a teenage relative over a period of weeks in 1999 when Torres was 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, 43, is facing charges of sodomy, oral copulation, and lewd and lascivious acts on a minor under the age of 14, according to charging documents the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a shocking police report, investigators say Torres admitted to the crimes during a phone call with the victim earlier this week that police recorded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the bottom of my heart, I’m so sorry that I hurt you,” Torres said to his alleged victim during the call, according to the police report. “I’m in intense therapy right now to, you know, to work on myself, and I haven’t stopped thinking about the harm that I caused you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres was arraigned in court in San José Wednesday afternoon, staying mostly out of view of the courtroom in a hallway where people in custody wait to appear in court. He is being held without bail, and his next court hearing is scheduled for Nov. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case brought by prosecutors only surfaced this week, when Torres’ alleged victim came forward to police to share their account of the abuse from Torres that they allegedly endured when they were both minors, which continued when Torres aged into adulthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victim alleged that Torres’ abuse began when they were only four years old and continued for nearly another decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is a separate case from the ongoing and parallel police investigation into Torres for different allegations of sexual misconduct with a minor, which has been active since late August, authorities said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please know that this department will always support survivors of sexual violence and abuse and need to know that it’s never too late to come forward,” San José Police Chief Paul Joseph said during a news conference on Wednesday about the arrest. “Doing so takes courage, but know that you will be supported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Chief Assistant District Attorney Jay Boyarsky speaks to the press about the child molestation case against former San José Councilmember Omar Torres on Nov. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chief Assistant District Attorney Jay Boyarsky expressed gratitude to the person who reported the alleged assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people look askance at survivors who come forward years after they were victimized and wonder what took them so long to come forward. As a sex crime prosecutor, I’ve spoken with many of these survivors. They are heroic,” Boyarsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many have lived with the pain and suffering inflicted upon them for decades, often wondering, ‘Is there anyone they can talk to? Is there anyone that will listen to them? Will anyone understand?’ We understand, and we care. We understand perfectly why they keep the violent crimes against them secret. We understand the incredible courage, the strength that it takes to finally come forward,” Boyarsky added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan said he and the entire city council are “absolutely horrified” at the allegations against Torres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These allegations are every parent’s worst nightmare. But you don’t have to be a parent to be sickened by the charges against Omar Torres, which are some of the most serious charges imaginable,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He credited the police department for its investigation of the prior allegations against Torres and said he believes the alleged victim in the current case felt comfortable to come forward because of the diligent work by investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have full faith in our police department and the district attorney’s office to get to the bottom of this case and ensure that Omar Torres is held accountable if proven guilty,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres — who had been under mounting pressure to resign while being investigated on the prior allegations of sexual misconduct with a minor — submitted a letter of resignation to the city late Tuesday afternoon, and police arrested him the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More South Bay News' tag='south-bay']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if Torres knew he would be arrested Tuesday. His resignation letter, addressed to his council colleagues and constituents, was received by the city clerk’s office around 5:30 p.m. Tuesday, according to a copy obtained by this news organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After careful consideration, I have made the difficult decision to resign from my position as Councilmember, effective Nov. 27, 2024. This choice comes with a heavy heart, but I believe it is in the best interest of my constituents and my community,” Torres wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Serving the people of San José has been one of the greatest honors of my life. Together, we have shared victories, tackled challenges, and strived for a more resilient community. I am humbled by the trust you placed in me and forever inspired by the passion and resilience of our district,” Torres wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres’ attorney, Nelson McElmurry, and Torres’ chief of staff, Kiara Arreola, both did not immediately respond to requests for comment on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, in an interview on Tuesday night, said it was “past time” for Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad that his final decision as a councilmember was the right one, which was to resign for the sake of the community,” Mahan said. “And it’s time for us to move forward and ensure that the residents of District 3 have representation that they can trust, that they have faith in, and that is going to be able to come to work every day and focus on their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 7 Councilmember Bien Doan shared a similar sentiment on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about time,” Doan said of Torres’ resignation. “It’s about time that he allows the community to heal. It’s about time he allows trust and integrity to go back to city hall. It’s about time in his life to do the right thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said he hoped to see a special election held to fill the District 3 seat so that candidates can face scrutiny from the public and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before his arrest and resignation on Tuesday, Torres had not been formally charged with a crime and denied any wrongdoing consistently, as allegations surfaced in early October and later that month as more details were revealed in a police affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that affidavit, police said they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009671/san-jose-mayor-and-council-call-on-councilmember-omar-torres-to-resign-amid-sexual-misconduct-allegations\">investigating Torres\u003c/a> on suspicion of oral copulation of a minor and abnormal interest in children, a felony and a misdemeanor, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police first started looking into claims from Torres that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man from Chicago, Terry Beeks, with whom Torres had an online sexual relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the investigation seemed to turn to focus on Torres after police found texts from Torres to Beeks in 2022 describing the genitalia of an 11-year-old boy and writing that he had performed oral sex on a 17-year-old boy while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, according to the affidavit, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not deny the authenticity of the texts but previously characterized the conversations as “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if the charges Torres was arrested for on Tuesday are directly connected to the details revealed in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has been absent from public view since the investigation into him was first revealed. He missed meetings of the city council, committees and other regional boards and commissions he serves on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of his council colleagues, including Mahan, have called for him to resign and later voted to strip Torres of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">committee and commission assignments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of residents and business owners in Torres’ district, including Mahan’s deputy chief of staff Matthew Quevedo, pledged on Oct. 25 to begin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011120/embattled-san-jose-council-member-faces-recall-push-amid-sex-crimes-investigation\">recall campaign\u003c/a> against Torres if he didn’t resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This story has been updated to include Wednesday’s arraignment and details from the charging documents.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Councilmember Omar Torres, who resigned Tuesday under multiple active police investigations, is facing three charges of child molestation stemming from when he was a young man, authorities said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres is accused of sexually assaulting a teenage relative over a period of weeks in 1999 when Torres was 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, 43, is facing charges of sodomy, oral copulation, and lewd and lascivious acts on a minor under the age of 14, according to charging documents the Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office filed in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a shocking police report, investigators say Torres admitted to the crimes during a phone call with the victim earlier this week that police recorded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the bottom of my heart, I’m so sorry that I hurt you,” Torres said to his alleged victim during the call, according to the police report. “I’m in intense therapy right now to, you know, to work on myself, and I haven’t stopped thinking about the harm that I caused you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres was arraigned in court in San José Wednesday afternoon, staying mostly out of view of the courtroom in a hallway where people in custody wait to appear in court. He is being held without bail, and his next court hearing is scheduled for Nov. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case brought by prosecutors only surfaced this week, when Torres’ alleged victim came forward to police to share their account of the abuse from Torres that they allegedly endured when they were both minors, which continued when Torres aged into adulthood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victim alleged that Torres’ abuse began when they were only four years old and continued for nearly another decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is a separate case from the ongoing and parallel police investigation into Torres for different allegations of sexual misconduct with a minor, which has been active since late August, authorities said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please know that this department will always support survivors of sexual violence and abuse and need to know that it’s never too late to come forward,” San José Police Chief Paul Joseph said during a news conference on Wednesday about the arrest. “Doing so takes courage, but know that you will be supported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013307\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013307\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241106-Election-Mom-Folo-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Chief Assistant District Attorney Jay Boyarsky speaks to the press about the child molestation case against former San José Councilmember Omar Torres on Nov. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chief Assistant District Attorney Jay Boyarsky expressed gratitude to the person who reported the alleged assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people look askance at survivors who come forward years after they were victimized and wonder what took them so long to come forward. As a sex crime prosecutor, I’ve spoken with many of these survivors. They are heroic,” Boyarsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many have lived with the pain and suffering inflicted upon them for decades, often wondering, ‘Is there anyone they can talk to? Is there anyone that will listen to them? Will anyone understand?’ We understand, and we care. We understand perfectly why they keep the violent crimes against them secret. We understand the incredible courage, the strength that it takes to finally come forward,” Boyarsky added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan said he and the entire city council are “absolutely horrified” at the allegations against Torres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These allegations are every parent’s worst nightmare. But you don’t have to be a parent to be sickened by the charges against Omar Torres, which are some of the most serious charges imaginable,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He credited the police department for its investigation of the prior allegations against Torres and said he believes the alleged victim in the current case felt comfortable to come forward because of the diligent work by investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have full faith in our police department and the district attorney’s office to get to the bottom of this case and ensure that Omar Torres is held accountable if proven guilty,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres — who had been under mounting pressure to resign while being investigated on the prior allegations of sexual misconduct with a minor — submitted a letter of resignation to the city late Tuesday afternoon, and police arrested him the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if Torres knew he would be arrested Tuesday. His resignation letter, addressed to his council colleagues and constituents, was received by the city clerk’s office around 5:30 p.m. Tuesday, according to a copy obtained by this news organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After careful consideration, I have made the difficult decision to resign from my position as Councilmember, effective Nov. 27, 2024. This choice comes with a heavy heart, but I believe it is in the best interest of my constituents and my community,” Torres wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Serving the people of San José has been one of the greatest honors of my life. Together, we have shared victories, tackled challenges, and strived for a more resilient community. I am humbled by the trust you placed in me and forever inspired by the passion and resilience of our district,” Torres wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres’ attorney, Nelson McElmurry, and Torres’ chief of staff, Kiara Arreola, both did not immediately respond to requests for comment on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, in an interview on Tuesday night, said it was “past time” for Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad that his final decision as a councilmember was the right one, which was to resign for the sake of the community,” Mahan said. “And it’s time for us to move forward and ensure that the residents of District 3 have representation that they can trust, that they have faith in, and that is going to be able to come to work every day and focus on their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 7 Councilmember Bien Doan shared a similar sentiment on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about time,” Doan said of Torres’ resignation. “It’s about time that he allows the community to heal. It’s about time he allows trust and integrity to go back to city hall. It’s about time in his life to do the right thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said he hoped to see a special election held to fill the District 3 seat so that candidates can face scrutiny from the public and the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before his arrest and resignation on Tuesday, Torres had not been formally charged with a crime and denied any wrongdoing consistently, as allegations surfaced in early October and later that month as more details were revealed in a police affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that affidavit, police said they were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009671/san-jose-mayor-and-council-call-on-councilmember-omar-torres-to-resign-amid-sexual-misconduct-allegations\">investigating Torres\u003c/a> on suspicion of oral copulation of a minor and abnormal interest in children, a felony and a misdemeanor, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police first started looking into claims from Torres that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man from Chicago, Terry Beeks, with whom Torres had an online sexual relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the investigation seemed to turn to focus on Torres after police found texts from Torres to Beeks in 2022 describing the genitalia of an 11-year-old boy and writing that he had performed oral sex on a 17-year-old boy while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, according to the affidavit, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not deny the authenticity of the texts but previously characterized the conversations as “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if the charges Torres was arrested for on Tuesday are directly connected to the details revealed in the affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has been absent from public view since the investigation into him was first revealed. He missed meetings of the city council, committees and other regional boards and commissions he serves on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of his council colleagues, including Mahan, have called for him to resign and later voted to strip Torres of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">committee and commission assignments\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of residents and business owners in Torres’ district, including Mahan’s deputy chief of staff Matthew Quevedo, pledged on Oct. 25 to begin a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011120/embattled-san-jose-council-member-faces-recall-push-amid-sex-crimes-investigation\">recall campaign\u003c/a> against Torres if he didn’t resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-685195553.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Olympian Accused of Orchestrating Drug Ring Partially Operated in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ryan Wedding, who represented Canada in snowboarding at the Salt Lake City Olympics in 2002, is now a fugitive from the U.S. justice system, accused of leading a violent international drug trafficking ring. Wedding allegedly orchestrated the shipment of tons of cocaine from Colombia to Mexico, the U.S. and Canada — and he’s accused of ordering multiple killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/wanted/cei/ryan-james-wedding\">FBI says Wedding\u003c/a>, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. A federal arrest warrant was issued for him one month ago in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles. He’s been working with the notorious Sinaloa Cartel, the U.S. Attorney’s Office tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grand jury indictment was first filed in June, charging Wedding with numerous felonies. He is the lead defendant in a superseding indictment that was unsealed this week, naming 16 people in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have triggered an avalanche of violent crimes, including brutal murders,” Matthew Allen, special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Los Angeles division, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/16-defendants-charged-superseding-indictment-alleging-bulk-shipments-cocaine-canada\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “Wedding, the Olympian snowboarder, went from navigating slopes to contouring a life of incessant crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/1630x1082+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fe7%2Fd5%2F71c8f3374c038c933a2127ba90be%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-18-50-am.png\" alt=\"Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico.\">\u003cfigcaption>Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. \u003ccite> (FBI)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Authorities allege that the drug conspiracy operated on a large scale, listing locations from Colombia and Mexico to three California counties — Los Angeles, Riverside and San Bernardino — and Miami-Dade County, Fla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents were able to monitor the group’s actions earlier this year thanks to a mole who relayed coded messages about alleged drug shipments sent on the encrypted messaging application Threema, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment describes an elaborate system in which transportation dispatchers based in Canada allegedly used dollar-bill serial numbers as “tokens” to verify co-conspirators’ identities as they arranged for semi-trucks to carry tons of cocaine from Southern California into Canada. The alleged leaders of the enterprise’s transportation arm agreed to a flat fee of $220,000 Canadian for each load, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the federal investigation — dubbed Operation Giant Slalom, echoing an Olympic event Wedding once competed in — law enforcement agents caught defendants with a total of some 1,800 kilograms (1.8 metric tons) of cocaine, according to the Justice Department. They also seized guns, $255,400 in cash, and more than $3.2 million in cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Operation Giant Slalom’s reach extended to an elite enclave in Aventura, Florida. The FBI raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/homedetails/3914-Island-Estates-Dr-Aventura-FL-33160/44060368_zpid/\">a mansion\u003c/a> worth millions of dollars that a defendant, Miami Beach music executive and restaurateur Nahim Jorge Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/aventura/article294122259.html\">had reportedly bought\u003c/a> from music star DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedding had sent Bonilla 12 kilograms of cocaine, according to the indictment — 7 that were paid for and 5 on consignment. In June, Wedding threatened to kill Bonilla’s mother if the remaining debt wasn’t settled within three days, court papers say. Within a week, Bonilla allegedly paid Wedding for 2 kilograms of cocaine and sent 20 kilograms of methamphetamine to Montreal, Canada, to settle the rest of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2028x1178+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F04%2Ffa%2F5ca0d8634c44a77aa45a4a683aef%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-40-42-am.png\" alt=\"Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, Calif., as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring.\">\u003cfigcaption>Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, California, as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring. \u003ccite> (U.S. Attorney’s Office, Central District of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other cases, murders were allegedly carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wedding and Clark allegedly directed the Nov. 20, 2023, murders of two members of a family in Ontario, Canada, in retaliation for a stolen drug shipment,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office says. The agency says another person was killed in May over an unpaid debt, allegedly on Wedding and Clark’s orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve of the 16 defendants have been arrested. They include four Canadians arrested in Ontario this week and three Canadians arrested in the U.S., according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/news/2024/significant-transnational-organized-crime-group-disrupted-rcmp-fbi-and-police-canada-and\">Royal Canadian Mounted Police.\u003c/a> But Wedding and several others remain at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Wedding and several co-defendants “would face a mandatory minimum penalty of life in federal prison on the murder and attempted murder charges,” according to the Justice Department. Other charges in the case also carry similarly stiff penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time U.S. authorities have leveled serious drug charges against Wedding: In 2009, he was convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine and served more than a year in prison. Canadian authorities had also previously investigated him as part of drug inquests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Salt Lake City Games in 2002, Wedding placed 24th in the parallel giant slalom, according to his \u003ca href=\"https://olympics.com/en/athletes/ryan-wedding\">Olympic bio page\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ryan Wedding, who represented Canada in snowboarding at the Salt Lake City Olympics in 2002, is now a fugitive from the U.S. justice system, accused of leading a violent international drug trafficking ring. Wedding allegedly orchestrated the shipment of tons of cocaine from Colombia to Mexico, the U.S. and Canada — and he’s accused of ordering multiple killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/wanted/cei/ryan-james-wedding\">FBI says Wedding\u003c/a>, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. A federal arrest warrant was issued for him one month ago in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles. He’s been working with the notorious Sinaloa Cartel, the U.S. Attorney’s Office tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grand jury indictment was first filed in June, charging Wedding with numerous felonies. He is the lead defendant in a superseding indictment that was unsealed this week, naming 16 people in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have triggered an avalanche of violent crimes, including brutal murders,” Matthew Allen, special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Los Angeles division, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/16-defendants-charged-superseding-indictment-alleging-bulk-shipments-cocaine-canada\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “Wedding, the Olympian snowboarder, went from navigating slopes to contouring a life of incessant crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/1630x1082+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fe7%2Fd5%2F71c8f3374c038c933a2127ba90be%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-18-50-am.png\" alt=\"Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico.\">\u003cfigcaption>Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. \u003ccite> (FBI)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Authorities allege that the drug conspiracy operated on a large scale, listing locations from Colombia and Mexico to three California counties — Los Angeles, Riverside and San Bernardino — and Miami-Dade County, Fla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents were able to monitor the group’s actions earlier this year thanks to a mole who relayed coded messages about alleged drug shipments sent on the encrypted messaging application Threema, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment describes an elaborate system in which transportation dispatchers based in Canada allegedly used dollar-bill serial numbers as “tokens” to verify co-conspirators’ identities as they arranged for semi-trucks to carry tons of cocaine from Southern California into Canada. The alleged leaders of the enterprise’s transportation arm agreed to a flat fee of $220,000 Canadian for each load, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the federal investigation — dubbed Operation Giant Slalom, echoing an Olympic event Wedding once competed in — law enforcement agents caught defendants with a total of some 1,800 kilograms (1.8 metric tons) of cocaine, according to the Justice Department. They also seized guns, $255,400 in cash, and more than $3.2 million in cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Operation Giant Slalom’s reach extended to an elite enclave in Aventura, Florida. The FBI raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/homedetails/3914-Island-Estates-Dr-Aventura-FL-33160/44060368_zpid/\">a mansion\u003c/a> worth millions of dollars that a defendant, Miami Beach music executive and restaurateur Nahim Jorge Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/aventura/article294122259.html\">had reportedly bought\u003c/a> from music star DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedding had sent Bonilla 12 kilograms of cocaine, according to the indictment — 7 that were paid for and 5 on consignment. In June, Wedding threatened to kill Bonilla’s mother if the remaining debt wasn’t settled within three days, court papers say. Within a week, Bonilla allegedly paid Wedding for 2 kilograms of cocaine and sent 20 kilograms of methamphetamine to Montreal, Canada, to settle the rest of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2028x1178+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F04%2Ffa%2F5ca0d8634c44a77aa45a4a683aef%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-40-42-am.png\" alt=\"Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, Calif., as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring.\">\u003cfigcaption>Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, California, as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring. \u003ccite> (U.S. Attorney’s Office, Central District of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other cases, murders were allegedly carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wedding and Clark allegedly directed the Nov. 20, 2023, murders of two members of a family in Ontario, Canada, in retaliation for a stolen drug shipment,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office says. The agency says another person was killed in May over an unpaid debt, allegedly on Wedding and Clark’s orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve of the 16 defendants have been arrested. They include four Canadians arrested in Ontario this week and three Canadians arrested in the U.S., according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/news/2024/significant-transnational-organized-crime-group-disrupted-rcmp-fbi-and-police-canada-and\">Royal Canadian Mounted Police.\u003c/a> But Wedding and several others remain at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Wedding and several co-defendants “would face a mandatory minimum penalty of life in federal prison on the murder and attempted murder charges,” according to the Justice Department. Other charges in the case also carry similarly stiff penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time U.S. authorities have leveled serious drug charges against Wedding: In 2009, he was convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine and served more than a year in prison. Canadian authorities had also previously investigated him as part of drug inquests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Salt Lake City Games in 2002, Wedding placed 24th in the parallel giant slalom, according to his \u003ca href=\"https://olympics.com/en/athletes/ryan-wedding\">Olympic bio page\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-nonprofit-urges-no-vote-on-prop-36-to-protect-rehabilitation-funding",
"title": "Oakland Nonprofit Urges No Vote on Proposition 36 to Protect Rehabilitation Funding",
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"headTitle": "Oakland Nonprofit Urges No Vote on Proposition 36 to Protect Rehabilitation Funding | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland nonprofit BOSS warns that Proposition 36, backed by law enforcement and major retailers like Home Depot and Target, could divert $26 billion in taxpayer funds to prisons, harming rehab services.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on San José\" tag=\"san-jose-city-council\"]The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State",
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"headTitle": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling ‘Silenced Again’ by State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more reparations stories\" postID=\"news_12008246,news_11965926\"]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID='news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026']Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco mayoral candidates promising to end drug dealing and use on San Francisco’s sidewalks are increasingly calling for greater law enforcement, putting many health experts on edge as overdose rates persist at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increased politicization around the city’s drug response comes as 462 people died from an overdose in San Francisco in 2024 so far — on track for a slight decrease from 2023, when 810 people died of an overdose, the city’s worst year on record. This comes amid an increasingly tense election in San Francisco, where intersecting issues of public drug use, homelessness and safety are top of mind for most voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think [overdoses] would be as important of an item for politicians if it was just the deaths that are happening, but this is interlinked with homelessness and public drug use, and that’s driving most San Franciscans’ worries,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the nonpartisan research institute RTI International. “The conversation right now in San Francisco is almost solely reliant on the idea that if we just add more police, we’re going to solve overdoses. And I wish it were that simple, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all leading candidates are Democrats, former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell represents the most conservative position in the race. During his campaign, he has repeatedly claimed that harm reduction — evidence-based public health strategies aimed at reducing negative impacts of drug use — has “gone too far.” At a recent debate, he said that “neighborhoods are held hostage by open-air drug markets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell’s plan specifically targets fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin and is currently involved in most overdose deaths in the city. He wants to increase arrests for people dealing drugs and call in the National Guard to close down outdoor drug dealing hotspots, like the Tenderloin and South of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His plan includes increasing police staffing to deter public drug use and opening up more abstinence-based recovery beds. Farrell would also try to mandate “treatment-focused detention” for individuals who are revived with Narcan, a medication that can reverse an opioid overdose. His proposal has drug addiction experts deeply concerned. They say that detaining people — whether that’s an arrest or mandated treatment — immediately after reviving them with Narcan could disincentivize people from calling for help or seeking out the life-saving drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no public health rationale for detaining people after they have been revived with Narcan,” Kral said. “You do not want to in any way disincentivize the use of Narcan, and you would potentially be doing that if you are putting somebody at risk of detention, jail, or forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city directly funds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/substance-use-services\">distribution of hundreds of thousands of naloxone doses each year\u003c/a> and encourages residents to carry Narcan in case of an accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from the Department of Public Health said in a statement, “Research shows that community-distributed naloxone is the most effective way to get the medication into the hands of people most likely to respond to an overdose and save a life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/09/240903-OverdoseResponse-57-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg\" postID=science_1994288]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Guzman, director of the National Harm Reduction Coalition, which works with the city to distribute Narcan and other harm reduction efforts, said that many of the candidates’ platforms simply expand the city’s existing recent approach to overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This punishment approach that seeks to correct or make people believe that this will address people with substance use needs is absolutely false, and the fact that we don’t have the kind of treatment that is needed in jail, people could get more sick or even die,” Guzman said. “The same candidates with these platforms are the same candidates whose platforms criminalize unhoused people and poor people in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, San Francisco still lacks enough treatment options for people who want to change their drug use. First responders issue thousands of Narcan doses a year, according to city data, and respond to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/overdose-related-911-calls\">dozens of overdose-related calls per week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s maddening,” Kral said. “We don’t have anywhere close to enough treatment in San Francisco for all the people who actually want it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incumbent Mayor London Breed said the issue is personal for her. Her sister died of a drug overdose, and she’s had to lead the city through the fentanyl crisis, which other major cities across the country have also struggled to contain. As mayor, Breed has opened 394 residential care and treatment beds since 2020, pushed for increased methadone and buprenorphine medication treatments, and city data shows admissions to residential treatment were up 9% during the first six months of 2024 compared to the same time period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Breed declared an emergency order\u003c/a> to address drugs and overdoses in the Tenderloin neighborhood, which involved creating the city’s first publicly-run overdose prevention center. However, it closed after seven months following criticism from the local business community and ongoing legal challenges at the state and federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she has echoed some of her opponents’ sentiments that harm reduction has gone too far — even as the city’s jails are growing overwhelmed with people struggling with substance use disorder. In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978707/san-francisco-moderates-win-big\">voters approved a controversial ballot measure\u003c/a>, sponsored by Breed, that requires welfare recipients to undergo drug screening and participate in free treatment if they are using drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent mayoral debate, Breed said, “We’re making arrests of dealers. We’re making arrests of users. We’re getting them into treatment, and we’re making more investments in recovery.” In a statement to KQED, she later added: “While I have been a proponent of safe consumption sites, we need to take a different approach now that reflects the lethal introduction of fentanyl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug addiction counselors and therapists working on the frontlines of the overdose crisis say that their work has become increasingly politicized during the current election cycle, making it harder to secure funding and continue their practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Byrd, a therapist and director of training and business operations at the Harm Reduction Center, said, “Breed started off with a position that was really harm reduction focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did seem to implement some things that were really radical, and that helped lower overdose rates,” Byrd said. “Then she got some blowback. I think that’s why this became very political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safaí — who recently formed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007701/san-francisco-mayors-race-gets-an-unlikely-alliance-in-mark-farrell-and-ahsha-safai\">unlikely ranked-choice voting alliance with Farrell\u003c/a> — is the only candidate openly calling for overdose prevention centers. At the same time, Safaí is calling for greater law enforcement to arrest drug dealers and wants to expand the city’s abstinence-based recovery options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have overdose prevention sites, and we have to expand the number of beds people can get into to fully recover,” Safai told KQED.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-francisco-mayor-election']Philanthropist and nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie wants to set up a “co-responder” model where behavioral health professionals and law enforcement would respond to an overdose to try to connect people with services in a time of crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also supports increasing police presence downtown to mandate treatment or arrest people who use drugs in public, and he argues the city overall should be coming down harder on drug dealers. Jennifer Johnson, who helped design San Francisco’s existing Behavioral Health Court, has given Lurie her stamp of approval on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, I don’t think we’re going far enough,” Lurie said. “Breed’s administration has failed to hold organizations accountable and produce meaningful results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who is in recovery from alcohol, parallels some of Lurie’s approach, including wanting to shut down open-air drug markets with continued police presence downtown and expanding residential drug treatment and mental health care. He supports arresting drug dealers — but argues arresting users “takes away valuable police resources and fills up our already overcrowded jails while doing nothing to address the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Practitioners comparing the candidates’ plans point to research showing that people tend to have the best outcomes in drug treatment when they enter voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding what they would like to see, experts advocate for more policies addressing issues that contribute to mental health and drug use patterns — like access to housing, jobs and health care — rather than pitting public health against law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is supposed to be a leader. And it feels like the exact opposite is happening in terms of really embracing the overdose crisis as such,” said Anna Berg, a social worker and director of programs at the Harm Reduction Therapy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You look back to the HIV epidemic and San Francisco was an innovative leader, and we can do that again,” she said. “I would like to see more leadership centering people’s health and wellness and really offering some actual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article has been updated to more accurately reflect Farrell’s position on the consequences of drug use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "'It's Maddening': Addiction Experts Cry Foul at Mayoral Candidates' Push for Drug Arrests | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco mayoral candidates promising to end drug dealing and use on San Francisco’s sidewalks are increasingly calling for greater law enforcement, putting many health experts on edge as overdose rates persist at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increased politicization around the city’s drug response comes as 462 people died from an overdose in San Francisco in 2024 so far — on track for a slight decrease from 2023, when 810 people died of an overdose, the city’s worst year on record. This comes amid an increasingly tense election in San Francisco, where intersecting issues of public drug use, homelessness and safety are top of mind for most voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think [overdoses] would be as important of an item for politicians if it was just the deaths that are happening, but this is interlinked with homelessness and public drug use, and that’s driving most San Franciscans’ worries,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the nonpartisan research institute RTI International. “The conversation right now in San Francisco is almost solely reliant on the idea that if we just add more police, we’re going to solve overdoses. And I wish it were that simple, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all leading candidates are Democrats, former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell represents the most conservative position in the race. During his campaign, he has repeatedly claimed that harm reduction — evidence-based public health strategies aimed at reducing negative impacts of drug use — has “gone too far.” At a recent debate, he said that “neighborhoods are held hostage by open-air drug markets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell’s plan specifically targets fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin and is currently involved in most overdose deaths in the city. He wants to increase arrests for people dealing drugs and call in the National Guard to close down outdoor drug dealing hotspots, like the Tenderloin and South of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His plan includes increasing police staffing to deter public drug use and opening up more abstinence-based recovery beds. Farrell would also try to mandate “treatment-focused detention” for individuals who are revived with Narcan, a medication that can reverse an opioid overdose. His proposal has drug addiction experts deeply concerned. They say that detaining people — whether that’s an arrest or mandated treatment — immediately after reviving them with Narcan could disincentivize people from calling for help or seeking out the life-saving drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no public health rationale for detaining people after they have been revived with Narcan,” Kral said. “You do not want to in any way disincentivize the use of Narcan, and you would potentially be doing that if you are putting somebody at risk of detention, jail, or forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city directly funds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/substance-use-services\">distribution of hundreds of thousands of naloxone doses each year\u003c/a> and encourages residents to carry Narcan in case of an accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from the Department of Public Health said in a statement, “Research shows that community-distributed naloxone is the most effective way to get the medication into the hands of people most likely to respond to an overdose and save a life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Guzman, director of the National Harm Reduction Coalition, which works with the city to distribute Narcan and other harm reduction efforts, said that many of the candidates’ platforms simply expand the city’s existing recent approach to overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This punishment approach that seeks to correct or make people believe that this will address people with substance use needs is absolutely false, and the fact that we don’t have the kind of treatment that is needed in jail, people could get more sick or even die,” Guzman said. “The same candidates with these platforms are the same candidates whose platforms criminalize unhoused people and poor people in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, San Francisco still lacks enough treatment options for people who want to change their drug use. First responders issue thousands of Narcan doses a year, according to city data, and respond to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/overdose-related-911-calls\">dozens of overdose-related calls per week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s maddening,” Kral said. “We don’t have anywhere close to enough treatment in San Francisco for all the people who actually want it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incumbent Mayor London Breed said the issue is personal for her. Her sister died of a drug overdose, and she’s had to lead the city through the fentanyl crisis, which other major cities across the country have also struggled to contain. As mayor, Breed has opened 394 residential care and treatment beds since 2020, pushed for increased methadone and buprenorphine medication treatments, and city data shows admissions to residential treatment were up 9% during the first six months of 2024 compared to the same time period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Breed declared an emergency order\u003c/a> to address drugs and overdoses in the Tenderloin neighborhood, which involved creating the city’s first publicly-run overdose prevention center. However, it closed after seven months following criticism from the local business community and ongoing legal challenges at the state and federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she has echoed some of her opponents’ sentiments that harm reduction has gone too far — even as the city’s jails are growing overwhelmed with people struggling with substance use disorder. In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978707/san-francisco-moderates-win-big\">voters approved a controversial ballot measure\u003c/a>, sponsored by Breed, that requires welfare recipients to undergo drug screening and participate in free treatment if they are using drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent mayoral debate, Breed said, “We’re making arrests of dealers. We’re making arrests of users. We’re getting them into treatment, and we’re making more investments in recovery.” In a statement to KQED, she later added: “While I have been a proponent of safe consumption sites, we need to take a different approach now that reflects the lethal introduction of fentanyl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug addiction counselors and therapists working on the frontlines of the overdose crisis say that their work has become increasingly politicized during the current election cycle, making it harder to secure funding and continue their practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Byrd, a therapist and director of training and business operations at the Harm Reduction Center, said, “Breed started off with a position that was really harm reduction focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did seem to implement some things that were really radical, and that helped lower overdose rates,” Byrd said. “Then she got some blowback. I think that’s why this became very political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safaí — who recently formed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007701/san-francisco-mayors-race-gets-an-unlikely-alliance-in-mark-farrell-and-ahsha-safai\">unlikely ranked-choice voting alliance with Farrell\u003c/a> — is the only candidate openly calling for overdose prevention centers. At the same time, Safaí is calling for greater law enforcement to arrest drug dealers and wants to expand the city’s abstinence-based recovery options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have overdose prevention sites, and we have to expand the number of beds people can get into to fully recover,” Safai told KQED.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Philanthropist and nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie wants to set up a “co-responder” model where behavioral health professionals and law enforcement would respond to an overdose to try to connect people with services in a time of crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also supports increasing police presence downtown to mandate treatment or arrest people who use drugs in public, and he argues the city overall should be coming down harder on drug dealers. Jennifer Johnson, who helped design San Francisco’s existing Behavioral Health Court, has given Lurie her stamp of approval on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, I don’t think we’re going far enough,” Lurie said. “Breed’s administration has failed to hold organizations accountable and produce meaningful results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who is in recovery from alcohol, parallels some of Lurie’s approach, including wanting to shut down open-air drug markets with continued police presence downtown and expanding residential drug treatment and mental health care. He supports arresting drug dealers — but argues arresting users “takes away valuable police resources and fills up our already overcrowded jails while doing nothing to address the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Practitioners comparing the candidates’ plans point to research showing that people tend to have the best outcomes in drug treatment when they enter voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding what they would like to see, experts advocate for more policies addressing issues that contribute to mental health and drug use patterns — like access to housing, jobs and health care — rather than pitting public health against law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is supposed to be a leader. And it feels like the exact opposite is happening in terms of really embracing the overdose crisis as such,” said Anna Berg, a social worker and director of programs at the Harm Reduction Therapy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You look back to the HIV epidemic and San Francisco was an innovative leader, and we can do that again,” she said. “I would like to see more leadership centering people’s health and wellness and really offering some actual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article has been updated to more accurately reflect Farrell’s position on the consequences of drug use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
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