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Defense attorneys had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">sought to dismiss the charges\u003c/a>, citing a lack of arrest warrants that would have officially started the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, can proceed because his clock was paused by a trip abroad, the judge ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 13-page order published Monday, Patton — who worked in the Alameda County district attorney’s office for two decades — called the statute of limitations the “bedrock” of civil and criminal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A defendant bringing a challenge because of a violation of the statute of limitations is asserting a substantive due process right, not a technical or procedural violation,” Patton said in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the encounter between the officers and Gonzalez took place on April 19, 2021, the judge determined that the statute of limitations expired on that date this year. Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price announced the charges on April 18, prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” Patton said. That never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends, family and supporters of Mario Gonzalez gather outside of the Alameda Police Department on April 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, Patton rejected the motion to dismiss charges against McKinley, who claimed that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at an arraignment, which marked the start of his prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge refuted any “outrageous fraudulent conduct” on Price’s part. According to the decision, the district attorney’s office decided to forgo a bench warrant in favor of a “notice to appear” as a “courtesy to officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Patton still slammed prosecutors for a “mischaracterization that a summons had been issued,” which he cited as “further evidence of the rushed and careless work by the District Attorney’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statute of limitations ruling did not apply to McKinley, who left last December on a five-month mission trip to South Africa. Prosecutors had more time to file charges against McKinley, the judge said, because his time out of the country paused the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s attorney, James Shore, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, said advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so disappointing that charges were dropped not because of a lack of evidence but because the judge prioritizes procedural technicality over the pursuit of justice,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said it is “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable” in an email to KQED on Tuesday, noting that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005470 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/033_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our prosecutors will proceed to file an amended complaint against Officer McKinley,” the office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s decision is another twist in a high-profile case that has drawn comparisons to the death of George Floyd, whose murder by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020 became a flashpoint in the national conversation over racial justice. It’s another blow to Price, the embattled district attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">facing a recall election\u003c/a> this November over criticism of her progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price, who was elected in 2023 on a platform of police reform, reopened Gonzalez’s case through her administration’s new Public Accountability Unit. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> three days after the recall campaign against her qualified for the ballot, drawing criticism from an attorney for one of the officers that the case might have been rushed in “a political effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges reversed a decision by Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley, who in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">declined to charge the officers\u003c/a> after concluding there was no evidence of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was unarmed when 911 dispatchers received a call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He seems like he’s tweaking. But he’s not doing anything wrong. He’s just scaring my wife,” a 911 caller said in dispatch audio recordings. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">Body cam footage\u003c/a> showed a dazed and confused Gonzalez, who appeared to not understand he was being arrested. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/news/2021-04-29/breaking-down-the-police-video-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">eight minutes\u003c/a> after officers began arresting Gonzalez, he stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest, including the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation, obesity and alcoholism. A second independent autopsy requested by attorneys representing Gonzalez’s family found that his death was “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to Mario could happen to anyone,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocate also added that Gonzalez’s family would “continue to escalate” and hoped that prosecutors would appeal the judge’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing is scheduled for Friday at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Oct. 10: The original version of this report said Alameda County prosecutors failed to file necessary paperwork within the three-year statue of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. The three Alameda officers were charged with involuntary manslaughter.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An Alameda County judge ruled that the high-profile police brutality prosecution failed to meet the statute of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. ",
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"title": "2 of 3 Alameda Officers Charged in Mario Gonzalez Death Have Their Case Dismissed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cem>This report contains a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> judge dismissed charges against two of the three officers who faced criminal prosecution for their role in the 2021 death of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-gonzalez\">Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a 26-year-old man who stopped breathing after being pinned to the ground during an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott Patton ruled that Alameda County prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork to bring charges against Alameda officers James Fisher and Cameron Leahy within the three-year statute of limitations for involuntary manslaughter. Defense attorneys had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">sought to dismiss the charges\u003c/a>, citing a lack of arrest warrants that would have officially started the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, can proceed because his clock was paused by a trip abroad, the judge ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 13-page order published Monday, Patton — who worked in the Alameda County district attorney’s office for two decades — called the statute of limitations the “bedrock” of civil and criminal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A defendant bringing a challenge because of a violation of the statute of limitations is asserting a substantive due process right, not a technical or procedural violation,” Patton said in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the encounter between the officers and Gonzalez took place on April 19, 2021, the judge determined that the statute of limitations expired on that date this year. Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price announced the charges on April 18, prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” Patton said. That never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends, family and supporters of Mario Gonzalez gather outside of the Alameda Police Department on April 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, Patton rejected the motion to dismiss charges against McKinley, who claimed that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at an arraignment, which marked the start of his prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge refuted any “outrageous fraudulent conduct” on Price’s part. According to the decision, the district attorney’s office decided to forgo a bench warrant in favor of a “notice to appear” as a “courtesy to officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Patton still slammed prosecutors for a “mischaracterization that a summons had been issued,” which he cited as “further evidence of the rushed and careless work by the District Attorney’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statute of limitations ruling did not apply to McKinley, who left last December on a five-month mission trip to South Africa. Prosecutors had more time to file charges against McKinley, the judge said, because his time out of the country paused the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s attorney, James Shore, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, said advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so disappointing that charges were dropped not because of a lack of evidence but because the judge prioritizes procedural technicality over the pursuit of justice,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said it is “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable” in an email to KQED on Tuesday, noting that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our prosecutors will proceed to file an amended complaint against Officer McKinley,” the office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s decision is another twist in a high-profile case that has drawn comparisons to the death of George Floyd, whose murder by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020 became a flashpoint in the national conversation over racial justice. It’s another blow to Price, the embattled district attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">facing a recall election\u003c/a> this November over criticism of her progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price, who was elected in 2023 on a platform of police reform, reopened Gonzalez’s case through her administration’s new Public Accountability Unit. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> three days after the recall campaign against her qualified for the ballot, drawing criticism from an attorney for one of the officers that the case might have been rushed in “a political effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges reversed a decision by Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley, who in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">declined to charge the officers\u003c/a> after concluding there was no evidence of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was unarmed when 911 dispatchers received a call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He seems like he’s tweaking. But he’s not doing anything wrong. He’s just scaring my wife,” a 911 caller said in dispatch audio recordings. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">Body cam footage\u003c/a> showed a dazed and confused Gonzalez, who appeared to not understand he was being arrested. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/news/2021-04-29/breaking-down-the-police-video-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">eight minutes\u003c/a> after officers began arresting Gonzalez, he stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest, including the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation, obesity and alcoholism. A second independent autopsy requested by attorneys representing Gonzalez’s family found that his death was “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to Mario could happen to anyone,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocate also added that Gonzalez’s family would “continue to escalate” and hoped that prosecutors would appeal the judge’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing is scheduled for Friday at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Oct. 10: The original version of this report said Alameda County prosecutors failed to file necessary paperwork within the three-year statue of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. The three Alameda officers were charged with involuntary manslaughter.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-san-jose-police-union-director-pleads-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids",
"title": "Former San José Police Union Director Pleads Guilty to Smuggling Opioids",
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"headTitle": "Former San José Police Union Director Pleads Guilty to Smuggling Opioids | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of the San Jose Police Officers’ Association pleaded guilty on Tuesday to illegally importing opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanne Segovia entered her plea in San José federal court as part of a deal with federal authorities about a year and a half after she was first charged in connection with an international drug ring that Homeland Security investigators were monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Segovia had previously maintained her innocence, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000464/former-san-jose-police-union-director-expected-to-plead-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids-in-deal-with-feds\">she agreed in August\u003c/a> to accept responsibility for her actions as part of a deal with U.S. prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Segovia is relieved to be able to admit responsibility and culpability for what she did,” Adam Gasner, her attorney, said Monday. “As a sober person who has had time to reflect on the wrongfulness of her conduct, it’s time for her to take the next step towards closure of this case and her personal healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working as the lead civilian administrator for the San José police union, Segovia allegedly had thousands of illicit pills shipped to her home over several years that she ordered on both her personal and office computers and redistributed some of those pills elsewhere in the U.S., authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current plea deal, Segovia is being charged with one count of illegally importing tapentadol, a potent painkiller listed as a Schedule II controlled substance by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on this case\" postID=\"news_12000464,news_11988510,news_11945256\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was originally charged, in March 2023, with one count of attempting to import a form of fentanyl that authorities found on patches and stickers in a package addressed to her from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, U.S. prosecutors in August removed that charge, saying there was an “error” in the testing of the substance, with subsequent testing showing no evidence of fentanyl in the package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Eumi K. Lee spent much of the hearing Tuesday advising Segovia of her legal rights. Lee then asked Segovia how she chose to plead to the count against her, to which Segovia responded with one word: “Guilty.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner has attempted to portray Segovia as someone struggling with a substance use disorder, not a kingpin or drug distributor, who became involved in a drug shipping network as a result of her vulnerability and addiction, saying she was taken advantage of by other bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under both the original and current charge, Segovia could face a maximum of 20 years in prison. Her sentencing hearing is scheduled for Jan. 21, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday’s hearing, Gasner suggested that probation, rather than incarceration, would be a suitable punishment for Segovia, who he said is recovering from addiction and deserves compassion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe additional incarceration will reduce the chance that Ms. Segovia would be a recidivist or increase the chance she’d be a recidivist,” he said outside the courthouse. “I believe that her being convicted of this very serious crime and making these admissions and having to be supervised is certainly a punishment for what she has done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 drug shipments mailed to her home from various overseas origins, according to last year’s original criminal complaint against her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained innocuous items like “wedding party favors,” “gift makeup,” and “chocolate and sweets,” investigators alleged they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted five shipments intended for Segovia, finding thousands of pills, including the synthetic opioids tramadol and tapentadol, the U.S. Attorney’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1858px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged women with dyed blond hair exits a courthouse.\" width=\"1858\" height=\"1238\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg 1858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1858px) 100vw, 1858px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, leaves federal court in San José on Oct. 8, 2024, after pleading guilty to smuggling opioids into the U.S. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In court on Tuesday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor in the case, revealed as of yet unreported details of the investigation, including that Segovia ordered more than 17,000 tapentadol pills between April 2021 and September 2023 for what he said was her personal use. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators previously said they seized drugs both at her house and her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Segovia, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MattMahanSJ/status/1641311111306940418\">which San José Mayor Matt Mahan at the time called “disturbing,\u003c/a>” sent shockwaves through the South Bay last year, sparking protests outside City Hall amid demands that city leaders stop taking donations from the powerful police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But police union representatives have long denied that any officers or other civilian staffers knew about Segovia’s actions. The union fired her shortly after the allegations surfaced and said the organization was fully cooperating with federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also launched an internal investigation looking into possible changes within the organization to beef up oversight and accountability and root out issues like this sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union doesn’t plan to release the findings of that investigation until Segovia’s case is concluded, Tom Saggau, a union spokesperson, told KQED. Shortly after the allegations surfaced last year, the police union insisted it was working to transparently address the concerns around the allegations aimed at Segovia, with Sean Pritchard, its president, even \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/04/13/opinion-san-jose-poa-is-transparently-taking-action/\">penning an opinion piece\u003c/a> in The Mercury News about the organization’s efforts to ensure public trust in the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that same week, the union \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-police-officers-association-union-sjpoa-hides-website-pages-after-scandal/\">walled off access to major portions of its website\u003c/a>, including pages that list its board members and staff, which now require a member login to view — a change that Pritchard said was aimed at protecting its members and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Allen, a retired Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Department sergeant and board member of Lodge 65 of the California Fraternal Order of Police, said he still questions how Segovia’s criminal actions went undetected in an organization full of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How this got under their nose, I just don’t believe that’s possible,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police departments, police personnel, law enforcement personnel at all levels tend to try to keep their issues internal,” he added. “And many times, they go without resolution. They simply don’t want the public to know what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saggau called Allen’s comments “silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a silly thing for an individual to say that everybody that’s interacted with Ms. Segovia for over 20 years should have known that she was doing whatever it was she was doing,” he said. “By his implication, then if any of his coworkers have crossed the line, he should have known about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Segovia was officially the executive director of the police union, Saggau and some former police union officials described her as more of an “office manager” with a limited scope of responsibilities. Following the allegations, Saggau even referred to her as the “grandma” of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner, meanwhile, underscored that Segovia’s actions were “separate from her employment” at the police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her private actions should not look negatively upon her employer or the police in any way. They did not participate or engage or assist her in this endeavor,” he said. “And so, therefore, I hope that the trust that the public has in the police in Santa Clara County remains high.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As part of a deal with federal prosecutors, Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, pleaded guilty Tuesday to illegally importing opioids. She could receive a sentence of as much as 20 years in prison.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of the San Jose Police Officers’ Association pleaded guilty on Tuesday to illegally importing opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanne Segovia entered her plea in San José federal court as part of a deal with federal authorities about a year and a half after she was first charged in connection with an international drug ring that Homeland Security investigators were monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Segovia had previously maintained her innocence, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000464/former-san-jose-police-union-director-expected-to-plead-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids-in-deal-with-feds\">she agreed in August\u003c/a> to accept responsibility for her actions as part of a deal with U.S. prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Segovia is relieved to be able to admit responsibility and culpability for what she did,” Adam Gasner, her attorney, said Monday. “As a sober person who has had time to reflect on the wrongfulness of her conduct, it’s time for her to take the next step towards closure of this case and her personal healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working as the lead civilian administrator for the San José police union, Segovia allegedly had thousands of illicit pills shipped to her home over several years that she ordered on both her personal and office computers and redistributed some of those pills elsewhere in the U.S., authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current plea deal, Segovia is being charged with one count of illegally importing tapentadol, a potent painkiller listed as a Schedule II controlled substance by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was originally charged, in March 2023, with one count of attempting to import a form of fentanyl that authorities found on patches and stickers in a package addressed to her from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, U.S. prosecutors in August removed that charge, saying there was an “error” in the testing of the substance, with subsequent testing showing no evidence of fentanyl in the package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Eumi K. Lee spent much of the hearing Tuesday advising Segovia of her legal rights. Lee then asked Segovia how she chose to plead to the count against her, to which Segovia responded with one word: “Guilty.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner has attempted to portray Segovia as someone struggling with a substance use disorder, not a kingpin or drug distributor, who became involved in a drug shipping network as a result of her vulnerability and addiction, saying she was taken advantage of by other bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under both the original and current charge, Segovia could face a maximum of 20 years in prison. Her sentencing hearing is scheduled for Jan. 21, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday’s hearing, Gasner suggested that probation, rather than incarceration, would be a suitable punishment for Segovia, who he said is recovering from addiction and deserves compassion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe additional incarceration will reduce the chance that Ms. Segovia would be a recidivist or increase the chance she’d be a recidivist,” he said outside the courthouse. “I believe that her being convicted of this very serious crime and making these admissions and having to be supervised is certainly a punishment for what she has done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 drug shipments mailed to her home from various overseas origins, according to last year’s original criminal complaint against her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained innocuous items like “wedding party favors,” “gift makeup,” and “chocolate and sweets,” investigators alleged they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted five shipments intended for Segovia, finding thousands of pills, including the synthetic opioids tramadol and tapentadol, the U.S. Attorney’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1858px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged women with dyed blond hair exits a courthouse.\" width=\"1858\" height=\"1238\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg 1858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1858px) 100vw, 1858px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, leaves federal court in San José on Oct. 8, 2024, after pleading guilty to smuggling opioids into the U.S. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In court on Tuesday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor in the case, revealed as of yet unreported details of the investigation, including that Segovia ordered more than 17,000 tapentadol pills between April 2021 and September 2023 for what he said was her personal use. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators previously said they seized drugs both at her house and her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Segovia, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MattMahanSJ/status/1641311111306940418\">which San José Mayor Matt Mahan at the time called “disturbing,\u003c/a>” sent shockwaves through the South Bay last year, sparking protests outside City Hall amid demands that city leaders stop taking donations from the powerful police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But police union representatives have long denied that any officers or other civilian staffers knew about Segovia’s actions. The union fired her shortly after the allegations surfaced and said the organization was fully cooperating with federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also launched an internal investigation looking into possible changes within the organization to beef up oversight and accountability and root out issues like this sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union doesn’t plan to release the findings of that investigation until Segovia’s case is concluded, Tom Saggau, a union spokesperson, told KQED. Shortly after the allegations surfaced last year, the police union insisted it was working to transparently address the concerns around the allegations aimed at Segovia, with Sean Pritchard, its president, even \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/04/13/opinion-san-jose-poa-is-transparently-taking-action/\">penning an opinion piece\u003c/a> in The Mercury News about the organization’s efforts to ensure public trust in the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that same week, the union \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-police-officers-association-union-sjpoa-hides-website-pages-after-scandal/\">walled off access to major portions of its website\u003c/a>, including pages that list its board members and staff, which now require a member login to view — a change that Pritchard said was aimed at protecting its members and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Allen, a retired Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Department sergeant and board member of Lodge 65 of the California Fraternal Order of Police, said he still questions how Segovia’s criminal actions went undetected in an organization full of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How this got under their nose, I just don’t believe that’s possible,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police departments, police personnel, law enforcement personnel at all levels tend to try to keep their issues internal,” he added. “And many times, they go without resolution. They simply don’t want the public to know what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saggau called Allen’s comments “silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a silly thing for an individual to say that everybody that’s interacted with Ms. Segovia for over 20 years should have known that she was doing whatever it was she was doing,” he said. “By his implication, then if any of his coworkers have crossed the line, he should have known about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Segovia was officially the executive director of the police union, Saggau and some former police union officials described her as more of an “office manager” with a limited scope of responsibilities. Following the allegations, Saggau even referred to her as the “grandma” of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner, meanwhile, underscored that Segovia’s actions were “separate from her employment” at the police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her private actions should not look negatively upon her employer or the police in any way. They did not participate or engage or assist her in this endeavor,” he said. “And so, therefore, I hope that the trust that the public has in the police in Santa Clara County remains high.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californians-crime-concerns-put-pressure-on-criminal-justice-reform-and-progressive-das",
"title": "Californians' Crime Concerns Put Pressure on Criminal Justice Reform and Progressive DAs",
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"headTitle": "Californians’ Crime Concerns Put Pressure on Criminal Justice Reform and Progressive DAs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007880,news_12005230,news_12004659\"]A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Critics call Proposition 47 a failed social experiment as they back Proposition 36 on November's ballot, which would roll back some measures of the previous law, as a solution.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-joses-landmark-gun-control-law-moves-forward",
"title": "San José's Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward",
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"headTitle": "San José’s Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More San José Coverage' tag='san-jose']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going",
"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” [aside postID=\"news_11955211,news_11952228,news_11924117\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The California program is marking one year since it first rolled out in seven counties. It was billed as a way to get people with untreated schizophrenia and associated disorders — particularly those experiencing street homelessness — into services and housing.",
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"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "more-trans-teens-attempted-suicide-after-states-passed-anti-trans-laws-study-shows",
"title": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows",
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"headTitle": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"arts_13958699,arts_13926077,news_11995853\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw joins us to break down Prop. 6, an amendment to the California Constitution that would ban forced labor in prisons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated to clarify the status of California’s volunteer firefighter program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1694673417&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:02] Let’s take it back to history class real quick. In 1865, the U.S. ratified the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, otherwise known as the Prohibition Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] This is the clause that we were all taught banned slavery and involuntary servitude in the United States once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:25] Which it did, except not completely. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:32] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. And you’re listening to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:45] The Constitution says slavery and involuntary servitude are prohibited except as punishment for convicted crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] That exception has allowed dozens of states, including California, to force incarcerated people to work in prisons whether they want to or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Proposition 6 hopes to close that loophole once and for all and begin limiting forced labor in California state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Today, we’re going to break down Proposition 6 for you right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] Today we’re talking about Proposition 6. Here’s how it will read on your ballot. Prop 6 amends the California Constitution to remove current provision that allows jails and prisons to impose involuntary servitude to punish crime, i.e., forcing incarcerated persons to work. Today, we talk with KQED arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw to help us break down what Prop 6 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:51] Your story on prison labor mentions a poultry processing enterprise at a state prison near the Central Valley. I mean, there’s really it seems like a really wide range of jobs that California inmates are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:02:24] It’s the notion of what you can see, you know about, what you don’t see. You have no idea. People who are residents of different institutions around the state work on everything from furniture that appears in college dorm rooms to license plates and and things of that nature, even working internally and doing maintenance. Somebody told me about working on the big industrial dryers inside of a women’s facility. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] And some of this is, I mean, really dangerous work, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:03:04] Yeah. There’s the maintenance work that that can be done inside of prisons. Definitely dangerous. And not all jobs are blue collar or a front line. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well. Folks have shared with me that some of them make $0.11 an hour or $0.14 an hour. And a lot of that goes not even directly into their pocket, can go into anything from health care to restitution. There are people who work for ducats or tokens, which essentially goes to time earned against their sentence. So they might get out sooner because of their labor. In southern states you’ve seen there are examples of people who work in chain gangs. And so the parallels between that and slavery are like clear present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] Because there are also consequences for some folks inside of prisons. If you don’t want to work right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:02] If you get assigned a job and you do not work, then yes, you can be penalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:06] So enter then Prop 6 Pen, which would amend California’s constitution and prohibit the state from punishing inmates with involuntary work assignments. Can you talk a little bit more about the changes that Prop 6 would make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:27] Prop six would essentially ban involuntary servitude in California prisons. California’s just the latest to try to close this loophole in the past two years. Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont have all passed legislation in order to change this. This is a byproduct of years of work from different organizations and legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:04:48] California is among only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:55] This particular year, Legislative Black Caucus. Lori Wilson did a lot of work to get this off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:05:01] Slavery takes on the modern form of involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons. Slavery is wrong, and all forms in California should be clear and denouncing that in our Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:16] There’s been a lot of support by the organization that I talked to, all of us or None, which is a community group that’s based in Oakland, California. Their work is to help formerly incarcerated folks return to society, as well as to get behind initiatives like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:33] We want to give people the choice of whether or not they choose to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:38] Lawrence Cox is one of three people that I talk to who work for All of Us Or None. They filled me in on some background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:44] For us here in California. This is the fourth consecutive year that we’ve attempted to make that reach the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Saying it’s about humanity, it’s about labor rights. And then beyond that, it’s about this capitalist system. And Lawrence Cox talked about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:06:00] We’re not only trying to change the Constitution because we’re not talking about symbolism. We’re focused on creating airtight solutions that prevent the exploitation of individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:12] Who else do we know is for Prop six?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:17] Other organizations that are in favor of Prop six are orgs that do the work for people who are incarcerated, families who are incarcerated and people who are reentering society. So the anti recidivism coalition, ACLU of Northern California, organizations that are on the frontlines working with these folks who have been impacted by the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:37] And do we know what like the money is looking like in terms of support for Prop six? Who’s throwing coin basically into the Yes on Prop six campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] It’s it’s a tilted scale. Nearly $500,000 worth of support behind Prop six. And there have been $0 spent on the no side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:03] There’s no official opposition to Prop six, but the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has said it opposes it. There have also been a few newspaper editorial boards that call on voters to reject Prop six. The Bay Area News Group argued in a recent op ed that says, quote, Requiring inmates to sweep floors, clean the bathrooms or cook in the kitchen is reasonable. If we expect the same of ourselves and our children, if we insist members of the military conduct those chores, certainly we can ask incarcerated, convicted criminals to do the same, unquote. This also isn’t the first time advocates have tried to pass a similar idea. Back in 2020, the End Slavery in California Act was first introduced. But after two years in the legislature, it failed because lawmakers were worried about how much it would cost. That’s why this time, Prop six allows inmates to volunteer for work assignments without pay, but only if they want to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:18] Well, I know you visited San Quentin earlier this year, and I’m curious where you heard from people. Did any of this sort of conversation that we’re having now come up in your visit there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] It came up naturally. I was in San Quentin in early August, tagging along with a group of journalists, doing a more or less a media day just to get a sense of the media that was being produced out of San Quentin. And of course, if you’re producing media, you’re working and you should be compensated for your work. And so naturally, the conversation would come up like, how much do you make? It was mind blowing because it was said like it was just common or even laughed at like here, you know, just making a little $0.14 here and there, almost saying it in jest or saying it and moving on to the next topic. People have told me that they are looking for employment or some type of work because busy hands stay out of trouble, more or less. The people that I talked to much older understand how prison works and know that by being occupied with their time, it’s a benefit to them. How much do people get compensated? How many people can work? What type of rights do they have? It’s start of a much larger discussion, or probably even the continuation of a conversation that’s been happening for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:34] Well, Pen, thank you so much for breaking this down for us. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:09:39] Thank you. Thank you for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:44] In a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop six means involuntary servitude would not be allowed as punishment for crime and that California prisons would not be allowed to discipline people in prison who refuse to work. A no vote means involuntary servitude would continue to be allowed as punishment for a crime in California. And that is it for today’s episode of Prop Fest. If you missed our other episodes, you can always find them at kqed.org/prop fest. Stay locked in and make sure you are subscribed so you don’t miss out on the next ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:30] Prop fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It is produced by Alan Montecillo, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Christopher Beale, Amanda Font, Jessica Kariisa, and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, and Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] And the whole KQED family. For more super helpful info on both state and local elections, make sure to bookmark KQED is handy Election guide at kqed.org/voter Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:11:08] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week with an explainer on prop 32, which would raise California’s minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:16] Talk to you then.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw joins us to break down Prop. 6, an amendment to the California Constitution that would ban forced labor in prisons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated to clarify the status of California’s volunteer firefighter program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1694673417&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:02] Let’s take it back to history class real quick. In 1865, the U.S. ratified the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, otherwise known as the Prohibition Clause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:17] This is the clause that we were all taught banned slavery and involuntary servitude in the United States once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:25] Which it did, except not completely. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:32] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. And you’re listening to Prop Fest, a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious where we help you get smart on all the statewide propositions on your ballot this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:45] The Constitution says slavery and involuntary servitude are prohibited except as punishment for convicted crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:00:54] That exception has allowed dozens of states, including California, to force incarcerated people to work in prisons whether they want to or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:04] Proposition 6 hopes to close that loophole once and for all and begin limiting forced labor in California state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:01:14] Today, we’re going to break down Proposition 6 for you right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:22] Today we’re talking about Proposition 6. Here’s how it will read on your ballot. Prop 6 amends the California Constitution to remove current provision that allows jails and prisons to impose involuntary servitude to punish crime, i.e., forcing incarcerated persons to work. Today, we talk with KQED arts and culture columnist Pendarvis Harshaw to help us break down what Prop 6 is all about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:51] Your story on prison labor mentions a poultry processing enterprise at a state prison near the Central Valley. I mean, there’s really it seems like a really wide range of jobs that California inmates are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:02:24] It’s the notion of what you can see, you know about, what you don’t see. You have no idea. People who are residents of different institutions around the state work on everything from furniture that appears in college dorm rooms to license plates and and things of that nature, even working internally and doing maintenance. Somebody told me about working on the big industrial dryers inside of a women’s facility. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:59] And some of this is, I mean, really dangerous work, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:03:04] Yeah. There’s the maintenance work that that can be done inside of prisons. Definitely dangerous. And not all jobs are blue collar or a front line. There are a lot of education or jobs or even counseling jobs that people who are incarcerated do as well. Folks have shared with me that some of them make $0.11 an hour or $0.14 an hour. And a lot of that goes not even directly into their pocket, can go into anything from health care to restitution. There are people who work for ducats or tokens, which essentially goes to time earned against their sentence. So they might get out sooner because of their labor. In southern states you’ve seen there are examples of people who work in chain gangs. And so the parallels between that and slavery are like clear present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:03:55] Because there are also consequences for some folks inside of prisons. If you don’t want to work right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:02] If you get assigned a job and you do not work, then yes, you can be penalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:06] So enter then Prop 6 Pen, which would amend California’s constitution and prohibit the state from punishing inmates with involuntary work assignments. Can you talk a little bit more about the changes that Prop 6 would make exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:27] Prop six would essentially ban involuntary servitude in California prisons. California’s just the latest to try to close this loophole in the past two years. Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont have all passed legislation in order to change this. This is a byproduct of years of work from different organizations and legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:04:48] California is among only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:04:55] This particular year, Legislative Black Caucus. Lori Wilson did a lot of work to get this off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Asm. Lori Wilson \u003c/strong>[00:05:01] Slavery takes on the modern form of involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons. Slavery is wrong, and all forms in California should be clear and denouncing that in our Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:16] There’s been a lot of support by the organization that I talked to, all of us or None, which is a community group that’s based in Oakland, California. Their work is to help formerly incarcerated folks return to society, as well as to get behind initiatives like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:33] We want to give people the choice of whether or not they choose to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:38] Lawrence Cox is one of three people that I talk to who work for All of Us Or None. They filled me in on some background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:05:44] For us here in California. This is the fourth consecutive year that we’ve attempted to make that reach the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Saying it’s about humanity, it’s about labor rights. And then beyond that, it’s about this capitalist system. And Lawrence Cox talked about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Lawrence Cox \u003c/strong>[00:06:00] We’re not only trying to change the Constitution because we’re not talking about symbolism. We’re focused on creating airtight solutions that prevent the exploitation of individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:12] Who else do we know is for Prop six?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:17] Other organizations that are in favor of Prop six are orgs that do the work for people who are incarcerated, families who are incarcerated and people who are reentering society. So the anti recidivism coalition, ACLU of Northern California, organizations that are on the frontlines working with these folks who have been impacted by the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:37] And do we know what like the money is looking like in terms of support for Prop six? Who’s throwing coin basically into the Yes on Prop six campaign?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:06:49] It’s it’s a tilted scale. Nearly $500,000 worth of support behind Prop six. And there have been $0 spent on the no side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:03] There’s no official opposition to Prop six, but the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has said it opposes it. There have also been a few newspaper editorial boards that call on voters to reject Prop six. The Bay Area News Group argued in a recent op ed that says, quote, Requiring inmates to sweep floors, clean the bathrooms or cook in the kitchen is reasonable. If we expect the same of ourselves and our children, if we insist members of the military conduct those chores, certainly we can ask incarcerated, convicted criminals to do the same, unquote. This also isn’t the first time advocates have tried to pass a similar idea. Back in 2020, the End Slavery in California Act was first introduced. But after two years in the legislature, it failed because lawmakers were worried about how much it would cost. That’s why this time, Prop six allows inmates to volunteer for work assignments without pay, but only if they want to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:08:18] Well, I know you visited San Quentin earlier this year, and I’m curious where you heard from people. Did any of this sort of conversation that we’re having now come up in your visit there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:08:31] It came up naturally. I was in San Quentin in early August, tagging along with a group of journalists, doing a more or less a media day just to get a sense of the media that was being produced out of San Quentin. And of course, if you’re producing media, you’re working and you should be compensated for your work. And so naturally, the conversation would come up like, how much do you make? It was mind blowing because it was said like it was just common or even laughed at like here, you know, just making a little $0.14 here and there, almost saying it in jest or saying it and moving on to the next topic. People have told me that they are looking for employment or some type of work because busy hands stay out of trouble, more or less. The people that I talked to much older understand how prison works and know that by being occupied with their time, it’s a benefit to them. How much do people get compensated? How many people can work? What type of rights do they have? It’s start of a much larger discussion, or probably even the continuation of a conversation that’s been happening for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:34] Well, Pen, thank you so much for breaking this down for us. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Pendarvis Harshaw \u003c/strong>[00:09:39] Thank you. Thank you for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:09:44] In a nutshell, a yes vote on Prop six means involuntary servitude would not be allowed as punishment for crime and that California prisons would not be allowed to discipline people in prison who refuse to work. A no vote means involuntary servitude would continue to be allowed as punishment for a crime in California. And that is it for today’s episode of Prop Fest. If you missed our other episodes, you can always find them at kqed.org/prop fest. Stay locked in and make sure you are subscribed so you don’t miss out on the next ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:30] Prop fest is a collaboration between the Bay and Bay Curious Podcasts. It is produced by Alan Montecillo, Ericka Cruz Guevarra, Christopher Beale, Amanda Font, Jessica Kariisa, and me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:45] We get extra support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, and Holly Kernan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:10:52] And the whole KQED family. For more super helpful info on both state and local elections, make sure to bookmark KQED is handy Election guide at kqed.org/voter Guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:06] I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price \u003c/strong>[00:11:08] And I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week with an explainer on prop 32, which would raise California’s minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>You wouldn’t know it from the rhetoric coming out of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005642/5-takeaways-from-kqed-and-san-francisco-chronicles-mayoral-debate\">highly contentious mayoral race\u003c/a>, but homicides in the city are on track to hit their lowest point in more than six decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/stay-safe/crime-data/crime-dashboard\">San Francisco Police Department data\u003c/a>, there have been 24 homicides so far this year, putting the city on pace for about 34 by the end of the year. That would be a 37% decrease from the 54 homicides recorded in 2023 — and the lowest since 1960, when there were 30, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/san-francisco-homicides-decline-19771624.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline is even outpacing a national trend — the average homicide rate across 29 cities in the U.S. was down 13% through June compared with the \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-mid-year-2024-update/#:~:text=The%20homicide%20rate%20during%20the,the%20first%20half%20of%202019.\">same time period last year\u003c/a>, according to the Council on Criminal Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This statistic, along with double-digit percentage drops in violent and property crimes generally compared to last year, could be seen as a marker of success. Not everyone in San Francisco agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To consistently tell people crime is down is gaslighting,” Supervisor Ahsha Safaí said during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005315/watch-san-francisco-mayoral-debate-live-kqed\">a debate for mayoral candidates\u003c/a> hosted by KQED and the\u003cem> Chronicle\u003c/em> on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime is happening at a brazen level,” he said. “Crime statistically might be down, but property crime is not. And that’s what makes people the angriest — to hear the crime is down, things are getting better. Yes, they might be on the numbers side, but people don’t feel it because they’re seeing it on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property crime is down 35% compared with the same time period last year, which was close to pre-pandemic levels in 2019, according to SFPD data. The biggest year-over-year decline through August is in theft from vehicles, which was up significantly in recent years, but there have been decreases across all categories through August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime is also down more than 13%, with the reduction in homicides contributing substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, polling shows \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003096/public-safety-takes-center-stage-as-sf-mayoral-hopefuls-court-chinese-american-voters\">public safety is the No. 1 issue for many voters\u003c/a> ahead of November’s election, and it was certainly a focal point of Thursday’s debate. Former interim Mayor Mark Farrell at one point said that “crime is at record levels” under Mayor London Breed’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this dissonance could be because of the way crime is being perceived, one policy expert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003096 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240816-BREED-AAPI-MERCHANTS-MD-05-KQED-4-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the types of crimes that we might be reminded of on a regular basis, for example, that merchandise is being locked up,” said Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice and a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “There are these \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004659/newsoms-support-for-harsher-theft-penalties-raises-questions-from-criminal-justice-advocates\">smash-and-grab\u003c/a> videos that oftentimes go viral and that, again, might give people a perception of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Target, you’ll likely need to call an attendant over to unlock the theft-resistant cases around face wash or allergy medicine from the pharmacy. Parking lots have signs reminding you not to leave anything of value in your vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Lofstrom noted, retail theft rates did rise throughout the pandemic. San Francisco’s numbers of both lower-value shoplifting and commercial burglary, which applies to merchandise totaling more than $950, were higher in 2023 than in 2019, which already represented an increase from five years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic posed challenges across the criminal justice system as well as for the service providers that many low-income people relied on. The number of police officers decreased, and the volatility of the world itself played a part — people had more time on their hands, for one thing, Stanford professor and criminal justice expert Keith Humphreys told KQED in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the increase in retail theft in San Francisco through 2023 was less stark than in other urban areas of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually encouraging. It’s still up [in 2023], retail theft, in San Francisco compared to pre-pandemic level, but it’s not up by nearly as much as you’re seeing in some areas,” Lofstrom said. “I understand that that’s not particularly comforting, but it’s up by about 12%, and we’re seeing some areas of L.A. and other parts of the Bay Area that have seen much bigger increases in retail theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996211 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/SFPoliceChief2024-1020x701.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2019 and 2023, this type of theft rose overall statewide, going up 70% in Sacramento County, 65% in Alameda County, 41% in San Mateo County, and 40% in Los Angeles County, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/commercial-burglaries-fell-in-2023-but-shoplifting-continued-to-rise/\">research published by the PPIC\u003c/a> in August. However, last year’s data showed a decline in commercial burglary compared to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, authorities have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996211/san-francisco-crime-is-down-significantly-but-its-not-clear-trend-will-last\">touted figures that show a declining crime rate\u003c/a>; at a July meeting of the Police Commission, SFPD Chief Bill Scott said property crime — including larceny, which retail theft falls under — in particular, was “the reason that we have such a significant drop in overall crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Safaí said during Thursday’s debate: “Go tell that to the small businesses in my district [that] for the last three weeks have literally been broken into almost every night between 1 and 5 a.m. Tell that to the … hotel worker — 42 years of work for the Westin St. Francis — [who] was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993189/suspect-in-bart-killing-is-in-hospital-misses-court-appearance\">pushed into a moving train\u003c/a> on a BART platform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After increases in both violent and nonviolent crimes in 2021 and 2022, and bearing in mind that data can fluctuate quickly, Lofstrom said it could take time for public perception to match the more recent trends in the data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes a little bit of time before we have confidence that public safety is really improving,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco police data shows the city on pace for 34 killings this year, which would be a 37% decline. However, crime is a top concern for voters and mayoral candidates.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You wouldn’t know it from the rhetoric coming out of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005642/5-takeaways-from-kqed-and-san-francisco-chronicles-mayoral-debate\">highly contentious mayoral race\u003c/a>, but homicides in the city are on track to hit their lowest point in more than six decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/stay-safe/crime-data/crime-dashboard\">San Francisco Police Department data\u003c/a>, there have been 24 homicides so far this year, putting the city on pace for about 34 by the end of the year. That would be a 37% decrease from the 54 homicides recorded in 2023 — and the lowest since 1960, when there were 30, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/san-francisco-homicides-decline-19771624.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline is even outpacing a national trend — the average homicide rate across 29 cities in the U.S. was down 13% through June compared with the \u003ca href=\"https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-mid-year-2024-update/#:~:text=The%20homicide%20rate%20during%20the,the%20first%20half%20of%202019.\">same time period last year\u003c/a>, according to the Council on Criminal Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This statistic, along with double-digit percentage drops in violent and property crimes generally compared to last year, could be seen as a marker of success. Not everyone in San Francisco agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To consistently tell people crime is down is gaslighting,” Supervisor Ahsha Safaí said during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005315/watch-san-francisco-mayoral-debate-live-kqed\">a debate for mayoral candidates\u003c/a> hosted by KQED and the\u003cem> Chronicle\u003c/em> on Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime is happening at a brazen level,” he said. “Crime statistically might be down, but property crime is not. And that’s what makes people the angriest — to hear the crime is down, things are getting better. Yes, they might be on the numbers side, but people don’t feel it because they’re seeing it on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property crime is down 35% compared with the same time period last year, which was close to pre-pandemic levels in 2019, according to SFPD data. The biggest year-over-year decline through August is in theft from vehicles, which was up significantly in recent years, but there have been decreases across all categories through August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Violent crime is also down more than 13%, with the reduction in homicides contributing substantially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, polling shows \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003096/public-safety-takes-center-stage-as-sf-mayoral-hopefuls-court-chinese-american-voters\">public safety is the No. 1 issue for many voters\u003c/a> ahead of November’s election, and it was certainly a focal point of Thursday’s debate. Former interim Mayor Mark Farrell at one point said that “crime is at record levels” under Mayor London Breed’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this dissonance could be because of the way crime is being perceived, one policy expert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the types of crimes that we might be reminded of on a regular basis, for example, that merchandise is being locked up,” said Magnus Lofstrom, policy director of criminal justice and a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “There are these \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004659/newsoms-support-for-harsher-theft-penalties-raises-questions-from-criminal-justice-advocates\">smash-and-grab\u003c/a> videos that oftentimes go viral and that, again, might give people a perception of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Target, you’ll likely need to call an attendant over to unlock the theft-resistant cases around face wash or allergy medicine from the pharmacy. Parking lots have signs reminding you not to leave anything of value in your vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Lofstrom noted, retail theft rates did rise throughout the pandemic. San Francisco’s numbers of both lower-value shoplifting and commercial burglary, which applies to merchandise totaling more than $950, were higher in 2023 than in 2019, which already represented an increase from five years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic posed challenges across the criminal justice system as well as for the service providers that many low-income people relied on. The number of police officers decreased, and the volatility of the world itself played a part — people had more time on their hands, for one thing, Stanford professor and criminal justice expert Keith Humphreys told KQED in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the increase in retail theft in San Francisco through 2023 was less stark than in other urban areas of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually encouraging. It’s still up [in 2023], retail theft, in San Francisco compared to pre-pandemic level, but it’s not up by nearly as much as you’re seeing in some areas,” Lofstrom said. “I understand that that’s not particularly comforting, but it’s up by about 12%, and we’re seeing some areas of L.A. and other parts of the Bay Area that have seen much bigger increases in retail theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2019 and 2023, this type of theft rose overall statewide, going up 70% in Sacramento County, 65% in Alameda County, 41% in San Mateo County, and 40% in Los Angeles County, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/commercial-burglaries-fell-in-2023-but-shoplifting-continued-to-rise/\">research published by the PPIC\u003c/a> in August. However, last year’s data showed a decline in commercial burglary compared to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, authorities have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996211/san-francisco-crime-is-down-significantly-but-its-not-clear-trend-will-last\">touted figures that show a declining crime rate\u003c/a>; at a July meeting of the Police Commission, SFPD Chief Bill Scott said property crime — including larceny, which retail theft falls under — in particular, was “the reason that we have such a significant drop in overall crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Safaí said during Thursday’s debate: “Go tell that to the small businesses in my district [that] for the last three weeks have literally been broken into almost every night between 1 and 5 a.m. Tell that to the … hotel worker — 42 years of work for the Westin St. Francis — [who] was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993189/suspect-in-bart-killing-is-in-hospital-misses-court-appearance\">pushed into a moving train\u003c/a> on a BART platform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After increases in both violent and nonviolent crimes in 2021 and 2022, and bearing in mind that data can fluctuate quickly, Lofstrom said it could take time for public perception to match the more recent trends in the data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It takes a little bit of time before we have confidence that public safety is really improving,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Weeks Later, Death of Young Black Woman in SF Jail Remains Shrouded in Mystery",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:28 a.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after a young Black woman died in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> County Jail with little official word about what happened, her family members and advocates are still seeking answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aamonte Hadley, 22, had been locked up awaiting trial for nearly two years when she was found dead on Sept. 3. Her death puts the spotlight on concerns over jail overcrowding and drops in referrals to mental health diversion programs, and comes as District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ approach is being put to the test amid her reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Police Accountability, the Medical Examiner’s Office and the Criminal Investigations Unit of the Sheriff’s Office are investigating Hadley’s death. But her family said they have not received any details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing, nothing. They didn’t tell me anything. I still don’t know,” Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, said at a rally joined by more than a dozen other relatives and supporters outside the San Francisco Women’s Jail on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pointed to Hadley’s death in calling for Jenkins to seek out more alternatives to jail, such as mental health diversion programs. Hadley, who faced charges in connection with a string of robberies but had not been convicted, struggled with mental health challenges, according to her attorney and family members who sought treatment for her while in jail. The court ultimately denied their requests for mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005062 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Wright, an aunt of Aamonte Hadley, hugs Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Hadley was charged with serious crimes, which were held to answer by the court. She was detained pretrial because of the public safety risk she posed,” Jenkins said in a written statement. “The court denied defense counsel’s numerous requests for mental health diversion because it was not warranted in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Shikman, an attorney who represented Hadley, said she expressed remorse for what she had done and described her as “the poster child for compassionate treatment in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried mightily for practically two years to get her mental health diversion, but it fell almost on deaf ears. She was calling out, begging for treatment, but they denied it,” Shikman said. “The expressed mental health diversion statute in the state is to have treatment, especially for a young person, and she had no criminal record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins called Hadley’s death “tragic and alarming” but further said in her statement that if the defense had “prepared to settle or go to trial sooner, the tragedy may have been avoided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005058 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patrice Bolton, Aamonte Hadley’s aunt, speaks during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers at Tuesday’s rally took offense to the suggestion that settling may have saved Hadley, and they called on the district attorney to do more to provide actual treatment and mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of people who are in county jails in California have mental health challenges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/county-jails-house-fewer-inmates-but-over-half-face-mental-health-issues/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convictions increased while referrals to diversion programs have decreased under Jenkins’ tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/09/sf-da-brooke-jenkins-reverses-decline-convictions/\">Mission Local reports\u003c/a>. At the same time, the city is struggling with \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/what-was-the-plan-understaffed-overcrowded-sf-jails/\">overcrowding in jails\u003c/a>, which advocates and attorneys on Tuesday said has fueled physically and mentally unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005060 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Travis, a cousin of Aamonte Hadley, holds a sign during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those decisions matter when a district attorney or the courts make a decision to not let someone go to mental health diversion to get the treatment they need to move their life in a proper direction. It matters,” Public Defender Mano Raju said. “The consequences are devastating in so many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju and Shikman said they have seen larger caseloads, packed jails and slower movement in the courts as the pace of filings has picked up, setting up tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins stood by her office’s approach and charges in Hadley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003785 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-TERRY-WILLIAMS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office is committed to fair and ethical prosecutions. We charge cases based on the facts, evidence and the law,” she said. “We do not overcharge cases and any assertions to the contrary are baseless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent running for San Francisco district attorney this November, Ryan Khojasteh, said he hopes to restore levels of pretrial diversion for low-level and first-time offenses “so we can focus on prosecuting serious, violent and repeat crimes and take those to trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years for a case not to go to a trial or a resolution is not a responsible way for the criminal justice system to happen,” Khojasteh said. “Those referrals are proven to work. It’s a way to manage the criminal justice system so we aren’t exacerbating caseloads and the backlog of criminal cases at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, workers at San Francisco’s Superior Court also rallied outside the Hall of Justice to call out the city’s backlogged cases and resulting wait times that they said have caused people to languish in jail without access to their constitutional right to a speedy trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get through the backlog without enough time or staffing leads to simple errors that cause real-world problems,” Robert Borders, a courtroom clerk in the Criminal Division, said in a statement. “A small mistake on paper can turn into a living nightmare for someone stuck in a jail cell waiting for their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Hadley as a member of the LGBTQ community, a joyful young woman who prayed regularly, and someone who loved animals and wanted to one day be a veterinarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was my baby, and I knew she was the one person in the world that loved me the most,” Blockman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sept. 18: A previous version of this story said attorneys have seen an increased pace of convictions leading to tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family. The public defender’s office clarified that the pace of filings, not conviction outcomes, is causing issues.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:28 a.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after a young Black woman died in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> County Jail with little official word about what happened, her family members and advocates are still seeking answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aamonte Hadley, 22, had been locked up awaiting trial for nearly two years when she was found dead on Sept. 3. Her death puts the spotlight on concerns over jail overcrowding and drops in referrals to mental health diversion programs, and comes as District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ approach is being put to the test amid her reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Police Accountability, the Medical Examiner’s Office and the Criminal Investigations Unit of the Sheriff’s Office are investigating Hadley’s death. But her family said they have not received any details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing, nothing. They didn’t tell me anything. I still don’t know,” Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, said at a rally joined by more than a dozen other relatives and supporters outside the San Francisco Women’s Jail on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pointed to Hadley’s death in calling for Jenkins to seek out more alternatives to jail, such as mental health diversion programs. Hadley, who faced charges in connection with a string of robberies but had not been convicted, struggled with mental health challenges, according to her attorney and family members who sought treatment for her while in jail. The court ultimately denied their requests for mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005062 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Wright, an aunt of Aamonte Hadley, hugs Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Hadley was charged with serious crimes, which were held to answer by the court. She was detained pretrial because of the public safety risk she posed,” Jenkins said in a written statement. “The court denied defense counsel’s numerous requests for mental health diversion because it was not warranted in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Shikman, an attorney who represented Hadley, said she expressed remorse for what she had done and described her as “the poster child for compassionate treatment in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried mightily for practically two years to get her mental health diversion, but it fell almost on deaf ears. She was calling out, begging for treatment, but they denied it,” Shikman said. “The expressed mental health diversion statute in the state is to have treatment, especially for a young person, and she had no criminal record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins called Hadley’s death “tragic and alarming” but further said in her statement that if the defense had “prepared to settle or go to trial sooner, the tragedy may have been avoided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005058 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patrice Bolton, Aamonte Hadley’s aunt, speaks during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers at Tuesday’s rally took offense to the suggestion that settling may have saved Hadley, and they called on the district attorney to do more to provide actual treatment and mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of people who are in county jails in California have mental health challenges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/county-jails-house-fewer-inmates-but-over-half-face-mental-health-issues/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convictions increased while referrals to diversion programs have decreased under Jenkins’ tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/09/sf-da-brooke-jenkins-reverses-decline-convictions/\">Mission Local reports\u003c/a>. At the same time, the city is struggling with \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/what-was-the-plan-understaffed-overcrowded-sf-jails/\">overcrowding in jails\u003c/a>, which advocates and attorneys on Tuesday said has fueled physically and mentally unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005060 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Travis, a cousin of Aamonte Hadley, holds a sign during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those decisions matter when a district attorney or the courts make a decision to not let someone go to mental health diversion to get the treatment they need to move their life in a proper direction. It matters,” Public Defender Mano Raju said. “The consequences are devastating in so many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju and Shikman said they have seen larger caseloads, packed jails and slower movement in the courts as the pace of filings has picked up, setting up tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins stood by her office’s approach and charges in Hadley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office is committed to fair and ethical prosecutions. We charge cases based on the facts, evidence and the law,” she said. “We do not overcharge cases and any assertions to the contrary are baseless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent running for San Francisco district attorney this November, Ryan Khojasteh, said he hopes to restore levels of pretrial diversion for low-level and first-time offenses “so we can focus on prosecuting serious, violent and repeat crimes and take those to trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years for a case not to go to a trial or a resolution is not a responsible way for the criminal justice system to happen,” Khojasteh said. “Those referrals are proven to work. It’s a way to manage the criminal justice system so we aren’t exacerbating caseloads and the backlog of criminal cases at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, workers at San Francisco’s Superior Court also rallied outside the Hall of Justice to call out the city’s backlogged cases and resulting wait times that they said have caused people to languish in jail without access to their constitutional right to a speedy trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get through the backlog without enough time or staffing leads to simple errors that cause real-world problems,” Robert Borders, a courtroom clerk in the Criminal Division, said in a statement. “A small mistake on paper can turn into a living nightmare for someone stuck in a jail cell waiting for their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Hadley as a member of the LGBTQ community, a joyful young woman who prayed regularly, and someone who loved animals and wanted to one day be a veterinarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was my baby, and I knew she was the one person in the world that loved me the most,” Blockman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sept. 18: A previous version of this story said attorneys have seen an increased pace of convictions leading to tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family. The public defender’s office clarified that the pace of filings, not conviction outcomes, is causing issues.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the penalties under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, which would increase sentences for certain drug and theft crimes if voters approve the ballot measure in November. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> signed a new law bringing back harsher sentences for “smash and grab” retail theft, criminal justice advocates are questioning its similarities to a tough-on-crime ballot measure that Newsom has vocally opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed Thursday, Assembly Bill 1960, raises the required sentences for those convicted of taking, damaging or destroying property while committing any felony. A similar law expired in 2018. The new law will sunset by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive groups such as the San Francisco Public Defenders Association and Oakland’s Ella Baker Center for Human Rights have raised alarms that the language in AB 1960 is “identical” to sentencing guidelines proposed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a controversial ballot measure going before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would add new penalties for theft and drug crimes by rolling back pieces of Proposition 47, a criminal justice reform measure passed by voters a decade ago. Newsom has called it unfairly punitive. While the sentencing guidelines in AB 1960 and Proposition 36 are similar, the ballot measure does not include a sunset date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we want to address the issues of the public feeling less safe when it comes to retail theft, then we need to address the root causes of why these crimes happened in the first place — and also equip stores to have the resources that they need to offer effective deterrence,” said Taina Vargas, the executive director of Initiate Justice Action, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we have seen that adding additional enhancements is something that is not effective,” Vargas said. “All it succeeded in doing is incarcerating more people, which usually has a disproportionate impact on communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research by the \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/sentence-enhancements-in-california/\">California Policy Lab\u003c/a> shows that sentencing enhancements disproportionately affect Black and American Indian men and that the majority of those in California’s prisons have had their sentences affected by enhancements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003276 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240717-ShengThao-16-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Newsom said that Proposition 36 “takes us back to the 1980s, the war on drugs, mass incarceration. It promotes a promise that can’t be delivered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Proposition 36] has nothing to do with retail theft,” Newsom added. “This initiative has everything to do with retail theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos of large-scale, smash-and-grab thefts shared on social media have brought particular attention to retail theft and property crime, which retailers and lawmakers have called a major problem in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most large counties saw increases in retail theft — which includes both shoplifting and commercial burglary — from 2019 to 2023, more than 90% of the statewide rise occurred in just four counties: Alameda, Los Angeles, Sacramento and San Mateo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/commercial-burglaries-fell-in-2023-but-shoplifting-continued-to-rise/\">according to an analysis by the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both kinds of retail theft have soared since the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, rates of shoplifting — targeting lower-value items — appear to be skewing the data, overpowering a more recent decline in higher-value commercial burglaries like those targeted by the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at those commercial burglary rates in California, we’re not seeing evidence that they are continuing to go up. In the most recent data, they are even coming down in 2023,” the PPIC’s Magnus Lofstrom said. “And if we’re talking about the smash-and-grab incidents, they’re very likely to be higher-value retail theft incidents above $950.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the state’s approach to retail theft in a bill-signing statement on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California already has some of the strictest retail and property crime laws in the nation — and we have made them even stronger with our recent legislation,” he said. “We can be tough on crime while also being smart on crime — we don’t need to go back to broken policies of the last century. Mass incarceration has been proven ineffective and is not the answer — we need true accountability and strategies that enhance our nation-leading efforts to address crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, law enforcement groups, and the California Retailers Association supported the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who deliberately target and destroy property in the commission of felonies will now face harsher penalties, sending a clear message that this behavior will no longer be tolerated in California,” Rachel Michelin, president and CEO of the California Retailers Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> An earlier version of this story misstated the penalties under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, which would increase sentences for certain drug and theft crimes if voters approve the ballot measure in November. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> signed a new law bringing back harsher sentences for “smash and grab” retail theft, criminal justice advocates are questioning its similarities to a tough-on-crime ballot measure that Newsom has vocally opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law signed Thursday, Assembly Bill 1960, raises the required sentences for those convicted of taking, damaging or destroying property while committing any felony. A similar law expired in 2018. The new law will sunset by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive groups such as the San Francisco Public Defenders Association and Oakland’s Ella Baker Center for Human Rights have raised alarms that the language in AB 1960 is “identical” to sentencing guidelines proposed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a controversial ballot measure going before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would add new penalties for theft and drug crimes by rolling back pieces of Proposition 47, a criminal justice reform measure passed by voters a decade ago. Newsom has called it unfairly punitive. While the sentencing guidelines in AB 1960 and Proposition 36 are similar, the ballot measure does not include a sunset date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we want to address the issues of the public feeling less safe when it comes to retail theft, then we need to address the root causes of why these crimes happened in the first place — and also equip stores to have the resources that they need to offer effective deterrence,” said Taina Vargas, the executive director of Initiate Justice Action, a nonprofit that seeks to end mass incarceration in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we have seen that adding additional enhancements is something that is not effective,” Vargas said. “All it succeeded in doing is incarcerating more people, which usually has a disproportionate impact on communities of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research by the \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/sentence-enhancements-in-california/\">California Policy Lab\u003c/a> shows that sentencing enhancements disproportionately affect Black and American Indian men and that the majority of those in California’s prisons have had their sentences affected by enhancements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Newsom said that Proposition 36 “takes us back to the 1980s, the war on drugs, mass incarceration. It promotes a promise that can’t be delivered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Proposition 36] has nothing to do with retail theft,” Newsom added. “This initiative has everything to do with retail theft.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos of large-scale, smash-and-grab thefts shared on social media have brought particular attention to retail theft and property crime, which retailers and lawmakers have called a major problem in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most large counties saw increases in retail theft — which includes both shoplifting and commercial burglary — from 2019 to 2023, more than 90% of the statewide rise occurred in just four counties: Alameda, Los Angeles, Sacramento and San Mateo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/commercial-burglaries-fell-in-2023-but-shoplifting-continued-to-rise/\">according to an analysis by the Public Policy Institute of California. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both kinds of retail theft have soared since the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, rates of shoplifting — targeting lower-value items — appear to be skewing the data, overpowering a more recent decline in higher-value commercial burglaries like those targeted by the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at those commercial burglary rates in California, we’re not seeing evidence that they are continuing to go up. In the most recent data, they are even coming down in 2023,” the PPIC’s Magnus Lofstrom said. “And if we’re talking about the smash-and-grab incidents, they’re very likely to be higher-value retail theft incidents above $950.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the state’s approach to retail theft in a bill-signing statement on Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California already has some of the strictest retail and property crime laws in the nation — and we have made them even stronger with our recent legislation,” he said. “We can be tough on crime while also being smart on crime — we don’t need to go back to broken policies of the last century. Mass incarceration has been proven ineffective and is not the answer — we need true accountability and strategies that enhance our nation-leading efforts to address crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association, law enforcement groups, and the California Retailers Association supported the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who deliberately target and destroy property in the commission of felonies will now face harsher penalties, sending a clear message that this behavior will no longer be tolerated in California,” Rachel Michelin, president and CEO of the California Retailers Association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Illegally Withholds Money From People Being Released From Prison, Lawsuit Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>The day John Vaesau was finally released from prison, he was so happy to be free that he almost forgot about his “gate money,” the $200 entitled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> to help formerly incarcerated people reenter society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It didn’t even dawn on me at first because I was just so happy to be out,” Vaesau said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as he transitioned back to life in San Francisco after 33 years behind bars, the money never arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I was thinking, ‘It’s going to come. I’ll probably get it in a couple of weeks,’” Vaesau said. “And then weeks turned into months, and months turned into a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaesau is one of two men leading a proposed class-action lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, alleging that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court, alleges that CDCR has routinely neglected to fulfill its obligation to provide many of those reentering society with gate money within 60 days of release from prison. The allowance is meant to help cover the cost of basic items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the funds are diverted to cover “the Department’s cost of clothing and transportation,” according to the complaint filed by attorneys from the UC Berkeley Criminal Law & Justice Center, including former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Edelson PC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, costs for bus or train tickets, or clothing purchased for the newly freed person, are improperly shifted onto the people being released, attorneys said. In Vaesau’s case, he said CDCR never gave him an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money would have helped me out with a lot of things,” said Vaesau, who at age 16 was convicted as an adult of attempted murder but was eventually released after being resentenced under new laws. “I’m suing because I know there’s a lot of people who have been incarcerated for a long time, and right after they were done with us, they threw us out like garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law states some exceptions — such as in case an individual absconds from parole or is incarcerated for less than six months — CDCR must otherwise provide the full sum to each newly freed person. But in 1994, California prison officials created a policy that allowed for special deductions like those for clothing or transportation, which the attorneys believe is unlawful, according to Yaman Salahi, one of the lead plaintiffs’ attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming CDCR was following its own policy, over 1 million people released from California prisons may have been shortchanged, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope to find out in the lawsuit exactly how many people are affected and exactly how much money has been withheld from individuals that the Legislature intended to be used for their reentry support,” Salahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to follow the money,” Vaesau added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of gate money given to each individual has not changed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13962624/involuntary-servitude-california-prop-6-san-quentin\">then-Gov. Ronald Reagan signed the law in the 1970s\u003c/a>. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-1304-VETO.pdf?emrc=c0a88e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have increased it to an inflation-adjusted $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While $200 may seem like a relatively small sum, experts say it’s not insignificant. The first 72 hours after release can set the stage for successful reentry, according to research cited in the complaint. Gate money can provide a warm bed and a hot meal for someone’s first days outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the challenges people might face are as simple as how do I make a phone call? How do I figure out where I’m going to stay tonight?” Salahi said. “There’s virtually no support provided to people who are finishing a term of imprisonment to get on their feet properly. And this is one of the critical lifelines that’s supposed to be made available to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has faced scrutiny over the reentry funds before. In 2008, a state Court of Appeal reprimanded the department for not following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The day John Vaesau was finally released from prison, he was so happy to be free that he almost forgot about his “gate money,” the $200 entitled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> to help formerly incarcerated people reenter society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It didn’t even dawn on me at first because I was just so happy to be out,” Vaesau said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as he transitioned back to life in San Francisco after 33 years behind bars, the money never arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I was thinking, ‘It’s going to come. I’ll probably get it in a couple of weeks,’” Vaesau said. “And then weeks turned into months, and months turned into a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaesau is one of two men leading a proposed class-action lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, alleging that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court, alleges that CDCR has routinely neglected to fulfill its obligation to provide many of those reentering society with gate money within 60 days of release from prison. The allowance is meant to help cover the cost of basic items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the funds are diverted to cover “the Department’s cost of clothing and transportation,” according to the complaint filed by attorneys from the UC Berkeley Criminal Law & Justice Center, including former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Edelson PC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, costs for bus or train tickets, or clothing purchased for the newly freed person, are improperly shifted onto the people being released, attorneys said. In Vaesau’s case, he said CDCR never gave him an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money would have helped me out with a lot of things,” said Vaesau, who at age 16 was convicted as an adult of attempted murder but was eventually released after being resentenced under new laws. “I’m suing because I know there’s a lot of people who have been incarcerated for a long time, and right after they were done with us, they threw us out like garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law states some exceptions — such as in case an individual absconds from parole or is incarcerated for less than six months — CDCR must otherwise provide the full sum to each newly freed person. But in 1994, California prison officials created a policy that allowed for special deductions like those for clothing or transportation, which the attorneys believe is unlawful, according to Yaman Salahi, one of the lead plaintiffs’ attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming CDCR was following its own policy, over 1 million people released from California prisons may have been shortchanged, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope to find out in the lawsuit exactly how many people are affected and exactly how much money has been withheld from individuals that the Legislature intended to be used for their reentry support,” Salahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to follow the money,” Vaesau added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of gate money given to each individual has not changed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13962624/involuntary-servitude-california-prop-6-san-quentin\">then-Gov. Ronald Reagan signed the law in the 1970s\u003c/a>. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-1304-VETO.pdf?emrc=c0a88e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have increased it to an inflation-adjusted $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While $200 may seem like a relatively small sum, experts say it’s not insignificant. The first 72 hours after release can set the stage for successful reentry, according to research cited in the complaint. Gate money can provide a warm bed and a hot meal for someone’s first days outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the challenges people might face are as simple as how do I make a phone call? How do I figure out where I’m going to stay tonight?” Salahi said. “There’s virtually no support provided to people who are finishing a term of imprisonment to get on their feet properly. And this is one of the critical lifelines that’s supposed to be made available to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has faced scrutiny over the reentry funds before. In 2008, a state Court of Appeal reprimanded the department for not following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'Like a War Zone': Prison Officers Used Unprecedented Force in August Attack, Incarcerated Women Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Women incarcerated at a Chowchilla state prison say officers used pepper spray and tear gas on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.",
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"title": "'Like a War Zone': Prison Officers Used Unprecedented Force in August Attack, Incarcerated Women Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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