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"content": "\u003cp>Micah recalled the moment she got a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, more than two decades after prosecutors sent her to prison on a drug conviction that triggered the state’s three-strikes law, she received an envelope from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/contra-costa-county\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> District Attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was baffled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was like a little Post-it note in there — contact an attorney or your attorney,” said Micah, who was serving a 28-year-to-life sentence when she received the notice. “I’m thinking, man, it’s been 24 years. I can’t think of anything that I could be charged with!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Micah, who now works at a charitable thrift shop in Contra Costa County, is among a relatively small group of people who were released thanks to a state-funded program that encourages district attorneys to resentence incarcerated people serving long prison terms that many now consider excessive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2021–23, the California County Resentencing Pilot Program provided nearly $13 million to counties to help encourage the reevaluation of long sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine counties in the state participated, including Contra Costa, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties in the Bay Area. KQED is withholding Micah’s full name because she fears being stigmatized after having served a long prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 50,000 people incarcerated in the participating counties, courts ultimately resentenced 227 people and released 174, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2116-3.html\">report published in February\u003c/a> by RAND, the California-based nonprofit selected by the state Legislature to independently evaluate the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lou Mariano, a senior statistician with RAND, said the figures are modest but indicate progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These nine counties did review well over 1,100 cases for eligibility, so there was a significant effort that was in place,” said Mariano, who noted that the counties also used their own funds, more than doubling the budget for time-intensive case review and processing over the pilot period. “The cases reviewed showed a clear alignment with that original motivation of responding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2014/09/12/347736999/20-years-later-major-crime-bill-viewed-as-terrible-mistake\">‘get tough’ legislation\u003c/a> in the late ’90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Violent Crime Control Act, passed during the Clinton administration, took a punitive approach that has been credited with fueling mass incarceration but had no major impact on crime rates. In California, the prison population exploded from about 50,000 prisoners in 1985 to a peak of 173,000 in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, California legislators passed AB 2942 in an effort to pursue major criminal justice reform. The law redefined the purpose of sentencing for public safety to include punishment, rehabilitation and restorative justice. The bipartisan law allowed district attorneys to recommend courts reconsider old cases, including those associated with violent crimes.[aside postID=news_11882320 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/kennard-fam-1020x681.jpeg']While counties determined their own criteria for resentencing — including factors such as age and case details — all prioritized candidates had already served many years behind bars and still had significant time left on their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state spends about $133,000 per incarcerated person annually in state prison, making resentencing cases a source of financial savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the RAND report, the state would have needed to reduce each of the 174 released individuals’ sentences by just 1.2 years to break even, considering the millions invested by the state and counties in the pilot program. The results exceeded that number: About three-quarters of those considered for resentencing had served more than 10 years in prison, and the majority still had more than five years to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RAND’s report also recommends more clearly defined roles to improve cooperation between prosecutors and public defenders, better timelines and a dedicated court for resentencing hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to ever throw out someone and say they’re worthless, and we’re never going to look at their case again. This seemed to be a continuation of that value,” said Santa Clara County Assistant District Attorney David Angel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angel said his office had already embraced resentencing efforts for death penalty cases and was eager to expand the work to include others who had served long sentences they might not receive today. He said his office conducted 150 reviews as part of the pilot, ending in 14 new sentences, including 13 releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dedicated to keep doing it. We think it’s the right thing to do,” he said. “I certainly hope the state invests in this again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties initially focused on cases with excessive sentences before expanding criteria to include crimes against persons, said Andrea Crider, a UC Berkeley law lecturer and former Contra Costa County public defender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Crider, the resentencing work in Contra Costa included “an opportunity to provide victim-offender dialogue so that victims could have closure for past crimes and have harm reduction in that sense, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Micah was one of Crider’s clients. Crider said Micah worked hard to take advantage of programming while incarcerated, eventually becoming a mentor to other incarcerated people. Once released, with some reentry support from the county, Micah said she quickly built on all the years she spent rehabilitating on the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she believes more people deserve a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look beyond the case. Look to see how many years they’ve served and how they’ve served it,” Micah said. “Look at that part. I think that’s important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Micah recalled the moment she got a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, more than two decades after prosecutors sent her to prison on a drug conviction that triggered the state’s three-strikes law, she received an envelope from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/contra-costa-county\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> District Attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was baffled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was like a little Post-it note in there — contact an attorney or your attorney,” said Micah, who was serving a 28-year-to-life sentence when she received the notice. “I’m thinking, man, it’s been 24 years. I can’t think of anything that I could be charged with!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Micah, who now works at a charitable thrift shop in Contra Costa County, is among a relatively small group of people who were released thanks to a state-funded program that encourages district attorneys to resentence incarcerated people serving long prison terms that many now consider excessive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2021–23, the California County Resentencing Pilot Program provided nearly $13 million to counties to help encourage the reevaluation of long sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine counties in the state participated, including Contra Costa, San Francisco and Santa Clara counties in the Bay Area. KQED is withholding Micah’s full name because she fears being stigmatized after having served a long prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 50,000 people incarcerated in the participating counties, courts ultimately resentenced 227 people and released 174, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2116-3.html\">report published in February\u003c/a> by RAND, the California-based nonprofit selected by the state Legislature to independently evaluate the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lou Mariano, a senior statistician with RAND, said the figures are modest but indicate progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These nine counties did review well over 1,100 cases for eligibility, so there was a significant effort that was in place,” said Mariano, who noted that the counties also used their own funds, more than doubling the budget for time-intensive case review and processing over the pilot period. “The cases reviewed showed a clear alignment with that original motivation of responding to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2014/09/12/347736999/20-years-later-major-crime-bill-viewed-as-terrible-mistake\">‘get tough’ legislation\u003c/a> in the late ’90s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Violent Crime Control Act, passed during the Clinton administration, took a punitive approach that has been credited with fueling mass incarceration but had no major impact on crime rates. In California, the prison population exploded from about 50,000 prisoners in 1985 to a peak of 173,000 in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, California legislators passed AB 2942 in an effort to pursue major criminal justice reform. The law redefined the purpose of sentencing for public safety to include punishment, rehabilitation and restorative justice. The bipartisan law allowed district attorneys to recommend courts reconsider old cases, including those associated with violent crimes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While counties determined their own criteria for resentencing — including factors such as age and case details — all prioritized candidates had already served many years behind bars and still had significant time left on their sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state spends about $133,000 per incarcerated person annually in state prison, making resentencing cases a source of financial savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the RAND report, the state would have needed to reduce each of the 174 released individuals’ sentences by just 1.2 years to break even, considering the millions invested by the state and counties in the pilot program. The results exceeded that number: About three-quarters of those considered for resentencing had served more than 10 years in prison, and the majority still had more than five years to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RAND’s report also recommends more clearly defined roles to improve cooperation between prosecutors and public defenders, better timelines and a dedicated court for resentencing hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to ever throw out someone and say they’re worthless, and we’re never going to look at their case again. This seemed to be a continuation of that value,” said Santa Clara County Assistant District Attorney David Angel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angel said his office had already embraced resentencing efforts for death penalty cases and was eager to expand the work to include others who had served long sentences they might not receive today. He said his office conducted 150 reviews as part of the pilot, ending in 14 new sentences, including 13 releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dedicated to keep doing it. We think it’s the right thing to do,” he said. “I certainly hope the state invests in this again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties initially focused on cases with excessive sentences before expanding criteria to include crimes against persons, said Andrea Crider, a UC Berkeley law lecturer and former Contra Costa County public defender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Crider, the resentencing work in Contra Costa included “an opportunity to provide victim-offender dialogue so that victims could have closure for past crimes and have harm reduction in that sense, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Micah was one of Crider’s clients. Crider said Micah worked hard to take advantage of programming while incarcerated, eventually becoming a mentor to other incarcerated people. Once released, with some reentry support from the county, Micah said she quickly built on all the years she spent rehabilitating on the inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she believes more people deserve a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look beyond the case. Look to see how many years they’ve served and how they’ve served it,” Micah said. “Look at that part. I think that’s important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Dog Bites, Foam Bullets and Fear: Victims Testify to Ex-Antioch Officers’ Excessive Force",
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"content": "\u003cp>Daniel Romo recalled the feeling of a police K9 “eating [his] back” as officers yelled at him to stop resisting. Lying on his stomach in a tent in a homeless encampment, he said he was neither resisting arrest nor attempting to fight off the police dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romo testified on Monday as one of several people to take the stand this week to describe being subjected to excessive force by former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a> officers in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">major police corruption trial\u003c/a>. On Friday, the trial continued against Morteza Amiri, who is charged with taking part in a three-year conspiracy with the other officers to violate people’s civil rights through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">repeated use of unlawful force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text message sent by Amiri to former officer Devon Christopher Wenger after the 2020 incident with Romo, Amiri included several images of Romo’s dog bite injuries and said Oakley police officers who were with him had agreed to keep their cameras off during the attack. Wenger referred to the bites as “the morty special.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bro we saw him laying in bed just acting like he was asleep,” Amiri texted Wenger. “I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up. Went back and did justice … you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorneys representing Amiri and Wenger argued earlier this week that the officers were justified in their uses of force and that any messages exchanged between the two were simply a means of coping with a highly stressful work environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">was declared a mistrial\u003c/a> on Wednesday after his attorney said her firm had provided her with insufficient support. Federal prosecutors will have to refile against Wenger, and Amiri’s case is expected to continue independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029459\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paul Goyette, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Morteza Amiri, gives his opening statement in the federal trial against Amiri and another former Antioch officer at the US District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri, seated at lower right, faces charges that he and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of 3 years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Romo, 38, has a criminal record of several felony convictions relating to vehicle theft and illicit drug use. He testified he was only test-driving a car when he spotted officers with the Oakley Police Department waiting for him at a fast food drive-thru. “Darryl,” who Romo said owned the vehicle, was sitting in the passenger seat next to him, reached over to step on the gas and forced Romo to keep driving during the ensuing high-speed police chase, Romo testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit ended at the homeless encampment Romo was staying in, where he said he ran into a tent and passed out as a result of sleep deprivation and methamphetamine use. Romo said he woke up shortly after to the feeling of Amiri’s K9, Purcy, attacking him. He said he felt disoriented and confused and screamed out in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the attack, Romo was taken to a nearby hospital in Antioch, where he said he heard officers laughing about what had happened to him. One officer asked him if he could take pictures of Romo’s wounds, and he agreed. In photos of Romo shared with the jury by federal prosecutors, about two dozen lacerations could be seen across his shoulders, presumably caused by Amiri’s police dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his cross-examination of Romo, Amiri’s attorney, Paul Goyette, questioned why Romo never complained about being attacked by the K9. Romo said he was fearful of what would happen if he did.[aside postID=news_12030060 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240830-SFSideshowLegislation-21-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']“I was afraid to stand up or say anything like that toward a law enforcement officer,” he said. “I’m not protected. I don’t care what anybody says. I was in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other people also testified this week that they were subjected to excessive force by Eric Rombough, another officer who was charged with conspiracy alongside Amiri and Wenger. Rombough, who pleaded guilty to conspiracy in January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030234/ex-antioch-officer-testifies-against-former-partner-in-federal-civil-rights-case\">served as a key witness\u003c/a> for the prosecution on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Lee Wilson, 29, said he was staying over at his sister’s house and playing video games when officers barged into his room with flashlights and guns. According to Wilson, he immediately put his hands in the air and was grabbed by an officer when he heard a shot go off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson immediately felt a sharp pain in his stomach, presumably caused by a foam projectile from Rombough’s 40-millimeter impact round launcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson described the event as mentally traumatizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to move cautiously now,” Wilson said during his testimony on Tuesday. “I just have a whole other outlook on law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larry Reed, 45, testified this week that he was also shot by Rombough during an unexpected police raid. Bursting into tears on the stand, Reed said he was sleeping at his girlfriend’s house when he awoke to the sound of officers yelling at him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Reed began to stand up with his arms raised, a shot was fired at his chest, causing him immediate pain. Officers quickly climbed on top of him and handcuffed him, Reed said, adding they ignored his cries while doing so. Reed said he was arrested shortly after, but no charges were brought against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wegner and another former Antioch officer at the US District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know it wasn’t right,” Reed said in tears. “It shouldn’t have happened … They really misjudged me and thought I was something I wasn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Rombough took the stand, he testified that he and Amiri encouraged each other to violently punish suspects, often with the unlawful use of Amiri’s police K9 and Rombough’s 40-millimeter impact round launcher, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough, who prosecutors said during trial on Monday would collect spent impact round shells to place on his fireplace mantle, said he and Amiri would congratulate each other after uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two would send photos of victims’ injuries to one another and mock other officers who refrained from using excessive force in their arrests, he said. Amiri would also promise to get food for officers who gave him the opportunity to deploy Purcy, Rombough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone that helps me get a bite will get a filet mignon dinner,” Amiri texted in a group chat with other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger, who stood trial alongside Amiri earlier this week before the mistrial, is also accused of excessively using a less-lethal firearm to hurt suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial is set to continue next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Daniel Romo recalled the feeling of a police K9 “eating [his] back” as officers yelled at him to stop resisting. Lying on his stomach in a tent in a homeless encampment, he said he was neither resisting arrest nor attempting to fight off the police dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Romo testified on Monday as one of several people to take the stand this week to describe being subjected to excessive force by former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/antioch\">Antioch\u003c/a> officers in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">major police corruption trial\u003c/a>. On Friday, the trial continued against Morteza Amiri, who is charged with taking part in a three-year conspiracy with the other officers to violate people’s civil rights through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029444/ex-antioch-officers-corruption-trial-begins\">repeated use of unlawful force\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text message sent by Amiri to former officer Devon Christopher Wenger after the 2020 incident with Romo, Amiri included several images of Romo’s dog bite injuries and said Oakley police officers who were with him had agreed to keep their cameras off during the attack. Wenger referred to the bites as “the morty special.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bro we saw him laying in bed just acting like he was asleep,” Amiri texted Wenger. “I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up. Went back and did justice … you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorneys representing Amiri and Wenger argued earlier this week that the officers were justified in their uses of force and that any messages exchanged between the two were simply a means of coping with a highly stressful work environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Wenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">was declared a mistrial\u003c/a> on Wednesday after his attorney said her firm had provided her with insufficient support. Federal prosecutors will have to refile against Wenger, and Amiri’s case is expected to continue independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029459\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/AmiriOpening-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paul Goyette, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Morteza Amiri, gives his opening statement in the federal trial against Amiri and another former Antioch officer at the US District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri, seated at lower right, faces charges that he and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of 3 years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Romo, 38, has a criminal record of several felony convictions relating to vehicle theft and illicit drug use. He testified he was only test-driving a car when he spotted officers with the Oakley Police Department waiting for him at a fast food drive-thru. “Darryl,” who Romo said owned the vehicle, was sitting in the passenger seat next to him, reached over to step on the gas and forced Romo to keep driving during the ensuing high-speed police chase, Romo testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit ended at the homeless encampment Romo was staying in, where he said he ran into a tent and passed out as a result of sleep deprivation and methamphetamine use. Romo said he woke up shortly after to the feeling of Amiri’s K9, Purcy, attacking him. He said he felt disoriented and confused and screamed out in pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the attack, Romo was taken to a nearby hospital in Antioch, where he said he heard officers laughing about what had happened to him. One officer asked him if he could take pictures of Romo’s wounds, and he agreed. In photos of Romo shared with the jury by federal prosecutors, about two dozen lacerations could be seen across his shoulders, presumably caused by Amiri’s police dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his cross-examination of Romo, Amiri’s attorney, Paul Goyette, questioned why Romo never complained about being attacked by the K9. Romo said he was fearful of what would happen if he did.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I was afraid to stand up or say anything like that toward a law enforcement officer,” he said. “I’m not protected. I don’t care what anybody says. I was in fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other people also testified this week that they were subjected to excessive force by Eric Rombough, another officer who was charged with conspiracy alongside Amiri and Wenger. Rombough, who pleaded guilty to conspiracy in January, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030234/ex-antioch-officer-testifies-against-former-partner-in-federal-civil-rights-case\">served as a key witness\u003c/a> for the prosecution on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessie Lee Wilson, 29, said he was staying over at his sister’s house and playing video games when officers barged into his room with flashlights and guns. According to Wilson, he immediately put his hands in the air and was grabbed by an officer when he heard a shot go off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson immediately felt a sharp pain in his stomach, presumably caused by a foam projectile from Rombough’s 40-millimeter impact round launcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson described the event as mentally traumatizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to move cautiously now,” Wilson said during his testimony on Tuesday. “I just have a whole other outlook on law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Larry Reed, 45, testified this week that he was also shot by Rombough during an unexpected police raid. Bursting into tears on the stand, Reed said he was sleeping at his girlfriend’s house when he awoke to the sound of officers yelling at him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Reed began to stand up with his arms raised, a shot was fired at his chest, causing him immediate pain. Officers quickly climbed on top of him and handcuffed him, Reed said, adding they ignored his cries while doing so. Reed said he was arrested shortly after, but no charges were brought against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wegner and another former Antioch officer at the US District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know it wasn’t right,” Reed said in tears. “It shouldn’t have happened … They really misjudged me and thought I was something I wasn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Rombough took the stand, he testified that he and Amiri encouraged each other to violently punish suspects, often with the unlawful use of Amiri’s police K9 and Rombough’s 40-millimeter impact round launcher, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough, who prosecutors said during trial on Monday would collect spent impact round shells to place on his fireplace mantle, said he and Amiri would congratulate each other after uses of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two would send photos of victims’ injuries to one another and mock other officers who refrained from using excessive force in their arrests, he said. Amiri would also promise to get food for officers who gave him the opportunity to deploy Purcy, Rombough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone that helps me get a bite will get a filet mignon dinner,” Amiri texted in a group chat with other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wenger, who stood trial alongside Amiri earlier this week before the mistrial, is also accused of excessively using a less-lethal firearm to hurt suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s trial is set to continue next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Controversial Fremont Camping Ban on Hold Amid Legal Challenge",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">controversial camping ban\u003c/a> in Fremont was put on hold Thursday amid a legal challenge from advocates for unhoused residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Homeless Union, along with other local unhoused advocacy and faith-based organizations, filed a complaint on Tuesday in federal court seeking an injunction against the ban, which the group alleges is unduly harsh and violates a host of civil rights and religious freedom laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit asked the court to stop “what will otherwise be a completely preventable humanitarian crisis in the city of Fremont.” On Thursday, both parties agreed to pause litigation until the council’s final action on proposed amendments that sought to address the most contentious provision in the law. Fremont’s city attorney also agreed to recommend the city not enforce the ordinance, which goes into effect on March 13, until any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law would make it illegal to store personal property, including camping gear, on public land. Because of this provision, the lawsuit alleges unhoused people who take even “rudimentary precautions against the elements will be arrested and their property will be seized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular ordinance is so broad, far-reaching, and punitive,” said Andrea Henson, one of the attorneys who filed the complaint, noting that the ban also applies to anyone living temporarily outdoors or using “camp paraphernalia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit was filed on the same day city leaders voted to support eliminating a clause in the new law that some advocates said would have allowed the city to arrest or fine people for providing tents, blankets, food, or other supplies to people experiencing homelessness, punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provision raised alarms with advocates and volunteers, who said it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city leaders have pushed back on that characterization, claiming the ordinance’s language was being “weaponized” or misinterpreted. The city also issued a lengthy explanation of its intent after the law’s approval on Feb. 11, saying the ban “does not criminalize service workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, however, the city council ceded to those concerns, voting to remove the “aiding and abetting” section in an amendment that will need to be formally adopted at an upcoming meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing a good thing here by clarifying our intent,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We have said it at least 20 times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite striking the controversial clause from the camping ordinance, the city’s general municipal code contains a similar provision, and some residents and Henson said that could effectively allow for the same enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, nothing has been changed, this is all fluid and moving very fast,” Henson said. “People are worried, volunteers are worried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is one of several cities across California that have cracked down on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials more power to do so last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some residents have embraced the more aggressive laws in the hopes of seeing large, sprawling encampments cleared, many advocates and faith leaders have recoiled at Fremont’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a poorly crafted ordinance through and through,” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, said at the council meeting. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wanted to actually solve a problem and bring people together like leaders are supposed to, you would have actually had that conversation before this ordinance was passed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Godfrey, a resident, said at the meeting the city is gaining a reputation as one of the harshest in the nation when it comes to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would suggest that we have been taking baby steps towards an authoritative police state rather than giant steps toward a truly compassionate city,” Godfrey said.[aside postID=news_12026580 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00250-1020x680.jpg']Even some council members appeared to be reconsidering elements of the law they voted to support just last month, such as Kathy Kimberlin and Teresa Keng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both indicated Tuesday they would support changing the law to remove the threat of a misdemeanor and arrest, and instead make camping ban violations punishable only by citation or infraction. However, the council majority did not support weakening the penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t think anything above (a citation) is going to change anything anyway,” Kimberlin said. “The fines probably aren’t going to be paid, anything is not going to be paid, and going to jail is not going to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Yang Shao asked Police Chief Sean Washington, “Is our citation paper soft enough so they can use it as toilet paper?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberlin gasped and said, “Oh my stars.” An audience member was heard saying, “That was inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts said that since the Supreme Court’s ruling, cities and counties have been experimenting with how far their laws policing homelessness can go. Laura Riley, director of the Clinical Program at Berkeley Law, said lawsuits like the one filed by the California Homeless Union can help counterbalance these new ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the pushback in the form of lawsuits like this will show that there are legal boundaries that should not be crossed,” Riley said. “What exactly those are; we have to wait to see what the courts do. But I do think it shows that municipalities can’t criminalize homelessness in a way that’s unchecked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The lawsuit, from advocates for unhoused residents, alleged the law violates a slew of laws and civil rights and was filed on the same day city leaders opted to strike one of the ban’s most contentious provisions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">controversial camping ban\u003c/a> in Fremont was put on hold Thursday amid a legal challenge from advocates for unhoused residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Homeless Union, along with other local unhoused advocacy and faith-based organizations, filed a complaint on Tuesday in federal court seeking an injunction against the ban, which the group alleges is unduly harsh and violates a host of civil rights and religious freedom laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit asked the court to stop “what will otherwise be a completely preventable humanitarian crisis in the city of Fremont.” On Thursday, both parties agreed to pause litigation until the council’s final action on proposed amendments that sought to address the most contentious provision in the law. Fremont’s city attorney also agreed to recommend the city not enforce the ordinance, which goes into effect on March 13, until any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law would make it illegal to store personal property, including camping gear, on public land. Because of this provision, the lawsuit alleges unhoused people who take even “rudimentary precautions against the elements will be arrested and their property will be seized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular ordinance is so broad, far-reaching, and punitive,” said Andrea Henson, one of the attorneys who filed the complaint, noting that the ban also applies to anyone living temporarily outdoors or using “camp paraphernalia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit was filed on the same day city leaders voted to support eliminating a clause in the new law that some advocates said would have allowed the city to arrest or fine people for providing tents, blankets, food, or other supplies to people experiencing homelessness, punishable by up to six months in jail or a fine of up to $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provision raised alarms with advocates and volunteers, who said it could have a chilling effect on outreach, food distribution and other efforts to provide much-needed help to unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But city leaders have pushed back on that characterization, claiming the ordinance’s language was being “weaponized” or misinterpreted. The city also issued a lengthy explanation of its intent after the law’s approval on Feb. 11, saying the ban “does not criminalize service workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, however, the city council ceded to those concerns, voting to remove the “aiding and abetting” section in an amendment that will need to be formally adopted at an upcoming meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing a good thing here by clarifying our intent,” Mayor Raj Salwan said. “We have said it at least 20 times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite striking the controversial clause from the camping ordinance, the city’s general municipal code contains a similar provision, and some residents and Henson said that could effectively allow for the same enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, nothing has been changed, this is all fluid and moving very fast,” Henson said. “People are worried, volunteers are worried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is one of several cities across California that have cracked down on encampments since the Supreme Court gave local officials more power to do so last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some residents have embraced the more aggressive laws in the hopes of seeing large, sprawling encampments cleared, many advocates and faith leaders have recoiled at Fremont’s approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is such a poorly crafted ordinance through and through,” Vivian Wan, CEO of Abode Services, said at the council meeting. Abode runs a shelter and other housing programs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you wanted to actually solve a problem and bring people together like leaders are supposed to, you would have actually had that conversation before this ordinance was passed,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Godfrey, a resident, said at the meeting the city is gaining a reputation as one of the harshest in the nation when it comes to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would suggest that we have been taking baby steps towards an authoritative police state rather than giant steps toward a truly compassionate city,” Godfrey said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even some council members appeared to be reconsidering elements of the law they voted to support just last month, such as Kathy Kimberlin and Teresa Keng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They both indicated Tuesday they would support changing the law to remove the threat of a misdemeanor and arrest, and instead make camping ban violations punishable only by citation or infraction. However, the council majority did not support weakening the penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t think anything above (a citation) is going to change anything anyway,” Kimberlin said. “The fines probably aren’t going to be paid, anything is not going to be paid, and going to jail is not going to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Yang Shao asked Police Chief Sean Washington, “Is our citation paper soft enough so they can use it as toilet paper?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberlin gasped and said, “Oh my stars.” An audience member was heard saying, “That was inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some experts said that since the Supreme Court’s ruling, cities and counties have been experimenting with how far their laws policing homelessness can go. Laura Riley, director of the Clinical Program at Berkeley Law, said lawsuits like the one filed by the California Homeless Union can help counterbalance these new ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the pushback in the form of lawsuits like this will show that there are legal boundaries that should not be crossed,” Riley said. “What exactly those are; we have to wait to see what the courts do. But I do think it shows that municipalities can’t criminalize homelessness in a way that’s unchecked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "look-theres-nowhere-else-to-go-inside-californias-crackdown-on-homeless-camps",
"title": "‘Look, There’s Nowhere Else to Go’: Inside California’s Crackdown on Homeless Camps",
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"headTitle": "‘Look, There’s Nowhere Else to Go’: Inside California’s Crackdown on Homeless Camps | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been eight months since the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">fundamentally changed\u003c/a> how cities in California and beyond can respond to homeless encampments, allowing them to clear camps and arrest people for sleeping outside — even when there’s nowhere else to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">July ruling\u003c/a> in the case \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">Grants Pass v. Johnson\u003c/a> upended six years of protections for unhoused people. It was a radical change, and it came as many Californians, from small business owners to Gov. Gavin Newsom, were fed up with regularly seeing tent camps that stretched for blocks, human feces smeared on sidewalks and people injecting drugs in the open. Once the Supreme Court gave the green light, even liberal strongholds such as San Francisco were quick to start removing camps — despite a collective outcry from activists supporting the rights of homeless Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has that meant for people living outside?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spent four months interviewing experts, requesting data and making a dozen visits to encampments in San Francisco and Fresno to document enforcement efforts and follow the unhoused people displaced when their camps were cleared. Our public media partner, KPBS, did extensive reporting and visits to encampments in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree clearing or “sweeping” encampments alone can’t end \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a>. But here’s what we did see over and over as a result of sweeps in those cities: people becoming more likely to lose touch with support services, people losing essential items they need to get into housing (such as birth certificates) or to survive the elements (such as tents) and people still stuck on the streets — sometimes in new locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, cities try to pair enforcement with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-homeless-shelters-purgatory/\">offers of a shelter bed\u003c/a> or other services. But shelter is generally in short supply, and the types of programs available often don’t work for everyone on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are continuing with enforcement, anyway. Here’s what that looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Linda Vazquez sat cross-legged on the sidewalk during an afternoon last fall, with two dogs in her lap and her hands cuffed behind her back. A police officer stood over her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beside her, balanced on a camp stove, sat the pot of chicharrones she’d been cooking for lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez, 52, was clearly upset. “Because I did \u003cem>so \u003c/em>bad,” she yelled sarcastically at the officer, who was citing her for “unauthorized lodging,” a misdemeanor under California’s penal code. “This is the biggest crime ever.”[aside postID=news_12028502 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Evelyn-Alfred-3.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police didn’t end up taking Vazquez to jail, and instead gave her a slip of paper with a date to show up in court. They did confiscate the tarp she was sheltering under as “evidence,” making it harder for her to survive on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/02/california-homeless-camping-citation-trials/\">citation \u003c/a>was Vazquez’s second in two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within hours, Vazquez was back, setting up camp in the same spot — a block that had essentially become hers. Vazquez was known throughout the neighborhood, always surrounded by dogs and friends. On any given day, you might find her cooking meals to share, giving away blankets and other provisions to her unhoused neighbors or hitting people who caused trouble on the block with a blast of water from her Super Soaker squirt gun. At night, she watched horror movies on a tablet in her tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez continued to camp there for the next three months and received at least one more citation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘look, there’s nowhere else to go,’” Vazquez said. ‘“All the other places are doing the same thing. So where do you want me to go? Where do you want me to hide out?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California native, Vazquez grew up bouncing between Modesto, Santa Cruz, Gilroy, Monterey and other places as her mother found work on different farms. Her life took a turn for the worse in her 20s when, she says, her former partner became abusive. She fled to San Francisco in 1998, and for the past few years has been bouncing between the street, shelters and subsidized housing placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Encampment removals in Vazquez’s neighborhood — a handful of alleys that run between Van Ness Avenue and Larkin Street at the edge of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood — have fallen into a predictable rhythm. There are sweeps nearly every Monday and Friday, regular as clockwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029253\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029253\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘It’s ridiculous because, if it was actually sweeping, then I’d understand, but since it’s not actually sweeping, the fuck are you moving me for? Then I got to deal with all this shit, then all the toppings you want to put on it, like getting citations, going to jail and all that. Why?’ said Linda Vazquez, 52. Above, Vazquez tidies her belongings outside of her tent on Cedar Street in San Francisco on Nov. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Vazquez holds a citation for ‘unauthorized lodging’ from the San Francisco Police Department in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. Right: An encampment on Cedar Street in San Francisco on Nov. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CalMatters visited that area about twice a week for five weeks last fall. During that time, city outreach teams spoke with people camping there 138 times, according to Jackie Thornhill, spokesperson for the city’s Department of Emergency Management. They placed people in shelter 27 times, and placed one person in permanent housing. Police made 16 arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On most days during that five-week span, CalMatters saw several people camped on each block, despite the frequent sweeps. Their reasons for living on the street varied. Many couldn’t stand being in a shelter. One man said he once saw a fellow shelter resident get raped, and since then, he’s avoided those facilities at all costs. A woman CalMatters spoke with said she already had housing in a city-funded SRO, but she’s a victim of domestic violence, and her abuser found out where she lives. Now, she doesn’t feel safe going back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-homeless-shelters-purgatory/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> revealed that many California shelters are a purgatory — plagued by unsanitary and unsafe conditions, and operating with next-to-no oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people opt to sleep on the street and try to be gone in the morning before the city shows up to kick them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not uncommon for as many as a dozen city workers to participate in an encampment removal, including police, fire department paramedics and staff from the city’s Department of Emergency Management, Homeless Outreach Team and Encampment Resolution Team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That work is coordinated by Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of the city’s Department of Emergency Management. The goal, she said, is to clean up and offer people services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people will get up and move around and come back after,” said Carroll, who was on site as her team cleaned up encampments in Vazquez’s neighborhood on a Friday afternoon last fall. “But…it’s a matter of consistency, to just keep coming and addressing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that Friday, Carroll’s team spoke with 13 people camping in the alleyways between Van Ness and Larkin. None of them accepted a shelter bed. From January through early November 2024, her team engaged with people in that area 930 times, and referred people to shelter 180 times. In another 47 cases, the person already had housing or shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, only between 20% and 30% of people accept a shelter bed when it’s offered, according to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With those low placement numbers, and with people returning over and over to camp on the same streets, are the city’s efforts helping?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is helping, overall,” Carroll said. Clearing encampments is just part of a broader strategy that includes outreach and services, but it’s an important piece, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To David Schmitz, a 60-year-old photographer who lives in an apartment overlooking the street where Vazquez camps, the encampment sweeps have made a difference. When he first moved in, about four months earlier, it was common to see at least a dozen tents on the street. People frequently urinated against his garage door, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the November afternoon that he spoke to CalMatters, the city had just finished a clean-up that left the street spotless — not a tent or piece of trash in sight. Schmitz said he’d never seen it so clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unhoused man carries a tarp and some of his belongings across Polk Street during a homeless encampment sweep in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. Unhoused people on Cedar Street are forced to move their shelters and belongings on a regular basis by San Francisco city workers. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was euphoric,” he said. “I was like, this is amazing. This is what it could be like, you know. If it were like this … I would see my neighbors more. It wouldn’t be such an apocalyptic feeling to come out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone caught camping gets cited or arrested. Police typically give people citations if they have pitched a tent or strung up a tarp, like Vazquez did, to use as shelter, but not if they are sleeping in the open on just a blanket, said Sgt. J. Ellison with the police department’s Healthy Streets Operation Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellison sees Vazquez frequently because many of the city’s shelter and transitional housing programs won’t allow all of Vazquez’s dogs. She has three, and she’s unwilling to give any up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t leave them,” Vazquez said, “because I’ve had them since they were the size of my hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, nearly every Monday and Friday, Vazquez and her friends packed up everything they owned and moved around the corner, waiting there until the police and other city personnel left and they could return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent rainy Monday afternoon, Vazquez was sick, huddling in a small tent with a hairdryer on (using jumper cables to siphon power from a nearby street light) to keep warm. The city came three days earlier and took her larger, gray tent, tarps, portable heater and other belongings, she said. It was raining then, too, and Vazquez said she stood outside in the rain for hours until a friend could give her a new tent. All her clothes got soaked — as did the two paper camping citations that told her when she was supposed to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city was coming again that afternoon to clear the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have no energy at all,” Vazquez said, sniffling and coughing. “But I have to move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, Vazquez found a hotel in San Francisco that agreed to take her and her three dogs. A room there costs $70 a day — money Vazquez pays with her disability benefits. She found the place on her own, without the city’s help, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez isn’t sure how long she’ll be able to keep up with the payments. But she has a more pressing concern: The hotel is making her leave temporarily, so that it doesn’t have to grant her tenant’s rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where will she go until she can return?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess I’m going to be in a tent for three days,” she said. “And then I’m going to come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">unsafe camping ordinance\u003c/a> went into effect nearly a year before the U.S. Supreme Court’s Grants Pass decision. It prohibits tent camping in all public spaces if shelter beds are available, and near homeless shelters, schools, parks and transit centers regardless of shelter availability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also outlined the process for clearing encampments, reducing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/about/legal-settlements#:~:text=Isaiah%20Settlement%20(2011)&text=A%20one%2Dtime%20settlement%20payment,individuals%20could%20store%20personal%20belongings.\">a previous 72-hour\u003c/a> notice to just 24 hours. Part of the process includes the city’s Environmental Services Department posting neon green notices prior to clearing an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aldea Secory has gotten used to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every other day, pretty much, they make us clean up and move,” she said. She and her husband found they could avoid the sweeps for a while if they stayed near the freeway, on state property the California Department of Transportation oversees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were on the side of the freeway for, like, a month,” Secory said. Then, she said, the California Highway Patrol swept that site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the last time we lost all our stuff,” she said. “It’s heartbreaking to come back to that. You have to start over again and again and again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-four hours after the green notices get posted on fences, light posts, tents or nearby vegetation, city staff take photos of the site and look through any remaining bags, boxes and other items that might contain valuable belongings, such as paperwork or medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029263\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1027\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-1020x668.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-1536x1006.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer giving 24 hours’ notice before an encampment cleanup hangs in Downtown San Diego on Jan. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Katie Anastas/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Franklin Coopersmith, deputy director of the Environmental Services Department’s Clean SD Division, said cleanup can take around 10 to 30 minutes in places with frequent sweeps, such as downtown surface streets. In more remote areas, like canyons, it can take several days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secory said she’s had valuable items discarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve thrown brand new things away,” she said. “I had a brand new $35, $40 bag of dog food just thrown away. Beds, clothes, it doesn’t matter. Birth certificates, medication. Doesn’t matter. They just throw it away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal items can get discarded for a few reasons, Coopersmith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, he said, they’re in pockets or containers city employees might miss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, too, people are storing them with food that’s spoiled or bags that have gotten wet and they’ve turned moldy,” he said. “We’re not going to be searching a moldy bag that might have a birth certificate at the very bottom of it. If they’re putting their ID or something next to a meth pipe, our code officers aren’t going to be going through that stuff to figure it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any remaining items soiled with moisture, food, human waste, pet waste, insect infestation, drug paraphernalia or in disrepair are then discarded,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/abatement\">their policy reads\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12026580 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250210_Unhoused-Ban_DMB_00250.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people that are out there on the streets know that if it’s something important, they need to keep it close to them or in a place that’s easy for them to grab,” Coopersmith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the cleanup, the city posts a yellow flyer with information on how to get those non-discarded items back. Coopersmith said they put the notices close to where they found the items. They’ll keep things in storage for up to 90 days and deliver them back to the owner, according to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secory and her husband now live in a tent at one of two campgrounds the city has created on vacant land. The sites, known as Safe Sleeping sites, are operated by Dreams for Change, a nonprofit that provides homeless services and food distribution. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/sites/default/files/dfc-safe-sleeping-program.pdf\"> city provides restrooms and wash stations\u003c/a> and pays the nonprofit to provide outdoor sleeping arrangements, a daily meal and a snack. San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/public-safety/2024/09/20/providers-city-leaders-and-researchers-say-safe-parking-fills-critical-gap-in-shelter-services\">asked the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> to consider those sites as shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having somewhere to keep your stuff and not worry about it getting stolen or messed up, it’s a big help,” Secory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s camping ordinance has made it more difficult for service providers like Jenni Wilkens to stay in contact with unhoused people. She manages the street health program at Father Joe’s Villages, a nonprofit that runs shelters and does outreach work. Staff from their Village Health Center visit encampments weekly to provide help such as wound care, substance use disorder counseling and prescription management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prior to the ordinance going into effect, we had very, very tight relationships with the community members we were serving,” Wilkens said. “We always knew where we could find them. Follow-up was much, much easier. They knew where to expect us, and we just knew we were going to be able to find our folks. Since the camping ordinance passed, the abatement sweeps have been much more frequent and much more aggressive. So we have not been able to provide that quality follow-up care that we used to be able to provide, just because everybody is moving. We lose track of our patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the patients, Lee Alirez, has high blood pressure. She’d been dealing with headaches, blurred vision and chest pain before she got diagnosed. Moving her camp frequently has made it hard to stay in contact with the health team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a couple of different times they couldn’t find me, and I was just literally across the street and around the corner,” Alirez said. “And that was in the midst of all that, trying to figure out what was going on with my blood pressure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lee Alirez sits with her dog on Jan. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Matt Bowler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some cases, Wilkens said, the frequent movement has made people more likely to accept shelter. But many others have moved to state property — freeway onramps and offramps, overpasses and under bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My team can’t put themselves at risk to reach our patients,” she said. “We also can’t go to a location and ask them to cross back over the freeway to see us. So they’re just getting further and further away from resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Shebloski, a captain with the San Diego Police Department’s Neighborhood Policing Division, said the city’s police don’t have the resources or authority to enforce city ordinances on state land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand the frustration when people see an encampment go from city property, where it feels like officers are doing their job, and it goes right over the state property. That’s frustrating,” he said. “We can only do so much, and we have to focus on city property. And I don’t know if we can get into the world of policing 151 miles of state highways within the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2024-Encampments-EO-7-24.pdf\">ordered state agencies (PDF)\u003c/a> to clear encampments from state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Caltrans District 11, which includes San Diego, wrote in an email that they prioritize removing encampments that present “a threat to infrastructure or people.” The agency gives a 48-hour notice to people in an encampment before a sweep, unless there’s an imminent safety risk, and gives social service providers and local governments two weeks’ notice so they can reach out to people staying there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shebloski said SDPD has been meeting with California Highway Patrol on how they can work together. But while the city’s neighborhood policing division has been active since 2018, Newsom’s executive order is less than a year old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at Caltrans and CHP, they have commuters. We have residents,” he said. “I think this is kind of a new thing for them to dive into.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fresno\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s become less common these days to see large homeless encampments in and around downtown Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spend any time there, and you’ll see something else: People walking the streets, pushing carts and strollers loaded with blankets and other necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005898/fresno-rolls-out-one-of-californias-most-aggressive-camping-bans\">city\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article291219750.html\">county\u003c/a> banned camping on all public property last year, but the area still struggles with a shortage of shelter beds. Now Robert Fox, 32, sleeps on the ground with no tent because it makes it easier to leave when the police come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I gotta leave, all I gotta do is push the cart and get out of here,” Fox said. “Every morning we pack up and have our stuff ready to go. You can’t get attached to anything. You can’t get comfortable. You’re always on the move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fox ended up outside after getting kicked out of a drug treatment program. He said he was selling drugs to raise money for new lodgings as the program’s end date approached. He spent a few nights at the nearby shelters, but to get a spot, he has to get in line early and spend hours waiting. If he does get a bed, he can’t bring all his belongings with him — so he worries about someone stealing what he has to leave on the street. It’s not worth it for one night inside, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno Police and city workers conduct a homeless encampment sweep under a highway overpass in downtown on Feb. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, he now sleeps on an empty dirt lot behind the Poverello House and Fresno Mission shelters, next to a set of railroad tracks and beneath an overpass. It’s near the methadone clinic he visits daily to keep himself off heroin and fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had somewhere else to go, I wouldn’t be here,” Fox said. “Because they don’t really want us here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 people used to camp in the area around the Poverello House and Fresno Mission, and police mostly used to leave them alone, said advocates and people who live on the streets of Fresno.[aside postID=news_12019944 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241203-FresnoCampingBan-74-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']“Over time, people have gotten more scared to go down there,” said Dez Martinez, a formerly homeless advocate who founded the grassroots organization We Are Not Invisible. She said people worried about getting arrested as police began enforcing the new camping ordinance. “Ever since the ordinance went into effect, (there are) a lot less people. Now everybody’s going to ‘abandos’ (abandoned buildings).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, the city removed a large homeless encampment that had spread across streets surrounding the shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not a very healthy and safe place for those that were camping there and for those nearby,” said Phil Skei, assistant director of the city’s Planning & Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The operation received a lot of fanfare — Mayor Jerry Dyer attended and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/mayorjerrydyer/p/DB2N_R0yFNq/?img_index=1\">posted about it\u003c/a> on Instagram — and the city held dozens of shelter beds for people displaced from that area. Skei said the city brought 52 people into temporary shelter that day. Another roughly 30 left before the clean-up, and the city doesn’t know where they went.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Skei says the city had a bed for everyone who wanted one that day, that’s not always the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a common occurrence where we show up to a place where there’s one person camping or two people camping and we don’t have shelter beds available that day,” Skei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029272\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029272\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Activist Dez Martinez uses her phone to record police officers as they detain an unhoused person for questioning off the highway in Fresno on Jan. 30, 2025. Right: A homeless encampment located on a dirt lot in West Fresno on Jan. 30, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By late January, three months after the Poverello House operation, the surrounding streets were still mostly clear. Martinez said she knows of people arrested after coming back to that area. Skei said in “a minority of cases,” the city does resort to arrests to keep areas from getting re-encamped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But though the streets were empty, Fox wasn’t the only one sleeping on the dirt lot behind the shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leron Bell, 39, said officers with the California Highway Patrol make him move every few days. They usually give a warning of up to 20 minutes, he said, and if he doesn’t move fast enough, they start confiscating things he hasn’t packed up yet. So far, he’s lost a tent, a bicycle, a gas stove, his ID and his birth certificate, which he’s still having a hard time replacing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to rush,” Bell said, “hurry up and try to put as much as I can in either my shopping cart or my wagon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once he’s packed, he goes to the other side of the railroad tracks and waits until the officers leave. He’s been in and out of shelters, but the strict rules make him feel like he’s in jail, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate having to start over,” Bell said, “but, it’s like, I’m doing my best as I can being homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four miles away, another group of tents, makeshift shelters and vehicles was scattered across an empty dirt lot behind a Family Dollar store. That’s where Roy Tellez, 62, was living when CalMatters spoke to him this winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the police told him to pack up and leave his campside, so he did, he said. HHe was thirsty and needed water for his dog, so he pushed his cart, loaded with his belongings, to a store across the street. But police found him there and arrested him for camping, Tellez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he spent about four hours in jail — just long enough for people to steal all his belongings from where he left them on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was the whole point?” he asked. “What was the inconvenience about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "CalMatters spent four months interviewing experts, requesting data and making a dozen visits to encampments in San Francisco and Fresno to document enforcement efforts and follow the unhoused people displaced when their camps were cleared. ",
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"title": "‘Look, There’s Nowhere Else to Go’: Inside California’s Crackdown on Homeless Camps | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/katie-anastas/\">Katie Anastas\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been eight months since the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">fundamentally changed\u003c/a> how cities in California and beyond can respond to homeless encampments, allowing them to clear camps and arrest people for sleeping outside — even when there’s nowhere else to sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">July ruling\u003c/a> in the case \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">Grants Pass v. Johnson\u003c/a> upended six years of protections for unhoused people. It was a radical change, and it came as many Californians, from small business owners to Gov. Gavin Newsom, were fed up with regularly seeing tent camps that stretched for blocks, human feces smeared on sidewalks and people injecting drugs in the open. Once the Supreme Court gave the green light, even liberal strongholds such as San Francisco were quick to start removing camps — despite a collective outcry from activists supporting the rights of homeless Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has that meant for people living outside?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters spent four months interviewing experts, requesting data and making a dozen visits to encampments in San Francisco and Fresno to document enforcement efforts and follow the unhoused people displaced when their camps were cleared. Our public media partner, KPBS, did extensive reporting and visits to encampments in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree clearing or “sweeping” encampments alone can’t end \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a>. But here’s what we did see over and over as a result of sweeps in those cities: people becoming more likely to lose touch with support services, people losing essential items they need to get into housing (such as birth certificates) or to survive the elements (such as tents) and people still stuck on the streets — sometimes in new locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, cities try to pair enforcement with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-homeless-shelters-purgatory/\">offers of a shelter bed\u003c/a> or other services. But shelter is generally in short supply, and the types of programs available often don’t work for everyone on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are continuing with enforcement, anyway. Here’s what that looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Linda Vazquez sat cross-legged on the sidewalk during an afternoon last fall, with two dogs in her lap and her hands cuffed behind her back. A police officer stood over her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beside her, balanced on a camp stove, sat the pot of chicharrones she’d been cooking for lunch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez, 52, was clearly upset. “Because I did \u003cem>so \u003c/em>bad,” she yelled sarcastically at the officer, who was citing her for “unauthorized lodging,” a misdemeanor under California’s penal code. “This is the biggest crime ever.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police didn’t end up taking Vazquez to jail, and instead gave her a slip of paper with a date to show up in court. They did confiscate the tarp she was sheltering under as “evidence,” making it harder for her to survive on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2025/02/california-homeless-camping-citation-trials/\">citation \u003c/a>was Vazquez’s second in two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within hours, Vazquez was back, setting up camp in the same spot — a block that had essentially become hers. Vazquez was known throughout the neighborhood, always surrounded by dogs and friends. On any given day, you might find her cooking meals to share, giving away blankets and other provisions to her unhoused neighbors or hitting people who caused trouble on the block with a blast of water from her Super Soaker squirt gun. At night, she watched horror movies on a tablet in her tent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez continued to camp there for the next three months and received at least one more citation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘look, there’s nowhere else to go,’” Vazquez said. ‘“All the other places are doing the same thing. So where do you want me to go? Where do you want me to hide out?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California native, Vazquez grew up bouncing between Modesto, Santa Cruz, Gilroy, Monterey and other places as her mother found work on different farms. Her life took a turn for the worse in her 20s when, she says, her former partner became abusive. She fled to San Francisco in 1998, and for the past few years has been bouncing between the street, shelters and subsidized housing placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Encampment removals in Vazquez’s neighborhood — a handful of alleys that run between Van Ness Avenue and Larkin Street at the edge of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood — have fallen into a predictable rhythm. There are sweeps nearly every Monday and Friday, regular as clockwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029253\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029253\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/111924_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘It’s ridiculous because, if it was actually sweeping, then I’d understand, but since it’s not actually sweeping, the fuck are you moving me for? Then I got to deal with all this shit, then all the toppings you want to put on it, like getting citations, going to jail and all that. Why?’ said Linda Vazquez, 52. Above, Vazquez tidies her belongings outside of her tent on Cedar Street in San Francisco on Nov. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Vazquez holds a citation for ‘unauthorized lodging’ from the San Francisco Police Department in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. Right: An encampment on Cedar Street in San Francisco on Nov. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CalMatters visited that area about twice a week for five weeks last fall. During that time, city outreach teams spoke with people camping there 138 times, according to Jackie Thornhill, spokesperson for the city’s Department of Emergency Management. They placed people in shelter 27 times, and placed one person in permanent housing. Police made 16 arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On most days during that five-week span, CalMatters saw several people camped on each block, despite the frequent sweeps. Their reasons for living on the street varied. Many couldn’t stand being in a shelter. One man said he once saw a fellow shelter resident get raped, and since then, he’s avoided those facilities at all costs. A woman CalMatters spoke with said she already had housing in a city-funded SRO, but she’s a victim of domestic violence, and her abuser found out where she lives. Now, she doesn’t feel safe going back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-homeless-shelters-purgatory/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> revealed that many California shelters are a purgatory — plagued by unsanitary and unsafe conditions, and operating with next-to-no oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people opt to sleep on the street and try to be gone in the morning before the city shows up to kick them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not uncommon for as many as a dozen city workers to participate in an encampment removal, including police, fire department paramedics and staff from the city’s Department of Emergency Management, Homeless Outreach Team and Encampment Resolution Team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That work is coordinated by Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of the city’s Department of Emergency Management. The goal, she said, is to clean up and offer people services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people will get up and move around and come back after,” said Carroll, who was on site as her team cleaned up encampments in Vazquez’s neighborhood on a Friday afternoon last fall. “But…it’s a matter of consistency, to just keep coming and addressing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that Friday, Carroll’s team spoke with 13 people camping in the alleyways between Van Ness and Larkin. None of them accepted a shelter bed. From January through early November 2024, her team engaged with people in that area 930 times, and referred people to shelter 180 times. In another 47 cases, the person already had housing or shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, only between 20% and 30% of people accept a shelter bed when it’s offered, according to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With those low placement numbers, and with people returning over and over to camp on the same streets, are the city’s efforts helping?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is helping, overall,” Carroll said. Clearing encampments is just part of a broader strategy that includes outreach and services, but it’s an important piece, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To David Schmitz, a 60-year-old photographer who lives in an apartment overlooking the street where Vazquez camps, the encampment sweeps have made a difference. When he first moved in, about four months earlier, it was common to see at least a dozen tents on the street. People frequently urinated against his garage door, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the November afternoon that he spoke to CalMatters, the city had just finished a clean-up that left the street spotless — not a tent or piece of trash in sight. Schmitz said he’d never seen it so clean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/111524_Anatomy-Of-A-Sweep-JK_CM_06-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unhoused man carries a tarp and some of his belongings across Polk Street during a homeless encampment sweep in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. Unhoused people on Cedar Street are forced to move their shelters and belongings on a regular basis by San Francisco city workers. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I was euphoric,” he said. “I was like, this is amazing. This is what it could be like, you know. If it were like this … I would see my neighbors more. It wouldn’t be such an apocalyptic feeling to come out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone caught camping gets cited or arrested. Police typically give people citations if they have pitched a tent or strung up a tarp, like Vazquez did, to use as shelter, but not if they are sleeping in the open on just a blanket, said Sgt. J. Ellison with the police department’s Healthy Streets Operation Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellison sees Vazquez frequently because many of the city’s shelter and transitional housing programs won’t allow all of Vazquez’s dogs. She has three, and she’s unwilling to give any up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t leave them,” Vazquez said, “because I’ve had them since they were the size of my hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, nearly every Monday and Friday, Vazquez and her friends packed up everything they owned and moved around the corner, waiting there until the police and other city personnel left and they could return.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent rainy Monday afternoon, Vazquez was sick, huddling in a small tent with a hairdryer on (using jumper cables to siphon power from a nearby street light) to keep warm. The city came three days earlier and took her larger, gray tent, tarps, portable heater and other belongings, she said. It was raining then, too, and Vazquez said she stood outside in the rain for hours until a friend could give her a new tent. All her clothes got soaked — as did the two paper camping citations that told her when she was supposed to appear in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city was coming again that afternoon to clear the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have no energy at all,” Vazquez said, sniffling and coughing. “But I have to move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not long after, Vazquez found a hotel in San Francisco that agreed to take her and her three dogs. A room there costs $70 a day — money Vazquez pays with her disability benefits. She found the place on her own, without the city’s help, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vazquez isn’t sure how long she’ll be able to keep up with the payments. But she has a more pressing concern: The hotel is making her leave temporarily, so that it doesn’t have to grant her tenant’s rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where will she go until she can return?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess I’m going to be in a tent for three days,” she said. “And then I’m going to come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">unsafe camping ordinance\u003c/a> went into effect nearly a year before the U.S. Supreme Court’s Grants Pass decision. It prohibits tent camping in all public spaces if shelter beds are available, and near homeless shelters, schools, parks and transit centers regardless of shelter availability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also outlined the process for clearing encampments, reducing \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/about/legal-settlements#:~:text=Isaiah%20Settlement%20(2011)&text=A%20one%2Dtime%20settlement%20payment,individuals%20could%20store%20personal%20belongings.\">a previous 72-hour\u003c/a> notice to just 24 hours. Part of the process includes the city’s Environmental Services Department posting neon green notices prior to clearing an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aldea Secory has gotten used to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every other day, pretty much, they make us clean up and move,” she said. She and her husband found they could avoid the sweeps for a while if they stayed near the freeway, on state property the California Department of Transportation oversees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were on the side of the freeway for, like, a month,” Secory said. Then, she said, the California Highway Patrol swept that site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the last time we lost all our stuff,” she said. “It’s heartbreaking to come back to that. You have to start over again and again and again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-four hours after the green notices get posted on fences, light posts, tents or nearby vegetation, city staff take photos of the site and look through any remaining bags, boxes and other items that might contain valuable belongings, such as paperwork or medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029263\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1027\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-1020x668.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012125-NoticeSignEncampment-KPBS-CM-01-copy-1536x1006.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer giving 24 hours’ notice before an encampment cleanup hangs in Downtown San Diego on Jan. 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Katie Anastas/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Franklin Coopersmith, deputy director of the Environmental Services Department’s Clean SD Division, said cleanup can take around 10 to 30 minutes in places with frequent sweeps, such as downtown surface streets. In more remote areas, like canyons, it can take several days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secory said she’s had valuable items discarded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve thrown brand new things away,” she said. “I had a brand new $35, $40 bag of dog food just thrown away. Beds, clothes, it doesn’t matter. Birth certificates, medication. Doesn’t matter. They just throw it away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal items can get discarded for a few reasons, Coopersmith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, he said, they’re in pockets or containers city employees might miss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, too, people are storing them with food that’s spoiled or bags that have gotten wet and they’ve turned moldy,” he said. “We’re not going to be searching a moldy bag that might have a birth certificate at the very bottom of it. If they’re putting their ID or something next to a meth pipe, our code officers aren’t going to be going through that stuff to figure it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any remaining items soiled with moisture, food, human waste, pet waste, insect infestation, drug paraphernalia or in disrepair are then discarded,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/abatement\">their policy reads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people that are out there on the streets know that if it’s something important, they need to keep it close to them or in a place that’s easy for them to grab,” Coopersmith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the cleanup, the city posts a yellow flyer with information on how to get those non-discarded items back. Coopersmith said they put the notices close to where they found the items. They’ll keep things in storage for up to 90 days and deliver them back to the owner, according to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secory and her husband now live in a tent at one of two campgrounds the city has created on vacant land. The sites, known as Safe Sleeping sites, are operated by Dreams for Change, a nonprofit that provides homeless services and food distribution. The\u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/sites/default/files/dfc-safe-sleeping-program.pdf\"> city provides restrooms and wash stations\u003c/a> and pays the nonprofit to provide outdoor sleeping arrangements, a daily meal and a snack. San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/public-safety/2024/09/20/providers-city-leaders-and-researchers-say-safe-parking-fills-critical-gap-in-shelter-services\">asked the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> to consider those sites as shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having somewhere to keep your stuff and not worry about it getting stolen or messed up, it’s a big help,” Secory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego’s camping ordinance has made it more difficult for service providers like Jenni Wilkens to stay in contact with unhoused people. She manages the street health program at Father Joe’s Villages, a nonprofit that runs shelters and does outreach work. Staff from their Village Health Center visit encampments weekly to provide help such as wound care, substance use disorder counseling and prescription management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prior to the ordinance going into effect, we had very, very tight relationships with the community members we were serving,” Wilkens said. “We always knew where we could find them. Follow-up was much, much easier. They knew where to expect us, and we just knew we were going to be able to find our folks. Since the camping ordinance passed, the abatement sweeps have been much more frequent and much more aggressive. So we have not been able to provide that quality follow-up care that we used to be able to provide, just because everybody is moving. We lose track of our patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the patients, Lee Alirez, has high blood pressure. She’d been dealing with headaches, blurred vision and chest pain before she got diagnosed. Moving her camp frequently has made it hard to stay in contact with the health team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a couple of different times they couldn’t find me, and I was just literally across the street and around the corner,” Alirez said. “And that was in the midst of all that, trying to figure out what was going on with my blood pressure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029266\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029266\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012825-MB_HOMELESS_MEDICAL-KPBS-CM-06-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lee Alirez sits with her dog on Jan. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Matt Bowler/KPBS)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In some cases, Wilkens said, the frequent movement has made people more likely to accept shelter. But many others have moved to state property — freeway onramps and offramps, overpasses and under bridges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My team can’t put themselves at risk to reach our patients,” she said. “We also can’t go to a location and ask them to cross back over the freeway to see us. So they’re just getting further and further away from resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Shebloski, a captain with the San Diego Police Department’s Neighborhood Policing Division, said the city’s police don’t have the resources or authority to enforce city ordinances on state land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand the frustration when people see an encampment go from city property, where it feels like officers are doing their job, and it goes right over the state property. That’s frustrating,” he said. “We can only do so much, and we have to focus on city property. And I don’t know if we can get into the world of policing 151 miles of state highways within the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2024-Encampments-EO-7-24.pdf\">ordered state agencies (PDF)\u003c/a> to clear encampments from state property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Caltrans District 11, which includes San Diego, wrote in an email that they prioritize removing encampments that present “a threat to infrastructure or people.” The agency gives a 48-hour notice to people in an encampment before a sweep, unless there’s an imminent safety risk, and gives social service providers and local governments two weeks’ notice so they can reach out to people staying there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shebloski said SDPD has been meeting with California Highway Patrol on how they can work together. But while the city’s neighborhood policing division has been active since 2018, Newsom’s executive order is less than a year old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at Caltrans and CHP, they have commuters. We have residents,” he said. “I think this is kind of a new thing for them to dive into.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fresno\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s become less common these days to see large homeless encampments in and around downtown Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spend any time there, and you’ll see something else: People walking the streets, pushing carts and strollers loaded with blankets and other necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005898/fresno-rolls-out-one-of-californias-most-aggressive-camping-bans\">city\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fresnobee.com/news/local/article291219750.html\">county\u003c/a> banned camping on all public property last year, but the area still struggles with a shortage of shelter beds. Now Robert Fox, 32, sleeps on the ground with no tent because it makes it easier to leave when the police come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I gotta leave, all I gotta do is push the cart and get out of here,” Fox said. “Every morning we pack up and have our stuff ready to go. You can’t get attached to anything. You can’t get comfortable. You’re always on the move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fox ended up outside after getting kicked out of a drug treatment program. He said he was selling drugs to raise money for new lodgings as the program’s end date approached. He spent a few nights at the nearby shelters, but to get a spot, he has to get in line early and spend hours waiting. If he does get a bed, he can’t bring all his belongings with him — so he worries about someone stealing what he has to leave on the street. It’s not worth it for one night inside, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029269\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029269\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020525-Homeless-Encampment-Sweep-Fresno-LV_CM_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno Police and city workers conduct a homeless encampment sweep under a highway overpass in downtown on Feb. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, he now sleeps on an empty dirt lot behind the Poverello House and Fresno Mission shelters, next to a set of railroad tracks and beneath an overpass. It’s near the methadone clinic he visits daily to keep himself off heroin and fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had somewhere else to go, I wouldn’t be here,” Fox said. “Because they don’t really want us here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 people used to camp in the area around the Poverello House and Fresno Mission, and police mostly used to leave them alone, said advocates and people who live on the streets of Fresno.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Over time, people have gotten more scared to go down there,” said Dez Martinez, a formerly homeless advocate who founded the grassroots organization We Are Not Invisible. She said people worried about getting arrested as police began enforcing the new camping ordinance. “Ever since the ordinance went into effect, (there are) a lot less people. Now everybody’s going to ‘abandos’ (abandoned buildings).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, the city removed a large homeless encampment that had spread across streets surrounding the shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not a very healthy and safe place for those that were camping there and for those nearby,” said Phil Skei, assistant director of the city’s Planning & Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The operation received a lot of fanfare — Mayor Jerry Dyer attended and \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/mayorjerrydyer/p/DB2N_R0yFNq/?img_index=1\">posted about it\u003c/a> on Instagram — and the city held dozens of shelter beds for people displaced from that area. Skei said the city brought 52 people into temporary shelter that day. Another roughly 30 left before the clean-up, and the city doesn’t know where they went.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Skei says the city had a bed for everyone who wanted one that day, that’s not always the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a common occurrence where we show up to a place where there’s one person camping or two people camping and we don’t have shelter beds available that day,” Skei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029272\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029272\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Activist Dez Martinez uses her phone to record police officers as they detain an unhoused person for questioning off the highway in Fresno on Jan. 30, 2025. Right: A homeless encampment located on a dirt lot in West Fresno on Jan. 30, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By late January, three months after the Poverello House operation, the surrounding streets were still mostly clear. Martinez said she knows of people arrested after coming back to that area. Skei said in “a minority of cases,” the city does resort to arrests to keep areas from getting re-encamped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But though the streets were empty, Fox wasn’t the only one sleeping on the dirt lot behind the shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leron Bell, 39, said officers with the California Highway Patrol make him move every few days. They usually give a warning of up to 20 minutes, he said, and if he doesn’t move fast enough, they start confiscating things he hasn’t packed up yet. So far, he’s lost a tent, a bicycle, a gas stove, his ID and his birth certificate, which he’s still having a hard time replacing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I try to rush,” Bell said, “hurry up and try to put as much as I can in either my shopping cart or my wagon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once he’s packed, he goes to the other side of the railroad tracks and waits until the officers leave. He’s been in and out of shelters, but the strict rules make him feel like he’s in jail, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hate having to start over,” Bell said, “but, it’s like, I’m doing my best as I can being homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four miles away, another group of tents, makeshift shelters and vehicles was scattered across an empty dirt lot behind a Family Dollar store. That’s where Roy Tellez, 62, was living when CalMatters spoke to him this winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the police told him to pack up and leave his campside, so he did, he said. HHe was thirsty and needed water for his dog, so he pushed his cart, loaded with his belongings, to a store across the street. But police found him there and arrested him for camping, Tellez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he spent about four hours in jail — just long enough for people to steal all his belongings from where he left them on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was the whole point?” he asked. “What was the inconvenience about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Surveillance and body camera footage released on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sacramento\">Sacramento\u003c/a> County Sheriff Department’s website shows a deputy pushing a woman outside the Main Jail facility on Oct. 7, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five additional uniformed deputies can be seen watching as the woman cries out and falls heavily to the ground. She remains there for a minute and a half until the footage ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department did not respond to KQED’s multiple requests for comment. A department spokesperson told Sacramento-based \u003ca href=\"https://fox40.com/news/local-news/sacramento/video-shows-sacramento-county-deputy-shove-woman-out-of-main-jail/\">Fox 40\u003c/a> that the deputy had been placed on leave. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacsheriff.com/pages/released_cases.php\">video release\u003c/a> contains no written records, and it is unclear when they were posted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Curtis, chair of Sacramento’s Sheriff Community Review Commission, said he has asked the county’s inspector general to investigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video is further evidence of troubling conditions at the Sacramento County Main Jail, where at least five people have died since May 2024, despite a \u003ca href=\"https://dce.saccounty.gov/Public-Safety-and-Justice/Documents/Reports_Resources/PSJAAC%20-%20MCD%20Overview%20and%20Milestones.pdf\">consent decree\u003c/a> that’s been in effect since 2020. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/system/files/file-attachments/25.01.27%20Doc%20197-1%20Sixth%20Monitoring%20Report%20of%20Court-Appointed%20Medical%20Experts.pdf\">January report\u003c/a> from court-appointed medical experts found “serious system and individual performance issues,” including “callous deliberate indifference” toward a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/07/us/california-jail-death-sacramento-county-neglect.html\">man who died of a drug overdose\u003c/a> while in custody on May 12, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/mTyM4Bpx6uI?si=HzcUa9xA8uN0GOc1\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ When we watched the incident of the woman being thrown out of the jail, it had a similar feeling,” said attorney Patrick Booth of the Berkeley-based Prison Law Office, which filed a class action lawsuit alleging poor treatment, neglect and inhumane conditions at the jail in 2018, leading to the consent decree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The circumstances surrounding the unnamed woman’s booking and release from the jail aren’t completely clear. In bodycam and surveillance footage posted to the agency’s transparency portal, the woman’s face is redacted, and KQED has not been able to identify her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish I knew her name,” said activist Kari Hamilton from Decarcerate Sacramento, a coalition working to prevent jail expansions. “I wish I could lift her up and let her know that people care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton, who spent time in the Main Jail as a pre-trial detainee between 2014 and 2017, said the video indicates a persistent culture problem at the facility that goes beyond the deputy who shoved the woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rest of the officers there also should have some compassion for people, and they should have said something and did something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Audio from the body camera suggests that the woman was being released from custody and had an upcoming court date related to an incident at a grocery store. She speaks English with an accent, and it is sometimes difficult to follow her train of thought. She talks about people “trespassing in our backyards,” and as the deputy encourages her to sign documents related to her court appearance, she appears confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want the court,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t agree to go to court, you don’t go home,” another deputy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an officer tries to keep her focused on signing the remaining paperwork, the woman repeatedly asks deputies to listen to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to stop fucking talking and listen to us,” the officer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12017652 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/IMG_0850-672x372.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Try to be civilized,” she responds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About seven minutes into the video, the deputy finishes the paperwork and returns her personal items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Start walking this way,” the officer says, putting his hand on her upper arm to move her toward the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t push me,” she says and moves her elbow to get out of his grasp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shut the fuck up,” the officer responds, pinning her left hand behind her back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another deputy takes her right shoulder, and they forcibly march her through the facility toward the door. She repeatedly asks what they are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We’re escorting you outside because you can’t go without assaulting my partner,” the other deputy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank you, have a good night,” the officer says as he shoves her out the main entrance of the building at 11:16 p.m. Surveillance footage from outside the jail shows the force of the push, sending her to the ground, knocking paperwork from her hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oof,” a deputy can be heard saying on a body cam as they walk back into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This video was a little glimpse into the kind of callousness that we think is standard operating practice in many jails across the state,” said Margot Mendelson of the Prison Law Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to remove the identity of an officer\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Surveillance and body camera footage released on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sacramento\">Sacramento\u003c/a> County Sheriff Department’s website shows a deputy pushing a woman outside the Main Jail facility on Oct. 7, 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five additional uniformed deputies can be seen watching as the woman cries out and falls heavily to the ground. She remains there for a minute and a half until the footage ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department did not respond to KQED’s multiple requests for comment. A department spokesperson told Sacramento-based \u003ca href=\"https://fox40.com/news/local-news/sacramento/video-shows-sacramento-county-deputy-shove-woman-out-of-main-jail/\">Fox 40\u003c/a> that the deputy had been placed on leave. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacsheriff.com/pages/released_cases.php\">video release\u003c/a> contains no written records, and it is unclear when they were posted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul Curtis, chair of Sacramento’s Sheriff Community Review Commission, said he has asked the county’s inspector general to investigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video is further evidence of troubling conditions at the Sacramento County Main Jail, where at least five people have died since May 2024, despite a \u003ca href=\"https://dce.saccounty.gov/Public-Safety-and-Justice/Documents/Reports_Resources/PSJAAC%20-%20MCD%20Overview%20and%20Milestones.pdf\">consent decree\u003c/a> that’s been in effect since 2020. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/system/files/file-attachments/25.01.27%20Doc%20197-1%20Sixth%20Monitoring%20Report%20of%20Court-Appointed%20Medical%20Experts.pdf\">January report\u003c/a> from court-appointed medical experts found “serious system and individual performance issues,” including “callous deliberate indifference” toward a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/07/us/california-jail-death-sacramento-county-neglect.html\">man who died of a drug overdose\u003c/a> while in custody on May 12, 2024.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mTyM4Bpx6uI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mTyM4Bpx6uI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“ When we watched the incident of the woman being thrown out of the jail, it had a similar feeling,” said attorney Patrick Booth of the Berkeley-based Prison Law Office, which filed a class action lawsuit alleging poor treatment, neglect and inhumane conditions at the jail in 2018, leading to the consent decree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The circumstances surrounding the unnamed woman’s booking and release from the jail aren’t completely clear. In bodycam and surveillance footage posted to the agency’s transparency portal, the woman’s face is redacted, and KQED has not been able to identify her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish I knew her name,” said activist Kari Hamilton from Decarcerate Sacramento, a coalition working to prevent jail expansions. “I wish I could lift her up and let her know that people care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hamilton, who spent time in the Main Jail as a pre-trial detainee between 2014 and 2017, said the video indicates a persistent culture problem at the facility that goes beyond the deputy who shoved the woman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rest of the officers there also should have some compassion for people, and they should have said something and did something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Audio from the body camera suggests that the woman was being released from custody and had an upcoming court date related to an incident at a grocery store. She speaks English with an accent, and it is sometimes difficult to follow her train of thought. She talks about people “trespassing in our backyards,” and as the deputy encourages her to sign documents related to her court appearance, she appears confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want the court,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t agree to go to court, you don’t go home,” another deputy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an officer tries to keep her focused on signing the remaining paperwork, the woman repeatedly asks deputies to listen to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to stop fucking talking and listen to us,” the officer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Try to be civilized,” she responds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About seven minutes into the video, the deputy finishes the paperwork and returns her personal items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Start walking this way,” the officer says, putting his hand on her upper arm to move her toward the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t push me,” she says and moves her elbow to get out of his grasp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Shut the fuck up,” the officer responds, pinning her left hand behind her back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another deputy takes her right shoulder, and they forcibly march her through the facility toward the door. She repeatedly asks what they are doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We’re escorting you outside because you can’t go without assaulting my partner,” the other deputy says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank you, have a good night,” the officer says as he shoves her out the main entrance of the building at 11:16 p.m. Surveillance footage from outside the jail shows the force of the push, sending her to the ground, knocking paperwork from her hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oof,” a deputy can be heard saying on a body cam as they walk back into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This video was a little glimpse into the kind of callousness that we think is standard operating practice in many jails across the state,” said Margot Mendelson of the Prison Law Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to remove the identity of an officer\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Embattled San Mateo County Sheriff Loses Bid to Block Vote That Could End in Her Removal",
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"content": "\u003cp>A special election on Tuesday to determine whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a> supervisors will have the power to oust embattled Sheriff Christina Corpus can move forward, a judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots had already started to go out to voters when Corpus filed a challenge last month to \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7604/download?attachment\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">moved to put on the ballot\u003c/a> in December. The proposed charter amendment would give the board the authority to remove an elected sheriff without putting voters through a full recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus contended that the board “lacked statutory authority to present Measure A to the voters in a special election and that the Resolution was tainted by bias and cannot proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://web.sanmateocourt.org/online_services/law_and_motion_tentative_rulings/lawmotion/wednesday_healy/wedlm.pdf?t=1740600060765&_gl=1*1qnpfpm*_ga*NjIyODE1NDcwLjE3MjU0MDY2MjM.*_ga_Q54155JCX0*MTc0MDYwMDA2MC40MC4wLjE3NDA2MDAwNjAuMC4wLjA\">her ruling on Wednesday\u003c/a>, San Mateo County Superior Court Judge Nicole Healy wrote she wouldn’t cancel the election as Corpus wanted because, among other reasons, county officials followed proper legal protocols. Healy also denied Corpus’ claim that the state Public Safety Officers’ Procedural Bill of Rights should shield her from the special election, ruling that the county is not her actual employer because “the Attorney General has direct supervisory authority over sheriffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing Corpus as “a fighter,” Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco of the San Francisco-based law firm of Murphy, Pearson, Bradley & Feeney said in a statement that her legal team is disappointed that the judge didn’t stop the special election, but he added that they “respect the thoughtful consideration” Healy gave to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016456\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016456\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus addressing the county Board of Supervisors on Nov. 13, 2024, in Redwood City, following a scathing report about her leadership team. \u003ccite>(Alise Maripuu/Bay City News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County Attorney John Nibbelin \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/special-election-measure-move-forward-after-judge-rejects-sheriffs-challenge\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that Corpus’ decision not to challenge Healy’s tentative ruling “reflects the strength of the County’s legal position” and the care Healy used in reaching her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus took office in 2023 after being the first woman and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. It’s because of that she has alleged that she has been unfairly targeted by county officials and those she called “the old guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early into her term, county officials hired retired judge LaDoris Cordell to investigate what they said was an “unprecedented amount” of complaints against her and her appointed executive director, Victor Aenlle. In her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> released in November, Cordell found that Corpus and Aenlle — who were alleged to be in a romantic relationship, which they deny — led the department with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus and Aenlle were found to have retaliated against department employees for reasons including engaging in union activities, moving on to other positions or participating in Cordell’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, the day Cordell’s report was to be made public, Corpus called for the head of the sheriff’s deputy’s union, Carlos Tapia, to be arrested on suspicion of time card fraud. San Mateo County District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018543/san-mateo-county-da-throws-out-charges-against-sheriffs-union-president\">later determined\u003c/a> that there was no evidence to support those claims and cleared Tapia of any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027891 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/RobloxGetty.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tapia alleged he was targeted for being an outspoken critic of the sheriff’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, supervisors took a vote of no confidence in Corpus’ leadership and advanced Measure A to amend the county’s charter to give them the authority to remove a sheriff for cause by a four-fifths vote, following written notice and a chance to address the allegations against her. Corpus declined to be interviewed by Cordell and only briefly addressed the board at its Nov. 13 meeting, saying she was the victim of a politically motivated attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, several county, state and federal lawmakers have called for Corpus to resign, and several municipalities under her jurisdiction have also placed votes of no confidence in her leadership. Still, Corpus has denied those calls, even as all but one of her executive team has resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">lawsuit filed\u003c/a> by former San Mateo County Sheriff’s Capt. Brian Philip — who was recruited into the role by Corpus and then resigned after defying orders to arrest Tapia — alleges a pattern and practice of behavior inside the sheriff’s department under Corpus’ leadership, including affirming allegations of retaliation and intimidation that Cordell found during her investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Measure A would be a rare feat in California, as only two other boards of charter counties have been granted such authority before: San Bernardino County in 2001 and Los Angeles County in 2022. Neither board elected to use that power, so should San Mateo County supervisors ultimately decide to vote out its sheriff, it may be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018283/california-sheriffs-are-rarely-removed-from-office-san-mateo-is-trying-anyway\">the first time in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have signed paperwork in favor of Measure A include U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, state Assemblymember Diane Papan, former state Sen. Gerald Hill, South San Francisco Mayor Eddie Flores, San Mateo County Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A judge ruled against Sheriff Christina Corpus’ challenge and cleared the way for Tuesday’s special election on Measure A, which would allow supervisors to oust her from office. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A special election on Tuesday to determine whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-mateo-county\">San Mateo County\u003c/a> supervisors will have the power to oust embattled Sheriff Christina Corpus can move forward, a judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots had already started to go out to voters when Corpus filed a challenge last month to \u003ca href=\"https://smcacre.gov/media/7604/download?attachment\">Measure A\u003c/a>, which the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016445/san-mateo-county-board-asks-voters-for-authority-to-remove-sheriff-christina-corpus\">moved to put on the ballot\u003c/a> in December. The proposed charter amendment would give the board the authority to remove an elected sheriff without putting voters through a full recall vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus contended that the board “lacked statutory authority to present Measure A to the voters in a special election and that the Resolution was tainted by bias and cannot proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://web.sanmateocourt.org/online_services/law_and_motion_tentative_rulings/lawmotion/wednesday_healy/wedlm.pdf?t=1740600060765&_gl=1*1qnpfpm*_ga*NjIyODE1NDcwLjE3MjU0MDY2MjM.*_ga_Q54155JCX0*MTc0MDYwMDA2MC40MC4wLjE3NDA2MDAwNjAuMC4wLjA\">her ruling on Wednesday\u003c/a>, San Mateo County Superior Court Judge Nicole Healy wrote she wouldn’t cancel the election as Corpus wanted because, among other reasons, county officials followed proper legal protocols. Healy also denied Corpus’ claim that the state Public Safety Officers’ Procedural Bill of Rights should shield her from the special election, ruling that the county is not her actual employer because “the Attorney General has direct supervisory authority over sheriffs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing Corpus as “a fighter,” Thomas “Tip” Mazzucco of the San Francisco-based law firm of Murphy, Pearson, Bradley & Feeney said in a statement that her legal team is disappointed that the judge didn’t stop the special election, but he added that they “respect the thoughtful consideration” Healy gave to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016456\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016456\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/BCN-20241113-SHERIFFCORPUS-01-scaled-e1740697386743.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Mateo County Sheriff Christina Corpus addressing the county Board of Supervisors on Nov. 13, 2024, in Redwood City, following a scathing report about her leadership team. \u003ccite>(Alise Maripuu/Bay City News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County Attorney John Nibbelin \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/special-election-measure-move-forward-after-judge-rejects-sheriffs-challenge\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that Corpus’ decision not to challenge Healy’s tentative ruling “reflects the strength of the County’s legal position” and the care Healy used in reaching her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus took office in 2023 after being the first woman and first Latina candidate to seek the position in county history. It’s because of that she has alleged that she has been unfairly targeted by county officials and those she called “the old guard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But early into her term, county officials hired retired judge LaDoris Cordell to investigate what they said was an “unprecedented amount” of complaints against her and her appointed executive director, Victor Aenlle. In her \u003ca href=\"https://sanmateocounty.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=13544883&GUID=95923619-2B6F-477A-8684-CD64124A3BAA\">408-page report\u003c/a> released in November, Cordell found that Corpus and Aenlle — who were alleged to be in a romantic relationship, which they deny — led the department with “lies, secrecy, intimidation, retaliation, conflicts of interest, and abuses of authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus and Aenlle were found to have retaliated against department employees for reasons including engaging in union activities, moving on to other positions or participating in Cordell’s investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Nov. 12, the day Cordell’s report was to be made public, Corpus called for the head of the sheriff’s deputy’s union, Carlos Tapia, to be arrested on suspicion of time card fraud. San Mateo County District Attorney Stephen Wagstaffe \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018543/san-mateo-county-da-throws-out-charges-against-sheriffs-union-president\">later determined\u003c/a> that there was no evidence to support those claims and cleared Tapia of any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tapia alleged he was targeted for being an outspoken critic of the sheriff’s leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, supervisors took a vote of no confidence in Corpus’ leadership and advanced Measure A to amend the county’s charter to give them the authority to remove a sheriff for cause by a four-fifths vote, following written notice and a chance to address the allegations against her. Corpus declined to be interviewed by Cordell and only briefly addressed the board at its Nov. 13 meeting, saying she was the victim of a politically motivated attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, several county, state and federal lawmakers have called for Corpus to resign, and several municipalities under her jurisdiction have also placed votes of no confidence in her leadership. Still, Corpus has denied those calls, even as all but one of her executive team has resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026356/lawsuit-alleges-continued-intimidation-retaliation-at-san-mateo-sheriffs-office\">lawsuit filed\u003c/a> by former San Mateo County Sheriff’s Capt. Brian Philip — who was recruited into the role by Corpus and then resigned after defying orders to arrest Tapia — alleges a pattern and practice of behavior inside the sheriff’s department under Corpus’ leadership, including affirming allegations of retaliation and intimidation that Cordell found during her investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Measure A would be a rare feat in California, as only two other boards of charter counties have been granted such authority before: San Bernardino County in 2001 and Los Angeles County in 2022. Neither board elected to use that power, so should San Mateo County supervisors ultimately decide to vote out its sheriff, it may be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12018283/california-sheriffs-are-rarely-removed-from-office-san-mateo-is-trying-anyway\">the first time in state history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who have signed paperwork in favor of Measure A include U.S. Reps. Anna Eshoo and Kevin Mullin, state Assemblymember Diane Papan, former state Sen. Gerald Hill, South San Francisco Mayor Eddie Flores, San Mateo County Supervisor Noelia Corzo and the heads of the two unions representing deputies and sergeants in the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Judge Finds Mass Firings of Federal Probationary Workers to Likely Be Unlawful",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027914]Unions have recently struck out with two other federal judges in similar lawsuits attempting to stop the Trump administration’s goal of vastly reducing the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, has presided over many high-profile cases and is known for his blunt talk. He oversaw the criminal probation of Pacific Gas & Electric and has called the nation’s largest utility a “\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/wildfires-business-fires-crime-california-367cb44acf704920a0c2a72d60890bc5\">continuing menace\u003c/a> to California.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unions have recently struck out with two other federal judges in similar lawsuits attempting to stop the Trump administration’s goal of vastly reducing the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, has presided over many high-profile cases and is known for his blunt talk. He oversaw the criminal probation of Pacific Gas & Electric and has called the nation’s largest utility a “\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/wildfires-business-fires-crime-california-367cb44acf704920a0c2a72d60890bc5\">continuing menace\u003c/a> to California.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Over the course of two years, Evelyn Alfred built a home on vacant city-owned land in Vallejo. Using wooden beams, insulation, tarps and some experience in construction, she built a two-room structure, complete with windows and blinds, a shower, leather couches and a raised bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Alfred, who is 64 years old, has several disabilities, and has been unhoused for more than two decades, her makeshift home provided shelter and stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when city officials told her she had to leave in late October, her eviction seemed all but inevitable. Just a few months earlier, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">had given cities greater leeway to remove people\u003c/a> living in structures like hers, under threat of fines and jail time — even if no alternative shelter was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, I got a notice, [a] lady came and said you got 72 hours notice … And I said ‘I can’t move in 72 hours,’” Alfred recalled. “There’s no way.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sued. And earlier this month, a district court judge determined she could stay until the case is resolved in a victory legal advocates say is the first of its kind in the country since the Supreme Court’s order last year — and one they say could have broad implications for legal fights over homeless encampments across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People experiencing homelessness and their allies have long used the courts to fight what they see as overly aggressive tactics to remove them from city streets, but the Supreme Court’s recent decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">dealt them a major blow\u003c/a>. Now, with Alfred’s case, they’re hoping another legal strategy has gained a foothold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends a message that the courts recognize unhoused people have multiple constitutional rights that may be violated by criminalization or sweeps policies,” said Tristia Bauman, an attorney with the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley who specializes in laws related to homelessness but wasn’t involved in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone, however, thinks it’s a winning argument. Ilan Wurman, an attorney who’s pioneered legal arguments brought by business owners against cities in an effort to force them to clean encampments, said the Supreme Court’s decision upheld an established legal precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts are going to see through it,” Wurman said. “The nub of the Supreme Court’s prior ruling was that these municipal regulations and ordinances fit comfortably within a longstanding tradition of reasonable police powers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even Wurman admitted Alfred’s case was likely to inspire new litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">Supreme Court decision in City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Johnson\u003c/a>, cities across California have moved to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/09/camping-ban-ordinances/\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a>. By the National Homelessness Law Center’s tally, some 40 California jurisdictions have passed or strengthened laws governing homelessness, among them Fremont, which earlier this month adopted what’s believed to be one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">broadest anti-camping laws\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026580]Vallejo has a \u003ca href=\"https://library.municode.com/ca/vallejo/codes/municipal_code?nodeId=TIT7PUHESAWE_IVOFAGPUHESA_CH7.67UNCASTPEPRPU\">longstanding camping ban on the books\u003c/a>, and relied on that, its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofvallejo.net/common/pages/DisplayFile.aspx?itemId=17972007\">encampment policy\u003c/a> and the state penal code and in its attempt to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alfred’s case, however, federal District Court Judge Dena Coggins found that Vallejo’s plan to raze her shelter while failing to offer Alfred any alternative and barring her from camping anywhere in the city would likely “expose her to more dangerous conditions than she currently faces” — a violation of her due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Coggins pointed out Alfred had submitted applications with multiple services providers and had reached out to more than a dozen apartment buildings, only to run into waiting lists. The city, meanwhile, had done next to nothing to connect Alfred with housing resources and had given her closer to 65 hours notice to leave, in an apparent violation of its own policies, according to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city did not provide an interview or written statement in response to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1131px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1131\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg 1131w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1131px) 100vw, 1131px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn Alfred built this makeshift structure on vacant city-owned land across from the Vallejo marina over the course of two years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Eli Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her scathing dissent on the Grants Pass ruling, Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed to the due process clause as a possible avenue for challenging “anti-homelessness ordinances,” writing it “may well place constitutional limits” on such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the legal argument Alfred’s lawyers presented to Coggins, but until her ruling, those arguments \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">had only been successful in buying unhoused people a few extra days\u003c/a> or weeks to pack their belongings before being forced to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Andrea Henson, who has supported several unhoused people in those cases, including in Alfred’s Vallejo suit, said the Supreme Court’s decision has made it more difficult to ask judges to block encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been extraordinarily hard going to court about these [sweeps] because of the environment,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more cities establish new policies to crack down on encampments, Henson said she hopes they’ll look to Alfred’s legal victory as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t offer anything, and you don’t let people camp anywhere, there’s precedent now that that can be seen as deliberate indifference,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12000987]Before Henson got involved, advocates with the local chapter of the California Homeless Union initially filed the lawsuit. Their win is the latest illustration of the impact of the group’s organizing efforts, which have led to lawsuits around the state filed by unhoused people and activists without formal legal schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to build leadership and build a movement,” said union member Eli Smith, who initiated the Vallejo action, though she’s not a trained lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eli is heartened by all the new faces that showed up at the local union’s weekly meeting after their win made news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hoping that it will help not just fortify the tools we have to fight and set a legal precedent, which is incredibly significant,” Eli said, “but that it’ll also give people hope in this political landscape that is so bleak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfred said she’s now waiting to get approved for a subsidized unit in senior housing. For her, the injunction was a vindication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody’s homeless, I just tell them to fight because they don’t have the right to do what they’re doing to us, so just fight and let everybody know that you’re human too.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Over the course of two years, Evelyn Alfred built a home on vacant city-owned land in Vallejo. Using wooden beams, insulation, tarps and some experience in construction, she built a two-room structure, complete with windows and blinds, a shower, leather couches and a raised bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Alfred, who is 64 years old, has several disabilities, and has been unhoused for more than two decades, her makeshift home provided shelter and stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when city officials told her she had to leave in late October, her eviction seemed all but inevitable. Just a few months earlier, the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">had given cities greater leeway to remove people\u003c/a> living in structures like hers, under threat of fines and jail time — even if no alternative shelter was available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of a sudden, I got a notice, [a] lady came and said you got 72 hours notice … And I said ‘I can’t move in 72 hours,’” Alfred recalled. “There’s no way.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sued. And earlier this month, a district court judge determined she could stay until the case is resolved in a victory legal advocates say is the first of its kind in the country since the Supreme Court’s order last year — and one they say could have broad implications for legal fights over homeless encampments across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People experiencing homelessness and their allies have long used the courts to fight what they see as overly aggressive tactics to remove them from city streets, but the Supreme Court’s recent decision \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">dealt them a major blow\u003c/a>. Now, with Alfred’s case, they’re hoping another legal strategy has gained a foothold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends a message that the courts recognize unhoused people have multiple constitutional rights that may be violated by criminalization or sweeps policies,” said Tristia Bauman, an attorney with the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley who specializes in laws related to homelessness but wasn’t involved in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone, however, thinks it’s a winning argument. Ilan Wurman, an attorney who’s pioneered legal arguments brought by business owners against cities in an effort to force them to clean encampments, said the Supreme Court’s decision upheld an established legal precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts are going to see through it,” Wurman said. “The nub of the Supreme Court’s prior ruling was that these municipal regulations and ordinances fit comfortably within a longstanding tradition of reasonable police powers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even Wurman admitted Alfred’s case was likely to inspire new litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">Supreme Court decision in City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Johnson\u003c/a>, cities across California have moved to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/09/camping-ban-ordinances/\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a>. By the National Homelessness Law Center’s tally, some 40 California jurisdictions have passed or strengthened laws governing homelessness, among them Fremont, which earlier this month adopted what’s believed to be one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026580/this-bay-area-city-just-passed-the-most-extreme-encampment-ban-in-california\">broadest anti-camping laws\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vallejo has a \u003ca href=\"https://library.municode.com/ca/vallejo/codes/municipal_code?nodeId=TIT7PUHESAWE_IVOFAGPUHESA_CH7.67UNCASTPEPRPU\">longstanding camping ban on the books\u003c/a>, and relied on that, its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofvallejo.net/common/pages/DisplayFile.aspx?itemId=17972007\">encampment policy\u003c/a> and the state penal code and in its attempt to clear the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alfred’s case, however, federal District Court Judge Dena Coggins found that Vallejo’s plan to raze her shelter while failing to offer Alfred any alternative and barring her from camping anywhere in the city would likely “expose her to more dangerous conditions than she currently faces” — a violation of her due process rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her order, Coggins pointed out Alfred had submitted applications with multiple services providers and had reached out to more than a dozen apartment buildings, only to run into waiting lists. The city, meanwhile, had done next to nothing to connect Alfred with housing resources and had given her closer to 65 hours notice to leave, in an apparent violation of its own policies, according to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city did not provide an interview or written statement in response to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1131px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1131\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112.jpg 1131w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image00000112-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1131px) 100vw, 1131px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn Alfred built this makeshift structure on vacant city-owned land across from the Vallejo marina over the course of two years. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Eli Smith)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In her scathing dissent on the Grants Pass ruling, Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed to the due process clause as a possible avenue for challenging “anti-homelessness ordinances,” writing it “may well place constitutional limits” on such policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the legal argument Alfred’s lawyers presented to Coggins, but until her ruling, those arguments \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">had only been successful in buying unhoused people a few extra days\u003c/a> or weeks to pack their belongings before being forced to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Andrea Henson, who has supported several unhoused people in those cases, including in Alfred’s Vallejo suit, said the Supreme Court’s decision has made it more difficult to ask judges to block encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been extraordinarily hard going to court about these [sweeps] because of the environment,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more cities establish new policies to crack down on encampments, Henson said she hopes they’ll look to Alfred’s legal victory as a cautionary tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t offer anything, and you don’t let people camp anywhere, there’s precedent now that that can be seen as deliberate indifference,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Before Henson got involved, advocates with the local chapter of the California Homeless Union initially filed the lawsuit. Their win is the latest illustration of the impact of the group’s organizing efforts, which have led to lawsuits around the state filed by unhoused people and activists without formal legal schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is to build leadership and build a movement,” said union member Eli Smith, who initiated the Vallejo action, though she’s not a trained lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eli is heartened by all the new faces that showed up at the local union’s weekly meeting after their win made news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am hoping that it will help not just fortify the tools we have to fight and set a legal precedent, which is incredibly significant,” Eli said, “but that it’ll also give people hope in this political landscape that is so bleak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alfred said she’s now waiting to get approved for a subsidized unit in senior housing. For her, the injunction was a vindication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anybody’s homeless, I just tell them to fight because they don’t have the right to do what they’re doing to us, so just fight and let everybody know that you’re human too.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12024082]U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026245]But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='donald-trump']When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sf-activists-rally-against-luries-push-remove-outspoken-police-commissioner",
"title": "SF Activists Rally Against Lurie’s Push to Remove Outspoken Police Commissioner",
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"headTitle": "SF Activists Rally Against Lurie’s Push to Remove Outspoken Police Commissioner | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Community leaders and civil rights activists rallied Monday afternoon at San Francisco City Hall against Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a>’s efforts to oust police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a progressive and outspoken supporter of police reform in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came ahead of a Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday on the motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">remove Carter-Oberstone from the commission\u003c/a>. Proponents of police accountability are urging supervisors to reject the motion, saying it could jeopardize the critical role and independence of watchdog agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the board signs off on this removal, which is being made with no accusation of wrongdoing, no accusation of incompetence, it will set a terrible precedent for not only the independence of the Police Commission but for every independent charter commission in the city,” Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone, who currently serves as vice president of the commission, said he was notified three weeks ago by the mayor’s office that it would be pursuing his formal removal after he rejected Lurie’s request for his resignation. The mayor still hasn’t provided the public with an explanation for why he should be removed, Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email sent to him by Lurie’s chief of staff, Staci Slaughter, which was obtained by KQED, Carter-Oberstone was told that the mayor is looking for a commissioner who is more open to collaboration. Carter-Oberstone’s relationship with former Mayor London Breed, who twice appointed him to the Police Commission, soured after he voted against her pick for the commission’s president and publicly exposed her office’s now-prohibited practice of having commission appointees preemptively sign undated resignation letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He was also one of several city officials and commissioners who opposed Breed’s Proposition E, which greatly reduced the Police Commission’s oversight authority over SFPD and expanded the use of surveillance technology and police chases. Voters passed the measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone noted that he has no problems working with the mayor’s office to improve public safety as long as the independence of the commission is maintained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027784 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/241119-SFHomelessArrests-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Chan, an assistant chief at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, said during Monday’s rally that San Francisco needs more commissioners like Carter-Oberstone and urged supervisors to “vote [their] values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need commissioners … who are not afraid to speak truth to power, who are not afraid to whistle blow when he knows something is wrong and unjust,” Chan, who previously served on the Police Commission, said during the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several nonprofit organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, also spoke up in support of Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a persistent, reliable advocate for police accountability and data-driven independent oversight,” said Musa Tariq, a policy coordinator at CAIR. “Under his leadership, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">limited abusive pretext traffic stops\u003c/a>, exposed corruption and more. His removal would mean the city of San Francisco sanctioning further police misconduct and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariq said San Francisco voters have consistently pushed for greater police oversight and urged supervisors to allow Carter-Oberstone to follow through on that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/emanoukian\">\u003cem>Elize Manoukian\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Community leaders and civil rights activists are urging San Francisco supervisors to reject Mayor Daniel Lurie’s motion, saying it could threaten the independence of watchdogs.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Community leaders and civil rights activists rallied Monday afternoon at San Francisco City Hall against Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a>’s efforts to oust police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a progressive and outspoken supporter of police reform in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It came ahead of a Board of Supervisors hearing on Tuesday on the motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">remove Carter-Oberstone from the commission\u003c/a>. Proponents of police accountability are urging supervisors to reject the motion, saying it could jeopardize the critical role and independence of watchdog agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the board signs off on this removal, which is being made with no accusation of wrongdoing, no accusation of incompetence, it will set a terrible precedent for not only the independence of the Police Commission but for every independent charter commission in the city,” Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone, who currently serves as vice president of the commission, said he was notified three weeks ago by the mayor’s office that it would be pursuing his formal removal after he rejected Lurie’s request for his resignation. The mayor still hasn’t provided the public with an explanation for why he should be removed, Carter-Oberstone said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email sent to him by Lurie’s chief of staff, Staci Slaughter, which was obtained by KQED, Carter-Oberstone was told that the mayor is looking for a commissioner who is more open to collaboration. Carter-Oberstone’s relationship with former Mayor London Breed, who twice appointed him to the Police Commission, soured after he voted against her pick for the commission’s president and publicly exposed her office’s now-prohibited practice of having commission appointees preemptively sign undated resignation letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He was also one of several city officials and commissioners who opposed Breed’s Proposition E, which greatly reduced the Police Commission’s oversight authority over SFPD and expanded the use of surveillance technology and police chases. Voters passed the measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone noted that he has no problems working with the mayor’s office to improve public safety as long as the independence of the commission is maintained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angela Chan, an assistant chief at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, said during Monday’s rally that San Francisco needs more commissioners like Carter-Oberstone and urged supervisors to “vote [their] values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need commissioners … who are not afraid to speak truth to power, who are not afraid to whistle blow when he knows something is wrong and unjust,” Chan, who previously served on the Police Commission, said during the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several nonprofit organizations, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California and the Council on American-Islamic Relations, also spoke up in support of Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a persistent, reliable advocate for police accountability and data-driven independent oversight,” said Musa Tariq, a policy coordinator at CAIR. “Under his leadership, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">limited abusive pretext traffic stops\u003c/a>, exposed corruption and more. His removal would mean the city of San Francisco sanctioning further police misconduct and abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tariq said San Francisco voters have consistently pushed for greater police oversight and urged supervisors to allow Carter-Oberstone to follow through on that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/emanoukian\">\u003cem>Elize Manoukian\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear",
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"headTitle": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
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